Sunteți pe pagina 1din 105

Prayer and Spirituality

in the Early Church

r
H h a

h L
L
■ - J
J

r
■ L
■ ■ J

f
r

1 _ J

1 J

Edited by Pauline Allen, Wendy Mayer and Lawrence Cross


Volume 2
First published in 1999 in Brisbane by

Centre for Early Christian Studies


Australian Catholic University PO Box
247

Everton Park, Queensland 4053 ISBN;

0-9577483-0-2

Typeset by Pamela Ackroyd

Printed and bound by Watson Ferguson & Company,


Moorooka, Brisbane
Cover illustration by Peter White
Contents

Plates
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations
Introduction

Opening Address
Placid SpearrittOSB

Section 1: The Foundations

The Pre-Christian Origins of Early Christian Spirituality D.T.


Runia

What Was "Prayer" for Early Christians? J. Kevin Coyle

Symbolum Fidei: Baptism and Creed in Early Christianity Pier


Franco Beatrice

Section 2: Prayer and Spirituality

The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine


Tradition
John A, McGuckin

Prayer and Spirituality in Early Christian Female


Martyrdom and Monasticism Elena Giannarelli

The Concept of Continual Prayer according to John Cassian


Manuel Belda

Gregory of Nazianzus, De rebus suis 424ff. and De vita sua


68ff: Echoes of Epic and Dramatic Poetry in his Mother's
Prayer
Angelo Casanova
Prayer and Spirituality in the Early C

The Early Illuminated Gospel Book: Liturgical Sources


and Influences
Margaret Manion

Section 3: Accessing the Divine

Irenaeus: God as Intellect and Love Eric


Osborn

Cor nostrum in the Confessions of St Augustine Kazuhiko


Demur a

Neo-Platonic Influence on Augustine's Conception of the


Ascent of the Soul in De quantitate animae Bronwen Nei

Jdipsum in Augustine's Confessions


Takeshi Kato
r

Section 4: On the Fringe

The Secret Oral Tradition of Jesus in Clement of Alexand


Stromateis R.A. Baker

Invocation and Immolation: The Supplicatory Use of C


Name on Crucifixion Amulets of the Early Christian Peri
Felicity Harley

"Angelic Visitations and Speech She Had": Nanas of Kot


Christine Trevett

The Rebuilding and Decoration of the Early Christian Chu


San Clemente, Rome, c. 1099-c. 1125 Joan Barclay Lloyd

Vllt
Plates

Margaret Manion

1. St Mark, Rossano Gospels, sixth century

2. St Luke, Gospels of St Augustine, late sixth century

3. Sts Matthew and John, Rabbula Gospels, a. 586

4. Christ in Majesty, Godescalc Evangelistary, 781-783

5. Christ in Majesty, Lothair Gospels, 849-851

6. Christ in Majesty, Sacramentary Fragment, c. 870

7. St Matthew, Lothair Gospels, 849-851

8. St Matthew, Ebbo Gospels, 816-835

9. Lion, Symbol of St John, Book of Durrow, c. 680

10. Four Evangelist Symbols, Book of Kells, early ninthcentury


* _ 1

11. Canon Table, Gospels of St Médard of Soissons, early ninth century.

12. Beginning of St Matthew's Gospel for the Feast of Christmas, Lindisfarne Gospels,
c. 698 ^

13. Communion of the Apostles (middle and lower tiers), Rossano Gospels, sixth
century; Last Supper (upper left), Rossano Gospels, sixth century; Last Supper
(upper right), S, Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, early sixth century

14. Parable of the Good Samaritan, Rossano Gospels, sixth century


Plates

15. Canon Table,, Rabbula Gospels, a. 586

16. The Ascension, Rabbula Gospels, a. 586


Plates

Felicity Harley

1. Constanza Cornelian, fourth century

2. Cornelian, fourth century

3. Cast taken from the Lewis Jasper, sixth-seventh cen

4. Magical Jasper, second-fourth century

5. Syrian Jasper, middle Byzantine period (?)

Joan Barclay Lloyd

1. Antonio Tempesta, Map of Rome, detail, 1593

2. Rome, San Clemente, interior

3. Seroux d'Agincourt, San Clemente, plan and section

4. Rome, San Clemente, mosaics of the apse and apsid

5. Rome, San Clemente, mosaics of the apse, detail

6. Rome, San Clemente, Reconstruction of the mediae

XII
10

Acknowledgements

The papers in this volume constitute a selection of the offerings presented at the second
international conference on Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church, which was held
in Sydney in January 1999 under the auspices of the Centre for Early Christian Studies,
Australian Catholic University. The conference itself was made possible through the
generosity of the following sponsors: Australian Catholic University, the Antiochian
Orthodox Church in Australia, the Armenian Apostolic Church (Diocese of Australia and
New Zealand), the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, the Australian Province
of the Society of Jesus, the Benedictine Union of Australia, the Centre for Christian
Spirituality, Randwick (Sydney), Christ Church St Laurence (Sydney), the Coptic
Orthodox Church in Australia, the Ecumenical Council of New South Wales,, the
Institute for Spiritual studies, St Peter's Church, Eastern Hill (Melbourne), the Italian
Institute of Culture (Sydney), and the Université degli Studi Firenze.
The editors of this volume gratefully acknowledge the financial support which the
Jeremy Flynn Trust provided to cover publication costs, and wish to express their
gratitude in particular to Christopher and Paula Flynn for their additional moral
encouragement. Thanks are also due to the international scholars who agreed to referee
the papers submitted for publication, to Bronwen Neil for copy-editing assistance, and to
Peter White for the cover design. Pamela Ackroyd had an indispensible role in preparing
fee camera-ready copy, and was a devoted L

colleague throughout the entire publication process.


The photographs for the plates in Margaret Manion's paper were provided by the
II Duomo di Rossano, Corpus Christi College (Cambridge), Biblioteca Medicea
Laurenziana (Florence), Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), Bibliothèque Municipale
(Épernay), Trinity College Library (Dublin), and the British Library. The illustrations in
Felicity Harley's paper were provided by the Trustees of the British Museum and the
Syndics of the Fitzwilliam Museum (Cambridge), while those in Joan Barclay Lloyd's
paper were supplied by A. Frutaz, Beth Hay, G.B.L.G. Seroux d'Agincourt,
Alinari-Anderson, G. Ciampini, L, Rossini, G.A. Dosio, Bibliotheca Hertziana (Rome),
and Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione (Rome).
Abbreviations

ACW Ancient Christian Writers


ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt
CCSG Corpus Christianorum Series Graeca
CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina
CPG Clavis Patrum Graecorum
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium
DiciSpir Dictionnnaire de Spiritualité
GCS Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller
HE Historia Ecclesiastica
PG Patrología Graeco-Latina
PL Patrología Latina
c
PO Patrología Orientalis
PSEC. Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church
PTS Patristische Texte und Studien
RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum
SC Sources Chrétiennes
StP Studia Patristica
TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlicheri Literatur
VC Vigiliae Christianae
VC Supp. Vigiliae Christianae Supplementum

l"

I
,

3 I.

I
h
i

Introduction
+

The papers gathered in this second volume of Prayer and Spirituality in the Early
Church once again reflect the international and ecumenical character of the triennial
conference from which the series takes its name. Once again too they demonstrate the
enduring value of the early church to the current movement towards increased communio
between the different branches of Christianity and to contemporary spiritual and
ecclesiastical life.
Here the overarching theme is continuity—continuity between the past and the
present, as exemplified in the paper by Mary Marrocco which closes the volume;
continuity between the present, past and future, as is so cleverly argued in Dom Placid
Spearitt's opening address. The theme of continuity runs through many of the other
papers as well David Runia and Kevin Coyle demonstrate the significance of the
pre-Christian past for early church models of spirituality and prayer, while John
McGuckin digs back even into Egyptian pharaonic spirituality to illustrate the
persistence of the notion of the prayer of the heart. The continuity between Greek
philosophy and early Christian theology, particularly neoplatonism, is exemplified in a
large number of papers (e.g. Osborn, Kato, Neil, Demura, Hallman). In a more concrete
way Joan Barclay Lloyd points to the desire for continuity with the early church
expressed by a particular mediaeval pope in his attempt at architectural reform.
The blurred boundaries between Christianity, Judaism and paganism, and
between various forms of Christianity is another theme that weaves its way throughout,
Christine Trevett highlights this in her provocative look at fourth-century Phrygian
Christianity. Al Baker also develops this theme in his examination of the evidence for a
mainstream secret oral tradition within the early church in Alexandria. On the other
hand, Geoffrey Dunn demonstrates how an early apologist, exploiting the full arsenal of
the classical rhetorical tradition (another continuity), was at pains to establish the
discontinuity between the early Christians and their Jewish past. The influence of an
assumed common Hellenistic background is further drawn out by Angelo Casanova in
his examination of the literary echoes in the poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus.
The link between liturgy and spirituality is another theme that is developed within
this volume. Pier Franco Beatrice's foundational paper on liturgical theology as it relates
to baptism reverses current thought regarding the flow of ideas between East and West.
Examination of the eastern interpretation of the Thomas story by Andrew Hamilton
likewise invites us to re-examine the understanding the eucharist. The papers by Felicity
Harley and Margaret Manion
Introduction
point to the connection between liturgy, the arts and priv
As in any collection of papers where the contents
the far greater number offered at a large and broadrangin
which they have been gathered are necessarily somewha
intended to provide no more than a simple framework wi
of the volume. They by no means reflect the contents of
number of the papers fit equally well within another or s

The refectory reading in our monastery at New Norcia l


the Western Australian experience of the great depres
crash of 1929.1 Our political leaders excelled in optim
were saying: "There is no danger of a financial cris
acknowledged that there seemed to be some problems in
have no effect in London or in Western Australia. At th
that a slight difficulty had arisen which might disadvanta
usual, this misfortune could be attributed to the mistaken
the other half of Australia.
xx
spirituality", but they will mean something very differ
something very different by "the church".
I wonder, to go backwards in time for a change, w
early church? I suppose it was well and truly in use by a

1
G. Bolton, A Fine Country to Starve in, rev. edn (Perth
1994).

xx
Placid Spearritt
OSB

perhaps up to 1054. Jacques-Paul Migne has no doub


extent by deciding to close his Latin patrology at the dea
monk, I can see that there is much to be said for closin
mendicant orders appear on the horizon, confusing the
ideas about the religious life, which we had never hear
really early church.)
Whatever date you choose as your cut-off point,
an amazing variety of versions of "the early church" flou
You can see the churches evolving before your eyes
Testament books. You can see St Peter's understanding
in the course of one visit to Caesarea (Acts 10:23-11:18
Ignatius of Antioch lays down the law on the essential
several New Testament writers, and is mirrored in turn
seems to me that the only tenet common to all writers i
that somebody else has to be excommunicated. On that
made that we are still living in the early church.
Which is the point I want to emphasise. From
2,000,000, we are living in the very earnest times of the
present squabbles and disunities with the same mixtu
amusement as we feel when reading about the crisis e
found Celtic monks wearing a different tonsure and
differently. They did not say they were different: they sa
I am probably preaching to the converted. Those
from their own environment by some hundreds of years
of miles, or kilometres, are constantly reminded that hu
behaviour generally are very variable, very dependent o
be sure there is always the odd scholar tucked away
theologians by the absolute standard of St Thomas Aqui
Cross, popes by St Gregory VII, and so on. Such schola
wrong.
The rest of us, who are intelligent, sane and balan
with every other grouping of human beings, is alwa
places. It is relative to them. It is necessarily contingent
There could never be a church which was not relative
history should have the effect of relativising the certai
2
Placid Spearritt
OSB
1
V. Lossky, The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church
Placid Spearritt OSB

it is probable that many of the doctrines and practices w


will by then have become curious by-paths of history. W
I like to think that we can identify some elemen
doctrines that God is love, that God is one, that God is t
flesh, was raised to life when human ignorance and malic
the Holy Spirit of God is active in all who love. I think C
persons will still be breaking bread and sharing the cup o
in the power of the cross and resurrection of Jesus the an
I would not be so sure about certain other elemen
Testament times and have had some curious ups a
centuries—I mean things like baptism, confirmation
ordination, anointing, absolution and marriage. For ex
forth for or against the ordination of women seem to thin
ordination, and seem to mean things that are at best dubio
the New Testament.
I do not particularly want to be excommunicated m
not saying that all those sacramental rites or myster
self-understanding of thousands, perhaps millions, of C
they are decreasingly central for thousands, perhaps milli
not touch their lived experience. They are perceived,
irrelevant to real life. In the Western Australian bush we
to administer first absolution and first holy communion t
appear in church again unless and until they present
marriage, if any) and their children for baptism, confirm
renewal in the Roman Catholic fold has taught us that
receive holy communion at Mass, while the canons con
the faithful from doing so under pain of what used to be
sin.3 I expect in two or three thousand years this curious
changed to meet the different conditions that have
dislocations between what we say we believe and how w
Everybody here would know that rituals and fo
centuries after they have ceased to express real internal
we also know that eventually they do die out—sometim

3
1 think I am right in saying that the 1983 Code2of Canon L
sin", though the Catechism of the Catholic Church (1994)
Placid Spearritt
OSB
to add that I may be wrong, and that I will respect the hon
integrity of those many people who would disagree with
anonymous Christians, which they might justifiably find o
to consider two questions. Firstly, are they also willing
Secondly, is there not in all human beings a yearning, a
most basic drive for physiological survival, a desire that

