877080

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LTR0010.1177/1362168819877080Language Teaching ResearchCarmel

LANGUAGE
TEACHING
Article RESEARCH

Language Teaching Research

Parents’ discourse on
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DOI: 10.1177/1362168819877080
https://doi.org/10.1177/1362168819877080
journals.sagepub.com/home/ltr

Rivi Carmel
Kibbutzim College of Education, Israel

Abstract
English, the global lingua franca, enjoys a growing status worldwide. The high status of English is
also linked to the increasing interest in teaching English to young learners (EYL), and is reciprocally
linked to complex political, cultural and social forces. Research on the advantages of learning
English at a young age is controversial and inconclusive, but despite uncertainties it seems that
EYL will continue to be a growing trend. This study aimed to understand the forces that drive
the EYL phenomenon and focuses on the analysis of parent’s discourse from a critical discursive
sociocultural perspective. Findings illuminate the subtle, powerful ways in which parents’ discourse
leads to the growing of EYL in Israel. Parents’ overenthusiasm to promote English in schools
stems from their perceptions about the high value of English, global aspirations and their belief in
the popular axiom ‘the younger the better’. Findings further suggest that decisions about EYL and
its teaching are not necessarily based on professionals or academics but rather exist within the
powers of the community, with parents being a dominant force.

Keywords
English as a global lingua franca, English as a foreign language (EFL), English for young learners
(EYL), parents’ discourse, sociocultural forces

I Introduction
English, the global lingua franca, is used for interaction, communication and business
worldwide. Although not an official language in Israel, English is present in all aspects
of Israeli society and has become instrumental in everyday life (Carmel & Badash, 2018;
Or & Shohamy, 2017). This is evident in the local linguistic landscape (street names,
shop names, posters), in the media, in the high-tech industry, advertising, government
offices and other local services. English is perceived as a valuable asset associated with
prestige and economic welfare (Ben Rafael, 1994; Ben Rafael & Sternberg, 2001; Or &

Corresponding author:
Rivi Carmel, Kibbutzim College of Education, 149 Namir Road, Tel Aviv, 62507, Israel.
Email: rivi.carmel@smkb.ac.il
2 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

Shohamy, 2017) and plays a crucial role in social mobility and success. English is the
first foreign language studied throughout the school system across all sectors, and all
academic institutions require a passing grade in both the English matriculation exam and
in the English for academic purposes (EAP) entrance exam, as a precondition for accept-
ance. The high status of English and its popularity among non-native English speakers is
also linked to the growing interest in teaching English to young learners (EYL) (Copland,
Garton & Burns, 2014; Nikolov, 2016). In Israel, EYL began to gain momentum more
than a decade ago, a trend that continues to the present day (Carmel, 2009; Olshtain &
Inbar-Lourie, 2014; Vysvalai, 2017). Today, although the official grade for starting
English in school is Grade 4, more that 65% of schools in the country introduce English
in Grade 1 and almost 90% of the schools introduce English in Grades 2 and 3 (Olshtain
& Inbar-Lourie, 2014; Vysvalai, 2017). Among the reasons for the growing spread of
EYL are the common axiom ‘the younger the better’ which sounds logical and convinc-
ing (Hu, 2007; Nikolov, 2016; Nunan, 2003), economic globalization and the need for an
English speaking workforce worldwide (Hu, 2007), and pressure from parents who wish
their children to benefit from new global opportunities (Enever, Moon & Raman, 2009;
Nikolov, 2016).
However, teaching foreign languages to young learners is a complex endeavor for
several reasons. From the local perspective, following recent national reforms in Israel,
there have been regular cutbacks in educational resources such as teaching hours and
teacher development courses. Recent research regarding teacher shortage and turnover in
Israel (Donitsa-Schmidt & Zuzovsky, 2016) points to a specific ‘shortage of teachers in
the core subjects of English as a foreign language (EFL), science and mathematics’
(p. 85). From the general perspective, inconclusive evidence on the advantages of
foreign language learning at a young age indicate quite a few controversies among
researchers in the field (for a comprehensive overview see Nikolov & Mihaljević
Djigunović, 2011; Muñoz & Singleton, 2011; Pfenninger & Singleton, 2018; Tamariz &
Blasi, 2016). Contextual, individual, socio-affective and environmental factors have
been found to strongly affect foreign language learning processes and outcomes
(Pfenninger & Singleton, 2018), thus making age effects ‘sensitive to contexts and
situations’ (p. 226). Similarly, studies in various European contexts (Jaskow & Ellis,
2018) emphasize that an early start does not automatically ensure better or faster attain-
ment. Learner’s outcomes highly depend on extra-linguistic factors, such as parental
involvement, teacher competence, classroom management, the quality and intensity of
input, the young learners’ sense of self-confidence and opportunities to interact in English.
Despite the evident complexity involved, it seems that the promotion of EYL is also
reciprocally linked to political forces, cultural and social developments (Copland &
Garton, 2013; Garton, Copland, & Burns, 2011; Nikolov, 2016) and will continue to be
a growing trend. Thus, this phenomenon should be examined not only from a pedagogi-
cal or linguistic point of view, or by the ultimate attainment levels, but also from a socio-
cultural, environmental perspective. The aim of this study, therefore, was to better
understand the forces driving the EYL phenomenon. Rather than focus on questions
pertaining to the best age to start learning English, best practices or assessing desired
outcomes, this study focuses on the trend of EYL from a critical, discursive and socio-
cultural perspective, with particular attention given to parental discourse. Prior to
Carmel 3

presenting the critical analysis, by way of a background, the following section will pro-
vide a review of issues relating EYL.

