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Literacy and Primary Education

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Kowsar P. Chowdhury
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February 1995
HROWP 50
Literacy and Primary Education

by
KowsarP. Chowdhury
 I would like to thank Faraaz Siddiqifor his initialhelp in conductingresearch and producing the accompanying
graphics. Olivia Lankcesterconducted research, provded useful feedback and edited a late version of the paper.
She also contributed subtntally to te section on the importance of adult education. Finally, this study could not
have matinlizd without tbe guidance, comments and support received from George Psacharopoulos.
 Abstract

Literacy rates represent the most telling indicatorof a country's educationalstatus. The core
of mass public education, and hence the staring place for literacy for most of the world's
population, is primary education. However, a large number of countries have yet to ensure
universal primary education, and educationalsystemswith high enrollment are oftenplagued by
high dropout rates.

This paper reviews the literacy status of developing countries, illustrating the extent of
differences across such social lines as gender, region and age groups. The paper argues why
it is necessary to eradicate illiteracy. It also reviews the causes of illteracy and necessary
measures to eradicateilliteracy. Finally, the paper suggeststhe necessaryroles governmentsand
donor agencies can play in eradicating illiteracy in developing counties. Since the formal
primary education system is one of the chief means of increasing literacy, this paper focuses on
the interrelationshipsbetween literacyand primary education,and suggestsappropriatemeasures
to overcome the problems at the primary level. However, it also looks at adult literacy training,
both as a means of reinforcing educationalinvestmentsin the "next generation" and enhancing
the productivity and well-being of the cunrent adult population.
 Contents

The Definition of Literacy . ...................................... 1

The Status of Literacy in DevelopingCountries .......................... 1

Rationale for Elninating lliteracy .................................. 5

Causes of Illiteracy ............................................ 7

Determinants of Low Enrollment and Wastage .......................... 9

Measures to Improve the Enrollment and Retention Rates .................... 11

Increasing the Demand for Schooling ................................ 13

Financing of Primary Education.1................................. 15

The Importance of Adult Education in Tackling Literacy Problems .............. 16

Whatcan be done? ................ 19

1.....9.....

Bibliography ... 20
 Literacyrates representthe mosttellingindicatorof a country'seducationalstatus.There is clear
evidencethat literacyraises the productivityandearningpotentialof a population,and improvesthe
qualityof life. Yet, in mostdevelopingcountriesilliteracyis an endemicproblem. More than half
the populationin Sub-SaharanAfrica and SouthAsia is withoutany literacyskills.

The core of mass public education,and hence the startingplace for literacyfor most of the
world's population,is primaryeducation. However,a large numberof countrieshave yet to ensure
universalprimaryeducation,and educationalsystemswithhigh enrollmentare oftenplaguedby high
dropout rates.

This paper will review the literacy status of developingcountries, illustratingthe extent of
differencesacross such social lines as gender, region and age groups. It asks: why is it necessary
to eradicateilliteracy? What are the causes of illiteracy? Whatmeasuresshouldbe taken to save
the futuregenerationfrom illiteracy?Finally,whatis the role of the governmentanddonor agencies
in eradicatingilliteracyin developingcountries? Sincethe formalprimary educationsystemis one
of the chief meansof increasingliteracy,this paperfocuseson the interrelationshipsbetweenliteracy
and primary education,and suggestsappropriatemeasuresto overcomethe problemsat the primary
level. However,it also looksat adultliteracy training,both as a means of reinforcingeducational
investmentsin the "nextgeneration"and enhancingthe productivityand well-beingof the current
adult population.

The Definition of Literacy

Definitionsof literacyhave varied over time and continueto evolvetoday. Literacyis seen by
many as a neutral and tchnical skill, analogousto typing or wordprocessing. However, the
technicistapproachhas been challengedby thosewho proposea broaderand moreexplicitlypolitical
definition. This school of sociologistsand educators reject the notion that literacy is a fixed,
measurableachievementor competenceand propose a more relativisticconcept. KennethLevine
(1990),for example, arguesthat literacyshouldbe seen as a amltiplicityor hierarchyof literacies,
and Graff (1979) makes the point that literacy requirementsvary among different socioeconomic
groups, regions and communities. Scribnerand Cole (1981)have definedliteracy a set of socially
organizedpractices, reproducedand disse-minatedby a symbolsystem. The Brazilianeducator,
Paulo F-riere,has developedthe most explicitlypoliticaldefinitionof literacy. He sees literacyas
a process of "conscienfization'which involves "reading the world" rater tan just reading the
'word" (Friere and Macedo 1987).

The use of differentdefinitionsof literacymakes it difficultto measurethe numberof literates

in the world. Unesco's current methodsand measurementsare widely criticized as too narrow,
based on the limiteddefinitionof a literate person as someonewho can "read and write a simple
statementon his or her everyday life" (Unesco 1993a:24).' However, due to the lack of other
global data on the subject,we chose to use Unescoestimatesin this paper.

The Status of Literacy in DevelopingCountries

There has been tremendousprogress made in the spread of literacy in developingcountries,

especiallyin the last ten years. The global illiteracyrate was closeto 40 percentin 1970compared
to only a quarter of the world's populationin 1990. In developingcountries, illiteac rates

' For a moreelaboratediscussionon problemsin collectinglitaery statistics,see Wagner(1992).

 2
decreasedfrom over 50 percent in 1970to 35 percentin 1990. It is projectedthat by the year 2000,
the illiteracyrates in developingcountrieswill drop finher to 28 percent (Unesco 1990).

Thoughthis progressis commendable,not all regionsshow suchimpressiveimprovement. The

situationis most critical in developingcountries. More than half the populationin Sub-Saharan
Africa and South Asia are without any literacy skills whatsoever. Almost 48.7 percent of the
populationin Arab Stateswas illiterate. In the least developedcountriesas a whole, the illiteracy
rate was 77.5 percent in 1990(Unesco 1990and 1993a). Moreover, the total number of illiterate
adults is still increasingin sub-SabaranAfrica, the Arab Statesand South Asia. Only 9 out of the
39 sub-SaharanAfricancountriesexperienceda declinein their numberduringthe 1980s,compared
to 14 out of 27 countries in Asia and 19 out of 22 countriesin Latin Americaand the Caribbean
(UNESCO 1993a).