And yet is it no will, nor no desire, but a


knowest never what, that stirreth thee to will
thou knowest never what.4

Human beings being what we are, we will never cease m


using our finite ways of trying to understand it; we w
inadequately, and behaving towards it inappropriately. It
church from its beginning till 1999 has been confused and
knowest never what" being what it is, we will never ceas
the beginning of the human race till the end, and beyond

4
The Cloud of Unknowing^ ch.
34.

6
Section 1 : The Foundations
L
The Pre-Christian Origins of Early Christian Spirituality
D.T. Runia

Introduction

O sing to the Lord a new song;


sing to the Lord, all the earth!
Sing to the Lord, bless his Name
tell of his salvation from day to day.
Declare his glory among the nations,
his marvellous works among all the peoples!
For great is the Lord and greatly to be praised;
he is to be feared above all gods. (Ps, 96:1-4)

When the early Christians first began to develop a distinctive spirituality of their own,
they claimed that they were singing a "new song". Of course they recognised that it was
not new in an absolute sense. This is apparent even in the formulation of the claim itself
The phrase "new song" was in fact not new at all: it was taken over from the opening
lines of Psalm 96 just cited (and also those of Psalm 98 and 149): But new wine was
being poured into old bottles. And, they affirmed, it was new not only in relation to the
heritage of Israel, but also in "I

relation to the dominant Hellenic culture that surrounded them on all sides.
The theme of this paper is the pre-Christian antecedents of early Christian
spirituality. Some care is required in formulating this theme. If we speak of "pre-r

Christian origins", it is implied that some kind of causal relation must be involved. We
should be aware, then, that we run the risk of giving the impression that Christian
spirituality was derived from its antecedents in Hellenism and Judaism. But if, on the
other hand, one speaks of the "pre-Christian background", it might be thought that we are
dealing with no more than a setting or backdrop with no real influence on what actually
happened on the stage itself The course of my paper will make clear why I made the
choice that is indicated in my title. What I certainly do not wish to say is that the
foundations of Christian spirituality are located iu the two great traditions that I will be
focusing on. Early Christian spirituality cannot be reduced to its antecedents. This will
become quite clear as we proceed.
The Pre-Christian Origins of Early Christian Spirituality
My argument falls into three parts. I shall commence with a brief examination of
the spirituality of the Greek philosophical tradition. Thereafter the focus will move to the
phenomenon of Greek-speaking Judaism, often known as
DX Runia

Hellenistic Judaism. In both cases my presentation


quaestionis. I will be drawing attention to the contri
scholars (all of whom I have had the privilege of meetin
well as adding comments and insights of my own. There
my paper, I will examine the extent to which these two
in early Christian spirituality, illustrating this with the
final remark before we embark on our subject. It wi
however brief, about the term "spirituality" itself. I h
notoriously slippery term, with a breadth of connotat
disadvantages depending on the context of its use. I con
Firstly, spirituality in my view is not just an exploratio
person".1 Then it might be justly regarded as a sub-disc
involves a relationship to the divine, however that may
this relationship differs for the Greek and for the Juda
the term excludes the entire area of dogmatic theolog

Collected Studies 102 (London 1979); Hellenic and Christian


Studies 324 (London 1990).
3
Classical Mediterranean Spirituality^ xiii, 12
4
J- Pépin, Idées grecques sur l'Homme et sur Dieu (Paris 19
DX Runia

In his Introduction Armstrong affirms:

The assumption on which this volume has


is this: what gives classical Mediterranea
such unity as it has, and the abiding beauty
power that it has, is that it is in a quite
distinctive way a reflective spirituality. It
character under the influence of on
Mediterranean people, the Greeks.3

'Reflective spirituality" means a spirituality that not o


celebration of the divine, but also actively reflects on
reflection involving both contemplation of the O
examination of the human subject engaged in it. Armst
that "reflective" should not be understood in narrow
"philosophical", and this for two reasons. Firstly, Gre
archaic piety of Homer and Hesiod which continued
fonns until the end of antiquity, and in the countryside r
replaced by, or perhaps better absorbed into, Christ
12
D.T. Runia

rational part thereof, to be identified with the intel


represents the ideal that one should strive to attain. Th
notoriously deny the gods any concern for human ma
his disciple, will live like God amid immortal blessing
Philosophical spirituality as orientation toward
takes place, thus has a direct link to life. The scholar w
to bring this aspect to the fore is undoubtedly Pierre H
famous collection of essays entitled Exercices spirit
translated into English as Philosophy as a Way of Lif
survey of the history of ancient philosophy Qu'est-
Hadot's claim is nothing if not far-reaching:

.. .Philosophy in antiquity was a spiritual e


philosophical theories, they were either pl
in the service of spiritual practice, as w
Stoicism and Epicureanism, or else they we
objects of intellectual exercises, that is, of a
contemplative life which, in the last analy
nothing other than a spiritual exercise. It is
25
D.T. Runia

how many philosophical exercises were adapted and c


tradition.8 This, we should note, was a continuation of
be overlooked feature of ancient philosophy.
More needs to be said, however, about the g
quest. It is not just a state of spiritual freedom. It also
philosophers in antiquity agreed that the life of contem
mere practice of moral excellence. In his books Hadot
the theological underpinnings of philosophy as an ide
which it involves can also be described as divine know
out by Aristotle at the beginning of his Metaphysics,
the attainment of the Joiowledge that God himself
possible because, as we noted above, the divine has
5
P, Hadot, Exercices spirituels et philosophie antique (Paris
a"Ancient spiritual
Way of Life, exercises
edited with anand 'Christianbyphilosophy"',
introduction A.L Davidsonin(OP
126-144.
philosophie antique? (Paris 1995).
96
Mortley, From
Philosophy
R. WordoftoLife,
as a Way Silence,
104. 2 vols (Bonn 1986).
10
7
Seeis,myfor
It paper "Philothe
example, of Alexandria
fondamentalandidea
the end of Hellenisti
underlying Dio
Philosophers.
the proceedings of the Symposium Hellenisticum held in Lille,

26
D.T. Runia

"becoming like unto God to the extent possible", may


spiritual quest of Greek philosophy as a whole at the t
came into contact with it.

The Tradition of Hellenistic Judaism


It is time to turn to the second of the traditions that
Christian spirituality. It may be sensed, I believe, tha
philosophical spirituality just outlined above and ear
allow a direct bridge to be formed between them
experience on the Areopagus as recorded by Luke in A
do this anyway. A bridge existed already in the form
"new song" of the early Christians was not the shir h 'a
qo\ia KCUVOV of the Septuagint. The language of Ch
formed by the Greek Bible, the foundational book of H
formulated in Greek, all sorts of connotations from ge
along as well. For example, KCUVOV could be taken to m
also "novel" or even "revolutionary". The importance o
development of early Christian thought and spiritualit
27
D.T. Runia

Literature.12

The first Philonist whose views I wish to


Marguerite Harl. She is perhaps best known as the inst
the Septuagint, La Bible d'Alexandrie.^ But the backg
she did earlier on Origen and Philo. In her magisteria
Philo's treatise Who is the heir of divine things she argu
be reached on the basis of a reading of this work.14 Th
disconcerting because Greek and Jewish ideas interpe
Greek images are used to express Jewish faith, Jewish
are profoundly Greek. Nevertheless, she argues,
imagery*rather than a coherent conceptual scheme
affective world. Harl shows how Philo places the
context dominated by the immanence of the divine Lo
odyssey from the world of material things and claim its
of intellect, in an ascent that aspires to a vision of G
fundamental motif is that of inner migration, an a
28
D.T. Runia

though not belonging to his race, will recog

29
D.T. Ruràa

life a model for their own interior life. Certa


and the most religious of the neo-Platonists f
texts the expression of their own piety. H
representative of anew type of religious pers

This is a strong claim. In one respect at least it is too


suggest that neo-Platonists were influenced by Philo's s
heritage that interests us, and in that respect Harl's cl
spirituality shares many concerns with that of Greek phi
of intériorisation. The human task is to know oneself—
Delphic oracle in the words of Moses, "give heed to y
This is not, however, a matter of finding the divine with
status over against God. The life of the spirit thus entail
wholly unequal partners.
The second Philonist whose work I want to refer
David Winston. His major study on Philo's thought, wh

30
D.T. Ruràa

l6
PhiIon Quis rerum divinarum heres sit, 153 (my translation
17
For Winston's views on Philonic spirituality see Logos an
Alexandria (Cincinatti 1985), esp. ch. 3, and "Philo and the
(ed), Jewish Spirituality from the Bible through the Middle A
Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest 13 (New York
18
1 am here paraphrasing Winston's position as presente
life" 226,
As I already hinted at earlier, Philo is not an
accounts for his relative lack of popularity. Few sch
difficult question of the relation between the Jewish
There is the further question of how we should under
flights of his language, Philo's mysticism, as interprete
without influence on the Fathers. One thinks in parti
Nyssa.20 But the more general influence that Philo and
early Christian thought occurred at a somewhat less rar
Greek (and particularly Platonic) terminology and con
often by means of an extensive use of the allegorical
striking example from Philo's Exposition of the Law:

31
D.T. Ruràa

spiritual knowledge, as understood by


19
As rightly lamented by A. Terian, "Had the works of P
Biblical Archaeologist 57 (1994), 86-97.
20
See chapters 9 and 12 in my Philo in Early Christian L
Origins of the Christian Mystical Tradition. From Piato ioDe
21
For my interpretation of the relation between Philon
Utrecht
inaugural lecture, published in an English version in Philo

32
D.T. Rimia

Madame Harl, that is meant first and foremost. What w


spirituality, and it lies at the origins of much of the Chr
examined and celebrated at this conference.

An Example of Early Christian Spirituality; Clement's "N


outset, in the final part of this paper I shall turn to early
order to see the extent to which the origins which have bee
their presence felt. This might seem a well-nigh imposs
result in the descent into fairly meaningless generalities
danger, it seems to me, is to zoom in on a particular exa
may be discerned and analysed. The example that I have c
to those who recall the introductory part of my paper. It
Logos", the opening chapter of his Protrepticus or Exhort

modern commentary is still very much a desideratum. The m


remains that of G.W, Butterworth in the Loeb Classical Librar
23
J.C.M. van Winden, "Quotations from Philo in Clement of
32 (1978), 208-213; reprinted in Arche: A Collection of Patristic
VC Supp, 41 (Leiden-New York-Cologne 1997), 207-212; the al
S.RFor
22 .C. the
Lilla, Clement
text and a of Alexandria:
detailed A Study
apparatus in33Christian
fontium see the Pla
rec
1971), 221.
dementis Alexandrini Protrepticus^ VC Supp. 34 {Leiden-New Y
D.T. Rimia

relate to points that I have made in the earlier part of this p


of Greek and Judaeo-Hellenic spirituality are appropriate
(1) The song of the Logos is a new song, becaus
language of myth which is inextricably associated with
Hellenism. The mountains sacred to Greek myth and litera
of Eunomos and the grasshopper, are to be abandoned. In
the words of Isaiah (2:3): "From Zion the nomos will co
Lord from Jerusalem" (Protr. 2.3). Let truth be taken dow
the holy mountain and to the prophetic choir (2.2). T
Hellenism are replaced by that of the Bible. As we have
entirely new language. For example, in the passage jus
λόγος, and αλήθεια continue to retain many of the old a
culture. Nomos is not only the Law with a capital letter, b
melody or musical strain.
(2) At the same time, however, the newness of Cle
new because the Christian message is new. But the Old
incorporates were already old, certainly no less old than
They might seem new to the Greek convert, but only
34
D.T. Rimia

wild beasts with his song. The real beasts, however,


passions and ignorance (3-4). These only the Logos
converting them into άνθρωποι θεού, humans belon
like a good doctor who has all manner of techniques
Salvation brings about purification (10.2) and results
godly life (4,2). All the themes of "philosophy as a w
Hadot, can be recognised here. Much too of the conc
(passions, ignorance, medicine, therapy, purification
been pointed out, Clement seems more comfortable in
biblical counterpart of sin, repentance, redemption, h
the term "philosophy" itself is absent. In a protrept
world that must be left behind.25 The Logos and h
Logos is not only our creator, who gives us the gift o
so that we can live well, and ultimately obtain the ete
us (7.3). The experience of salvation is personalise
philosophical therapeutics. The Logos is not just th
reason, but is Christ, botli a human being and God. H
mentor on a superior level, a theme which Clement

35
D.T. Rimia

Moreover, the key to the door which is Christ the Logos is


gates of the Logos are logikai (involving logos, let us say
key of faith (pistis)". It would seem that Clement is delib
elitism that we earlier saw to be inherent in Greek philo
open to all.
(5) Yet, and this is my fifth and final point, I wonde
does manage to surmount the spiritual elitism of both Gr
this issue the final paragraphs of the chapter which I just
Let me quote this passage in full:

But you, if you desire to truly see God, take pa


purifications that are fitting for God, not in lau
wreaths or headbands decorated with wool and
dye. But rather bind yourself with righteousne
Tim, 4:8), put on the wreath of self-control, an
Christ the object of your concern. "For I am th
he says somewhere (Jn 10:9). This is what tho
wish to know God need to learn, so that he ma
wide the doors of heaven for us. For the gates
36
D.T. Rimia

translate that notoriously multivocal term. I would


interpretation. It involves the

37
D.T. Runia

use of reason. As Eric Osborn has taught us for more


highly the role of logic and argument. It also involves w
of our inbuilt spiritual antenna, inbuilt because we have
which is the Logos. All of this is a spirituality inherit
philosophy and Hellenistic Judaism. But the Logos w
announced by John the Baptist, the voice in the wildern
who emptied himself and became human in order to
historian's point of view, therefore, Clement's song is
way that he himself understood it to be. The key lies in
the song of Christ the Logos. It is old because Logos a
than Philo and the Hellenistic Judaism that took it o
Greek philosophy itself.