1 English as a second/foreign language for young learners: Issues and

trends
Research on language acquisition distinguishes between ‘second language’ (SL) and
‘foreign language’ (FL). The former is relevant to immigrant populations who, in addi-
tion to their mother tongue (their first language), learn a second language (that of the
country they have moved to). For example, people who immigrated to Israel from Russia
and whose first language is Russian learn Hebrew as an additional second language. In
contrast, the term ‘foreign language’ refers to any foreign language learned at school.
Since the majority first language in Israel is Hebrew, on the basis of this distinction,
English is studied in Israel as a foreign language (EFL). The term ‘young learners’ (YLs)
or Very Young Learners (VYLs) is used in professional literature as a general term for
children, mainly under the age of 12, learning any second or foreign language at school
(Ellis, 2014; Uysal & Yavuzb, 2015). The literature in the field mentions particular fea-
tures of this age group (Moyer, 2014) and stresses the complexity of adapting language
teaching methods for these young ages (García Mayo & García Lecumberri, 2003;
Nikolov, 2009, 2011, 2016; Philp, Oliver, & Mackay, 2008). In this article, the term
‘young learners’(YL) is used to refer to children of 6–9 years old, learning EFL in Grades
1–3 in schools.
Linguists claim that learning languages contributes to children’s cognitive and meta-
cognitive development and strengthens their linguistic abilities (Edelenbos & Kubanek,
2009). Similarly, bilingualism has been associated with improved executive function
(Bialystok, 2015), and with advancement of additional language learning processes
(Bialystok et al., 2016). In this regard, bilingual children are claimed to be better lan-
guage learners, although this claim is difficult to validate due to vast diversity among
bilingual language learners and the sociocultural factors involved in bilingualism
(Bialystok et al., 2016). Indeed, from sociocultural and economic perspectives, knowl-
edge of foreign languages is seen as a real asset. Speakers of many languages can ‘capi-
talize’ on their knowledge of different languages and enjoy ‘linguistic capital’ which is
a form of ‘human capital’: knowledge, skills and other cultural acquisitions people have
(Bourdieu, 1977, 1991), giving them a more central position in the global economy.
Thus, parents, who are keen to promote English, make efforts to find intensive, quality
English learning frameworks for their children, seeking to empower them with English,
the lingua franca, which is seen as a valuable commodity (Carmel, 2009; Nikolov,
2016). Thus, learning second/foreign languages at a young age is seen as an important
factor affecting children’s future with clear implications for improving their chances of
success.
However, learning a foreign language at a young age in school is a challenging experi-
ence for teachers and pupils alike, not always leading to success, effectivity or linguistic
advantages for the learners. Issues pertaining to the ‘age factor’ and the question of the
existence of a ‘critical period’ is one of the contested issues among linguists and practi-
tioners (Montrul, 2008, 2012; Moyer, 2014). Those in favor of early foreign language
4 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

learning claim that with young learners it is usually more efficient and effective than with
older learners, and that they are good at imitation. They further claim that an early start
contributes to better pronunciation of the new language and the development of fluent
speech, which will help them attain a high level of achievement (Jaskow & Ellis, 2018;
Nikolov & Mihaljević Djigunović, 2006). Furthermore, increased self-confidence and
high self-worth of the young learners have been found to be additional advantages (Inbar-
Lourie & Shohamy, 2009). In contrast, Pfenninger and Singleton (2017) convincingly
argue that late foreign language starters surpass early starters in similar instructional situ-
ations and that age of onset is of minimal relevance for many more aspects of language
acquisition within institutional settings. Drawing on a study of EFL learners in
Switzerland, they claim that, in fact, older FL learners can benefit from linguistic, cogni-
tive and affective advantages (Pfenninger and Singleton, 2017).
Based on various studies worldwide, many language experts have emphasized that
focusing on the starting age as the key variable is misleading in foreign language learn-
ing contexts. As Nikolov (2016, p. 3) claims: ‘The age factor is not the main issue.’
Indeed, all language researchers agree that age of onset and outcomes of early FL start
cannot be separated from individual, socio-affective and contextual factors. The quality
and type of instruction are additional critical factors to consider. Thus, the general view
today is that researchers ‘need to attend to age-related, social, psychological, and contex-
tual factors .  .  . as well as to strictly maturational factors’ (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017,
p. 209).
Studies on current and future directions in teaching English to young learners have
confirmed the global trend for early English language learning worldwide (Copland
et al., 2014; Enever, 2011; Nikolov, 2016; Nikolov & Mihaljević Djigunović, 2011).
Despite the trends and controversies summarized above, the view held by many non-
professionals worldwide is that starting to learn a foreign language at a young age is a
positive move. The layman’s assumption is that children learning EFL at a young age
will benefit from linguistic advantages and improved outcomes, namely: ‘the younger
the better’.