In addition,literacyrates differacross suchsociallines as gender,region and age. For example,

Figure 1 demonstratesthat illiteracyrates are higher for each subsequentcohorts. In other words,
the younger the age cohort, the more literates there are. The improvedlitra rates amom the
ounnr age-gogmsis an indicationof considerableadvancesin the provisionof urimar schooliw
in develonint countriesin recent years. High iitercy rates among age cohort 25 and above is an
illustrationof lower accessto primary educationin the past.

FIgure 1: Progress in Literacy per Age Group, DevelopingCoumtries

so

PuSUiats1

1970 im~~~~99 20S0

W5-w.i-B-2asa -"-u.s -mta.

 3
Figure2

Femalelliteracy Rateper Cohort

Dwmophuwow -190

..........................................

0 ...........

1519 2044 SIt 154

Ap Usf ofCan

flflpMi amas. -USA *Aa ml.

*LAC +Em
a ml
Sane: UNESCO
Imel

MaleIllteracyRateper Cohort
Dlopg Ubid - 190

-40 .................

A UmLiofCS..!
mrsm
SWwDoaphig coma.I -gma -*fl wa
t WLAC +Em *6-teNo
-Drn uuc nu=
 4
Figure 2 illustratesthe differencesin illiteracyrates for differentregionsin developingcountries
by age cohort and by gender. The greater slope of the male graph compared to female graph
indicates the differentialeffect of education across gender lines. This means that, despite the
improvementof girls' accessto primaryeducation,inequalityin primary schoolprovisionfor girls
still persists. For example,in 1988on average girls were 13 percentagepoints behind boys. The
gender gap in primary enrollmentwas wide, especiallyin SouthAsia, Sub-SaharanAfrica, and the
Middle East and North Africa (Chowdhury1993).

Illiteracyrates in rural areas are consistentlyhigher than in urban areas (see Table 1). The gap
between urban and rural areas was highest in Pakistn and followed by Nepal (29 percent) and
United Republicof Tanzania(28 percent). In addition, gender and region may interactto induce
even worse effects. Table 1 shows that rural females lag far behind their urban counterpart in
literacy skills.

Table 1: Illiteracy Rates by Region and Gender, Selected Countries

IlliteracyRates(percent)
Country,Region(year) BothSexes Females
UnitedRepublicof Tanzania(1978)
Urban 29.9 45.5
Rural 57.9 72.2
Urban/RuralGap 28.0 26.7
Benin(1979)
Urban 69.0 80-0
Rural 93.2 97.2
Urban/RuralGap 24.2 17.2
Afghanistan(1979)
Urban 62.5 79.2
Rural 85.3 97.8
Urban/RuralGap 22.8 18.6
Bangladesh(1981)
Urban 51.8 65.9
Rural 74.5 84.7
Urban/RuralGar, 22.7 18.8
Nepal(1981)
Urban 52.6 67.0
Rural 81.3 92.4
Urban/RuralGap 28.7 25.4
Paldstan(1981)
Urban 52.6 64.1
Rural 83.2 93.4
Urban/RuralGap 30.6 29.3
Source:UNESCO1993b.
 5

The above analysisis an indicationtat prmay shool enrollmentshave a profoundimpacton

adult literacy. Figure3 showsthe percentageof adultilliterates,and projectsthe adultliteracystaus
if: (i) the current downturnin schoolenrollmentcontinue; and (ii) universalprinary educationis
realized by the year 2000. This figure displaysthe powerfullinkagesbetweenlow prima shool
enrollmentsand adult illiteracy.

Figure 3: Number and Percentageof Adult IllIterates, 1950-1985

and Projecdon to 2M25in Dewloping Countries

1100 .7.:,: . .- _ 0%

090 ~~~800
16 .. 70 S4
1980 8NU020 0%
4~~~~I

8700 40U%OIW,n

7600to two d asse

t
50 :: 06 S20 1%6

400 0%
1950 1960 1970 1980 Bs 1990 2000 2010 2020 25
Year

Notes: PopWaStoB estimatesand projectioins:

UN PopulationDivision
Literacyestimates:UNESCO
Literacyprojections:basedon currentenrollmentestinmaeprovidedby UNESCOandprojected
accordingto the two assumptionsdescribedabove.

Rationale for lIminang literacy

The social and economic benefits of literacy are well recognized by governments and
policymaks. Yet, manydevelopingcounties have failed to ensureuiversal prmay education-
the key meansof increasingLiteracy.This sectiondealsbrieflywiththe economicand socialbenefits
for investing in literacy trining through primary education. It shouldbe noted, however, that
socioeconomicreturns aside, primary education has long been acceptedas a human right, and
therefore, an end in itself.
 6
A substantialbody of evidence indicatesthat literacy increasesthe productivityand earning
potential of a population.' An educatedpersonearns more and has greater labormobility. Studies
of the costs and benefits of schooling,using formal sector earnings as a measure of benefits,
consistentlyindicatetat averagerates of return to educationare high in comparisonwith returns to
expendituresin other sectors, and that they are highest for primary schooling. These results hold
for both social and private rates of return (Psacharopoulos1993). While economic policies are
crucial in expandingemploymentopportunities,educationprovidesindividualswith the abilityto take
advantageof such opportunities.

Recentevidencefrom East Asia indicatesthat by far the singlelargestdeterminantof economic

growth for eight East Asian economies was primary education (World Bank 1993). This is
confirmedby evidencefrom anotherstudy(Barro 1991). For example, in Koreain 1960, primary
school enrollment,at 94 percent, was muchhigher than expectedgiventhe country's incomelevel.
This enrollmentrate was associatedover the next 25 years with a growthrate 1.4 higher per annum
than it otherwisewouldhave been. This added up to per capita incomes30-40percenthigher than
they would have been if primary schoolenrollmenthad been lower in 1960.

As well as yieldinghigher productivityin the formal sectors, educationalso increasesfarmer

productivity. Evidence from 13 low-incomecountries shows that 4 years of -chooling were
associatedwith increasedfarm output of about 8 percent, after holdingland, capitaland labor-time
constant(Lockheedet al. 1980). Studieshave shownthat in Malaysia,Ghanaand Peru, on average
one additionalyear of schoolingis associatedwith an annualincrease in output of between2 and 5
percent, ting into account farm size, inputs, hours worked and other factors. Similarly, in
Thaiand, farmers withfour years of schoolingwere three times more likelyto adoptnew fertilizers
and other puts an farmers with one to tbree years of schooling(World Bank 1991). This is
attributed to the fact that better-educatedfarmers absorb new informationquickly and are more
innovative.