Conclusion
At the outset of my paper I drew attention to a disti
backdrop, which provides a setting for something tha
something, involving some kind of causal relation. As
already indicates a decision on my part. I hope that I
grounds for that decision. Both Greek philosophy and H
38
Dans l'étude de la prière chez les anciens no
Quand ils parlent de Voratio, quel sens pré
prière vocale, la méditation, l'union à Dieu, l
défini. Le contexte seul peut nous le révéler

Besides the ambiguity Resch identifies, we may name


from early Christians their intuition as to how prayer w
been explored by scholars, whose tendency has been t
the analytical.3 I mean that significant collections of e
assembled, and articles and books are certainly availab
1
O. Cullmann, Das Gebet im Neuen Testament (Tubingen 19
P. Resch, La doctrine ascétique des premiers maîtres ég
(Paris 1931), 139; quoted in J.K. Coyle, "Early monks, prayer,
Two examples from the beginning and end of this century: E
der ältesten Christenheit: eine geschichtliche Untersuch
various forms of ancient prayer, while R_ Gebauer,
forschungsgeschichtliche und exegetische Studien (Gieße
comprehensive historical overview of scholarship on prayer in

39
J Kevin Coyle
What
Was
'Pray
er"fo
r
Early
Christ
ians?
Church, a pattern begins to emerge. Out of thi
can move toward a tentative articulation
theological understanding of Christian pr
activity by which a disciple of the Lord, w
through him, seeks God in faith, intercedes
hope, experiences and communes with God
filled with the Spirit of Jesus, reaches out in
service to others.4

The problem with this "pattern" is not so much that it is w


verdict, "not proven". The texts garnered to work it out c
of which could have nurtured a definition of prayer itse
through Christian living. By contrast, my focus will be o
Christians before the move was on to create a true theol
the close of the fourth century.5

Whence?
Early Christians did not live in a cultural vacuum. Conve
Christians were—would have brought to their new relig
gleaned from a former religious affiliation, if they had ha
what prayer was for early Christians, we need to relat
prayer to the world around them. That world was for
Empire and Hellenistic culture. Christianity did not
practices so much as select from or re-invent those o
vocabulary shaped by pagan Greek (and later, Latin)6 u
reshaped through adaptation by Hellenised Jews. In thi
with its verbal cognates, the most frequent term for invo

4
A. Cunningham, Prayer Personal and Liturgical, Message of
(Wilmington, Del. 1985), 3.
5
Beginning with the Praktikos of Evagrius Ponticus. On early m
To Pray and to Love: Conversations on Prayer with the Early Chu
As for other areas of their experience, when Latin Christians s
prayer, they either Latinised Greek Christian terminology (eg.,
tenns (preces), or revived words which had fallen into disuse (o
26
usage of euxo|iai5 euxif, 7DAT2,775,
J Kevin Coyle
What
Was
'Pray
er"fo
r
Early
Christ
ians?
omission in the requisite formulae, nullified the ritual or
all over again.10 This resulted in the careful conservati
archaic, and the absolute silence of the assembly, who
stand, with heads covered and minds concentrated, wh
tasks. All of this was meant to guarantee the right atmosp
effectiveness.11 More, pagan prayer tended to treat its d
"un corps de spécialistes" responsible for specific eve
prayer was usually approached on a patron/client (do ut

26
J. Kevin Coyle

romain", DictSpir 12 (Paris 1986), 2202-2211; E. von Severu


1972), 1135-1162; P. Benoit, "La prière dans les religion
christianisme primitif \ in Prayer in Late Antiquity and Early Ch
for Advanced Theological Studies Yearbook 1978-1979 (Tant
Alderdink and L.H. Martin, "Prayer in Greco-Roman religion
125-126; S. Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford 1997); E
History and Psychology of Religion (Oxford 1997), repr. of the 1
eine religionsgeschichtliche und religionspsychologische Unters
and H. Greeven, "Prayer in the Greek worid", TDNT2, 778-78
15
A Hamman, Prières des premiers chrétiens (Paris 1952, 2nd ed
est
née dans le sein d'Israël, comme leur liturgie et comme leur mo
16
This included praying thrice daily, at morning, noon and ev
first
century) refers to this in its first (Jewish) section. See P.R Bra
Church: A Study of the Origin atui Development of the Divine Of
(London 1981), chapters 1-2.
17
See B. Fischer, "Le Christ dans les psaumes: la dévotion
Martyrs",
La Maison-Dieu 27 (1951), 90-91: "Le premier coup d'oeil s
présumions à priori: dans les écrits de l'époque des Marty
Nouveau
Testament,
What wasle Different?
psautier est l'ouvrage le plus souvent cité de
30

comme
J, Kevin Coyle

If pagans expected prayer to be heard (literally),


end of the second century, they would not have und
19
Christians
See Fischerpray
"Le"in secret"92-105.
Christ", (or "in a secret place": Matt.
20
Tertullian,
that Apologeticum
Christianity 30.
largely subscribed to the approach to
21
See Benoit,
scriptures, 21
to "La prière",
a single God who29-41; and aW,
desired Bousset, D
parent/child
späthellenisüchen Zeitalter, Handbuch zum Neuen Testam
one.22
repr.
In Hellenistic Greek npooevyf\ first meant "pray
1966), 365-370.
term
22 enjoyedin almost
On prayer no religious
Second Temple Judaismuseseeamong pagansL
Eschlimann,
Christians it became the term preferred over ei>
Peli,
"From prophecy to
(Tipooeuxopat) appears
prayer:eighty-six
on prayertimes
and thein pray-er
the Second
in JuT
in
various forms is found there only nine times in all24
Antiquity,
Christian 45-70.
non-biblical writings. "Remember me in you
23
H. Greeven, "προσεύχομαι, προσευχή", TDNT2, 808.
Ignatius
24 of Antioch to the Magnesians (c.discussed
The various uses of ευχή and εύχομαι are
110), "sobythat
Gr
25
prayer (rtpooeuxfig) and your charity". By die time o
also
third century,
Hamman, ££ eu/ii simply
La prière means1193-1194.
chrétienne", "prayer" in its basic s
25
TCpooeujcn *s mors 14;
Ignatius, Magnesians clearly Προσευχή is also
"God-directed
see 7.1, petition".
found i
11.2, 20.1,21.2),
represents Traitions
the most (12.2, 13.1),
significant form ofRomans
prayer,(9,1), Philade
"offered in
11.1,3)
by oneandwhoPolycarp
asks in a(7.1);
moreand see Didache
solemn manner forΕυχή
4.14, is fou
greater th
Christian non-canonical writings: but see First Clement 41.2
26
Origen, On Prayer 14.2; GCS 3, 331,6-7: την μ
μεγαλοφυέστερον άναπεμπομένην ύπό του.
27
Origen, On Prayer 14. On the different types of prayer in P
et
la prière: prière et evangelisation, Lectio Divina 110 (Paris 19

Thus Origen is following the path indicated by th


its variations: prostration (signifying humility or pen
(euXoyicc), supplication (5ei]ovt;), thanking (euxapio
(even pre-Christian) terms. Ευλογία and its cognates se
pagan Greeks for religious discourse: Christians proba
And, while εύχαριστέω and its cognates did express a ty
both pagans and Jews was rare. Greek-spe
43
J, Kevin Coyle

Alexandria knew that Christians were not alone in facin


which they saw as a symbol of the risen Lord; Origen als
soul.42 For still others, the east was the direction whence
"Lord, teach us how to pray", his disciples req
Οΐδαξον ημάς προσεύχεσθαι). And Jesus' reply was: "W
"Οταν προσεΰχησθε, λέγετε), followed by the words of t
206 Tertullian wrote a treatise On Prayer {De oration
Father, which for him was the prayer. He does not defin
the prayer Jesus taught that its purpose is "so God can
present their requests".44 In itself this conclusion does no
Christianity; still, the context here is the opening of the
we make addresses, in Tertullian's view, the one whom J
"Father".
However, the first true definition of prayer offer
without direct connection to the Our Father. This comes
c. 215), who sees it as a silent and intimate communicati

honoured (even pre-Christian) terms. Ευλογία an


have been used by pagan Greeks for religious dis
took them from Judaism 28 And, while εύχαριστέω
express a type of pagan prayer, their use by both
Greek-speaking Christians either gave them a new
to employ them from biblical (Septuagint) source
The final three chapters of the First Letter to
ascribed to Clement of Rome give examples of ex
Jewish-Christian prayer.30 Included are the notes
petition and penitence,31 all of which were to beco
celebrations, because they were doubtless already
Christian experience.32 On the other hand, the no
deliverance from unpleasant situations (along the
Gethsemane) has few traces before "First Cleme
and, for a long time, few after. For prayer was no
44
J, Kevin Coyle

"Lord, teach us how to pray", his disciples


Κύριε, Οΐδαξον ημάς προσεύχεσθαι). And Jesus'

and Eschlimann, 63-113.


La prière,

28 Hamman, "La prière chrétienne", 1197.


29 On the respective terms see s.v. 754-763; and 9, 407-415. TDNT2,

30 SeeB. Bowe, "1 59.3-61.3: epistolary prayer


Clement in Clement of
Prayer, 254-259.
31 See von der Goltz, Das Gebet, 104-116, 145-157.
32 Ibid, 134-140.
33 Tertullian (De oratione 29) sees this as a point of distinction betw
the prayer of Christians.
34 R.L. Simpson, The Interpretation ofPrayer in the Early Church (Philadelphia 1965), 132-133.
35 See the comparison in Hamman, "La prière chrétienne",
and von Severus, "Gebet I", 1231-1232.
36 See Hamman, "La prière chrétienne", 1217-1219.

37 Origen, On 31.2. See


Prayer First Clement 2.3; Letter of Bar

12.2.
idolis

say..." (Lk. 11:2: "Οταν προσεΰχησθε, λέγετε), fo


Our Father. Between 200 and 206 Tertullian wro
orationé)—more precisely on the Our Father, whic
does not define praying in it, but gleans from the
purpose is "so God can be venerated and human
requests".44 In itself this conclusion does not exp
Christianity; still, the context here is the opening
whatever prayer we make addresses, in Tertullian
called and taught us to call "Father".
owever, the first true definition of prayer offered by
without direct connection to the Our Father. This
45
J, Kevin Coyle

" Tertull
represents a notable contrast with the pagan no
to a deity with whom an intimate relationsh
representative of Christian thought can Clemen
aside
more the
generic: nature
ομιλία of the God in question, and
προς τον θεόν.
allows
G.
46
for it elsewhere—takes no account of g
Bardy, La vie spirituelle d'après les Pères des trois premiers

vol.
context 2 (Tournai
where 1968), 42 (referring
the concern to Clement,
is "true gnosticism" 7,7.45 Strom.

semble-t-il, à demander à Dieu son secours dans la prière. A q


Mention has already been made of Origen, who, bet
inadmissible, et que celui qui la possède ne peut la perdre n
treatise of his own On Prayer, and this time we h
imagination? Le gnostique prie assurément, mais c'est surtout p
which takes in261-266;
Goltz, Das
more than von
Gebet,
the Our Father.
Severus, "Gebet
The b12
Γ\
4
first writing of itsTUkind,57 Christian
Gnostiker nach Clemens (Berlin
Alexandnnus,
or otherwise;
1952), esp. 54
define
of prayera concept
among which could
non-orthodox hardly
Gnostics, on havewhich beensee
experience
Good, "Prayer of up theto his time.PaulPerhaps
Apostle from theheNag avoided
Hammadi a
that theandmeaning
291-295; G. of his"Prayer
MacRae, title was and simply
knowledgeself-evid
of
highlights
97-114.
Antiquity,
the term"Prière
Hamman, less favoured
chrétienne", by
1227 Greek-spea
adds the
peut-être
hand, the une notion
réaction ofcontre les pythagoriciens,
"prayer" must have qui been
demanda gr
écarter le soupçon de magie".
Christians. Origen wrote when some set prayer-
Méhat, "La prière dans le monde gréco-romain", 2202-2203: "
47
their structured sacramental contexts
intéressé les historiens de Γ Antiquité grecque et romaine...D'au
had begu
readily seen in the Apostolic Tradition^ attributed
de la piété antique, .comme elle Test dans la tradition ju
217);
von but even
der Goltz, 266-278. it takes a laissez-faire approach to
Das Gebet,

eucharistic prayer, in an241-261;


On the structures see von der Goltz,
interesting contrast
and A. Hamman,
wi
vol. 2: Les
Das Gebet, La Prièrey

contemporary pagan ritual:

It is not at all necessary for the bishop


exact words given above [the writer ha
provided an example], as though he w
to thank God by rote. Let each pray as
permit. If someone is able to voice a le
solemn prayer [on his own], that is a g
On the other hand, no one should hin
from praying according to a set formu
the prayer is orthodox.49

This suggests that—at least for the locale of the

46
J. Kevin Coyle

47
J. Kevin Coyle

60 Pliny, Ep. 10.96 to Trajan (5.7). On this phrase see D


Hamman, "Chrétiens et christianisme vus et jugés par Suétone, T
Futuri: studi in onore del Cardinale Michèle Pellegrino (Turin 1975), 105-106.
61 On Jesus' teaching on and practice of prayer see von der
"Jésus, maître de prière", in DictSpir 12, 2226-2234; and Hamma
153,
62 See von der Goltz, Das Gebet, 89-93 (Paul) and 124-127.
63 See Cullmann, Das Gebet, 127-133; and von der Goltz, Das Gebet,

191. The latter believes that this reflects later insights rather t
concludes (69): "Sehen wir von diesem unsichem Zeugnis aus dem
giebt es schlechterdings kein Wort des Herrn, in welchem er die
Gebete an seine Person zu richten. Sämtliche Ermahnungen zum
zum Vater im Himmel". On later prayer "in the name" see ibid.,
Aszese und Mystik in der Väterzeit: ein Abriß der frühchristli

repr. 1989), 300-302; and Simpson, The Interpretation, 141-142.


provides faint evidence of a notion of "praying in the Spirit" (Jn
16,26; Gal. 4:4-6). See von der Goltz, Das Gebet, 116-117; Cul
124; and Harder, Paulus, 163-173. In the third century Origen say
—a development of Paul's picture of the Spirit praying/or us (Rom. 8:26-27).
(On Prayer 2)

54
64 GCS 3, 297^03
On prayer =PGChrist
through 11, 416-561.
in Pail's view, see Harder, 173-187, Paulus,

55 CSEL Philadelphia^
6ί Ignatius, 3,267-294 10,1. = PL 4, 519-544. On Cyprian's treatise (an elab
der66Goltz, 282- 287,21,28;
Tertullian, and Simpson,
CCSL 1, 127, 140-143: "Dicimus et pal am dicimus et vobis to
Das Gebet,
Apologeîicum
T
h
e Interpretation, 22-2%.

56 H. colimus
'Deum Greeven, "Prayer Ilium
per Christum'. in the NT*,putate, per
hominem 804.
eumOn prayeret coli
se cognosci to deus
thevolu
d TDNT2,

pagans
er see also
15.1; GCS Hamman,
3, 333, 26-27: μή"Priere chretienne",
ouôevi 1233-1237.
των γεννητών προσ^υχτέον έστιν ουδέ αύτω τω Χρισ
noxe

See der Goltz,


57 Von 2,6; 12.5; also the prayers collected by Hamman,
79.
Horn, in Gen. Horn, in Ezech.
Das Gebet,
nos. Prières,

58 See Greeven, "Prayer in the NT", 804; and Simpson, The Interpretation, 93-96.
48
59 Simpson, The Interpretation, 113.
J. Kevin Coyle

were known, even common, to Christian antiquity


being obligated to follow a fixed formula.58 Thus

pray as God himself has instructed—no


to words (formula) but within the limits
prescribed by the Lord's Prayer. The ex
gives prayer value; it is not the case tha
traditional prayer form provides a mean
one arrives at the experience. Thus in p
the Lord's Prayer guided them, the fath
indeed giving direct expression to a per
experience.59

Prayer to Jesus
Does Jesus figure as anything more than the mod
prayer? "Carmen Christo dicere quasi deo secum
Christians brought to his notice while he governe
Pontus and Bithynia (early second century): "the
to (or: as though he were) a god".60 That was Plin
with which he had no previous acquaintance. But
49
L
J. Kevin Coyle What Was "Prayer" for

Early Christians?

addressing his own prayers directly to him.69 Thus


may really have to do with prayers in the liturgy, f
directing liturgical prayer to any but the Father.70
As late as 393—nearly seventy years after Nicaea I
consubstantiality with the Father, and a dozen afte
declared the Holy Spirit to be "Lord" and "lifegiv
Hippo Regius in North Africa ordained that (liturg
directed to God the Father.71
Early Christian prayer therefore tends to be
christocentric: most prayers in the ancient liturgies
(the Father) and end with a doxology which addre
Jesus Christ". Such prayers antedate Nicaea, or a
model. But alongside them are tentative motions—
Nicaea—toward making Jesus himself the address
the Aposdes (7:59-60) Stephen asks Jesus (whom
"receive my spirit", and "do not hold this sin agai
familiar with the appeal made famous by Paul (1 C
Book of Revelation (22:20) and the Didache (10.5):
come!"72 Ignatius beseeches Christians at Rome t
will allow me to become, by the teeth of beasts, a s
gives "glory to Jesus Christ, our God".74
The acts of martyrs, particularly those assoc
Roman persecution at the beginning of the fourth
tendency toward praying to Jesus. Two reasons ac
imitating Jesus in his passion and death;75 and, in
christology, a heightened sense of jesus as himself
52-66 (pp. 81-90),
See 15.7; 13.3; 5. On the latter reference see Ait. Christman, "Origen's

69
Horn, in Gen. Horn, in Exod. Horn, in Is.

(eds), Prayer, 304-308.


70 Hamman, L
a prière dans l'Église ancienne, xxi, thinks that this
modalistic confusion of Jesus with the Father. See also, id
Simpson, The Interpretation, 142-143.
71 Can. 21; CCSL 149, 39, 124-126: "Ut nemo in precibus vel pa
nominet; et cum altari adsistitur semper ad patrem dirigatur oratio".
72 Von der Goltz, Das Gebet, 96, calls this "das älteste an Jesus selbst gerichtete Gebet". See also
Döiger, Sol Salutis, 198-219. For another still useful reference on prayer to Jesus in earliest
Christianity see A. Klawek, Das Gebet zu Jesus: seine Berichtigung und Übung nach den Schriften

Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen 6/5 (Münster/W 1921).


des Neuen Testaments. Eine biblische Studie,

73 Ignatius, See also 8.4.Romans 4.2. Polycarp

74 Ignatius, 1. Smyrnaeans

75 K. Baus, "Das Gebet der Märtyrer", Trierer Theologische Zeitschrift

prayers from acts covering the entire period of Roman persecuti


Testament quotations, or at least allusions, which recall Jesus' ow
such as Stephen. Baus points out (21) that one cannot always know that these prayers are
50
L
J. Kevin Coyle What Was "Prayer" for

Early Christians?

known as the living and effective Head o

from early liturgies. On prayer in acts of martyrs see also von Severus, "Gebet 1196- V \

76 On this aspect see Baus, "Das Gebet", 25-30.


77
Martyrium Polycarpi 14.1-3. The study of prayer in the acts of
literature deserves more attention than can be given here. These
popularised approach, the reader's attention being drawn to p
healings). On prayer in the pseudepigrapha see von Severus,
Prière, vol. 2,169-229; idem, L
a prière dans VÉglise ancienne, xx-xxi,
von der Goltz, Das Gebet 288-327, with examples, 346-353.
See Hamman, "La prière chrétienne", 1240-1242. 79 See von der Goltz, Das Gebet 95-101. He perc
Brown Jesus God a
n
d Man: Modem Biblical Reflections (Milwaukee 1967), chap. 1. The one exception is Rev. 5:8? 14. On rrp

51
J. Kevin Coyle

There are many intervening stages and


Jesus in prayer to God to direct prayer
with God.82

Who Prays, and to Whom?


There is no doubt that the majority of early Chris
meant for a communal setting. Despite Jesus' adm
it would not have gone unnoticed that the prayer
couched in the plural (our Father; forgive us, etc
"in secret" is not taken as ruling out prayer in pu
spectacle; so many of the prayers that have survi
liturgical (therefore communal), or at least are u
What, then, of personal or individual praying? We ha
ideas on that, until Cyprian of Carthage in the m
discourages it:

Above all, the teacher of peace and inst


unity did not want individual and privat
the sense of praying for oneself alone.
38
J. Kevin Coyle

attitudes to it, however unconscious, are detectab


as the ancient vocabulary we have seen suggests.
can be expressed thus: it arises in situations whe
wished-for results cannot be brought about in an
for prayer—and Tertullian, Origen, and Cyprian
respective treatises (Origen saying that "Only th
Adversary...could persuade someone that they ou
of the search for "a means of effecting some diff
reality".87 But that could express anyone's need
context, the starting points were the assumption
and the knowledge that Jesus himself had prayed
self-evident, and the means to some extent prede
prayed was a guarantee that the prayer would be
course, one prayed in the right spirit—, for one c
the persuasive power of Jesus himself But why w

38
J. Kevin Coyle

" Heuer, Prayer, 355.


82 Greeven, "Prayer
in the NT", S06. On the whole questio
86 Origen, 5.1;
On GCS 3,
Prayer 308, 15-19: ήδη με'ντοι ye
Christ in Liturgical (Staten Island, PrayerNY 1965), trans,
μή ôeïv εύχεσθαι δ^δυνηται τινας. See Simpson, 120-124.
πεϊοαί The Interpretation,

Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen 19-20 (Münster/W. 1962, 2nd edn).


Gebet,
87 Simpson, 115.
The Interpretation,
83 Cyprian, De 8; CSEL
dommica 3/1, 271, 4-11:
oratione "Ante omn
88 See Tertullian, 12; Cyprian, De oratione De dommica oratione 29,

magister singillatim noluit et privatim precem fieri, ut quis cum


9.1-2.
Non dicimus: 'pater meus, qui es in caelis' nec: 'panem meum da
8g Tertullian, 9.3; CCSL 1, 263, 8-12: "Deus solus docere potuit, ut se vellet orari. A
communis oratio, et quando oramus, non pro uno sed pro populo
De oratione

spiritu ipsius iam tunc, cum ex ore divino ferretur, animata suo privilegio ascendit in cae
unum sumus".
SeeSee
84 Simpson,
Hamman, "La138-141.
prière chrétienne51, 1227.
TheInterpretation,

38
J. Kevin Coy le

early commentators held that the Our Father, or


achieved results. The results one wished for, thou
mundane, to Origen's "greater things". He was o
should pray only for what he called "spiritual goo
would follow. There is no reason to think that, the
was not shared by other Christians. As Robert Sim
Father would have served as a guide in this respe
formed a limit to material requests; the prayer for
certain other petitions".90
ow does prayer work? And why does it work? Much h
one's intentions, frame of mind, and objectives. If
the exact words of Jesus, one certainly had to app
same spirit, to speak out of a practice of living Jes
to show that one was desirous to, as it were, put fl
this vein, says Tertullian at the close of his treatis
of benefits:

It wipes out sins, repels temptations, snu


consoles the weak and gladdens the stro
the traveller, calms storms and foils rob
controls the rich; it picks up the fallen, s
maintains those who resist...
All angels pray, all creatures. The floc
the knee when leaving stable or den; eag
heaven and hail it with their cries. The
toward the skies; in place of hands, th
cross-form and chirp what can be taken
What more can I say about the duty
prayed; to him be honour and power for

Conclusion
From the foregoing, some traits of early Christian

55
J. Kevin Coy le

J1

Simpson, T
h , 111-112,
e Interpretation
91 Tertullian, De oratione 29.2-4; CCSL 1, 274, 21-38: "Eadem diluit d
extinguit, pusillanimes consolatur, magnánimos oblectat, peregrinantes deducit, fluctus
regit divites, lapsos erigit, cadentes suspendit, stantes continet...Orant etiam angeli omnes,
genua déclinant et egredientes de stabulis ac speluncis ad caelum non otioso ore suspiciu
tunc exurgentes eriguntur ad caelum et alarum crucem pro manibus expandunt et dicu
amplius de officio orationis? Etiam ipse dominus oravit, cui sit honor et virtus in saecula sa

56
Pier Franco Beatrice
Symbolum Fidei: Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity

The Problem of the Name: A Bibliographic Survey


After five centuries of discussions on the Apostles' Creed, there are still many riddles awaiting a satisfactory
explanation. As a matter of fact, scholars have not yet reached a general agreement on the nature of this text and the place and time of
its origin; neither has anything certain been established concerning its relationship with the old Roman creed.1 Yet, however strange it
may seem, there is not even any common opinion on the fundamental issue of the meaning of the name generally used to designate
the creed: symbolum fidei. For many centuries scholars have asked why the creed is called symbolum and not some other
name; what linguistic and theological reasons there can have been in early Christianity behind the choice of that particular word;
what, in short, the value of this word is, so rich in sacred and profane meanings. The replies which have been worked out,
"I

with different motivations, in order to reveal what has rightly been defined "a baffling mystery", may be summed up
as follows.
1. One explanation which has attracted a fair number of followers is based on the comparative method of the history of
religions. Put forward for the first time by P. King in the early eighteenth century,3 this interpretation found convinced supporters
between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in German-speaking scholars such as F. Nitzch,4 M. Dibelius,5 A. Dieterich,6 and W.
Muri.7 According to these scholars, the Christian word symbolum derives from the terminology of the pagan mysteries of the
Graeco-Roman world.