2 EYL in Israel
Based on studies in the Israeli context, Olshtain (2008) claims that English lessons in the
young grades are similar to a slow, ‘drip feed’ mechanism and are totally ineffective.
Studies in Israeli schools have shown that English lessons provided to young children in
large, populated classes are not sustainable and are simply inadequate (Olshtain, 2008;
Vysvalai, 2014, 2017). Additionally, although the official English curriculum currently
includes a supplement defining what pupils need to know and should be able to do in the
initial stages of learning English, it offers neither a recommended age to begin English
learning, nor a recommended allocation of hours per grade level (Ministry of Education,
2019). In practice, principals introduce English in Grades 1–3 in a ‘drip feed’ manner,
whereby lessons are given in large classes of more than 30 children once or twice a week.
The situation is more complex in view of recent research on teacher attrition and
turnover in Israel (Donitsa Schmidt & Zuzovsky, 2016), which highlights the particular
shortage of professional English teachers countrywide. As a result of this shortage,
Carmel 5

English is sometimes taught in these early classes by homeroom teachers or substitute

teachers who are not trained in EFL teaching. Furthermore, lowering the age of learning
English in schools has raised expectations of improved pupils’ achievements following
the assumption that more years of learning English will raise the level of achievements
and yield better results. However, results of national exams conducted in Grades 5 and 8
over the years have not indicated a rise in students’ achievement and, in fact, have shown
lower test scores and widening gaps between the schools in the center and those in the
periphery (RAMA, 2018; Vysvalai, 2017).
Lacking a clearly defined policy, decisions about the start of English lessons are left
to the discretion of principals and local authorities. This discretion takes into account
various elements including: market forces, financial and other resources at their disposal,
competition from neighboring schools, availability of teachers, the principal’s personal
vision and priorities and pressure exerted from parents. Indeed, over the last decade, with
the growing popularity of English, parents have been involved in promoting early English
learning in school settings. As active stakeholders in the school community, many par-
ents show an interest in schools’ English language curriculum, development and imple-
mentation. A report on the status of EYL in the formal education setting in Israel
submitted to the committee for children’s rights in the Knesset (Israeli parliament),
emphasized that pressure from parents was a key factor in promoting EYL in schools
(Vysvalai, 2017). Furthermore, a study critically analyzing discourse on EYL revealed
that ‘the discourse of EYL acts as a powerful force in the promotion of EYL in schools,
affecting schools’ agendas, regulating classroom practices, shaping everyday life and
people’s social practices’ (Carmel, 2009, p. 403).
Thus, it has become quite evident that despite ambiguity regarding the benefits of an
early start and existing challenges, EYL is a ‘hot topic’ in schools. Initiatives to teach
English earlier are steadily spreading but are not always purely educational. The picture
that emerges is that decision makers in local authorities and in the Ministry of Education
are flooded with programs for teaching and learning EYL which are growing in popu-
larity in all sectors of Israeli society and in the various public and private educational
settings.
In view of the above, the aim of this research is to explore the growing trend of EYL
and better understand the nature of the forces driving it. Specifically, the study focuses
on the following research questions:

1. What are parents’ views and opinions about early English learning in school and
what interpretations can be made of them?
2. According to parents of young children learning EFL in school, what are the driv-
ing forces behind the trend of EYL in Israel?

II Method
1  The context and research site
The research site was a secular public school located in the center of Israel, with a popu-
lation of approximately 800 pupils studying in Grades 1–8, and 45 staff members. The
6 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

school was randomly selected from a list of schools which had brought English teaching
forward from Grade 4 to Grade 1 (as part of a national curriculum change to do so).
Therefore, for the first time in that school, English was being taught from Grades 1
through 8. The school is medium-sized and is characteristic of most secular public
schools in Israel: the population is typically heterogeneous representing different layers
and socioeconomic levels of the Jewish society: new immigrants, Israeli born families,
single-parent families, and all of whom span the entire conservative, liberal, traditional
spectrum. Ethical consent to conduct the study was pursued and granted from the Chief
Scientist of the Ministry of Education, from parents and from the school’s principal.
Prior to presenting the research methods, it will be noted that the research reported
here is part of a more comprehensive study, which used multiple data collecting tools
including interviews with pupils, teachers and various acting stakeholders, classroom
observations and analyses of published texts on the topic of EYL. This article draws on
particular data from the study and focuses on spoken discourse collected from 16 par-
ents, four teachers (two English teachers and two homeroom Grade 1 teachers) and the
principal, via in-depth semi-structured interviews.

2 Participants
The parents interviewed for this study were intentionally sampled, in order to include a
representation of people from different cultural, economic, social and personal back-
grounds. The following families were approached by the researcher and gave their con-
sent to participate in this study: two veteran immigrant families from the former USSR
(immigrated over 20 years ago), two new immigrant families (immigrated approx. 10
years ago), four secular working-class families, four secular middle-class families, two
semi-religious working-class families and two single-parent families. The parents’ ages
ranged from early 30s to late 40s. Each interview was conducted at the family’s home
and lasted approximately 90 minutes. The interview context provided a relaxed, intimate
setting, enabling me (interviewer) to concentrate on real-time, moment by moment inter-
action with the parents (Mann, 2016) and, in many cases, both parents took part.
The nature of such personal interviews created a space for both reflective and reflex-
ive processes, focusing on the interview situation while being sensitive to the discursive
choices made by the interviewees (Mann, 2016). The teachers and the principal inter-
viewed for this study were intentionally chosen for triangulation (to collect different
sources and samples of data) and because they either teach Grade 1–3 or work as English
teachers in the school.

