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Plates
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations
Introduction
Opening Address
Placid SpearrittOSB
Vllt
Plates
Margaret Manion
12. Beginning of St Matthew's Gospel for the Feast of Christmas, Lindisfarne Gospels,
c. 698 ^
13. Communion of the Apostles (middle and lower tiers), Rossano Gospels, sixth
century; Last Supper (upper left), Rossano Gospels, sixth century; Last Supper
(upper right), S, Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna, early sixth century
Felicity Harley
XII
10
Acknowledgements
The papers in this volume constitute a selection of the offerings presented at the second
international conference on Prayer and Spirituality in the Early Church, which was held
in Sydney in January 1999 under the auspices of the Centre for Early Christian Studies,
Australian Catholic University. The conference itself was made possible through the
generosity of the following sponsors: Australian Catholic University, the Antiochian
Orthodox Church in Australia, the Armenian Apostolic Church (Diocese of Australia and
New Zealand), the Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, the Australian Province
of the Society of Jesus, the Benedictine Union of Australia, the Centre for Christian
Spirituality, Randwick (Sydney), Christ Church St Laurence (Sydney), the Coptic
Orthodox Church in Australia, the Ecumenical Council of New South Wales,, the
Institute for Spiritual studies, St Peter's Church, Eastern Hill (Melbourne), the Italian
Institute of Culture (Sydney), and the Université degli Studi Firenze.
The editors of this volume gratefully acknowledge the financial support which the
Jeremy Flynn Trust provided to cover publication costs, and wish to express their
gratitude in particular to Christopher and Paula Flynn for their additional moral
encouragement. Thanks are also due to the international scholars who agreed to referee
the papers submitted for publication, to Bronwen Neil for copy-editing assistance, and to
Peter White for the cover design. Pamela Ackroyd had an indispensible role in preparing
fee camera-ready copy, and was a devoted L
l"
I
,
3 I.
I
h
i
Introduction
+
The papers gathered in this second volume of Prayer and Spirituality in the Early
Church once again reflect the international and ecumenical character of the triennial
conference from which the series takes its name. Once again too they demonstrate the
enduring value of the early church to the current movement towards increased communio
between the different branches of Christianity and to contemporary spiritual and
ecclesiastical life.
Here the overarching theme is continuity—continuity between the past and the
present, as exemplified in the paper by Mary Marrocco which closes the volume;
continuity between the present, past and future, as is so cleverly argued in Dom Placid
Spearitt's opening address. The theme of continuity runs through many of the other
papers as well David Runia and Kevin Coyle demonstrate the significance of the
pre-Christian past for early church models of spirituality and prayer, while John
McGuckin digs back even into Egyptian pharaonic spirituality to illustrate the
persistence of the notion of the prayer of the heart. The continuity between Greek
philosophy and early Christian theology, particularly neoplatonism, is exemplified in a
large number of papers (e.g. Osborn, Kato, Neil, Demura, Hallman). In a more concrete
way Joan Barclay Lloyd points to the desire for continuity with the early church
expressed by a particular mediaeval pope in his attempt at architectural reform.
The blurred boundaries between Christianity, Judaism and paganism, and
between various forms of Christianity is another theme that weaves its way throughout,
Christine Trevett highlights this in her provocative look at fourth-century Phrygian
Christianity. Al Baker also develops this theme in his examination of the evidence for a
mainstream secret oral tradition within the early church in Alexandria. On the other
hand, Geoffrey Dunn demonstrates how an early apologist, exploiting the full arsenal of
the classical rhetorical tradition (another continuity), was at pains to establish the
discontinuity between the early Christians and their Jewish past. The influence of an
assumed common Hellenistic background is further drawn out by Angelo Casanova in
his examination of the literary echoes in the poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus.
The link between liturgy and spirituality is another theme that is developed within
this volume. Pier Franco Beatrice's foundational paper on liturgical theology as it relates
to baptism reverses current thought regarding the flow of ideas between East and West.