1 For a general and well documented introduction to the question see J. De Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge. Etudes d'histoire littéraire et doctrinale, vol. 1: Les recherches sur les origines

du Symbole des Apôtres (Gembloux-Brussels 1949, 2nd edn), and the two very acute articles by P. Smulders, "Some riddles in the Apostles1 Creed",
Bijdragen. Tijdschrift voor Filosofie en Theologie 31 (1970), 234-260, and "Some riddles in the Apostles' Creed, II. Creeds and Rules of Faith", Bijdragen 32 (1971),
350-366.
2 J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (London 1972, 3Td edn), 58.
P. King, The History of the Apostles' Creed with Critical Observations on its Several Articles (London 1702). The work was translated into Latin under the title Hisioria symboli apostolici (Leipzig 1706)
F. Nitzch, "Ueber den Ursprung der Bezeichnung des Taufbekenntnisses und der übrigen Bekenntnisse als Symbole", Zeitschrift für Theologie und

Kirche 3 (1893), 332-341,


M Dibelius, Die Isisweihe hei Apuleius und verwandte Initiationsriten, Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, PhiUHist Kl. 14 (1917), esp.
10-15.
A. Dieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie (Leipzig-Berlin 1923), 64, n. 2.
W. Muri, STMBOAON, Wort- und sachgeschichtliche Studie, Beilage zum Jahresbericht über das städtische Gymnasium in Bern (Bern 1931).
Pier Franco Beatrice

This claim, of course, is connected with the concep


that time, that ancient Christian sacraments were c
the Hellenistic mystery cults, their formulae, and t
According to the evidence of several Greek and La
Plutarch,8 Clement of Alexandria,9 Arnobius,10 an
the word symbolum (aup.poXov) was a technical ter
Eleusis, Dionysus and Attis. In those particular se
indicated the sacred formula pronounced by the in
sometimes used also to designate the
objects of worship.12
2. The religio-historical explanation was challeng
claimed to offer interpretations closer to the early
In fact, according to some Christian writers, the w
indicate a "sign of recognition", a "password". R
instance, defined the symbolum as an indicium vel sig

14 Kelly, Early Christian Creeds, 60.

15 C. Eichenseer, Das Symbolum Apostolicum beim heiligen Augustinus mit Berücksichtigung

des dogmengeschichtlichen Zusammenhangs, Kirchengeschichtliche Quellen und Studien 4


(St. Ottilien I960), 9-41.
16 F.E. Vokes, art. "Apostolisches Glaubensbekenntnis, I. Alte Kirche und Mittelalter",
Theologische Realenzyklopädie 3 (1978), 528-554, 529ff.
17 AM Ritter, art. "Glaubensbekenntnisse, V. Alte Kirche", Theologische Realenzyklopädie

11 (1983), 399-412, 405.


8 Plutarch 10338.
(61 ID): τα μυστικά σύμβολα των περ\ τον Δνόνυσον όργικσμών.
18
6,14; SC 329,
Const. Apost.
Consol. ad uxor.

919 Clement
Ambrose, 2.15.3; ed. Μ.
2-3; CSEL 73,Marcovich,
3f
Protr.
Expl. Symb.
dementis Alexandria Protrepticus, VC Supp. 34 (Leiden-New York-Co
10
20 Arnobius,
Rufinus, 2; CCSL 20,5.26;
Expos. Symb. Adv. 134f. nat. CSEL 4, 198: "ipsa denique symb
21 Cassian, 6.3; CSEL 17, 328.
acceptionibus respondetis". De incarn.

Priminius,
11 Firmicus, See the edition by18,1;
G. Jecker,ed.
Scarapsus, 10.
De err. prof. rel. R. Turcan Beiträge
(Pariszur Geschi
Die Heimat des hl. Pirmin des Apostels der Alamannen,
1982),
Benediktinerordens,
quibus se Hea 13 vel
signis (Münster/W. 1927),symbolis
quibus 41. in ipsis superstitioni
eral F. Kauenbusch, vol. 2; Verbreitung und Bedeutung (Leipzi
cognoscat". See also 21.1; 22.1; 26.1.
Das apostolische Symbol, des Taufsymbols

12 H. Kraft,
See, "Das Apostolicum.
for example, Apuleius, Das apostolische
55; Clement, Symbol", in 27)
2.18.1 (p. P. Meinhold
and 2.22.5(ed.),
(p. 32).
Apol. Protr.
Studien zur Bekenntnisbild

Europäische
13 Rufinus,Geschichte
Expos.Mainz, Bd. 103 (Wiesbaden
Symb. 2; CCSL 1980),
20,16-29, 27ff. An interesting
134f.
Maximus, Horn. 83; PL 57, 433 A-B: "signaculum symboli".
44
Pier Franco Beatrice

4. Nor is it worth lingering over other attemp


support
quite arbitrary interpretations for which no plausi
in
ancient sources. Here we are thinking, for example
in
which H. Kraft attempted to trace the name symbol
allegory .
and philosophy. According to Kraft, allegorical exe
philosophy would have been the sources of Justin
thought
concerning symbolum,24 The symbolic interpretation
by

44
Baptism and Creed in Early

Pier Franco Beatrice Christianity

J.N.D. Kelly25 and F.X. Murphy


the word symbolum would have been adopted to ex
questions, answers and immersions of baptism ar
the faith in the triune God.
5. There is, however, a final explanation wh
attention. During the twentieth century, a series
the "contractual" nature of Christian baptism an
biblical "covenant". Consequently the creed has
formula for expressing the public commitment u
with the Trinity in the sacrament of initiation. In
word symbolum is usually interpreted as a synony
"agreement", "promise". This idea, as we will se
convinced supporters among many early ecclesia
Some scholars, such as A. von Stromberg,27
Crehan,29 O. Heggelbacher,30 and H. Kirsten,31 h
contributions which are very useful for an in-dep
aspect of the question, but despite their erudition
perspicacity displayed in their works, they have n
their point of view, which is barely taken into con
bibliography. Nevertheless, we have mentioned t
think that, despite the criticism of various schola
elements that are still valid. Starting out from thi
to resume the path toward working out an explan
adhere satisfactorily to the testimony of the early
4

Symbolum-interrogatio: At the Roots of the Right In


discarded the hypothesis of a direct derivation fr

60
Baptism and Creed in Early

Pier Franco Beatrice Christianity

Kelly, Rufiims, A Commentary on the Apostles' Creed, ACW 20 (New York-Ramsey, NJ 1954), 101-102, n. 8.
26
I
F.X. quote
Murphy, art.the
from "Creed", in of B. Botte,
edition 4 (1967), 432-438, 434. New Catholic Encyclopedia La tradition apostolique d
e Saint Hippolyte. Essai dereconstitution, 5. verb. Aufl. hrsg
27 A.
Feibecker, von Stromberg, Quellen und Forschungen 39 (Münster/W, 1989), 46-50
Liturgiewissenschaftliche Studien zur Theorie und Praxis der

33
ersten See zwei E. Dekkers'Neuemagisterial
Jahrhunderte, Studienarticle,zur "Symbolo
Geschichte der
baptizare", inTheol
H
(Berlin
A. 1913),
van esp. 63-89.
de Bunt and J. Waldram (eds), Fides

28H.J. of P.Carpenter,
honour "Symbolum
Smulders (Assen 1981), 107-112. as a title of the Cr
(1942), 1-11.
34 Cyprian, Ep. 69.7; CCSL 3C, 480: ".„eodem symbolo quo
29J. Crehan,a
baptismi nobis non The
discrepare.
Early Christian Baptism and the Creed A Study in Ante-Nicene Theology, .non esse unam nobis et
Bellarmine Series 13 (London 1950), esp. 96-110.
eandem interrogationem".
30
35 O. Heggelbacher,
Firmilian, 75.10-11 of the Cyprianic corpus; CCSL 3C, 592f.
Ep. Die christliche Taufe als Rechtsakt nach dem Zeugnis der frühen

36 Paradosis 8 (Freiburg/Schweiz
Cyprian,
Christenheit,
73.5.2; 1953), 90-99.
CCSL Ep. 3C, 535: "...trinitatem cuius
SeeH,
31 Kirsten,
Crehan, 108. Die Taufabsage, Eine Untersuchung zu Gestalt und Geschichte der Taufe nach
Early Christian Baptism,

den
3
7
(Berlin
7; CSEL 1959), 9-37.
3/1, 440.
allkirchlichen Taufliturgien
Sent, episc.

61
Pier Franco Beatrice

the truth of the faith confessed by the baptisand. T


formula uttered in the cultic setting of the threefo
At the beginning of the fourth century, the co
with the problem posed by the African practice of
terms which confirm all that has been said so far
identity of the symbolum with the baptismal interrog
is established that African bishops must ask the h
creed ("interrogent eum symbolum") and that he m
if he does not reply to the interrogations with the p
Trinity ("si interrogatus non respondent hanc Trin
same terminology is used in the first canon of the
345/348: "...ad descendentem in aquam et interro
We believe that the linking of symbolum with b
should be the starting point for any reconsideratio
technical term. From the methodological point of
understand the meaning of the word symbolum, we
texts where information is to be found on the stru
interrogations, even though the word symbolum its
particular context. In this way we can be sure tha
symbolum will be given by the Latin terms situated
connection with the description of the triple baptis
interrogation.
Now, as we can observe in a long series of Lat
from the third to the eighth centuries, in the theol
Christianity in the West there was total identificat
interrogation with the "pact" or "promise" of fai
according to Cyprian the symbolum (or sacramentum
baptismal interrogation on the faith in the triune
according to other authors this same interrogation
baptismal "pact of faith" (pactum, pactio, foedus, cau
48
Pier Franco Beatrice

the Trinity.47 Here we shall only mention the most


works of the first Latin theologian;
Faith receives the seal (obsignata) in the Fathe
Spirit, and the confession of faith and the promise
the name of the Trinity.48 In his treatise On the sou
baptismal pact of faith encompasses the previous
makes with the devil, renouncing his pomp and hi
interesting because here, for the first time, the lin
of the devil and the confession of faith is clearly s
41 See the quotation in Fronto, Ep. ad Anton, imp. 1.2: "symbolos".
42 See Apuleius, De Plat, et eius dogm. 2.7: "eorum quae pacta
been the original text. Manuscripts and editors wrongly
(e.g. J. Beaujeu and C. Moreschini).
43 See Pliny the Elder, Hist. nat. 33,4.10.
44 SeePlautus, Pseudolus 1.1.55 and 57; 2.2.53.
"Tertullian, Adv. Marc. 5.1.2; CCSL 1, 664. See A. D'Ales, "Tertullien, Symbolum", Recherchesde Science Re

46 Tertullian, Depaen. 6.12; CCSL 1, 33\,Depudic. 19.20; CCSL 2, 1322.


47 This aspect of Tertullian's thought has been analysed by
Taufsymbols in den Taufvollzug nach den Schriften Tertullians
1", Antike undChristentum 4 (1934), 138-146.
48
De bapt. 6.1-2; CCSL 1, 282.
49
De anima 35.3; ed. J.H. Waszink, Tertulliani de anima (Amst
enim renuntiasse ipsi et pompae et angelis eius...pacti transgressorem..."

confession are only two

48
Pier Franco Beatrice
Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity

distinct, but reciprocally integratin


pact, a single commitment.50
Tertullian also writes elsewhere: "Our setting
and the formal contract (stipulatio) was in heaven"
that in this context the word stipulatio might allude
in the presence of the angels, a commitment is und
stipulated, by means of the answers given to certai
means of an interrogation. This is in fact the usua
stipulatio which Tertullian must have known well. A
and answers connected with the triple immersion o
receives the signet-ring with which he seals the "c
pactionem).53
If we are to judge by his surviving works, Ter
technical term symbolum to designate the pact of fa
comes about in the baptismal interrogation, but he
knows the value of the term sacramentum in its trad
renunciation and confession of faith.54 As F. J. Do
the term sacramentum in this particular context refe
baptismal undertaking may be considered as the e
of initiation during which a soldier accepts on oath
service.55 With baptism, the neophyte becomes a m
against the demonic powers in the service of his tr
It is difficult to decide whether there is an allu
words contesseratio and contesserare. A strong argum
from the fact that the Latin tessera corresponds to

See also Tertullian, De sped. 4.1; CCSL 1, 231; De cor. 3.2-3; CCSL 2, 1042. Dejuga 12.2; CCSL 2, 1150.

the context does not support this interpretation an


debatable. What is certain is that Tertullian, the fir
52 Crehan, Early Christian Baptism, 98, quotes the followin
Pomponius (Dig. 45,1.5,1): "Verborum conceptio quibus
facturumve se quod interrogatus est respondent".
53
De pudic. 9.16; CCSL 2, 1298: "Anulum quoque accipit tun
interrogatus obsignat..."
54 See De idol. 6.1-2; ed. J.H. Waszink and J.C.M
VCSupp. 1 (Leiden-New York-Cologne 1987), 30; and see a
and 13.7; 1062.

50
Pier Franco Beatrice
Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity

60 Ps.-Maximus, Tract, de bapt. 2.1-3; PL 57, 775-778: "Emissa e


vos abrenuntiare...spopondistis...postquam vos credere promisist
sacro fonte demersimus".
61 See among many other texts Sermo 12.3-4; CCSL 103, 5
CCSL 104, 811.
62 See his De rectitudine catholicae conversationis tractatus 2; PL 40, 1169-1170.
63 Isidore, De eccl. off. 2.25,5; PL 83, 821C.
64Hildeph., De cogn. bapt. I l l ; ed. J. Campos, Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, Santos Padres
See Priminius, Scarapsus, 12; ed. G. Jecker, 42f.