3  Research instrument
Interviews were chosen as a main data collection tool because they are shown to have a
growing presence in applied linguistics, particularly among studies that aim to investi-
gate participants’ experiences, beliefs and views (Talmy, 2010; Talmy & Richards, 2011).
In language education research, qualitative data collected via interviews generate insights
into a variety of language teaching and learning processes and unravel issues pertaining
to motivation, language attitudes, learner autonomy and more (Talmy & Richards, 2011).
Carmel 7

4 Procedure
Data from all participants was collected via interviews during 2015–16 school year. The
interviews with the teachers and the principal were conducted at the school, their familiar
environment. All the interviews were conducted in Hebrew, recorded, transcribed and
translated into English by myself, the researcher (a near native speaker of English). This
repeated process of reading and listening has made the data familiar enabling a close,
rigorous analysis. Sample interview questions include: What do you think about children
learning English in the 1st Grade? In your opinion, at what age should children begin
learning English in school? What do you think about lowering the beginning age to
Grade 1? Why do you think this was done? What are your expectations of this reform?
(for a complete list, see Online Appendix 1). The questions aimed to facilitate open dia-
logue which would generate meaningful discourse revealing people’s assumptions, atti-
tudes, beliefs and opinions about EYL.

5  Critical discourse analysis

The Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) paradigm was adopted for the analysis of the
discourse generated in the interviews. CDA is a discourse-oriented theory of language
and speech in social institutions. Drawing on critical linguistics and critical theory, CDA
focuses on how social relations, identity and power are constructed within the broader
social context as part of a process of social order or social change. CDA focuses on the
question of how language, as a sociocultural tool, mediates relationships of power and
privilege in social interactions (Foucault, 1972; Gee, 1999, 2005, 2011; Gee, Hull &
Lankshear, 1996; van Dijk, 2002, 2004; Wodak, 2013). CDA is both a theory and a
method (Gee, 2005, 2011; van Dijk, 2002, 2004; Wodak, 2013). The theoretical position
is that people draw on different discursive and other resources to articulate and construct
their ideologies, beliefs, and understandings of everyday life. Therefore, reality is seen
as discursively constructed, shaped by various discursive and social forces. From the
analytical perspective, CDA provides diverse tools with which to examine and analyze
people’s discourse to understand social phenomena while bringing social theories and
linguistic theories together. CDA tools enable the examination of sociocultural or educa-
tional issues and make visible the ways in which language both constructs and represents
the social world. Thus, CDA involves paying attention to particular configurations of
words, phrases, grammatical structures and other linguistic features. Gee’s (2011) and
Wodak’s (2013) theories of CDA and the analytical tools they offer were used in this
study to examine, analyze and interpret oral discourse on the EYL phenomenon.

III Analysis
A three-stage heuristic procedure of systematic analysis of the interviews was conducted.
In the initial stage, I examined the whole data set reflectively, looking at key motifs that
ran through each interview (Gee, 2011; Mann, 2016). I re-read all the interview tran-
scripts (in their Hebrew original) and identified themes according to the motifs that
appeared throughout. For the coding process I used ‘Narralizer’, a qualitative analysis
8 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

software used extensively for coding interviews in Hebrew (Shkedi; http://www.narral-

izer.com/Home.aspx). In the second stage, I examined extended segments of text, focus-
ing on the actual language used by participants to articulate their views, actions, beliefs
and assumptions. In the third stage, I suggested explanations and interpretations of the
data, closely examining participants’ words and linguistic patterns, with particular atten-
tion to language that sounded different, repetitive or contentious. This language-context
analysis included, for example, paying attention to how language was employed to
emphasize and highlight particular issues so as to make them more significant. Analysis
also involved noticing and paying attention to linguistic features such as repetitions, use
of particular content words, figurative language and metaphors, use of voice, references,
reported speech, nominalization or expressions ‘borrowed’ from different sources and
other contexts.
Linguistic patterns such as parts of speech, nouns, verbs, clauses, and phrases acted as
guidelines for understanding, explaining and interpreting the meaning these words have
and for considering the potential meaning which can be attributed to them. Upon com-
pletion of the process, extracts from the data were given to an objective reader, a col-
league researcher, for independent reading and reflexive comments on the coding and the
interview data (Mann, 2016).

IV  Findings and interpretation

Findings indicate four main thematic categories which emerged from the data, together
comprising the ‘discourse of EYL’. To avoid some overlap among the themes, they can
be classified as: the theme of ‘good parenting’ the theme of ‘language learning’; the
theme of ‘commodification and consumerism’ and the theme of ‘global aspirations’. In
the following sections I will elaborate on each theme, illustrating the various forms of
language patterns participants used in their speech. These will be supported by excerpts
and examples taken from the interview data, exemplifying the ways linguistic patterns
constituted the systematic analysis.