Examination of the eastern interpretation of the Thomas story by Andrew Hamilton
likewise invites us to re-examine the understanding the eucharist. The papers by Felicity
Harley and Margaret Manion
Introduction
point to the connection between liturgy, the arts and priv
As in any collection of papers where the contents
the far greater number offered at a large and broadrangin
which they have been gathered are necessarily somewha
intended to provide no more than a simple framework wi
of the volume. They by no means reflect the contents of
number of the papers fit equally well within another or s
1
G. Bolton, A Fine Country to Starve in, rev. edn (Perth
1994).
xx
Placid Spearritt
OSB
3
1 think I am right in saying that the 1983 Code2of Canon L
sin", though the Catechism of the Catholic Church (1994)
Placid Spearritt
OSB
to add that I may be wrong, and that I will respect the hon
integrity of those many people who would disagree with
anonymous Christians, which they might justifiably find o
to consider two questions. Firstly, are they also willing
Secondly, is there not in all human beings a yearning, a
most basic drive for physiological survival, a desire that
4
The Cloud of Unknowing^ ch.
34.
6
Section 1 : The Foundations
L
The Pre-Christian Origins of Early Christian Spirituality
D.T. Runia
Introduction
When the early Christians first began to develop a distinctive spirituality of their own,
they claimed that they were singing a "new song". Of course they recognised that it was
not new in an absolute sense. This is apparent even in the formulation of the claim itself
The phrase "new song" was in fact not new at all: it was taken over from the opening
lines of Psalm 96 just cited (and also those of Psalm 98 and 149): But new wine was
being poured into old bottles. And, they affirmed, it was new not only in relation to the
heritage of Israel, but also in "I
relation to the dominant Hellenic culture that surrounded them on all sides.
The theme of this paper is the pre-Christian antecedents of early Christian
spirituality. Some care is required in formulating this theme. If we speak of "pre-r
Christian origins", it is implied that some kind of causal relation must be involved. We
should be aware, then, that we run the risk of giving the impression that Christian
spirituality was derived from its antecedents in Hellenism and Judaism. But if, on the
other hand, one speaks of the "pre-Christian background", it might be thought that we are
dealing with no more than a setting or backdrop with no real influence on what actually
happened on the stage itself The course of my paper will make clear why I made the
choice that is indicated in my title. What I certainly do not wish to say is that the
foundations of Christian spirituality are located iu the two great traditions that I will be
focusing on. Early Christian spirituality cannot be reduced to its antecedents. This will
become quite clear as we proceed.
The Pre-Christian Origins of Early Christian Spirituality
My argument falls into three parts. I shall commence with a brief examination of
the spirituality of the Greek philosophical tradition. Thereafter the focus will move to the
phenomenon of Greek-speaking Judaism, often known as
DX Runia
26
D.T. Runia
Literature.12
29
D.T. Ruràa
30
D.T. Ruràa
l6
PhiIon Quis rerum divinarum heres sit, 153 (my translation
17
For Winston's views on Philonic spirituality see Logos an
Alexandria (Cincinatti 1985), esp. ch. 3, and "Philo and the
(ed), Jewish Spirituality from the Bible through the Middle A
Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest 13 (New York
18
1 am here paraphrasing Winston's position as presente
life" 226,
As I already hinted at earlier, Philo is not an
accounts for his relative lack of popularity. Few sch
difficult question of the relation between the Jewish
There is the further question of how we should under
flights of his language, Philo's mysticism, as interprete
without influence on the Fathers. One thinks in parti
Nyssa.20 But the more general influence that Philo and
early Christian thought occurred at a somewhat less rar
Greek (and particularly Platonic) terminology and con
often by means of an extensive use of the allegorical
striking example from Philo's Exposition of the Law:
31
D.T. Ruràa
32
D.T. Rimia
35
D.T. Rimia
37
D.T. Runia
Conclusion
At the outset of my paper I drew attention to a disti
backdrop, which provides a setting for something tha
something, involving some kind of causal relation. As
already indicates a decision on my part. I hope that I
grounds for that decision. Both Greek philosophy and H
38
Dans l'étude de la prière chez les anciens no
Quand ils parlent de Voratio, quel sens pré
prière vocale, la méditation, l'union à Dieu, l
défini. Le contexte seul peut nous le révéler
39
J Kevin Coyle
What
Was
'Pray
er"fo
r
Early
Christ
ians?
Church, a pattern begins to emerge. Out of thi
can move toward a tentative articulation
theological understanding of Christian pr
activity by which a disciple of the Lord, w
through him, seeks God in faith, intercedes
hope, experiences and communes with God
filled with the Spirit of Jesus, reaches out in
service to others.4
Whence?
