Unit 4 Appendix

Appendix D for Unit 4
Appendix D
SELECTED READINGS FOR TABLES 1 & 2
Reading Author/Title
Number
1 Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). Early engagements of indigenous
peoples with the international community
2 Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). UN declaration on the rights of
indigenous peoples
3 Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). Human development framework and
indigenous peoples’ self-determined development
4 Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC). (2012). Role of traditional knowledge in
strengthening socioecological production landscapes
5 Cordillera Disaster Response and Development Services [CorDisRDS]. (2012). Improving indigenous
people’s well-being through community organizing, training and waterworks
6 Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC). (2012). Energy forever for people’s
wellbeing
7 Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC). (2012). Micro-hydro power plant means
rice surplus & income for indigenous peoples of remote Mabaca
8 Guillao, J. (2012). The Calamian Tagbanua of Coron: Defending their identity & cultural heritage
9 Magata, H. (2012). Ikalahans: Owners & protectors of the Land
10 Ifugao Research Development Center. (1996). The muyong system: Land ownership and forest
management systemamong the Tuali of Ifugao
11 Cariño-Fangloy, J. (2015). Belonging to community
1. Pre-UNDRIP International Conventions
Reading 1: Early engagements of indigenous peoples with the international

community. Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). Towards an alternative development
paradigm: Indigenous people’s self-determined development. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
Indigenous peoples first attempted to reach out to the international community as early
as 1923 when Chief Deskaheh, the speaker of the Iroquois Confederacy Council, tried to get the
League of Nations to address the Iroquois' dispute with Canada. This was followed in 1925 by
W.T. Ratana, a Maori leader who wanted to bring the New Zealand government's violations
against the Waitangi Treaty with the League of Nations. Although the Maoris failed to get an
audience with the League, their visits were assertions that indigenous peoples are subjects of
international law. With the UN's establishment in 1945 and human rights being the key
foundational element of its Charter, the justification for indigenous peoples' engagement with
the UN was strengthened.
Decolonization was one of the objectives of the UN. However, because of the "blue
water thesis" that only colonies overseas can be subjected to decolonization procedures, the
indigenous peoples in independent countries were considered outside of it, despite their being
victims of colonization. The General Assembly did not totally ignore this reality and in 1949,
issued a resolution asking the Economic and Social Council to study the "social problem of the
aboriginal populations and other under-developed social groups of the American Continent."
Unfortunately, this never materialized as no affected state was interested in implementing the
recommendation."
The Organization of American States General Assembly in 1948 also took initial steps to
recognize that indigenous peoples are special subjects of international concern. Article 39 of the
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Inter-American Charter of Social Guarantees provided that states in the Inter-American System
should take "necessary measures" to protect indigenous peoples' lives and property, "defending
them from extermination, sheltering them from oppression and exploitation" (Anaya & Williams. 2001:
33).
ILO Conventions 107 and 169