1 The theme of ‘good parenting’

‘Good’ parents are in continuous pursuit of their children’s wellbeing. In this study, par-
ticipants embraced sets of practices and discourses defining and shaping what they con-
sider good for their children. According to the parents in this study, the promotion of
EYL is an essential part of being and acting as good, responsible parents. This can be
recognized in parents’ language as they put together, repeat and emphasize particular
content words such as ‘push’, ‘provide’, ‘important’, ‘invest in private lessons’, ‘give
him the opportunity’, and use the words ‘good parents’ when referring to themselves. As
good parents they invest in their children’s education by providing them with resources
and opportunities to learn English. This is exemplified by phrases such as: ‘I will make
an effort to help my son advance in English’, ‘good parents invest in their children’, ‘As
a good parent I will do whatever is necessary’, which exhibit their parental concerns,
obligations and efforts to fulfill them. The following extract is an example of a mother’s
desire to invest in English as part of her duty to advance her children in the world.
Carmel 9

Olivia (mother): I think that English is very important and I think that at an early age you grasp it
better than at an older age. I wanted her to go to private lessons, it was something I WANTED her
to go to .  .  . Look, I invest in them. I bought them all the tapes, the English kits, my first dictionary,
everything . . . I sit with them to watch clips and songs . . . I invest in what’s important.

In this example Olivia repeats the words ‘invest’ together with ‘buy’ and ‘important’ con-
necting it with something she wanted to do as a parent. She made an explicit link between
the notion of investment in English and buying for her children, which, in her opinion, is
part of acting like and being a good, responsible parent.
Parents used figurative language, ‘voice’ and many ‘I-action’ statements to articulate
their beliefs and actions, as can be seen in the following example:

Nira (mother): I drip it in. I sit with my kids when they watch TV, cartoons, or video clips on the
computer in English. I tell them or ask them: What’s written here? What did you see? Tell me in
English. I explain things. I will do everything in my power to help my daughter advance in English.

This excerpt is filled with I-statements and descriptions of actions Nira is willing to take
to promote English with her children. She is ready to scaffold her child’s English learn-
ing process, invest in financial or other resources, both of which contribute to building
significance for EYL. Similarly, David (father) said:

It’s like . . . every good parent wants to provide this (English) for his child . . . According to
what is said today and following the ‘herd culture’, we say ‘let’s provide our children with the
best possibilities for knowing English’ .  .  . so if people say it’s good to start at a young age, then
yes, I will make the effort, I will save up and even take private lessons . . . give her the
opportunity to succeed.

David also said: ‘I will give her the opportunity I didn’t have as a child.’ The above
excerpts offer a picture of parents who take actions to promote EYL: David is ready to
help his child, buy opportunities to learn English offered by others in order to provide his
children with an advantage (that they didn’t have), and perhaps carrying out a personal
drive to be fulfilled via the child.
The following extract is from a conversation with two parents Benny (father) & Paz
(mother): Benny: ‘Parents want English for their children .  .  . it’s like the ‘Jewish mother,
you know .  .  . the lawyer and the doctor.’ Paz (mother joining the conversation): ‘it’s like
the mother who wanted to dance but sent her daughter to ballet lessons instead.’ Benny’s
first phrase ‘Jewish mother’ coupled with the informal ‘you know’, signal his belief
about the ‘Jewish mother’, a cultural notion which is clear to him. Paz’s sentence explains
this belief drawing a link between a ‘Jewish mother’ and a ‘pushy’ mother who attempts
to live her dream via her daughter’s ballet lessons. Though the term is culture specific,
we can assume that other parents want the same for their offspring.

2 Teachers’ and principals’ discourse

The teachers and the principal were interviewed because of the professional position they
held in school, but they, too, spoke as individuals holding dual identities: as parents and as
10 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

professionals. The dominant discourse generated from their perspective can be summa-
rized in the sample statement from Gila, a Grade 1 homeroom teacher: ‘Parents push their
children. Parents want their kids to learn English and they instill it in them.’ When asked to
explain this assumption the teacher replied: ‘Parents tell their kids that it is important to
learn English. Parents say: Oh great, you are learning English in school, that’s wonderful.’
Changing her voice to that of parents’ adds to the authenticity of the message, makes it
more vivid and convincing as being true and a real representation of parents’ beliefs.

3 The theme of language learning: ‘the younger the better’ (TYTB)

‘The younger the better’ is a popular axiom, mostly associated with learning in general
and with language learning in particular. It represents a common belief that younger
children learn languages faster and better than older children and therefore it is better to
commence English learning at a young age. When asked about this axiom, with the
exception of the two English teachers, all parents, homeroom teachers and the principal
supported it indisputably. Parents’ discourse emphasized the linguistic, social and gen-
eral benefit of an early start, supporting this ambitious discourse claiming that ‘It’s fun
for them to learn English’, ‘They enjoy the songs and games, they like it.’ I-statements
such as ‘I think’, ‘I mean’, ‘in my opinion’, ‘the way I see it’, ‘I really feel that’, were
used systematically to explain their assumptions. Coupled with reassurance words and
phrases such as ‘sure, it’s true’, ‘this saying is definitely true’, ‘it’s written in the news-
papers’, their arguments sound logical and convincing. The following extracts are repre-
sentative of parents’ discourse supporting the TYTB axiom.

Ran (father): I think that at an early age you get it better than at an older age. The younger you
are, the better your capability for learning. I really believe this, not because it is popular.