Educationnot only has high economicreturns, it also generatesnon-marketbenefits. Literate

peopleare more aware of their health and nutritionstatusand likelyto take the advantageof social
servicesavailablefor them. This may, in turn, reduce child and mortalityrates. For example, a
researchproject based at theAlexandraHealthClinicin SouthAfricadiscovereda strongcorrelation
between women's literacy and commitmentto the immunizationof their children (Bown 1990).
Reports from the Health Educationand AdultEducation(HEAL) project in Nepal show that neo-
literate women were more likely to use oral rehydrationsolution (Smith 1994). Evidence also
confirms tbat educatedwomenalso have fewer children(Cochrane1979).

Parental educationalso plays a large role in determiningchildren's schoolingand employment.

Parents who are educatedare more likelyto understandthe importanceof schoolingfrom their own
personal experienceand are more likely to send their children to school. For example, research
found that parental education,especiallya mother's education, was an important detrminant of

2 Researchinto the socioeconomic impactof literaqcis troubledby the complexnate of cumsality.It canmot
necessaily be concludedthata beneficialoutcomeof literacytraining,suchas higherearningsor reducedfertlity,
is causedby the acuisition of literacyper se, sincethe schoolattendanceis undoubtedlyaccompanied by other
persona changesand communitychanges. However,in almostall cases,we can presumethat literacyis closely
correlatedwiththe outcome. For morediscussionon thisissuesee Bown(1990).
 7
schoolenrollmentin Philippinehouseholds(Kingand Lillard 1987). Further, a study in Nepalfound
that literate women were more likely to help their children with their homeworkthan non-literate
women (Bown 1990). Educated mothersalso provide positive reinforcementof their daughters'
educationaland occupationalaspirations (Bach et al. 1985). Literacy also inutils a sense of
empowernment to those who hold it.

The spread of literacy has, therefore,emerged as a major factor in economic and social
development. In fact, dLe linkages between education, health and nutrition are mutual and
complementary.The stronglinkagesbetweeneducation,health,nutritionand reducedfertilityresult
in synergies,whichcan transformviciouscycles of poverty,illiteracy,malnutritionand disease into
virtuouscyclesof learningand healti, equity and sustainabledevelopment.

Causes of Uliteracy

The quesdon is that despitethe vast educationaladvancesof the last three decades, why do a
large number of people remain illiterate? While the causes of low literacy rates are many, the
immediatecause is the low levels of enrollhent and retentionat the primary level.

Of the 540 million primnaryschool-agechildrenin developingcountriesin 1990,24 percent still

were not enrolled in school. Tremendousexpansionof primary schoolenroDmentrates has been
made in all regionsof the developingworld. However,in sub-SaharanAfrica, althoughby 1990the
situationhad improvedfrom 1960, the absolute numberand the relative share of the unschooled
increasedin the last decade (see Table 2)

Table 2: Out-of School Chidren, Aged 6-11 (perent)

1960 1980 1990
Region All?? Female AU Female All Female
DevelopingCountries 52 62 31 38 24 29
Sub-SaharanAfrica 75 82 43 49 50 54
Arab States 61 72 33 43 24 31
LatinAmerica 42 43 17 18 13 1J
East Asia 47 56 25 30 14 16
SouthAsia 56 71 40 53 27 28
Source: UNESCO1993c.

Moreover, gross enrollmentratios at the primary level tend to mask the high absenteeism,
repetitionand dropout as well as low attainmentrates amongchildren. To attain literacy, it is not
only importantfor a child to enroll in school, but it is also neessary to complete a full cycle of
primary schooling. In manydevelopingcountries,however,dropoutrates are quitehigh. Typically,
dropout rates were higher in the low-incomecouties, wherefewer 1han60 percent of those who
enrolled in primary schoolreached the terminalyear of the primary cycle in the 1980s; the rate for
middle-incomecountrieswas about70 percent (Lockheedand Verspoor1991). Predictably,dropout
rates were higherfor girls (9.5 percent)than for boys (8.2 percent)in low-incomeconmtriesin 1988;
for middle-incomecountries,the rates were 6.1 and 5.9 percentsfor girls and boys, respecfively.
 8
Table 3 shows the numberof new entrantsto grade I and the dropout before grade four. The
table indicatesthat in 1980,36 million, or around one-thirdof the 103millionchildren who enrolled
in primary schooling,did not completegrade four. The dropout rates are consistentlylower in the
Arab Statesfollowedby EasternAsia, and highest in Latin Americaand the Caribbeanand Southern
Asia. Dropout rates for Sub-SaharanAfrica remainedthe same(28 percent) for both 1980and 1988.
Althoughthe numbers of new entranu to primary educationin both 1980and 1988 were lower in
Sub-SaharanAfrica than in Latin Americaand the Caribbean,the numberof children droppingout
before grade four was considerablyhigher in the LAC region.

Table 3: New Entrnts and Dropouts, Both Sexes (million)

1980 1988
Not Dropout Not Dropout
Reaching Rate Reacbing Rate
Regions Total Grade4 (percent) Total Grade4 (percent)
DevelopingCountries 103.5 36.3 35.0 94.6 25.2 27.0
Sub-SaharanAfrica 9.8 2.7 27.0 10.6 3.0 29.0
Arab States 3.6 0.5 13.0 4.6 0.4 10.0
LAC 12.1 5.3 44.0 12.0 4.7 36.0
East Asia 47.6 13.1 28.0 34.1 5.3 16.0
SouthAsia 29.6 14.8 47.0 31.3 11.9 38.0
LeastDevelopedCountries 7.4 4.1 55.0 8.5 3.4 40.0
Source: UNESCO 1992, Table 1.

The impor of completingthe primary educationcycle for the acqusition of literacy skills
cannot be over-emphasized.Bangladesh,for example,had a literacy rate of only 25 percent for the
10-14age cohort in 1980, despite the fact that net enrollmentrates reached 79 percent in 1976 (see
Figure 4). Such an enormousgulf betweenthe two indicatorsof educationalachievementmust be
explainedpartly by the unumay poor retnion rate of about 20 percent from 1976to 1980.

Prmiary educationprovidesthe most opporune time to teach children to read and write. Over
50 percent of sdceduledtime in prmary schoolsis dedicatedto languageskills and LAthwhich form
the basis for more diversified learning and higber order thinkinglater on (Lockheedand Verspoor
1991). It is argued that a minimumof 4 year. for formalschoolingis necessary for the acquisition
and retentionof literacy skills. However,many countriesare a long way from ensuringthat every
child receives this mininmmamount. Therefore, the key questionremais, what obstaclesexist to
universal enrolment and completionof primary education in the developingworld? This is the
subjectof the following section.