50
Pier Franco Beatrice

66 Niceta, Libelli instructionis 5.13; ed, A.E. Burn, Niceta

(Cambridge 1905), 51: "Retínete semper pactum, quod fecistis


symbolum, quod coram angelis et hominibus confitemini".
67 Eucherius, Instruct, 2.15; De graecis nominibus\ CSEL 31, 1
pactum vel conplacitum quod sit homini cum Deo".
Chrysologus has many and very clear expressions in his sermons. See e.g. 57.16; CCSL
pactum"; 58.2 (p. 325): "symbolum, hoc est pactum vitae, salutis placitum et inter vos et Deu
"Fidei pactum, placitum gratiae, salutis symbolum"; 59.2 (p. 331): "symbolum, quod est fid
pactum, hoc salutis placitum, hoc vitae symbolum, hanc fidei cautionem"; 60.2 (p, 336); "plac
61.1 (p. 341) symboli sacramentum"; 61.15 (p. 344): "sacramentum fidei"; and esp. 62.3 (p
venientis continet, vel futuri, symbolum nuncupari contractu etiam docemur humano...Inte
sola fide firmatur".
69 Facundus, Ep. fidei cath. 11; CCSL 90A, 421: "Symbolum itaq
sit homini cum Deo patres noştri catholici doctores interpretări docuerunt".
70 Fulgentius, C. Fabian. An., frag. 36, 1-2; CCSL 91A, 854
(quod Graeco eloquio et pactum solet et collatio nuncupari).
verum pactum veraque collatio, in cuius brevitate totius
consistir.
71 Martinus, De corr, rust. 15-18. See the edition by
bracarensis opera omnia, Papers and Monographs of the America
(New Haven 1950), 196ff.: "Ecce ergo considerate quale pactum cum deo fecistis in baptismo

Patristic era, of the importance of the contractua 66


Pier Franco Beatrice

is rightly interpreted as a synonym of symholum-pa


sense of a collective contribution of the Apostles.
terminology all these writers refer to the promises
interrogation and to the commitments undertaken
renounce Satan and to cling to Christ.

Conservation and Innovation: pactum-signum-collat


What is the historical value of all this, certainly i
documentation? On the one hand, Tertullian can
direct influence on these authors, since he does n
symbolum in connection with baptismal theology. O
of the "pact" to explain the meaning of symbolum
to justify the hypothesis that there may have been
them. This explains why the testimony of these ec
been given its due value until now. As we see it, h
was natural to identify symbolum with pactum^ beca
old interpretation, firmly established in the tradit
We should also consider how the archaic charact
67
Pier Franco Beatrice

1994), édités sous la direction de J.-P. Massaut et M.-E. Henneau, Institut Historique Be
1996), vol. 1, 9-35, esp. 21ff.

68
Baptism and Creed in Early Christianity

Pier Franco Beatrice


pact, in its dual aspect of the abjuratio
profession of faith, came to a crisis and began to b
managing to survive for a certain period of time in
Christian world, while other more or less fanciful
word began to find favour. This occurred essentia
third and fourth centuries, new declaratory creeds
old baptismal interrogations, to which the concept
connected. The declaratory creeds had the same n
content of the baptismal interrogations {symbolum f
basically different. The declaratory creeds, contain
faith, and therefore distinctly separated from the r
developed with the organisation of the pre-baptism
newly converted, and were normally used in the pr
"handing over" and "giving back" of the creed (tra
well as in doctrinal disputes. This profound chang
organisation ended up by obscuring the awareness
the word symbolum^ and at the same time it impose
adequate explanation for the origin, structure and f
creeds, having recourse to the theory of the "passw
to the legend of the collective contribution of the Ap
For Hilary of Poitiers the symbolum is still related to
regeneration,73 since faith in the Trinity is sworn d
interrogations.74 Also the African bishop Optatus o
unequivocally that the verissimum symbolum of the c
vehssimum sacramentum of baptism,75 that is, the sigd
TrinitattsJ1 according to the traditional terminology.
later Ambrose of Milan did not hesitate to introduc

^Devirg. 3.20; PL 16, 237.


80
Expl. 2; CSEL 7 3 , 3 .
81 Rufinus, Exp. symb. 2; CCSL 20, 134.

Augustine, 212.1; PL 38, 1058: "Symbolum autem nuncupatur a similitudine quada


Sermo

73 Hilary, 12.57; CCSL 62A, 627: ".quod in regener


se faciunt mercatores, quo eorum societas pacto fidei teneatur. Et vestra societas est
De Trin.

in Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, professus sum..";


negotiatoribus bonam margaritam quaerentibus",
"secundum regenerationis
Augustine, meae
214; PL 38, symbolum",
1072: "Quod ideo symbolum dicitur, quia ibi nostrae societati
Sermo

74 See
tamquam 14.14;dato
signo CSEL 22, 94; fidelis
christianus
Tract, in Ps 2.4; CSEL 65, 199.
agnoscitur 1'. Ad Const.

84 Augustine,
75 Optatus, 2161,11-12,
2,2; PL 38,SC412,
1077: "Pactum
196f. vobiscum Dominus inchoat".
Sermo donat.
De schism,

76
De schism. 2 8.1 (p. 258).
77
De schism. 2.9.2 (p. 260).
78 Ambrose, De sacr. L2.5-6; CSEL 73, 17f.
54
Pier Franco Beatrice

Pact of Faith and Baptismal Interrogations in the


symbolum, in the Christian meaning of "creed", is
in the third century, in a letter of Cyprian of Cart
translation of a letter of Firmilian of Caesarea. U
know the original Greek word used by Firmilian.
appears for the first time in the seventh canon of
Phrygia (second half of the fourth century),85 but
91 Clement, Strom. 7.15.90.1; SC 428, 274.
92 See for instance P. Pascha, 4.29 in the edition by O. Gu
laPäquer Christianisme antique 2 (Paris 1979), 160; ibid., 39.2
166; SC 157, 254; Contra Celsum 3.51; SC 136, 122.
93 Origen, Exhort, mart. 17; GCS Origenes 1, 16. But see al
7, 105. Excellent commentary on this topic with discussion of te
der Maur and J. Waldram, "IUuminatio Verbi divini-Confes
Glaube und Sakrament in Katechumenat und Taufliturgie
Saeramentum Fideiy 41-95.
See Num. horn. 5.1; GCS Origenes 7, 26: "eorum quae geruntur in baptismo verborum, gestoru
responsionum, quis facile explicet rationem?"
95 See the letter of Dionysius quoted by Eusebius, HE 7.9.2; GCS 9/2, 646.
70

90 See e.g. Aristotle, Politics Γ9, 1280 a.


Pier Franco Beatrice

The first remark that must be made is that, w


uses the singular form συμβολον, in the canon of
is used in the plural σύμβολα. This could justify K
that here the plural does not refer generally to the
declaratory creed, but indicates specifically the ba
interrogation prior to the anointing, and therefore
which heretics must learn in order to answer corr
readmitted into the church.89 But, in whatever wa
the enigmatic expression of the canon of Laodice
85 Greek text in P.P, Joannou, Discipline générale antique

1962), 133 έκμανθάνονταςτά της πνστεως σύμβολα.


86 See Cyril of Alexandria, Ep. a
d monach. 1.5; ACO I, 1,
συμβολον); 55, ACO I, 1, 4, pp. 49ff; C
Ep. Nestor. 1.5; PG 76, 41C.
87 Seee,g Socrates, 3.25; GCS, N.F. 1,226.
HE

u SeethesenteiraofKattenbusc^

das Taufbekenntnis ist {wie m.E. die ganze Sache) der Herkunft nach abendlän
acceptance by Kelly, Vokes and Ritter,
89 Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, 2, 186, thinks that "„.der Plural auf die Abrenuntiation
interesting to note that Hefele-Leciercq, Histoire des conciles 1/2 (Paris 1907), 999, translates: "après
Joannou, Discipline générale, 133, correctly writes: "les symboles de la
foi".
71
Pier Franco Beatrice

symbol or sign,92 we meet the word συνθήκαι (pro


versions), in the plural form like in Clement, to de
pacts made with God at the time of renouncing th
faith during the baptismal immersion (ας έθεντο π
Origen testifies that the baptismal profession of fa
form of questions and answers between the candi
{interrogationum et responsionum),94 and the same is
Alexandria (ερωτήσεις και αποκρίσεις).95 In the t
ascribed to Didymus the Blind, the concept of έπβ
Peter 3:21, is explained as follows: "By pledge is
(ομολογία) of our conscience which we set forth w

72
Pier Franco Beatrice

contract (συντιθέμενοι) to be baptised unto the Fa


Spirit, according to the word of the Lord".96 And C
the declaratory Nicene creed σύμβολον, testifies th
the fifth century, baptismal interrogations were he
παραλήψει του αγίου βαπτίσματος) to which the b
confession of faith to God (της πίστεως όμολογίαν
The expression τΐθεσθαι συνθήκας (normally the o
seems to have been commonly used in the liturgica
church to indicate the complete ritual of the renun
confession of faith in the Trinity.98 There is no rea
specific use of the word συνθήκαι: it had already be
as a synonym of σύμβολα,99 and in late Greek it ca
pact or personal agreement, such as the one sealed
disciples of Ammonius Saccas—Erennius, Plotinu
to the story told by the neo-Platonist Porphyry.100
These observations based on the Alexandrian
the writings of other Greek Fathers. In his treatise
Basil of Caesarea writes that the observation of th
τω βαπτίσματι συνθήκας...φυλάξαντες) allows mo
body, as the Apostle Paul says.101 In the water of b
observe the pacts (συνθήκας κατατιθέμενοι και φυ
Apostle Paul.102 The person receiving baptism und
oath (άπαράβατον δέ συνθήκην κατέθετο), to follo
everything.103 This is the promise (συνεθέμεθα) Ch
are baptised in the death of the

58
Pier Franco Beatrice

96
104
Didymus, 2.14;1240A-B.
234;PG31,
Reg. brev.
PG 39, 716 A. De Trin,

97 Cyril, 15.35; SC 17 bis,


105
De Spir. sancto
and368.8 Infrag.; PG
loh. 74, 49C.
1 See in genera
106 See
Geschichte the der documentation
Liturgie, gathered
insbesondere andder discussed by
Taufliturgie A.
in
8
Judaïsme
Hymnologie (1963), 1-54,
aux
and the Patristica
discussion
abords Sorbonensia
by E.
de
Lanne,6 "La(
l'ère chrétienne,

and
à A.Alexandrie
Penna, "Διαθήκη et e συνθήκη
à nei libri deiin
Rome", Maccabei",
A.M. 46Triacca-A.
(1965), 149-180.
Pistoia Biblica

See Cyril of Jerusalem,


Conférences Saint-Serge.L9; SC 126,
XXV98, Unfortunately,
Semaine the baptismal
d'Études use of the wor
liturgiq
Cat. myst.

into consideration
Liturgicae, Subs. 16in(Rome
J. Ysebaert's important book,
1979), 213-228. Greek Baptismal Terminology. Its Origins and Early Development, Graecitas Chri
Greg.
98 TheNaz.,best
40.8, SC 358, 212.
analysisOr.
of the technical terminology of the baptism
109 See for instance John Chrys., Ad ilium, cat. 2.5; PG 49, 239; 2J7-25; SC 50, 143f ; 3.20 (162
esp. 9-37.
Die Taufabsage,

99 See
See T.M.
the Finn,above in n. 90.
text cited TheLiturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal Instructions of St John Chrysostom, Studies in Christian Antiquity 1 5 (Washi
the10ü
"contractual"
Porphyry, structure of the
3.25 and 29.rite
Onsee
theinmeaning
general H.M. Riley,
of this
Vita Plot. pact see P.F. Beatrice, "Porphyry Christian Initiation. A

Origeniana Quinta, Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 105 (Leuven 1992), 351-
101 Basil, Debapt. 1.2.15; SC 357, 150,
102 Ibid., 1.2.26 (p. 184).
103 Ibid., 2.1.2 (pp. 206ff).

58
Pier Franco Beatrice

of the fifth century the Latin translator of Chrysos


deacon Annianus of Celeda, uses the correspondin
pactiones (for the singular pactum).111 This is a furth
the basic identity of symbolum with pactum (pactio) in
antiquity. Another ecclesiastical writer of the same

116 Theodore, Horn. 12.27. Syriac text and French trans by R.


homélies catéchétiques de Théodore de Mopsueste7 Studi e Testi 1
365.
117 Ibid., 367.
m See the French trans, and commentary by M J . Pierre in SC 349 (Paris 1988), 358-440. 319 A
the recent work by EJ. Christiansen, The Covenant in Judaism & Paul A Study of Ritual Boundaries as Identity Markers, Arbeiten zur Geschic
Urchristentums 27 (Leiden-New York-Cologne 1995). Studies in Christian A
Comparative Study of the Interpretation of the Baptismal Liturgy in the Mystagogical Writings of Cyril of Jerusalem, John Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Ambrose ofMilan,

For
111 In the discussion
SC50, 177f carried out on this topic for instance in so crucial a document as the
l'Evangile
1,2 Cyril, Cat.de Matthieu dans PEpître de Barnabe", in J.-M. Sevrin (éd.),
myst. 2.4; SC 126, 1 1 0 .
The New Testament in Early Christianity. La récep

Ephemeridum
113
Theologicarum
4.2-3;
Cat. ed. Lovaniensium
W.C. 86 (Leuven
Reischl1989), 231-245.
and J. Rup
G. Nedungatt, "The
quae
Covenanters
(Munich
supersuni
of the early
1860; repr. Syriac-speaking
omnia Hildesheimchurch",
1967), vol. 39 (
Orientatia Christiana Periodica

108); 17.34 (vol. 2, 294).