Sima (mother): The kids are thirsty to learn the language, so I really think the younger the
better. They suck it up easier and faster when they are younger. They are like sponges, I see the
young kids how they learn in class. Yeah, the younger the better for sure.

Nira (mother): Look, young children have an amazing ability to absorb. At a young age they
learn fast and things become part of their lives.

In these examples the speakers repeatedly used plural pronouns (‘they’, ‘the kids’) when
referring to young learners. This conveys a generalization: that their statements and opin-
ions are true for ‘all’ young children. Additionally, use of images (‘sponges’, ‘thirsty to
learn’, ‘absorb’) creates figurative images of children absorbing like a sponge or ‘drinking
up’ the language. These serve as convincing arguments in favor of TYTB providing cred-
ibility for this assumption. Using reassuring words, parents position themselves as ‘know-
ers’ (‘look’, ‘I really feel that’, ‘I know’), leading us to believe that they are confident in
their views, which in fact, gives us a strong basis to accept their arguments as true.
In the following example, a father weaves together his own version of ‘language
experts discourse’, offering evidence from newspapers to show that he has done his
research:
Carmel 11

Tom (father): I read in the newspaper that up until the age of 5 a child learns language most
effectively . . . you get it? Up until the age of 5 . . . Their brain acquires it . . . of course!! We
are already falling behind . . .

Words such as ‘acquire’, ‘absorb’, coupled with expressions such as: ‘you get it?’ ‘I read
in the newspaper’, ‘come together to seem true’ and ‘make good common sense’.
On the issue of TYTB debate, the two English teachers expressed realistic concerns,
as in the following statement by Ravit (English teacher):

The younger the better may be good in theory but a false theory, a wrong assumption . . . the
way the system works here . . . well . . . first, there are almost 40 kids in a class, right? It’s
impossible to teach like this.

Irit (English teacher) raised additional concerns:

It can cause damage to the children, if they feel they can’t cope with the pressure, if you want
to make it fun, if you want to have the exposure to the language effectively, it cannot be done
when you have 40 kids, 40 minutes, once a week.

However, even though there are evident challenges and concerns (as stated above by the
English teacher), early English teaching is still implemented. The belief, as expressed by
home-room teachers, the principal and parents, is ‘the younger the better’. This belief is
exemplified by parents’ repeated statement: ‘of course, it’s always better to learn English
at a young age . . .’

4 The theme of consumerism

Data revealed that participants in this study use prevalent linguistic features which illus-
trate that they are, in fact, acting as consumers of EYL, which they see as a desired com-
modity. A similar idea was mentioned in the ‘good parenting’ theme above when parents
spoke of their investment in EYL, which naturally connects to buying opportunities for
their children. Parents, the principal and teachers alike used rich metaphorical language
to describe learning English as ‘a gift’, ‘a tool’, ‘a key’, ‘something you must have’,
‘something you must get’, turning the process of learning English into a material object
which can be obtained or purchased. For example: Mor (mother): ‘English? Wow .  .  . it’s
a necessity! In great demand nowadays, people must have English.’ Participants
employed words and phrases associated with the business or commercial world such as
‘It’s their business card for success.’ Some parents explicitly said that learning English at
a young age is ‘a highly desired commodity’ and for the young children it is ‘a key to the
world’. When discussing the value of learning English, parents and teachers used politi-
cal, commercial and hi-tech discourse with phrases such as ‘English is the language of
computers and hi-tech’, ‘English opens doors’, ‘it is the entry ticket to the future.’ Thus,
they turn the learning of English into an asset, a marketable merchandise. In the same
vein, parents talked about EYL as a fashionable product, or as a brand, as in the follow-
ing examples:
12 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

T (mother): English is very ‘in’ these days .  .  . everyone wants to have it .  .  . as soon as possible.

This type of discourse highlights parents’ views that English language competencies are
a fashionable commodity which can be bought.
Findings indicate that participants in this study, parents in particular, associate EYL
with high social, cultural and economic value. Parents compared EYL to ‘knowledge’,
‘power’ and an ‘advantage over others’. One father claimed: ‘Knowledge of English
equips people in general and young children in particular with high self-confidence and
provides them with more opportunities in life’. Similarly, another parent said: ‘Knowledge
is power and if you don’t have this language, which many people in the world speak and
know, you are an outsider . . . it will give the child more confidence.’ One parent stated
that for him EYL is ‘like having dollars’, making EYL synonymous with ‘cash value’,
prestige and high social status. When the motivation to learn English focuses on consum-
erism it is seen as achieving greater financial privilege.
The English teachers confirmed the association of EYL with having ‘a status symbol’,
‘gets you places’, ‘opens doors’. In addition, they took on the professional identity as
‘knowledgeable experts’. For example:

Ravit (English teacher): I am in the loop/know . . . I am exposed to information . . . what’s
happening in schools, from the aspect of English and the new program. Because I am both a
teacher and a mother, parents talk to me and ask me, consult with me.

Similarly, Gila (English teacher) said:

In my children’s school parents ask me ‘why don’t WE start English in Grade 1? To start in
Grade 3 is not good enough . . . and why only 2 hours? It’s not enough’ . . . so I find myself as
a teacher and a mother, defending or attacking the education system.