Early Christians did not live in a cultural vacuum. Conve
Christians were—would have brought to their new relig
gleaned from a former religious affiliation, if they had ha
what prayer was for early Christians, we need to relat
prayer to the world around them. That world was for
Empire and Hellenistic culture. Christianity did not
practices so much as select from or re-invent those o
vocabulary shaped by pagan Greek (and later, Latin)6 u
reshaped through adaptation by Hellenised Jews. In thi
with its verbal cognates, the most frequent term for invo
4
A. Cunningham, Prayer Personal and Liturgical, Message of
(Wilmington, Del. 1985), 3.
5
Beginning with the Praktikos of Evagrius Ponticus. On early m
To Pray and to Love: Conversations on Prayer with the Early Chu
As for other areas of their experience, when Latin Christians s
prayer, they either Latinised Greek Christian terminology (eg.,
tenns (preces), or revived words which had fallen into disuse (o
26
usage of euxo|iai5 euxif, 7DAT2,775,
J Kevin Coyle
What
Was
'Pray
er"fo
r
Early
Christ
ians?
omission in the requisite formulae, nullified the ritual or
all over again.10 This resulted in the careful conservati
archaic, and the absolute silence of the assembly, who
stand, with heads covered and minds concentrated, wh
tasks. All of this was meant to guarantee the right atmosp
effectiveness.11 More, pagan prayer tended to treat its d
"un corps de spécialistes" responsible for specific eve
prayer was usually approached on a patron/client (do ut
26
J. Kevin Coyle
comme
J, Kevin Coyle
12.2.
idolis
" Tertull
represents a notable contrast with the pagan no
to a deity with whom an intimate relationsh
representative of Christian thought can Clemen
aside
more the
generic: nature
ομιλία of the God in question, and
προς τον θεόν.
allows
G.
46
for it elsewhere—takes no account of g
Bardy, La vie spirituelle d'après les Pères des trois premiers
vol.
context 2 (Tournai
where 1968), 42 (referring
the concern to Clement,
is "true gnosticism" 7,7.45 Strom.
46
J. Kevin Coyle
47
J. Kevin Coyle
191. The latter believes that this reflects later insights rather t
concludes (69): "Sehen wir von diesem unsichem Zeugnis aus dem
giebt es schlechterdings kein Wort des Herrn, in welchem er die
Gebete an seine Person zu richten. Sämtliche Ermahnungen zum
zum Vater im Himmel". On later prayer "in the name" see ibid.,
Aszese und Mystik in der Väterzeit: ein Abriß der frühchristli
54
64 GCS 3, 297^03
On prayer =PGChrist
through 11, 416-561.
in Pail's view, see Harder, 173-187, Paulus,
55 CSEL Philadelphia^
6ί Ignatius, 3,267-294 10,1. = PL 4, 519-544. On Cyprian's treatise (an elab
der66Goltz, 282- 287,21,28;
Tertullian, and Simpson,
CCSL 1, 127, 140-143: "Dicimus et pal am dicimus et vobis to
Das Gebet,
Apologeîicum
T
h
e Interpretation, 22-2%.
56 H. colimus
'Deum Greeven, "Prayer Ilium
per Christum'. in the NT*,putate, per
hominem 804.
eumOn prayeret coli
se cognosci to deus
thevolu
d TDNT2,
pagans
er see also
15.1; GCS Hamman,
3, 333, 26-27: μή"Priere chretienne",
ouôevi 1233-1237.
των γεννητών προσ^υχτέον έστιν ουδέ αύτω τω Χρισ
noxe
58 See Greeven, "Prayer in the NT", 804; and Simpson, The Interpretation, 93-96.
48
59 Simpson, The Interpretation, 113.
J. Kevin Coyle
Prayer to Jesus
Does Jesus figure as anything more than the mod
prayer? "Carmen Christo dicere quasi deo secum
Christians brought to his notice while he governe
Pontus and Bithynia (early second century): "the
to (or: as though he were) a god".60 That was Plin
with which he had no previous acquaintance. But
49
L
J. Kevin Coyle What Was "Prayer" for
Early Christians?
69
Horn, in Gen. Horn, in Exod. Horn, in Is.
74 Ignatius, 1. Smyrnaeans
Early Christians?
from early liturgies. On prayer in acts of martyrs see also von Severus, "Gebet 1196- V \
51
J. Kevin Coyle
38
J. Kevin Coyle
spiritu ipsius iam tunc, cum ex ore divino ferretur, animata suo privilegio ascendit in cae
unum sumus".