I Thereis, however,somedebateover whetherthe criticalgradeshouldbe 4th or 5th (Unesco1992).

 9
Figure 4: Bangladesh Enrollment in 1976, Survival Rate 1976-80
and Literacy Rate 1981 (age 10-14)
Pernt

' ...........................................
50.X

40 . ... . . ......... ,.. .........................

JO ......................... .........

oUnso daWS 1976-80 f10-14l

Determinants of Low Enrollment and Wastage

The constraintsthat contributeto low enrollmentand school wastagecan be categorizedas: (i)

in-school-factors,e.g., availabilityof schnols, quality and efficiency, school process, etc.; and (ii)
out-of-school-factors,e.g., direct costs, oppormnitycosts and costs related to cultural demand.4

In-School Facors

Lack of physicalaccess to schoolingis a major causeof under-enrollmentin primary schoolsin

developingcountries. Childrenoftendo not go to schoolbecauseplaces are not availableor schools
are too far away from home. Availability of school places within a reasonable distance is a
prerequisite for children's, especiallygirls', school participation. For example, studies of Ghana
(Hez et al. 1991) and Bangladesh(Ahmed and Hasan 1984) found that female enrollment is
negativelyassociatedwith distance.

In addition to access, cultural norms often act as an impedimentto girls' schooling. In such
envirrjonents, girls' enrollmentmay be dependenton accessto single-sexschools, separate facilities
suck,as lavatoriesand female teachers. Ahmedand Hasan (1984)found, for example,ta families
have withdrawngirls from schools lacking latrines in Bangladesh. In Nepal, reports indicatethat
the government's strategy of recruiting and training femaleteachers to work in rural areas has had
considerablesuccess in boostingfemale enrollments(Unicef 1978).

4 For an elaborate
discussion
on barriersto schooling andLewin(1993);KingandHill(1998;
seeColclough
Chowdhury (1993)andHerzet al. (1991).
 10

The quality of schooling is also an important determinantof participationand retention. Poor

quality teaching, curriculum, instructionalmaterialsand school infrastructurecan have an adverse
affect on student learning. In Braziland Colombia,for example,80 percent of variancesin student
achievementhave been attributedto school quality variables(Heynemanand Loxley 1983). One
study found that the use of textbooksin rural Brazil in 1983had a positive andsignificanteffect (7-8
points) on achievementscores (Armitageet al. 1986). A childwho performsbadly in tests and other
assessments is more likely to dropout than a child who makes good progress. Indeed, another
Brazilian study indicatedthat children whose parents had no education were almost three times as
likely to complete primary education if they had two or more textbooks than if they had none
(Bustillo 1993).

It is oftenargued that gender bias in schoolslowersfemaleeducationalaspirationsand so lowers

their propensityto completethe primary educationcycle. The bias is apparent in school authority
structures, in male/femaleteacher ratios, in gender stereotypingin textbooks,in the distnbution of
teachers by subject(scienceand mathematicsare often taughtby male teachers), in teacher/student
interactionsand lasdy, in teachers' attitudesand expectations(Chowdhury1993).

Studies of textbooksin India, for example,found that the books containedmanymore male than
female characters, and those female characterswho appeareddid so primarilyin domestic,nurtring
roles and were representedas passive, admiringand stupid or employed in less prestigiousjobs
(Calia 1982). Wondimagegnehuand Tiku (1988), in an Ethiopianstudy, report that 18 of the 31
teachers interviewedfelt that boys were better than girls in aUacademicsubjects. Failure to provide
girls with appropriate role models and the support and encouragement they need at school
conceivablyis an importantfactor in the persistenceof low female participation.

Out-of-schoolFactors

Schoolingis often very costly, even when governmentpays for much of it. In poverty stricken
societies,the cost of schoolingcan be considerablefor poor parents. The lower the family's income,
the more prohibitivethese costs become.

The direct costs to parents of schooling include fees, books, transport and clothing. Actual
expenditures on schooling amount to about 4 percent of household consumptionin low-income
countries, 6 percent in middle-incomecountriesand 8 percent in industrialcountries. There is wide
variance around the mean. In India and Pakistan,for example,with per capita GNP of about $350,
education accounts for 3-4 percent of household consumptioncompared with 9 percent in Kenya
($370)and 13percent in Zambia($290). Amongcounties with per capita GNP of $1,200- $1,300,
education accounts for 9 percent of householdconsumptionin Tunisia, 1 percent in Turkey, and 6
percent in Peru (Herz et al. 1991). In general, direct costs are similar for girls and boys. But in
some countries, observationof culturalnorms increasesthese costsfor girls (e.g., parents' reluctance
to send daughtersto schoolwithoutproper attire increasesthe cost of girls' school attendance).

The opportonmvcosts of schooling include chore time, sibling care, and foregone earnigs.
These may vary by sex, income group, region and country. The opportunitycosts of educating
children are higher for poor families becmasethese familiesrely more on each family member to
contribute to the family's economicsurvival.
 11

Opportunitycosts are incurredfor both boys and girls, but in many culures, the costs are higher
for girls, who perform a larger share of family labor.5 For example, in Burkina Faso, time-use
studies reveal that girls from the age of 7 on spend 3.5 hours a day on householdchores compared
with only 1.5 hours for boys (Herz et al. 1991). In additionto lost work, parents may feel that girls
are forgoing important childcare, household, and cr.t training at home if they go to school.
Further, in some societiesin Sub-SaharanAfrica, anotheropporunity cost of schoolingis the earlier
use that the family can make of the bride price for daughters. Delaying marriage because of
schoolingpostponesreceiving the bride wealth and may even reduce its amountif greater value is
placed on younger rather better-educatedbrides (King and Hill 1993).

Other out-of-schoolfactors include sicknessand malnutrition. Educationalinterventionshave

traditionallyignored the fact that childrencannot profit from high quality instructionif they are too
sick, weak or distracted to concentrate.Studiesexaminingthe relationshipbetween Protein-Energy
Malnutrition(PEM), which is caused by poor diet, and cognitivedevelopmentin infancyor early
childhood, have found that while mild to moderate malntrition does not cause primary l ng
deficits, it does affect cognitive processes. In addition, research shows that worm infections,
impaired hearing and sight, and temporary hunger all have serious affects on school performance
(Levinger 1994).

