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kept Southeast Asian states divided and thus make it difficult for them to present a
united front to China. China’s actions are intimidating and thus place regional states
under duress in negotiating a South China Sea Code of Conduct.
China’s actions are also designed to curtail external maritime powers and other
members of the international community from intervening on behalf of littoral
states.
Slowly but surely China is establishing hegemony over the South China Sea because
ASEAN is divided and China has put pressure on Southeast Asian states not to
cooperate with “countries outside the region.”
3. Given the unreasonable claims and illegal Chinese militarization in the South China
Sea, how should ASEAN respond?
ANSWER: ASEAN members should adopt a collective response to China’s actions and
enlist the support of the international community to protect their sovereign rights in
the South China Sea. But internal divisions in ASEAN have prevented its members
from reaching consensus and forming a united front.
ASEAN and China negotiated for seven years (2004-2011) to adopt the Guidelines to
Implement the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. When
negotiations concluded China succeeded in getting ASEAN to drop its insistence that
ASEAN member states form a common position first before negotiating with China.
This was a strategic mistake as ASEAN lost its best bargaining chip.
4. The concept of a free and open Indo-Pacific region to the United States. And how
China's artificial island building and militarization affect the US' Indian Pacific
strategy?
ANSWER: China’s construction and militarization of seven artificial islands in the
Spratly archipelago predated the U.S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy. In
effect, China presented the United States with a fait accompli. China can dominate
the sea lanes in the South China Sea with its advance weaponry on its artificial
islands. These islands now serve as forward operating bases for the China Coast
Guard, Maritime Militia and fishing fleet so they can remain on station indefinitely in
the Spratly islands.
The U.S. FOIP is basically a loose arrangement with Japan, Australia and to a lesser
extent India. While these countries assist regional states in training, capacity building
and maritime domain awareness, they are not formal treaty allies. In other words,
China’s grey zone strategy is largely unopposed.
The U.S. FOIP also offers alternate sources of funding for quality infrastructure and
seeks to rival China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Japan and Australia have contributed
funding to this initiative.
The U.S. Departments of State and Defense will continue to pursue a FOIP strategy
but they are handicapped by President Donald Trump’s unpredictability and his
inability to think and act strategically. Neither President Trump nor Secretary of
State Mike Pompeo showed up in Bangkok for the 4 November round of ASEAN and
related summits. This undercut the East Asian Summit as a leaders’ led forum. And
seven ASEAN states chose to downgrade their representation at the ASEAN-United
3
States Summit when the U.S. was represented by its National Security Adviser and
Secretary of Commerce.
Vietnam, as ASEAN Chair, faces the unenviable task of obtaining consensus from
ASEAN members on how to respond to Trump’s invitation to host a special U.S.-
ASEAN Summit in the first half of next year.
Suggested citation: Carlyle A. Thayer, “South China Sea: China’s Grey Zone Tactics and
ASEAN,” Thayer Consultancy Background Brief, November 13, 2019. All background
briefs are posted on Scribd.com (search for Thayer). To remove yourself from the
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Thayer Consultancy provides political analysis of current regional security issues and
other research support to selected clients. Thayer Consultancy was officially
registered as a small business in Australia in 2002.