SeeSee
84 Simpson,
Hamman, "La138-141.
prière chrétienne51, 1227.
TheInterpretation,
38
J. Kevin Coy le
Conclusion
From the foregoing, some traits of early Christian
55
J. Kevin Coy le
J1
Simpson, T
h , 111-112,
e Interpretation
91 Tertullian, De oratione 29.2-4; CCSL 1, 274, 21-38: "Eadem diluit d
extinguit, pusillanimes consolatur, magnánimos oblectat, peregrinantes deducit, fluctus
regit divites, lapsos erigit, cadentes suspendit, stantes continet...Orant etiam angeli omnes,
genua déclinant et egredientes de stabulis ac speluncis ad caelum non otioso ore suspiciu
tunc exurgentes eriguntur ad caelum et alarum crucem pro manibus expandunt et dicu
amplius de officio orationis? Etiam ipse dominus oravit, cui sit honor et virtus in saecula sa
56
Pier Franco Beatrice
Symbolum Fidei: Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity
with different motivations, in order to reveal what has rightly been defined "a baffling mystery", may be summed up
as follows.
1. One explanation which has attracted a fair number of followers is based on the comparative method of the history of
religions. Put forward for the first time by P. King in the early eighteenth century,3 this interpretation found convinced supporters
between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in German-speaking scholars such as F. Nitzch,4 M. Dibelius,5 A. Dieterich,6 and W.
Muri.7 According to these scholars, the Christian word symbolum derives from the terminology of the pagan mysteries of the
Graeco-Roman world.
1 For a general and well documented introduction to the question see J. De Ghellinck, Patristique et moyen âge. Etudes d'histoire littéraire et doctrinale, vol. 1: Les recherches sur les origines
du Symbole des Apôtres (Gembloux-Brussels 1949, 2nd edn), and the two very acute articles by P. Smulders, "Some riddles in the Apostles1 Creed",
Bijdragen. Tijdschrift voor Filosofie en Theologie 31 (1970), 234-260, and "Some riddles in the Apostles' Creed, II. Creeds and Rules of Faith", Bijdragen 32 (1971),
350-366.
2 J.N.D. Kelly, Early Christian Creeds (London 1972, 3Td edn), 58.
P. King, The History of the Apostles' Creed with Critical Observations on its Several Articles (London 1702). The work was translated into Latin under the title Hisioria symboli apostolici (Leipzig 1706)
F. Nitzch, "Ueber den Ursprung der Bezeichnung des Taufbekenntnisses und der übrigen Bekenntnisse als Symbole", Zeitschrift für Theologie und
919 Clement
Ambrose, 2.15.3; ed. Μ.
2-3; CSEL 73,Marcovich,
3f
Protr.
Expl. Symb.
dementis Alexandria Protrepticus, VC Supp. 34 (Leiden-New York-Co
10
20 Arnobius,
Rufinus, 2; CCSL 20,5.26;
Expos. Symb. Adv. 134f. nat. CSEL 4, 198: "ipsa denique symb
21 Cassian, 6.3; CSEL 17, 328.
acceptionibus respondetis". De incarn.
Priminius,
11 Firmicus, See the edition by18,1;
G. Jecker,ed.
Scarapsus, 10.
De err. prof. rel. R. Turcan Beiträge
(Pariszur Geschi
Die Heimat des hl. Pirmin des Apostels der Alamannen,
1982),
Benediktinerordens,
quibus se Hea 13 vel
signis (Münster/W. 1927),symbolis
quibus 41. in ipsis superstitioni
eral F. Kauenbusch, vol. 2; Verbreitung und Bedeutung (Leipzi
cognoscat". See also 21.1; 22.1; 26.1.
Das apostolische Symbol, des Taufsymbols
12 H. Kraft,
See, "Das Apostolicum.
for example, Apuleius, Das apostolische
55; Clement, Symbol", in 27)
2.18.1 (p. P. Meinhold
and 2.22.5(ed.),
(p. 32).
Apol. Protr.
Studien zur Bekenntnisbild
Europäische
13 Rufinus,Geschichte
Expos.Mainz, Bd. 103 (Wiesbaden
Symb. 2; CCSL 1980),
20,16-29, 27ff. An interesting
134f.
Maximus, Horn. 83; PL 57, 433 A-B: "signaculum symboli".
44
Pier Franco Beatrice
44
Baptism and Creed in Early
60
Baptism and Creed in Early
Kelly, Rufiims, A Commentary on the Apostles' Creed, ACW 20 (New York-Ramsey, NJ 1954), 101-102, n. 8.