Lastly, limited economic oaiortunities affect children's earning potental and thus the returs
from their schooling. This lowersparentalexpectationsof the benefitsof their children's education,
and so reduces their willingnessto invest in their children's future. Girls are particularlyaffec
since, in general, they have fewer opportnities in the labor market thn boys. Moreover, any
economic benefits accrued from a girl's educationmay be transferred to another family when she
marries.

Mfeasuresto Improve the Enrollment and Retention Rates

It is critical that access to Drimar education be improved. Increasing access to schooling

requires expanding the supply of schoolplaces within children's waling distance.

One cost-effectivemechanismfor expandingthe numberof school places is to introducedouble

or multiple shifts. This reform has been widely institutedin Senegal,and has allowedan 11 percent
increase in enrollment, with only a 2 percent increase in the teachingforce (Colcloughand Lewin
1993). Hence, it has the double advantageof both increasingenrollmentsand reducingunit costs.
If multiple shifts shorten the schoolday, the schoolyear can be made longer to compensate(World
Bank 1990).

Other policy options includeicreasingclass size and introducingmultiRradeclasses. Research

shows that vanations in class-size from 25 to 40 students have no consistent effect on the
performance of children in achievementtests (Simmons and Alexander 1980; Fuller 1987).
Multigrade classes, with appropriatelydesigned instructionalmaterials and teacher traiing, have
been shownto be an effectiveway of increasingparticipationand achievementm rural commnities
where low populationdensitiesand shortageof skilledteachers are commonproblems. With mali-

5Exceptions includeBotswana,
Coted'lvoire,Chie, and Nicaragua,
whereboyspefrm a lrer shareof
familylabor(KingandHUI1993).
 12
grade classes, rural schoolsare no longer requiredto have five teachersand five separateclassrooms,
but can provide instructionfor several grades simultaneously. An evaluationof the Esquela Nueva
schools in Colombiafound that the program not only increasedenrollmentrates, but Esquela Nueva
studentsalso scoredconsistentlyhigher in achievementtests than studentsin traditionalrural schools
(Colcloughand Lewin 1993).

Access may also be increased for girls if single-sexschooling is provided. However, before
undertakingthe expense of building new schools, there is scope to accommodateparental concern
for female modesty and security by making creative use of existing facilities. Schroolscould
introduce double shifts to ensure that male and female attendance does not overlap. In other
instances,parents may be happy to send their daughte. to coeducationalschoolsif they ate held in
religious buildings such as Mosques. In Pakistan, for example, the Mosque School Program,
initiatedin the early 1980s, has increasedfemaleenrollmentin some areas (LockheedarLiVerspoor
1991).

Teacher shortages are common in rural areas, and incentivesmay be required to encourage
teachers, particularly female teachers, to work in remote regions. Incentives may include the
provision of boardingfacilities, increasedtraining,or even additionalpay. In Nepal, for example,
the governmentofferedhomepostingfor womenteachers,loweredentry requirementsfor some rural
girls, subsidizedtheir secondaryeducation,and supportedgirls throughconventionalteachertaining
with a monthly stipend, travel expenscs, medicalcare and tutoring. The numberof female teachers
increasedand female enrollmentshave improvedas a result (Herz et al. 1991).

IL gcneral, formal primary education is the preferred means of teaching basic literacy and
numeracy skills. However, nonformaleducationmethods may be appropriatein contexts where a
sizable number of studentsdrop out, or fail to be attractedby the formal system, or where formal
schoolsare absent.6

Nonformal education programs have proven particularly successful in reaching marginalized

groups such as rural females. For example, BRAC's Nonformal Primary Education Program
(NFPE) in Bangladesh,has succeededin attracting and retaining children, with 70 percent female
enroUlersand a dropout rate of only 1.5 percent for the full three-yearprogram (Lovell and Fatema
1989). By contrast, the dropoutrate in governmentschoolsis quite high; about 48 percent of those
who enroll leave school before completing grade 3. In additionto greater internal efficiency, the
BRACschoolsoperate at lower unit costs (approximatelyUS$15)than their goverrnent counterparts
US$16.4 in 1985) (Lovell and Fatema 1989; Lockheedand Verspoor 1991).

' Nonformaleducationis definedas 'any organid, systematic,educationalactvity caried on outsidete

frameworkof the formal(schooling)systemto provideselectedtypes of leamingto particularsub-groupsof the
population...' (Coombsand Ahmed1974:8). TheWorldBank'sEducationSectorPolicyPamer(1980)extended
its definitionto include"Nonformaleducation- organizedand systematicleamingactivitycarriedon outsidethe
formalsystem- is neitherm altemativeeducationsystemnor a shortcutto the rapideducationof a population.
Rather, nonformal.rducaticaand trainingprovidesa secondchance for learing to those who missed formal
schooling;it enablesthe rural or urban poor, withinprogramsof "integrateddevelopment,-to acquire useSfl
knowledge,attitudes,and skills;andaffordsa widearrayof leamingactivitiesdirectlyassociated
withwork..."
(WorldBank1980:16)
 13
Bodh ShikshaSamiti(BODH),an IndianNGO, has also had considerablesuccessworldng with
children in the urban slums of Jaipur, India (Aga Khan Foundation1994). In both cases, most of
the studentswere able to make the transitionto the formal schoolsystem after three or four years.
Experience suggests that a key condition for the success of nonformal education is to ensure
equivalencywith formal primary schools. Otherwise,they tend to be perceivedas secondclass and
rejected by studentsand parents. This was the case with the Rural EducationCenters in Burkino
Faso, where the program had to be abandoneddue to its unpopularitywith the villagers(Lockheed
and Verspoor 1991).

Increasing the Demand for Schooling

To increase demand for education, steps can be taken to cut the direct costs of schooling.
Several countrieshave taken measuresto cut some of the direct costs by eliminatingschool fees,
providing learning materials 'mldfree textbooks,free or subsidizedtransportation,diect subsidies
to familiesfor the purchaseot materialsand uniformsand schoolfeeding programs.