Gila and Ravit’s use of ‘voice’ indicate their familiarity with parents’ discourse and the
value afforded to EYL in their professional and personal environment.
Frequent associations between EYL and fashionable trends, such as ‘It’s very in today
.  .  . not just a passing trend’ were made by all participants. They exhibited pride in being
associated with a popular, educational trend which carries a more positive connotation
than other social trends: Efrat (mother): ‘Learning English is also a social trendy thing, a
good trendy thing.’

5 The discourse of globalization and international aspirations

Participants in this study drew on discourse of globalization such as ‘English is the inter-
national language’, ‘we live in a global village’, ‘with globalization trends today . . .’,
‘we need to connect to the world outside’, in order to express their assumptions about
EYL. Action verbs such as: ‘we have to communicate in English’ and ‘Hebrew works in
Israel only, English works all over the world,’ in addition to repetition of similar lexical
tokens such as ‘the outside’, ‘all over the world’ were used effectively in creating a local/
global binary. The choice of words: ‘have to’ clarifies the important role assigned to
English in everyday life, making it a ‘compulsory’ part of it. Using a tag question Hebrew
Carmel 13

equivalent, one parent noted naturally: ‘English is the dominant language, isn’t it?’ indi-
cating her belief that it is an obvious fact.
Participants felt that Hebrew is insufficient and limiting and EYL is one way to over-
come this limitation. The principal used the comparison with Hebrew to explain her
assumptions about the value of EYL: ‘Hebrew is not sufficient. It is not enough . . .
you’ve understood what is happening in YOUR part of the world .  .  . and you want to see
OTHER PLACES. English becomes a tool for you.’ Using plural pronouns (you) she is
generalizing, turning her opinion into fact which sounds authoritative and true. She fur-
ther explains that she is ‘more than pleased to introduce English lessons in Grade 1. This
way children will learn it better and faster.’ Additionally, Somech (father) said: ‘With
Hebrew we are confined to the narrow borders of the State of Israel and it’s as if the
country is now too small for us.’ Somech feels ‘confined’ (hence ‘restricted’ or ‘limited’)
suggesting that he would like to leave the boundaries of Israel (speaking Hebrew) which
is ‘too small for us’. Making this association with the notion of learning English at a
young age implies that he considers this a significant part of his plans for his children’s
future.
It should be noted, however, that out of the 16 parents interviewed, excluding one
father, who was a singer and traveled overseas for work purposes, none of the parents
reported holding a work position which involved interaction or communication with any
other countries, or having to use English on a regular basis. Furthermore, some of the
parents have never traveled out of Israel nor do they have opportunities to do so in the
near future.

V Discussion
This study set out to critically examine discourse regarding the increasing popularity of
EYL and sought to identify the nature of the forces behind the demand for it. The assump-
tion underlying this study was that the initiative for early English teaching is embedded
in larger global, sociocultural and political trends (Nikolov, 2016) and is mainly related
to pressure coming from parents. Thus, parents were chosen as the focus of the investiga-
tion, for their potential to impact decisions about learning and teaching in schools
(Martijn, Thompson, Ruben & Mutton, 2018). The discourse of the teachers and the
principal were added for data triangulation.

1 The discourse of EYL and potential risks

Findings highlight particular words and phrases coupled with ideologies, actions and
behaviors that participants employ when speaking about EYL. The EYL discourse
includes different strands of interwoven discourses, such as good parenting, language
experts, common sense, consumerism and globalization, which reveal that parents deem
English to be a necessary aspect of their children’s life and it is therefore important to
learn it as early as possible. They consider the promotion of EYL to be an essential part
of being and acting as good, responsible, parents, preparing their children for the global
market. This finding is in line with the previous research on EYL in Israel which high-
lighted parents’ commitment and investment in EYL (Carmel, 2009). This finding also
14 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

supports the evidently increasing pressure coming from parents who wish their children
to benefit from new global opportunities (Enever et al., 2009; Nikolov, 2016). Parents’
discourse, as revealed in this study, is formulated as positive concerns for the wellbeing
of their children. In doing so they are fulfilling their role as ‘good, caring’ parents, as
opposed to ‘pushy’, ‘interfering’ or ‘overachieving’ parents, and wish to be recognized
as such by the school and by society at large. Parents’ discourse on EYL appears sensible
and receives public support which legitimizes the desire for and the investment in EYL,
turning it into a positive, educational practice, despite the limitations expressed by aca-
demic research or professional English language teachers. Logical argumentation,
authoritative persuasive reasoning, coupled with anecdotal evidence or actions (‘chil-
dren love English, they absorb like sponges’) is powerful discourse, carrying social
trends in a broader sense. It recruits additional supporters, such as officials, decision
makers and principals, who comply with the growing pressure, regardless of risks or
challenges.
Whereas the previous research (Carmel, 2009) revealed a general ‘discourse of EYL’
as constructed by teachers, position holders, pupils and parents, this current study focuses
on parents’ discourse. Findings show that the discourse of good parenting, language
experts, consumer and globalization discourses are popular and powerful in that they
may promote and generate changes in educational practice and policy decisions at the
expense of other educational initiatives or needs. For example, it is not unlikely that
school principals will choose to introduce EYL in Grades 1 & 2 as a result of parental
pressure, despite the shortage of professional English teachers in their schools and at risk
of compromising the quality of English teaching and learning. Donitsa-Schmidt and
Zuzovsky (2016) found that to cope with teacher shortage the most common strategies
implemented by principals in Israel were ‘to increase the teaching load of existing teach-
ers and employ unqualified teachers’ (p. 90) namely, teachers who were ‘not trained to
teach the subject or the grade level for which they were hired’ (p. 89). This ‘out of field’
phenomenon whereby teachers are assigned to teach subjects for which they have no
formal qualifications (Ingersoll, 1999a, 1999b), can negatively affect teachers (Pillay,
Goddard, & Wills, 2005), disturb school routines and damage the quality of teaching and
learning. More specifically, when principals employ unqualified teachers to teach EYL
(acting as lip-service just to staff the classes) they are risking marketing EYL as a fash-
ionable trend to enthusiastic consumers rather than engaging in effective EFL teaching
and learning. This might further result in lack of long-term planning, skewed assessment
practices and the possible creation and preservation of gaps between pupils at schools.