26
I
F.X. quote
Murphy, art.the
from "Creed", in of B. Botte,
edition 4 (1967), 432-438, 434. New Catholic Encyclopedia La tradition apostolique d
e Saint Hippolyte. Essai dereconstitution, 5. verb. Aufl. hrsg
27 A.
Feibecker, von Stromberg, Quellen und Forschungen 39 (Münster/W, 1989), 46-50
Liturgiewissenschaftliche Studien zur Theorie und Praxis der
33
ersten See zwei E. Dekkers'Neuemagisterial
Jahrhunderte, Studienarticle,zur "Symbolo
Geschichte der
baptizare", inTheol
H
(Berlin
A. 1913),
van esp. 63-89.
de Bunt and J. Waldram (eds), Fides
28H.J. of P.Carpenter,
honour "Symbolum
Smulders (Assen 1981), 107-112. as a title of the Cr
(1942), 1-11.
34 Cyprian, Ep. 69.7; CCSL 3C, 480: ".„eodem symbolo quo
29J. Crehan,a
baptismi nobis non The
discrepare.
Early Christian Baptism and the Creed A Study in Ante-Nicene Theology, .non esse unam nobis et
Bellarmine Series 13 (London 1950), esp. 96-110.
eandem interrogationem".
30
35 O. Heggelbacher,
Firmilian, 75.10-11 of the Cyprianic corpus; CCSL 3C, 592f.
Ep. Die christliche Taufe als Rechtsakt nach dem Zeugnis der frühen
36 Paradosis 8 (Freiburg/Schweiz
Cyprian,
Christenheit,
73.5.2; 1953), 90-99.
CCSL Ep. 3C, 535: "...trinitatem cuius
SeeH,
31 Kirsten,
Crehan, 108. Die Taufabsage, Eine Untersuchung zu Gestalt und Geschichte der Taufe nach
Early Christian Baptism,
den
3
7
(Berlin
7; CSEL 1959), 9-37.
3/1, 440.
allkirchlichen Taufliturgien
Sent, episc.
61
Pier Franco Beatrice
48
Pier Franco Beatrice
Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity
See also Tertullian, De sped. 4.1; CCSL 1, 231; De cor. 3.2-3; CCSL 2, 1042. Dejuga 12.2; CCSL 2, 1150.
50
Pier Franco Beatrice
Baptism and Creed in Early
Christianity
50
Pier Franco Beatrice
1994), édités sous la direction de J.-P. Massaut et M.-E. Henneau, Institut Historique Be
1996), vol. 1, 9-35, esp. 21ff.
68
Baptism and Creed in Early Christianity
74 See
tamquam 14.14;dato
signo CSEL 22, 94; fidelis
christianus
Tract, in Ps 2.4; CSEL 65, 199.
agnoscitur 1'. Ad Const.
84 Augustine,
75 Optatus, 2161,11-12,
2,2; PL 38,SC412,
1077: "Pactum
196f. vobiscum Dominus inchoat".
Sermo donat.
De schism,
76
De schism. 2 8.1 (p. 258).
77
De schism. 2.9.2 (p. 260).
78 Ambrose, De sacr. L2.5-6; CSEL 73, 17f.
54
Pier Franco Beatrice
u SeethesenteiraofKattenbusc^
das Taufbekenntnis ist {wie m.E. die ganze Sache) der Herkunft nach abendlän
acceptance by Kelly, Vokes and Ritter,
89 Kattenbusch, Das apostolische Symbol, 2, 186, thinks that "„.der Plural auf die Abrenuntiation
interesting to note that Hefele-Leciercq, Histoire des conciles 1/2 (Paris 1907), 999, translates: "après
Joannou, Discipline générale, 133, correctly writes: "les symboles de la
foi".
71
Pier Franco Beatrice
72
Pier Franco Beatrice
58
Pier Franco Beatrice
96
104
Didymus, 2.14;1240A-B.
234;PG31,
Reg. brev.
PG 39, 716 A. De Trin,
and
à A.Alexandrie
Penna, "Διαθήκη et e συνθήκη
à nei libri deiin
Rome", Maccabei",
A.M. 46Triacca-A.
(1965), 149-180.