However, reducing the opportumitvcosts to families is often as important as reducing direct

costs. Policy options include changmg the school calendar to accommodateseasonaldemandsfor
child labor, providingchild care for younger siblingsand institutinglabor-savingtechnologies. In
Bangladesh,flexible schedulingin satellite schoolsis one of several strategiesused to increase the
school participation of children (Chowdhury 1993). In India, a nonformal evening education
program, designedto bring schooldropoutsback to the primary educationmainstream,provedvery
effective (Nail 1982). Evidencefrom Colombiaand China also confirmsthe effectivenessof part-
time and flexiblescheduling. Provisionof daycareor crechefacilitiesfor younger siblingsnot only
fees childrenfor schooling,but also preparesthe youngerchildrenfor readinessfor later schooling.
China has one of the most comprehensiveprograms to providedaycare facilitiesat work sites and
at schools (Bellewand King 1993). Another interventionsthat may meet the opportuity costs of
children participationis the introductionof labor-savingtchnologies.

Mobilizing community suppor, by instituting education and information campaigns and

encouragingparentalparticipation,is another way of generatingdemand for schooling. If parents
understandthe benefits of educationand are activelyinvolvedin its provision, they are more likely
to encourage their children to attend. In Chile, for example, parents' interest in their children's
educationhas increased since they have become involved in the constructionand managementof
schools; studentattendanceand achievementhas improvedas a result (Schiefelbeinet al. 1978).

Imnroving the overall quality of schoolinRis another effective mechanism for enhancing
children's participationin school. The establishmentof low qualityalternativeinstitutions,such as
Pakistan's Mosque schools, is unlikelyto equalizeeducationalaccess in the long run (Warwicket
al. 1989).

Many counties have addressedthe questionof the q7uality of educationby urovidingtextbooks,

reducing teacher absenteeism.and improvmgteacher haining. For example, a project in Pakistan
incorporatedmeasures to involvethe village educationcommitteesto help in identifyingmotivated
female teachers and to supemse teacher absenteeism. The Uttar Pradesh Basic EducationProject
focusses on increasing school quality and efficiencyby strengtheningcommuity participation(by
formmgvillage educationcommittees),improvingreadinesstDlearn by introducingearly childhood
education and care, improving teacher and staff performance, and improving curriculum and
 14
textbooks. In India, efforts such as 'Operation Blackboard"are meant to provideessentialfacilities
to all primary schools includingclassrooms, toilets, blackboards,books and learning materials to
improve quality (Herz et al. 1991;Chowdhury 1993).

Another effectivequality-enhancingmeasure is the improvementof curricula design. Textbooks

are the major definition of curricula in developingcountries. However, the curricula presentedin
textbooks, particularly the scope and sequence of the material, are often poorly designed and
factually iaccurate. Instructional design is important because inappropriately targeted curricula
(either too difficultor too easy) frustratestudentsand increasefailure. Hence, improvingthe content
of textbooks holds great promise for simultaneouslyimproving the learning of children and
stimulatingdemandfor schooling. Removinggender and other biasesin curriculaand materials,and
gender-sensitivity training for teachers and administrators, are also expected to enhance the
achievementof disadvantagedgroups. Several projects in Bangladesh,India, Senegal and other
countrieshave taken initiativesto eliminatebiases in texts (Chowdhury1993).

Time-usestudies show that when teachers devotemore time to instruction,studentslearn more.

Sufficient instructional time is particularly important in the early grades and for children from
impoverishedfamilies who spend few of their out-of-schoolhours on learning (Lockheed and
Verspoor 1991). Thus, the expansionof instructionaltime representsa promisingavenueto pursue.
This can be done by increasingthe amount of official time allocatedto learning and increasing the
amount of acu tme spent on learning.

Given the evidence relating to the impact of nutritional deficiencieson cognitive processes,
school eedingrogMs (SFPS)are advocatedas a means of improvingchildren's learning capacity.
SFPS are also meant to improve girls' and poor children's enrollmentand attndance by offsetting
some of the costs of attending school. To be effective,however, SFPS shouldbe designed as part
of broader interventionthat also addressesother school factors contributingto learning deficiencies
(World Bank 1990;King and Hill 1993).

Lastly, teacher training, both pre-service and in-service, is essentialfor improvingthe quality
of education. Recurrentschool-basedin-serviceteacher trainingcan encompassareas from practical
methods of teaching major subjects to ways to adapt the curriculum to the social and physical
environmentof the students, understandinghow children develop and learn, methods of evaluatng
teachingand learning, managementof classrooms,and parent-teacherand communityrelations. In-
service training programs in India, Nigeria and Thailandhave provided incumbentteachers with a
new repertoireof pedagogicalskills that focuson more participatoryteachingbehaviors(WorldBank
1990).

It is not enough, however,that teachers are well trained in subjectmatters and have pedagogical
proficiency. Low teacher morale leads to high rates of teacher absenteeismand attrition. Teacher
absenteeism reduces student learning time, while tacher attrition increases the costs of teacher
training. The causes of lack of motivationare low salaries, poor working conditions, insufficient
career advancment opporunities and/or weak support services. For example, when salaries are
low (e.g., in Somalia,teachers earn the equivalentof $6 per month, or 25 percent of GNP per capita
annually), teachers are likely to supplementtheir incomes by holdig otherjobs. This increases
teacher absenteeism. Evidencefrom other countriesindicatesthat substantal proportionsof primary
teachershold second, and sometimesthird, wage-earnming jobs. Furtber, in many countries, teachers'
career and salary advancement seldom depend on performance. Salaries tend to be tied to civil
 15
servicepay scales, with raises awardedon the basis of certificatesand length of service. Thus, there
are few incentivesfor teachers to perform well. Career ladders linked to redesignedsalary scaks
can have a positive impact on teacher motivation(World Bank 1990).

Financing of Primary Education

To improve the situationof primary education,govermnentsshouldfocus their attention to this

sub-sector. Education in developing countries, in general, is finaced and provided by the
government. The expansionof education,therefore, dependson fiscal resources. In recent years,
due to intersectoralcompetitionfor limitedpublicfumdsandadversemacroeconomicconditions,most
countriesdo not have the abilityto continueexpandingall levelsof educationsimultaneously.Many
developingcountriesunderinvestin education. In addition, there is misallocationof resocucesthat
favor higher education to the neglect of primary education.

Table 4: Public Expenditure per Student as Percentage of Per Capita GNP

by Region (around 1980)
Region Primry Secondary Higher
AnglophoneAfrica 18 50 920
FrancophoneAfrica 29 143 804
SouthAsia 8 18 119
East Asianand Pacific 11 20 118
Latin America 9 26 88
MiddleEast and North Africa 2 28 150
DevelopingCountries 14 41 370
DevelopedCountries 22 24 49
Source:Mingatand Tan 1985.