114 Cat 5.12 (1, 148); 18.21 (2, 324) and 32 (2? 334).
115 Cat 5.13(1,150).

60
Pier Franco Beatrice

fifth centuries. Other texts of Syrian origin can pr


the present investigation.

Further Evidence from Syria


The catechetical homilies of Theodore of Mopsues
only in Syriac translation, offer farther evidence t
occupied a central role also in the baptismal ritua
Greek-speaking church. According to Theodore, b
the bishop, the candidates make promises and pac
public professions of faith they solemnly promise t
service and to persevere forever.116 Thanks to the i
they undertake commitments and seal pacts with G
baptismal questions of the creed117.
The baptismal pact is the main subject of the
Persian sage Aphraat. In these two texts, the prob
Christians, called "Sons of the Pact" (bnay qyamd) a
been a long scholarly debate on the meaning of th
60
Pier Franco Beatrice

and obligations of the pact mentioned by Aphraat


the
persons bound in a community to such a pact shou
G. Nedungatt121 thinks that the pact of the Sy
Aphraat represents the eastern counterpart of wha

60
Pier Franco Beatrice

contemporary Greek and Latin sources as the "p


public profession of chastity by monks and virgin
fourth century a canon of the Council of Elvira i
virginitatis,122 and Basil of Caesarea uses in this m
word συνθήκαι with which he designates the bap
context of Aphraat's two Discourses leaves no dou
baptismal setting of the pact of the Syrian ascetic
sacrament of baptismal initiation that only those
are recruited, who are willing to commit themsel

Can. 13; ed. J. Vive


4.
123 Basil, Ep. canon. 2; PG 32, 717A.
124 See the valuable article by T. Jansma, "Aphraates' Demonstrati
observations on the Discourse on Penance", Parole de l'Orient 5 (1974), 21-48.
125 Nedungatt, "The Covenanters", 433-438.
mont, "Le monachisme au sein de l'église en Syrie et en Cappadoce", Studia Monástica 7 (1965), 7-24;
Spiritualité orientale et vie monastique 36 (Abbaye de Bellefontaine 1984), 3-20, 12: "L
127 On the "encratite"
l'accomplissement connection
de l'alliance between
d'Abraham, baptism and
l'engagement chastity see P.F. Beatrice, "A
baptismal".
Jewish-Christian baptist encratism", ANRW 2/26.2, 1232-1275, with the
62bibliography cited
Pier Franco Beatrice

Aphraat is a precious witness to the vitality,


half of the fourth century, of the archaic Judaeo
baptismal pact of faith, which combined the swor
service of spiritual war with the specifically "enc
monastic vow of chastity and poverty. No other a
supply such revealing information as these two D
particular for our theme, Aphraat confirms once
importance the idea of the pact or covenant had i
liturgy, thus enabling us to come to some final co

Conclusion
So far we have developed an analysis of the term
literature in order to understand the link that bin
profession of faith. Our conclusions are markedl
points from the opinions generally held today.
First of all we have seen that the overwhelm
Latin-Christian writers has interpreted the word
"baptismal pact". This interpretation, unlike oth
62
Pier Franco Beatrice

accompanied by interrogations concerning the re


the promise of faith. The commitment, the contra
between the faithful and the Trinity with baptism
Among these, ouvOiiKai is certainly the one that
in the extant sources along with

62
Pier Franco Beatrice

ομολογία, beginning with Clement of Alexandria a


Cappadocian Fathers and John Chrysostom.
However, it is interesting to note that, at least
Laodicea, the word σύμβολα also appears. Thanks
it may be rightly claimed that this term, too, was us
Greek-speaking Christians, at least in Phrygia and
express the notion of the baptismal pacts of faith,
promises. In fact, σύμβολον (-α) sounds like a very
local, peripheral tradition of Asia Minor, and still
century. I would be inclined to think that σύμβολο
Greek word used in the third century by Firmilian
Cyprian of Carthage to define the pact which the c
Trinity during the baptismal interrogation. If this
both the letter of Firmilian, the bishop of Caesarea
canon of the Council of Laodicea in Phrygia give
existence of the word σύμβολον (-α) and of its use i

81
Pier Franco Beatrice

the word σύμβολα, used only in some regions of As


same success as its Latin equivalent: to designate
Alexandrian rival συνθήκαι had the upper hand, a
the presence of diyatiqi as a synonym of qyama in th
would lead us to believe that the Greek word διαθή
the writings of Basil of Caesarea and Cyril of Jeru
played an important role in the development of the
covenant in early Christianity.

I have treated several aspects of the general problem of the relationship of "western" d
traditions of Asia Minor in a series of articles whose list is to be found in P.F. Beatrice, "As
Christian writers", 1, 211-228.
PSEC

82
Section 2: Prayer and Spirituality L
fa
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
John A. McGuckin

irctofl φυλακή τήρει σήν καρδία ν* έκ γαρ τούτων έξοδοι <χ>τ (Prov. 4:23) ζ \ς.

PART ONE: Biblical Archetypes


Introduction
The concept of a doctrine of prayer tells much about the theology of the
person articulating it. It is the purest Christian expression of theology and,
historically speaking, one of the rare examples of a non-controversial
theology. Almost all of the Patristic dogmatic formulations from antiquity
were, after all, beaten out in the heat of strong confrontations and show the
signs of innumerable scorch marks. Liturgical theology and the early
church's doctrine of prayer are almost unique in not having much of a
generating context of controversy propelling them into print. But in so far as
the doctrine of prayer tells much about theology, it also speaks volumes
about the active concept of the human being, which it cannot fail to lay bare
as it unfolds itself Theologically speaking this is an irresistible aspect of the
extrapolation of the concept of prayer: it lays out the topography of the soul.
For such reasons we see Christian anthropology being advanced
immeasurably in the deep attention given to the doctrine and praxis of
prayer. Christology and the early church's theology of prayer are, in fact, the
twin loci where the concept of the individual person's hypostatic
reality—what we today take for granted as the fundamental concept of
individual psychological consciousness—were worked out in antiquity,
laboriously, under the eye of God. It is instructive, if this strikes one as a
highly remarkable thing, to consider that Greek Christian thought did not
have a clear semantic of personhood until the late fourth and early fifth
centuries.1 Anthropological presuppositions are so central to the architecture
of the church's approach to prayer that, as we begin to consider the notion of
the "prayer of the heart" which was so profoundly influential in early
Patristic, high Byzantine, and modern Orthodox spiritual praxis, we can
make no clearer start than to consider the pre-eminent place the heart is
given in the biblical literature. Early Christian schools of prayer, however
Cf. J.A. McGuckin, St. Cyril of Alexandria and the Christological Controversy (Leiden
1994), 138-216 passim; M. Richard, "L'introduction du mot 'hypostase* dans la théologie de
laincarnations\ Mélanges de Science Religieuse 2 (1945), 5-32, 243-270; M. Nédoncelle,
Prosopon et persona dans l'antiquité classique'*, Revue de Sciences Religieuses 22 (1948), 277-299.
2 Evagrius of Pontus (345-399); cf. M. Villier, "Évagre", DictSpir 2 (Paris 1953), 1775-1785. Texts in trans, in J.E. Bamberger, Evagrius

Ponticus: Praktikos & Chapters on Prayer,


The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
much a Platonic form of anthropology may have influenced them (and
Evagrius 2 may be taken as a supreme example of such an
John A. McGuckin

intellectualist influence that led him to posit the


significant of the spiritual intelligence), never ab
allegiance to biblical forms, and it was those bibl
constantly invigorated Christian philosophy and
especially the Psalms, were repeated countless tim
services of the ancient church, thus entering into
the early monks who used the texts to reform and
imaginations and spiritual aspirations. Even with
tradition of the early Greek Fathers, the intellect
to the human Nous the supreme role as locus of t
blatantly divided from the biblical anthropology a
have supposed to be the case. There are two reas
n the first place, although early Greek thought certa
role of the inner self, restricting its use of heart i
general passionate or emotional life of a person3
choices a person might commit to), even so in the
most influenced the early Christians, the Symposi
demonstrates the small beginnings of a semantic
(καρδία) with soul (ψυχή),4 showing at least the
between Platonic and Christian anthropologies o
the Stoics, who influenced Christian moral thoug
of heart had already begun to be used as the cen
reason, the source from which feeling and moral
which were similar to the biblical texts when they
choice rising from the inner heart. What both the
wholly lacked,6 however, was that central biblica
human being as a sacred locus: the inner place w
under the eye of God.
In the second place, the same trend of sem
observed, almost in a reverse motion, leading to a
intellectual and psychological traditions, in the G
Cistercian Studies Series 4 (Kalamazoo 1972, 1989), containing Admonachos and Treatise on Prayer;

Philokalia, vol. 1 (London 1979), 29-71 (On Asceticism; On Discrimination, and Chapters on Prayer).

3 Cf. J . Behm, "Kardia among the Greeks", 3, 608-609, TDNT

4
Symposium 218a; Republic 6, 492c; Timaeusy 100a. Texts in Behm, "Kardia", 608.
5 Such a concept is attributed to Chrysippus, and found explicitly in Diogenes of
Diogenes Laertes. Cf. Behm, "Kardia", 609.
6 Behm, 609, n.7, notes that the correlation of KcepSut with religious sentiment is t
Hellenistic period. 70
il
The Psalms and wisdom apophthegms pres
same doctrine, more relevant for the doctrine of
7Rarely does it connote νους, reflecting the general principle that the biblical
represent the sense of a spiritual intelligence under the eye of God: the creature s
recognise its own deep reality in its own spiritual scrutiny of the self, from which arise
to the divine—in essence what the Patristic and Byzantine tradition exemplifies thr
theology. 8 Prov. 19:8; Job 34:10; 1 Kgs 3:12; Prov. 18:15. *Jer, 11:20; Is. 10:7; I Kgs 8

monks were to assimilate from their constant rec


from this part of scripture. The Lord knows the se
44:21). He sees that humans find their deepest se
23:7) which has a depth that can cause wonderm
also that humans work wickedness in their hearts
heart a creature can resist God nakedly the root
10:3,6), and such rebels God rejects because of t
heart (Ps. 101:4-5). God is close to those whose h
(repentant) (Ps. 34:18). He is the friend of those w
in him (Ps. 112:8), for such establishment sets th
number of the servants of the living God, though
wither and become fixed in opposition to God, an
hardened his heart shall fall (Prov. 28:14).

The New Testament Theology of the Heart


The New Testament usage in regard to the huma
Testament trends to a further pitch. Even more s
Greek translations, the central thrust of the New
the heart as the supreme symbol of the inner spir
of energy in a human being. The anthropology r
dynamically concrete. This is true even of Paul, w
Christian adoption of the more common Hellenis
trichotomous anthropology.10 Paul speaks of the h
"inmost self, the inner person longing for salvati
evangelical doctrine reaffirms that the heart is th
ΙΓνεΟμα, Ψυχή, Σίρξ-Σώμα. The anthropology witnessed in the Qumran texts, esp
spirit-body dualism.
11 Mk 7:21; Matt. 12:34; Jn 12:40; Lk. 1:51; 2:35; 9:47; 24:25,38; Acts 7:23; 8:22; Heb
12 Jn 13:2; 1 Cor. 4:5; 7:37; 2 Cor. 9:7; Acts 5:3; 11:23; Col. 4:8; Eph. 6:22; Rev. 17:1
13 Matt. 13:15,19; 18:35; Mk 7:21; 12:30; Lk. 70 8:15; 16:15;
8:27; 10:9f; 1 Thess. 2:4;
il
Gal. 4:6; 2 Cor. 1:22; Heb. 8:10; 10:16,22; 2 Peter 1:19; R
It is true that in certain spiritual schools, p
by Origenian and Evagrian metaphysics, and cul
attempted suppression of the two former teachers
body of writings attributed to Dionysius the Areo
terminology often preferred in the Greek Fathers
intellective ascent to the inconceivable Godhead.
general terms, it cannot be forgotten that Origen
Platonic influence on Christian spirituality also
intellectualism by a heartfelt Jesus mysticism wh
generations of monastics, and Evagrius himself s
heart in his work. In two of his most engaging w
Praktikos and the Admonition, he repeats much of w
prayer of the heart wanted to affirm, although hi
weakened by the metaphysical conception of esca
so-called "Noetic tradition" of Origen, Evagrius
wider Christian tradition never displaced (or eve
biblical conception of the attentiveness of the hea
Noetic ascent, and that of the heart becoming aw
drawn from the deep wells of biblical doctrine on
the Lord to creatures, and were ultimately to bec
and transmitted in the Byzantine synthesis of the
occurred after the tenth century, a synthesis that
operative in the fifth- and sixth-century spiritual
Syrian traditions.
This fundamentally grounded and dynami
ought to be noted from the outset, however, for w
Christian doctrine of the prayer of the heart open
as comparable (certainly not reducible) to the lat
praying with the heart, meaning "affective praye
as a lower stage of spiritual development than pu
simply not this and, moreover, is deeply opposed
many of the theological suppositions of this more
we must state that neither is it reducible (as is oft
modern Orthodox writings about the prayer of th
Prayer, though the tradition of the Jesus Prayer
overall schema of the prayer of the heart, where
(prayer—μονολογιστώς) repeated with attentiven
method of returning to the consciousness of the h
dwells patiently within it, other to us.