Pistoia Biblica
into consideration
Liturgicae, Subs. 16in(Rome
J. Ysebaert's important book,
1979), 213-228. Greek Baptismal Terminology. Its Origins and Early Development, Graecitas Chri
Greg.
98 TheNaz.,best
40.8, SC 358, 212.
analysisOr.
of the technical terminology of the baptism
109 See for instance John Chrys., Ad ilium, cat. 2.5; PG 49, 239; 2J7-25; SC 50, 143f ; 3.20 (162
esp. 9-37.
Die Taufabsage,
99 See
See T.M.
the Finn,above in n. 90.
text cited TheLiturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal Instructions of St John Chrysostom, Studies in Christian Antiquity 1 5 (Washi
the10ü
"contractual"
Porphyry, structure of the
3.25 and 29.rite
Onsee
theinmeaning
general H.M. Riley,
of this
Vita Plot. pact see P.F. Beatrice, "Porphyry Christian Initiation. A
Origeniana Quinta, Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 105 (Leuven 1992), 351-
101 Basil, Debapt. 1.2.15; SC 357, 150,
102 Ibid., 1.2.26 (p. 184).
103 Ibid., 2.1.2 (pp. 206ff).
58
Pier Franco Beatrice
For
111 In the discussion
SC50, 177f carried out on this topic for instance in so crucial a document as the
l'Evangile
1,2 Cyril, Cat.de Matthieu dans PEpître de Barnabe", in J.-M. Sevrin (éd.),
myst. 2.4; SC 126, 1 1 0 .
The New Testament in Early Christianity. La récep
Ephemeridum
113
Theologicarum
4.2-3;
Cat. ed. Lovaniensium
W.C. 86 (Leuven
Reischl1989), 231-245.
and J. Rup
G. Nedungatt, "The
quae
Covenanters
(Munich
supersuni
of the early
1860; repr. Syriac-speaking
omnia Hildesheimchurch",
1967), vol. 39 (
Orientatia Christiana Periodica
60
Pier Franco Beatrice
60
Pier Franco Beatrice
Conclusion
So far we have developed an analysis of the term
literature in order to understand the link that bin
profession of faith. Our conclusions are markedl
points from the opinions generally held today.
First of all we have seen that the overwhelm
Latin-Christian writers has interpreted the word
"baptismal pact". This interpretation, unlike oth
62
Pier Franco Beatrice
62
Pier Franco Beatrice
81
Pier Franco Beatrice
I have treated several aspects of the general problem of the relationship of "western" d
traditions of Asia Minor in a series of articles whose list is to be found in P.F. Beatrice, "As
Christian writers", 1, 211-228.
PSEC
82
Section 2: Prayer and Spirituality L
fa
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
John A. McGuckin
irctofl φυλακή τήρει σήν καρδία ν* έκ γαρ τούτων έξοδοι <χ>τ (Prov. 4:23) ζ \ς.
Philokalia, vol. 1 (London 1979), 29-71 (On Asceticism; On Discrimination, and Chapters on Prayer).
4
Symposium 218a; Republic 6, 492c; Timaeusy 100a. Texts in Behm, "Kardia", 608.
5 Such a concept is attributed to Chrysippus, and found explicitly in Diogenes of
Diogenes Laertes. Cf. Behm, "Kardia", 609.