The present distributionof public resourceson education,therefore, is highlyunequal, as shown

in Table 4. In many countriesa considerableproportionof public expendituresfor education goes
to middle- and upper-income families, because richer groups are over-representedat all levels of
education,and particularlyat the universitylevel. Publicexpenditureper student increasesby each
level of education. In African countries, public expenditureper student on higher educationis 28
(FrancophoneAfrica) and 50 (AnglophoneAfrica) times that on primary education. Further, only
a small numberof peoplebenefitsfrom high publicexpenditureper studentin higher education. For
the developingcountries as a whole, only 7 percent of the school-agepopulationenroll in higher
education (Mingatand Tan 1985). In addition,studentswho benefit from highly subsidizedhigher
education come from relatively wealthy families. The major portion of subsidies is received by
students from the richest class (World Bank 1986). Therefore, there is a need to redress the
inefficienciesand inequalitiesby recoveringthe public cost of higher educationand reallocaftngthe
governmentspendingtoward the level with the highest social return. This would not only equalize
the access to educationalopportunitiesamongvarioussocial groups,but also contributeto the efforts
in universalizationof primary education.
 16
The Importance of Adult Education in Tackling Literacy Problems

In view of the high illiteracyrates in the adultpopulation,a dual-prongedauproachto combatting

illiteracy is required. This entails: (i) literacy training for adults and; (ii) primary educationfor
children.

Despite its declining popularityamong policymakersand educators, adult education is a sound

investment. Teaching adults to read and write simultaneouslyprovidespositive reinforcementfor
investmentsin the "next generation"and enhancesthe productivityand well-beingof the current
adult population.

Literate adults are not only more likely to send their children to school and provide them with
a nutritious diet, they are also better equipped to participate in economic activities outside the
subsistenceand un-remuneratedsectorsand are likely to be imbuedwith greater self-confidenceand
capacity for independentaction. These argumentsare clearly borne out by impact studies of recent
NGO adult literacy projects (see Box 1).

Hence, the potntial impact of adult literacy on the productivityand well-beingof present and
future generationscannotbe ignored. However, in the past, literacycampaignsand programs have
been met with mixed results. In many cases, the poor performanceof studentsand the extent of
drop-out and relapse into illiteracyhas been very disappointing(see Table 5).

Table 5: Efficiency Rates of Aduht Literacy Campaigns

Initial Percent Percent EfficiencyRate
Country Enrollment TakingExams PassingExams (percent)
Tanzani 466,000 63 33 21
Iran 94,700 50 30 15
Ethiopia 36,800 59 43 25
Ecuador 17,500 57 41 25
Sudan 7,400 32 25 8
Surkhet(Nepal) 7,474 50 94 47
Source: Abadzi 1994.

Table 5 illustratesthe fact that theseprogramsgenerallylackhigh efficiencyrates, rangingfrom

8 percent in Sudan to 47 percent in Nepal. It indicatesthat fewer than 50 percent of participantsin
the campaignsreviewedmet the mastery crira set by the programs.

This has led to a growing reluctance among governmentand donor agenciesto invest in this
area. For example, growing frustrationwith the difficultiesof implementationhas led to a decline
in nterestin adult literacyat the World Bank. As a result, the percentageof Bank-financedprojects
with an adult literacy componenthas dropped dramatically. In contrastto the high concentrationof
 17
projects in the 1970s,7when nonformaleducationwas in vogue, the Bank has only invested in one
adult literacy project since 1990. Today, it is generallyargued that resources are better investedin
the "next generation." However, such neglect and pessimismis misguided.

First, not all literacy programs are doomed to failure. Evidencesuggests that with careful and
imaginativeplanning, past mistakes and shortcomingscan be avoided. For example, preliminary
analysesof a Health and Adult Literacy pilot project in Nepal indicate that literacygains have been
higher than those of previous Nepaleseprograms. Neo-literatewomen in one village unanimously
agreed to meet every day for class during the post-literacyphase, even though the class was only
intended to meet 3 times a week (Smith 1994). Their commitmentis testimony tO the project's
success in motivatingand retaining its participants.

Second, past failures provide valuable lessons for the future, and can be used to enrich our
understandingof the determinantsof program success. These can be summarizedas follows:

(a) Adults will persist in the study of reading if they clearly understand its utility in their own
world. The integrationof literacy training into income-generatingactivitiesand linkingliteracy
courses with formal diplomas, for example, may be an effective means of emphasizing the
iimmediateutility of literacy. In addition, an effective way of keeping learners motivated is to
make the literacy class a place where learners can discuss the problems and needs of their
communities. Action Aid, Lr NGO, is currentlyundertakinga research project to explore the
possibleuses of ParticipatoryRural Appraisal (PRA) techniquesto generate "dialogue" within
literacy programs in Bangladesh,El Salvadorand Uganda (Action Aid 1994).

(b) Adult centered approaches. which entail substantive consultationswith participants and
attention to the cognitiveProcessesparticular to adult aegnuisition
of literacy. are most effective.
For example,since adultsdo not remembermeaninglessitemsas easily as children, opportumities
to show scripts in context and miniimizeunconnectedwords and sounds shouldbe maximized.8

(c) Provision of opportunitiesto practice reading and writing is critical, particularlyin remote
rural areas, in order to maximizethe probabilitythat neo-literateswill retain their newlyacquired
skills. Relapse into illiteracy is also influencedby the length of the literacy training. Past
experience suggeststhat a minimumof 300 hours of basic literacytraining is required for skills
to be retained (Abadzi 1994).

However, many questions remain entirely or partially unanswered. Is literacy acquired more
efficiently using national languages, or mother tongues? What size of programs should be
developed? Is it possible to develop large and efficientprograms? Who shouldbe encouraged to
participatein literacyprograms? What activitiesshouldbe financed? Whichteacher characteristics
are the most and the least conduciveto the disseminationof adult literacy?Shouldliteracy be taught
with numeracy? Hence, it is imperativethat donor agenciesand governmentsinvest in research to

I Out of 305 World Bank-financed education projects between FY1970 and FY1985, 92 had Nonformal
Education and Training (NFET) components. Of these, 45 (or 30 percent) had an adult literacycomponent (Romain
and Armstrong 1987).

' For a more detailed discussion, see Abadzi (1994).

 18
resolve these methodological and strategic questions and so promote a more sophisticated
understandingof the determinantsof program success.