2 Potential threats for English teachers

The discourse of EYL revealed in this study together with parents positioning themselves
as ‘experts’ in FL (‘the younger the better for sure’) can create potential problems for
English teachers. Teachers may interpret the ‘language learning discourse’ as a threat or as
criticism, casting doubt on their professionalism and undermining their decisions or com-
petence. Parents’ emphasis on the linguistic, social and general benefit of EYL may result
in over-involvement in the English teaching curriculum leading to interference in the con-
tent taught or teaching practices. Parents of young children learning English typically like
Carmel 15

to have evidence of their children’s English proficiency at the earliest possible stage
(Nikolov, 2016). As a result, they may exert extra pressure on teachers and principals,
requesting them to assign homework and tests regularly. Additionally, parents may assume
that the proficiency achieved at this early stage (which is likely to be very basic if provided
in a ‘drip feed’ method in large classes) will be automatically sustained over time. However,
as previously mentioned, this expectation may well be unrealistic due to the uncertainties
regarding the benefits of an early start (Jaskow & Ellis, 2018; Pfenninger and Singleton,
2017), the significance of social, psychological, and contextual factors (Pfenninger &
Singleton, 2017, p. 209) and the type of instruction the pupils receive. Thus, parents’
demands and high expectations are likely to add pressure on teachers, which may, in turn,
adversely affect their pupils and their learning experience. This situation is a potential
threat for both teachers and pupils, particularly in view of the psychological and emotional
factors involved in learning a foreign language (Dewaele & Alfawzan, 2018; Nikolov,
2016) and in sustaining pupils’ motivation over 12 years of learning EFL in school. Parents’
overenthusiasm, though framed as good intentions or global aspirations, may be over-
whelming, particularly for novice teachers, who are frequently challenged by parents. It is
possible that in the case of new, inexperienced or unqualified teachers, parents’ interference
will harm teachers’ self-confidence and motivation resulting in their early attrition and
turnover.
As is typical of other educational trends in our modern era, it seems that EYL is here
to stay. Schools who have chosen to introduce EYL are unlikely to reverse their decision
despite lack of qualified teachers, large classes or other challenges. It is therefore recom-
mended that educators be aware and become familiar with the essence of EYL discourse.
Understanding parents’ attitudes towards EYL and the forces that drive them will enable
teachers and principals to handle the pressure exerted by the parents in a professional
manner. Familiarity with the discourse of EYL will help teachers avoid possible confron-
tations or misunderstandings and focus on forming positive parent-teacher partnerships.
Similarly, school principals and decision makers must take into account parents’
aspirations with regards to English learning, be aware of their hopes and expectations
which are often unrealistic, before implementing English teaching programs at a young
age. For EYL to be effective, principals must provide pupils with the appropriate con-
textual, individual and socio-affective resources. These include allocating sufficient
teaching hours, reducing the number of children in classes and providing teachers with
suitable teaching materials and appropriate teaching conditions, so as to ensure quality
instruction (Pfenninger & Singleton, 2017). Teachers should also be encouraged to par-
ticipate regularly in professional development courses specializing in teaching EFL to
young learners.

VI Conclusions
This study examined parents’ discourse on the promotion of EYL in Israel from a critical
discourse perspective and its findings are likely to provoke discussion in the English
teaching community, among policy makers and academics interested in the field. Indeed,
a range of pervasive, popular and influential discourses have apparently set the agenda
on the promotion of EYL in Israel. English teaching professionals must be aware that
16 Language Teaching Research 00(0)

assumptions about EYL and its teaching are not always based on those of the dominant
professional, academic circles but rather exist within the powers of the community, with
parents being a significant example. Thus, English teaching professionals and policy
makers need to address different questions while engaging in active negotiation with
local powers in the community.
Being a small-scale case study, this research has its limitations. It is proposed that
similar studies on EYL be repeated in additional schools and across different socio-
geographical locations, such as Arab schools, Jewish ultra-orthodox or rural sector
schools. Future research on EYL may include surveys targeting a larger population and
from other perspectives: pupils, teachers and stakeholders. The collection of data in the
form of classroom discourse will enable examining naturally occurring talk in the class-
room on the ways English is used and learned in the younger grades.

Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this
article.

ORCID iD
Rivi Carmel https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5639-653X

Supplemental material
Supplemental material for this article is available online.

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