6 Behm, 609, n.7, notes that the correlation of KcepSut with religious sentiment is t
Hellenistic period. 70
il
The Psalms and wisdom apophthegms pres
same doctrine, more relevant for the doctrine of
7Rarely does it connote νους, reflecting the general principle that the biblical
represent the sense of a spiritual intelligence under the eye of God: the creature s
recognise its own deep reality in its own spiritual scrutiny of the self, from which arise
to the divine—in essence what the Patristic and Byzantine tradition exemplifies thr
theology. 8 Prov. 19:8; Job 34:10; 1 Kgs 3:12; Prov. 18:15. *Jer, 11:20; Is. 10:7; I Kgs 8
70
il
scale. The ancient Egyptian liturgy of burial wrap
with the mummy, to ensure Osiris' favourable ju
synonymity of the heart with the soul in Egyptian
70
il
John A. McGuckin
T
In his Letters, Antony refers to the heart solely in terms of heartfelt repent
demonstrates how fully the biblical anthropology is still operative. The heart is the c
focal point of the spiritual intelligence. The heart that is pure is both the sanctum and th
I want you to know, my children, that 1 cease not to pray to God for
the eyes of your hearts, to see the many hidden malignities which th
time. I want God to give you a heart of knowledge and a spirit of di
hearts as a pure sacrifice before the
Father, in great holiness and without blemish.21
Otherwise, we find here in the Antonine Letters the basic terms of soul, body, a
For Ammonas,22 the seeking of the Lord with the whole heart is
such a prayer of the heart that brings down the spiritual blessings of God to make the v
abundantly:
I write to you as to those who love God and seek Him with all yo
will listen to such when
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The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
John A. McGuckin
^
they pray, and will bless them in all thin
requests of their soul when they entreat H
come to Him with all their heart, and are
perform their works so as to be glorified
these will not be listened to by God in an
God gives them none of the requests tha
rather resists them. For they do not then
superficially. Therefore, the divine powe
but they are diseased hi all their works, i
hand to. For this reason they have not k
nor its freedom from care, nor its joy, bu
down with a load in all their works. The
generation are such. They have not rece
fattens the soul, prepares it to rejoice, an
gladness which makes the heart fervent
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The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
John A. McGuckin
literature that discourses on the natu
tradition does not arise in the corporate environm
Apophthegmata represents. It belongs more to the fo
masters, composing specific treatises on prayer fo
immediate communities of disciples. This is partic
The Pachomian Koinonia, 3 vols, English trans. T.A. Veilleux (Kalamazoo 1980-1982).
The Sayings of the Fathers. Alphabetical Collection^ English trans. B. Ward (London 1975), 230.
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John A. McGuckin
The Prayer of the Heart in Patristic and Early Byzantine Tradition
The texts have been published by T. Orlandi and are cited in A. Grillmeier,
30
Christ in Christian Tradition
29 Le. Origenism in the desert during the time of Theophilus and Cyril of Alexandria,
Text in Grillmeier, Christ in Christian Tradition 2/4, 186. 31 Ibid., 186.
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John À. McGuckin T
Philokalia,vol. 1, 251-296.
33 Life of Abba Philemon, excerpted in K . Ware (ed.), The Art of Prayer^ 16-11.
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John A. McGuckin T
4(1 A pun on the similarity of eAeoc; and z X a w v ; John Climacus, The Ladder 7.64; trans. Moore, 79.
84
John A. McGuckin T
th
John Climacus with the doctrine of the heart, but
change, for it is the selfsame Egyptian Niptic doctr
intellect, such as we find classically in Evagrius or
Scetis, Isaiah the Solitary,42 that is at issue, simply
terminology now in operation. Hesychius makes a
the attentiveness of the heart with the tradition of
particularly the Jesus prayer.43 For this eason he h
but his doctrine of the heart represents little more
manner in which the Evagrian Noetic tradition ha
softened, probably by the impact of the Syrian teac
For Hesychius, the heart is synonymous with the s
centrally important issue is spiritual attentiveness
os. ttudes et Melanges, vol. 1 (Chevetogne 1963). f On Guarding the Intellect: 27 texts; Philokalia7 vol. 1, 21-28. Th
purification the heart for Hesychius. Cf. On iatchfulness and Holiness 122; Phiiokalia, vol. 1, 183; ibid., 174; Philok
luminous purity: ibid,, 196; Philokalia, vol. 1, 197. ^ Hesychius of Sinai, On Watchfulness and Holiness 5; Philokalia
As in On Watchfulness and Holiness 193: "Purification of heart, through which we acquire •humility and e
simply in our not letting evil oughts enter the soul"; Philokalia, vol.1, 196.
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John A. McGuckin
103
Index
Because every thought enters the heart in
of a mental image of some sensible objec
blessed light of the divinity will illumine
only when the heart is completely empty
everything and so free from all form. In
light reveals itself to the pure intellect in
measure to which the intellect is purged
of all concepts.47
Having saved the taxonomy of the spiritual life from this Messalian deviation Di
Syrian doctrine on the necessity to experience directly the workings of God in the
sensation of God firmly within the heart, and advances the spiritual taxonomy of th
perception, with an inner fixity that i s given by its turning to the Lord, and an o
external sensations and related more closely to the passions. The heart of one who ha
turned away.
The reason why we have both good and wicked thoughts together is not, as
devil dwell together in our intellect, but because we have not yet consciously experien
before, grace at first conceals its presence in those who have been baptised, waiting to
whole person has turned towards the Lord, then grace reveals to the heart its prese
express; once again waiting to see which way the soul inclines.. It allows the arrows of
105