Box 1: Nongovernmental Literacy Projects - Impact Studies

Organization Location Impact

Young Women's Madras,India Neo-literatewomenset up and successfully

ChristianAssociation managedcooperativegrindingunit.
AdultLiteracy Zimbabwe Literacygroupsformedproductionunit, rearing
Or an of poultry,cultivatingvegetablesetc...
mafbwe (AOiL)a
-CraftsAssociionti SouthAfrica In urban areas, neo-literatememberswere able
to keep accountsand communicatewitli
customersthroughwriting;in rural areas,
literacysills helpedmemberswith
measuremensfor textileprintinganddesigning.
Ruralmembersalso beganto takean interest;in
AIDSpreventionand otherhealdtissues.
-imsi: Learnig :: Ovu,ZaiNe ieo-literate womenformed women's
Organizationt--:.- orgations; one groupcollectivelyset up and;
manageda groceryshop.
u-l tat y . Nweo-literate womengained self-confidence
and
Program|X! - --- - Guinea -- : emergedas chuch leaders.
Oxam Chile Neo-literatewomenbegan.;to -play a more
.. . = - . .....-
as
active
ubli
part in conmunityorganizations,such as-public
-healt groupsand neighborhoodsoupkchens
-:Goi&
fan - L-ima, Peci i Io-literate womenorganizedthe distributionof-
..-. ... a free glass.ofmilkfor childr-nand prgnant
womn (provided-bythe ici
. -:- Chi-::---:-
ntote Pn eo-iterate,womenorganizedg
imcome-generation.
Concern Kotal,Sudain Liteacy :trining led to the establishmentof a
kdindergartenby localwomenj.
ChristianAid ,,'- ''_Bra - Li'teracytrainingheld for
prostitutesled to the
s:tting-p of a prinmayschoolby the u -
literatewomen,for their own andother-local

Source: Adad.. . ......

.~eAbe fror- Bwn

-
9
y
199.
---. E.s
--
:=-: :::s.- -. -. - f - ; ; ~~~~~~~~~~~~
s
0h.
 19
In summary, combatting adult illiteracy is a complex and challengingtask. But, it is not
unsurpassableand the potentialimpactof adult literacyon the lives of current and future generations
demands renewed effort and commitmentto overcomingthe obstaclesof dropout, relapse, and low
achievement. In this effort, it is crucial that governmentsand donor agenciescollaborate with
experiencedNGOs whose work in the field has alreadyprdvided invaluableinsights.

What can be done?

Basedon the discussionabove, there are definitivesteps which govermnentsand policymakers

can take to promote literacythroughoutthe developingworld. The main policy in the fight against
illiteracy inust be to stress universalizationof primary education. This represents a long term,
visionary approachto the problem. The most effectiveway to reduce adult illiteracyis to prevent
it from developing in the first place. This policy line will save what can be saved: the next
generation. To achieve the intendedgoal of eradicationof illiteracy the donor and multilateral
agencies shouldhave policy dialoguewith borrowercountriesto set a goal for universalizationof
primary educationand take appropriatemeasuresto achievesuch a goal.

To achieve the goal there is a need to mobilizeadditionalfunding for primary education. By

expanding lending operations to the prmiary education sub-sector, internationalagencies should
demonstratetheir full support. Govenment policy and internationallending shouldbe focused on
the following:

* High priority shouldbe givento measuresthat would improvechildren's access, learningand

completionof primary schooling.

* Special measures should be taken to achieve parity between girls and boys and between
differentsocial groups in enrollment, leamingand completionof primary schooling. Efforts should
be taken to improvethe situationof the most disadvantagedgroups, specificallygirls in rural areas.

* Governmentsshouldnot completelyabandonadult illiteracyprogramswhichpotentiallyhave

high economicand socialreturns for current adult and childpopulations.Necessarymeasuresshould
be taken to overcome the traditional barriers to program success. This should entail on-going
research into the relativeeffectivenessof differenttypes of literacyprograms.

An initial step may be to establish a specific definition of literacy to which all studies could
adhere. This would allow cross cultural literacy studies to be comparable and yield valid
generalizations. It would also contribute to the quantificationof literacy, making it a more
manageablesubject. With an stablisheddefinition,researchers couldbetter help policymakersand
educatorsin confrontingthe afflictionof illiteracythroughoutthe world for both children and adults.
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HROWP35 PharmaceuticalPolicies: GrahamDukes July 1994 0. Shoffner
Rationale and Design Denis Broun 37023
HROWP36 Poverty, Human Development HarshaAturupane August 1994 P. Cook
and Growth: An Emerging Paul Glewwe 30664
Consensus? Paul Isenman
HROWP37 Getting the Most out of Helen Saxenian September 1994 0. Shoffner
PharmaceuticalExpenditures 37023
HROWP38 Procurementof Denis Broun September 1994 0. Shoffner
Pharmaceuticalsin World 37023
Dank Projects
HROWP39 Notes on Education and Harry Anthony Patrinos September 1994 I. Conachy
Economic Growth: Theory 33669
and Evidence
HROWP40 Integrated EarlyChild Mary Eming Young October 1994 0. Shoffner
Development: Challengesand 37023
Opportunities
HROWP41 Labor Market Insuranceand Deepak Lal October 1994 M. Espinosa
Social Safety Nets 37599
HROWP42 Institutional Developmentin Alberto de Capitani October 1994 S. Howard
Third World Countries: The Douglass C. North 30877
Role of the World Bank
HROWP43 Public and Private Secondary Marlaine E. Lockheed November 1994 M. Verbeeck
Schools in Developing EmmanuelJimenez 34821
Countries
HROWP44 Integrated Approachesto T. PaulSchultz November 1994 M. Espinosa
Human Resource 37599
Development
HROWP45 The Costs of Discrimination in Harry Anthony Patrinos November 1994 I. Conachy
Latin America 33669
HROWP46 Physician Behavioral Nguyen X. Nguyen December 1994 M. Espinosa
Responseto Price Control 37599
HROWP47 Evaluationof Integrated T. Paul Schultz January 1995 M. Espinosa
Human ResourcePrograms 37599
HROWP48 Cost-Effectivenessand Health Philip Musgrove January 1995 0. Shoffner
Sector Reform 37023
HROWP49 Egypt: Recent Changesin Susan H. Cochrane February 1995 0. Shoffner
Population Growth Ernest E. Massiah 37023
HROWP50 Literacy and Primary Kowsar P. Chowdhury February 1995 M. Espinosa
Education 37599