70
il
scale. The ancient Egyptian liturgy of burial wrap
with the mummy, to ensure Osiris' favourable ju
synonymity of the heart with the soul in Egyptian

Behold the deceased in this hal


double truth. His heart has been weig
in the balance, in the presence of the g
spirits,
the very lords of Hades, and it has

14 Hymn to Amen Ra, in A.M. Di Nola, (London 1962), 226-227.


The Prayers of Man

15 Egyptian Burial Liturgy, in Di Nola,


The Prayers of Man, 235.

70
il
John A. McGuckin
T

The Christian Teachers of Egypt


This Egyptian anthropology, that had points in common16 with the biblical doctrin
positive cultural basis for the development of the spiritual teaching on the prayer of
early Egyptian Christian ascetics. The focus in the earliest levels of the desert teache
tradition approaches it in two ways: first (and most commonly) the monk must guard
that arise; and secondly (in a few masters) the heart once purified becomes an altar of
of the desert tradition the doctrine of the heart is thus predominantly "Niptic": that is
restraining passions from entering into the sanctum of that spiritual awareness. The V

A brother asked an old man saying: "What thing is there so good th


said to him: "God alone knows what is good. And yet, I have heard
great Abba Nistero, who was a friend to the Abba Antony. And this
16 The generic Egyptian anthropology conceived the human being
body)—the immortal part of a life given by the gods; Ba (the so
and depended on it for existence; Khu (the spiritual intelligence);
life force, the empathetic and moral centre; Sekhem (the virile
the soul); Ren (the name of a man); and Khat (the material b
form that increasingly came to be simplified to the Hellenisti
soul and spirit. Cf. E.A. Wallis Budge, Egyptian Religion (Lon
167. 76
1
7
The Sayings of the Fathers, Vitae Patrum 5 . 1 . 1 1 . Cf. H. Waddell, The Desert Fathers

(London 1936), 80.


John A. McGuckin
T

In his Letters, Antony refers to the heart solely in terms of heartfelt repent
demonstrates how fully the biblical anthropology is still operative. The heart is the c
focal point of the spiritual intelligence. The heart that is pure is both the sanctum and th

I want you to know, my children, that 1 cease not to pray to God for
the eyes of your hearts, to see the many hidden malignities which th
time. I want God to give you a heart of knowledge and a spirit of di
hearts as a pure sacrifice before the
Father, in great holiness and without blemish.21

Otherwise, we find here in the Antonine Letters the basic terms of soul, body, a
For Ammonas,22 the seeking of the Lord with the whole heart is
such a prayer of the heart that brings down the spiritual blessings of God to make the v
abundantly:

I write to you as to those who love God and seek Him with all yo
will listen to such when

76
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition

John A. McGuckin

^
they pray, and will bless them in all thin
requests of their soul when they entreat H
come to Him with all their heart, and are
perform their works so as to be glorified
these will not be listened to by God in an
God gives them none of the requests tha
rather resists them. For they do not then
superficially. Therefore, the divine powe
but they are diseased hi all their works, i
hand to. For this reason they have not k
nor its freedom from care, nor its joy, bu
down with a load in all their works. The
generation are such. They have not rece
fattens the soul, prepares it to rejoice, an
gladness which makes the heart fervent

Only in the purified heart can the great mysteries

Night and day I pray that the power of G


and reveal to you the great mysteries of th
easy for me to utter with the tongue, beca
not of this world, and are not revealed sa
purified their hearts from every defileme

Ammonas advises his disciples how the eager hear


but God will test it with aridity soon afterwards so
complete. To those who persevere, God returns in
Ammonas' point is more than simply to state the n
development; he is insisting on the absolute neces
the heart from state to state, not just to wait passiv
another aspect of his doctrine that heartfelt prayer

You must know that in the beginning of


spiritual life, the Holy Spirit gives people
he sees then-

94
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition

John A. McGuckin
literature that discourses on the natu
tradition does not arise in the corporate environm
Apophthegmata represents. It belongs more to the fo
masters, composing specific treatises on prayer fo
immediate communities of disciples. This is partic

25 Letters of Ammonas 9; trans. Chitty, 1 1 .

The Pachomian Koinonia, 3 vols, English trans. T.A. Veilleux (Kalamazoo 1980-1982).
The Sayings of the Fathers. Alphabetical Collection^ English trans. B. Ward (London 1975), 230.

95
John A. McGuckin
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition

exemplars of the new form of prayer tr


Diadochus, Dorotheus and ps.-Macarius.
Even so, the first of all the Christian practices of p
desert tradition was the repetition of the Psalms. T
biblical
anthropology they taught, thus inevitably passed d
bloodstream of the desert. Pachomius' congregatio
of
Psalms and corresponding prayers each day. The
verses
for meditation which the monks could repeat as in
physical
labour which was also prescribed as a fundamenta
Repetitive
manual tasks, which soon required little direct con
methods
of calming the restlessness of the body and the min
that
were also repeated many hundreds of times came t
μονολογιστώς. The purpose of such phrases was to
spiritual
consciousness, to direct its attention to God. From
manner of
praying μονολογιστώς was associated with profou
(προσοχή).
Sheneudi of Athribe, the Master of the White
Upper Egypt, demonstrates this remarkably28 in th
to the Origenian doctrine that prayer could only b
never to the Son. To refute this, he teaches his follo
of the invocation of the name of Jesus, which is to
the divine name:

Be praised Ο God, you and your blessed


with yours is one and the same in the mo
against.. .this new ungodliness.29
When entering the house say: God!
and when leaving say: Jesus!
When resting say: God!
and when rising say: Jesus!
96
John A. McGuckin
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition

to make the point more precisely

The texts have been published by T. Orlandi and are cited in A. Grillmeier,
30
Christ in Christian Tradition

29 Le. Origenism in the desert during the time of Theophilus and Cyril of Alexandria,
Text in Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition 2/4, 186. 31 Ibid., 186.

97
John À. McGuckin T

and the increasingly literary formalisation of the doctrine of prayers—a process in w


by John of Sinai stands at the head.
So, for example, we find in the Life of the sixth-century Abba Philemon th
as (again) primarily a Niptic method. The text tells us that a certain monk called Joh

And clasping his feet said to him: "What must I do to be saved


wanders here and there where it ought not to go." After a short s
sickness suffered by those who are externalists. It remains in you b
this moment the fire of the love and knowledge of God has not yet ris
"Then what shall I do?" The Abba said to him: "Go now and pra
cleanse your mind of its sickness." The brother did not understand
"What is this secret meditation Abba?" "Go," he told him again, "pre
fear and trembling, repeat in your mind: Lord Jesus Christ have m
Diadochus32 prescribed for beginners."33

32 Diadochus of Photice in Epirus, The Chapters On Spiritual Kno

Philokalia,vol. 1, 251-296.
33 Life of Abba Philemon, excerpted in K . Ware (ed.), The Art of Prayer^ 16-11.

34 A brief introduction to his life is given in E.P.


98
Sayings (Kalamazoo 1977). Opera in PG 88, 1617-1838.
John À. McGuckin T

very alarmed by the sight of him. When his prayer was


finished he turned and came towards me, and as he drew
nearer to me I felt my pain and dread passing away.
Then he stood in front of me and, stretching out his
hand, touched me on the breast and tapped my chest with
his fingers saying the words of the Psalm: I waited. I
waited on the Lord and he stooped down to me; he heard
my cry. He drew me from the deadly pit, from the miry
clay. He set my feet upon a rock and made my footsteps
firm. He put a new song into my mouth—praise of our
God. (Ps. 40.1-2) He repeated all these verses three .
times, tapping me on the chest as I have said...Then he
departed. And immediately light flooded my mind and
there was joy in my heart, with comfort and sweetness. I
was a different man. I ran out after him hoping to find
him but I could not. He had vanished. From that moment
on by God's providence, I have not known myself to be
troubled by fear or sorrow, for the Lord has sheltered me
up till this moment through the prayers of the old men. 35

99
John A. McGuckin T

themselves, but will constantly guide them


divine will If someone really sets their hea
will enlighten a little child to tell such a p
if a person does not truly desire the will o
go to search out a prophet, God would pu
prophet a deception similar to that which
man's own deceiving heart.36

John Climacus, the seventh-century higoumenos o


biblically holistic sense of the heart perfectly, subo
standard trichotomous psychology to it, when he in
called you with my whole heart, says the psalmist,
and spirit".37 For John, withdrawal into the heart
attention on prayer, the concentration that brings
36 Dorotheus of Gaza, Discourse 5, On the Need to Consult; trans. Wheeler, 129.
37 Ps. 118:145; John Climacus, The Ladder of Divine Ascent 28;
1959; Boston 1991), 220.
38 John Climacus, 7.15; trans. Moore, 72.
The Ladder,

39 John Climacus, 7.55; trans. Moore, 78.


The Ladder,

4(1 A pun on the similarity of eAeoc; and z X a w v ; John Climacus, The Ladder 7.64; trans. Moore, 79.
84
John A. McGuckin T

th
John Climacus with the doctrine of the heart, but
change, for it is the selfsame Egyptian Niptic doctr
intellect, such as we find classically in Evagrius or
Scetis, Isaiah the Solitary,42 that is at issue, simply
terminology now in operation. Hesychius makes a
the attentiveness of the heart with the tradition of
particularly the Jesus prayer.43 For this eason he h
but his doctrine of the heart represents little more
manner in which the Evagrian Noetic tradition ha
softened, probably by the impact of the Syrian teac
For Hesychius, the heart is synonymous with the s
centrally important issue is spiritual attentiveness

Attentiveness is the stillness (hesychia) o


heart, unbroken by any thought. In this s
the heart breathes and invokes, endlessly
without ceasing, only Jesus Christ, who i
84
John A. McGuckin T

os. ttudes et Melanges, vol. 1 (Chevetogne 1963). f On Guarding the Intellect: 27 texts; Philokalia7 vol. 1, 21-28. Th
purification the heart for Hesychius. Cf. On iatchfulness and Holiness 122; Phiiokalia, vol. 1, 183; ibid., 174; Philok

luminous purity: ibid,, 196; Philokalia, vol. 1, 197. ^ Hesychius of Sinai, On Watchfulness and Holiness 5; Philokalia

As in On Watchfulness and Holiness 193: "Purification of heart, through which we acquire •humility and e
simply in our not letting evil oughts enter the soul"; Philokalia, vol.1, 196.

84
John A. McGuckin

103
Index
Because every thought enters the heart in
of a mental image of some sensible objec
blessed light of the divinity will illumine
only when the heart is completely empty
everything and so free from all form. In
light reveals itself to the pure intellect in
measure to which the intellect is purged
of all concepts.47

The heart that is so guarded from extraneous wan


spiritual condition, such as it was at baptism, and
fire of contemplation. The "natural" condition of
the redeemed creature who is given a capacity to r
of God whenever the heart (that is the spiritual in

The heart which is constantly guarded, a


the forms, images and fantasies of the d
conditioned by nature to give birth from
that are filled with light For just as a co
flame lights a candle, so will God, who f
within our heart, kindle our mind to con
it free from the winds of evil and protect
the intellect.48

The Sinaitic tradition, then, does represent a fulle


doctrine of the heart than can be seen in the earli
desert teachings. It has moved from merely a Nipt
concept of the heart as the place of divine, and lum
has undoubtedly been influenced by the currents
Syrian writers, particularly those of the later fourt
had now become a veritable international freight o
the whole early Byzantine Christian polity. It is to
shall soon turn, but before doing so it is necessary
his own person, and certainly in his doctrine, prov
4
7
On Watchfulness and Holiness 89; Philokaiia, vol. 1, 177.
vol. 1, 180. Hesy 48
On Watchfulness and Holiness 104, Philofcatia,

heart will be taught by the Presence: l£When the h


perceive the heights and depths of knowledge; and
104
hear marvellous things from
Index
deception, the remembrance of evil has,
were, become like a habit. The heart con
most of its evil thoughts as a result of the
of the demons. But we feel that these evil
arise from the heart itself, and for this re
some people have

Works in English trans, in Philokalia^ vol. 1, 251-296.


inferred that sin dwells in the intellect along with grace; this is be

Having saved the taxonomy of the spiritual life from this Messalian deviation Di
Syrian doctrine on the necessity to experience directly the workings of God in the
sensation of God firmly within the heart, and advances the spiritual taxonomy of th
perception, with an inner fixity that i s given by its turning to the Lord, and an o
external sensations and related more closely to the passions. The heart of one who ha
turned away.

The reason why we have both good and wicked thoughts together is not, as
devil dwell together in our intellect, but because we have not yet consciously experien
before, grace at first conceals its presence in those who have been baptised, waiting to
whole person has turned towards the Lord, then grace reveals to the heart its prese
express; once again waiting to see which way the soul inclines.. It allows the arrows of

105

S-ar putea să vă placă și