The International Labor Organization (ILO), which predated the UN, was the first
multilateral body to look at the situation of indigenous peoples. In 1921, it carried out studies on
the situation of indigenous workers that showed how indigenous peoples were victims of
forced recruitment and forced labor, not to speak of slave-like labor practices. This led to the
establishment of its Committee of Experts on Native Labour in 1926, which came up with
conventions and recommendations on forced labor, and a Second Committee of Experts on
Indigenous Labour in 1951.
The ILO was also the first multilateral body that adopted a Convention addressing
indigenous peoples. This was Convention No. 107 Concerning the Protection and Integration
of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries adopted
on June 26, 1957.
Unfortunately, the approach it took was paternalistic and assimilationist, and its solution
to the indigenous problematique was to integrate IPs into the dominant society and within the
dominant development model. The Convention states:
Considering that there exist in various independent countries indigenous and other tribal
and semi-tribal populations which are not yet integrated into the national community and
whose social, economic or cultural situation hinders them from benefiting fully from the
rights and advantages enjoyed by other elements of the population ... [governments shall
have the primary responsibility for developing coordinated and systematic action for the
protection of the population concerned and their progressive integration into the life of
their respective countries ... (ILO, 1957)
Indigenous experts brought together by ILO at a Meeting of Experts in 1986 strongly
criticized the Convention, recommending its revision as its assimilationist framework "meant
the extinction of ways of life which are different from that of the dominant society." Assimilation
or integration is the logical consequence of a development paradigm which does not respect
cultural diversity. The experts invoked the report of Martinez Cobo, Special Rapporteur on
situation of discrimination against indigenous populations. It says "the policies of pluralism, self-
sufficiency, self-management and ethnodevelopment appeared to be those which would give
indigenous populations the best possibilities and means of participating directly in the
formulation and implementation of official policies" (Anaya, 2004: 58).
The International Labor Conference, the ILO's highest decision making body, initiated the
process of revising Convention No. 107 in 1988 and 1989. This was done with almost no
participation of indigenous peoples as they are not part of the ILO tripartite system consisting of
states, labor unions and employers. Before the year ended in 1989, the Conference adopted
Convention No. 169 Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries. As
this was meant to remove the assimilationist aspects of the previous Convention, it had to
reiterate in several preambular and operative paragraphs that it recognizes the aspirations and
rights of indigenous peoples to exercise control over their own ways of life and economic
development. Nineteen countries had ratified this Convention as of 2007.
xxx. It instructs governments to establish means and provide resources for the full
development of indigenous peoples' institutions and initiatives (Article 6). Article 7 also reiterates
the right of indigenous peoples to control their social, economic and cultural development:
1. The peoples concerned shall have the right to decide their own priorities for the process
of development as it affects their lives. beliefs. and institutions and spiritual well-being
and the lands they occupy or otherwise use and to exercise control. to the extent
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possible. over their own economic. social and cultural development. In addition, they
shall participate in the formulation, implementation and evaluation of plans and
programs for national and regional development which may affect them directly.
2. The improvement of the conditions of life and work and levels of health and education of
the peoples concerned, with their participation and co-operation, shall be a matter of
priority in plans for the overall economic development of areas they inhabit. Special
projects for development of the areas in question shall also be designed as to promote
such improvement.
3. Governments shall ensure that, whenever appropriate, studies are carried out in
cooperation with the peoples concerned, to assess the social, spiritual, cultural and
environmental impact on them of planned development activities. The results of these
studies shall be considered as fundamental criteria for the implementation of these
activities.
4. The Convention further recognizes that indigenous peoples have rights to own lands
they traditionally occupy and to use those which they do not exclusively occupy but still
use for subsistence and other traditional activities (Article 14). It also ensures the continued
practice of indigenous livelihoods like pastoralism, hunting and gathering, shifting
cultivation and handicraft development, especially as these form part of their cultures
and link with their right to their natural resources (Art. 14, 15,23).
UN Development Decades
The UN declared the First Development Decade (1960 – 1970), but despite the
growing evidence that rapid economic growth is accompanied by increasing inequalities, it still
pursued the same model of development. A five percent target minimum economic growth was
set for the underdeveloped world. When the Decade ended, the growth rate of developed
countries accelerated but the gap between the per capita incomes of underdeveloped and
developed countries widened. Two-thirds of the world's population living in underdeveloped
countries still had less than one-sixth of the world's income. Recognizing the need to ensure a
balance between economic and social development, the Decade Programme proposed that
one percent of developed countries' incomes should go to underdeveloped nations in the form
of international aid and financial assistance. Although this was lowered to 0.7 percent in
subsequent Decades, these targets sadly were not met except by a very few countries. During
this period, massive infrastructures like highways and mega-hydroelectric dams were built in
indigenous territories in Latin America, Asia and Africa. The entry of mining, logging, and oil and
gas corporations into indigenous territories also led to their forcible displacement and
militarization of their communities.
The merging of economic and social development was only proposed in the Second
Development Decade (1970-1980), which was affirmed by the International Development
Strategy proclaimed on October 24, 1970. This integration favors indigenous peoples as most
development programs then stressed quantitative, material and economic aspects of
development and ignored its social and cultural aspects.
In response xxx a UNEP-UNCTAD (UN Conference on Trade and Development)
Symposium held in October 1974 resulted in the Declaration of Cocoyoc, which states that the
aim of development is not to develop things but to develop man. Subsequently ILO developed
its Basic Needs Approach, which had the goal of establishing a minimum standard of living. At
the third UNCTAD meeting in 1972, the issue of rights was brought into the development
discourse with the assertion by governments in the South or underdeveloped world that they
have the right to development. (Gready & Ensor, 2005: 18).
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The UNESCO, in turn, formulated the concept of endogenous development which Esteva
described:
For some time, this conception won more acceptance than all the others. It seemed clearly
heretical, openly contradicting the conventional wisdom. Emerging from a rigorous critique
of the hypothesis of development in ‘stages' (Rostow), the thesis of endogenous
development, rejected the necessity or possibility - let alone suitability - of mechanically
imitating industrial societies. Instead, it proposed taking due account of the particularities of
each nation.
This radical but sensible idea, however, did not prosper because it posed a serious
challenge to the dominant development paradigm, which is pushed as the single economic and
cultural model for the world. A truly endogenous development allows for diverse cultures to exist
and for indigenous economic and social systems to thrive. The architects and beneficiaries of
the dominant development model would find it hard to support something which goes against
their own models and interests.
The other debate taking place at the same time revolved around development economics.
The notion of underdevelopment and the standards of modernity, progress and development,
which were measured only through the yardstick of Western progress, were questioned.
Underdevelopment which was described in terms of low productivity, lack of capital and
inadequate industrialization was critiqued," especially as it is was generally applied to the South
or the Third World. Within the South it was the indigenous peoples who were considered the
backward and underdeveloped sectors. Tragically, modernity and development as
conceptualized by the North was eventually accepted by newly independent nation-states as
their own agenda.
UN Declaration on Right to Development

Within the Second Development Decade, the right to development was " ... raised by
developing countries as their claim for distributional equity in the international political economy
of development.” The UN Declaration on the Right to Development (RTD), which was finally
adopted in 1986, was the result of the assertion by underdeveloped countries that their right to
develop has to be acknowledged and supported by the international community. Stephen
Marks, an expert on the issue, further explained the agenda of developing countries, particularly
the most active members of the Non-Aligned Movement who call themselves the "Like-Minded
Group." Their interests are to use the R TD to reduce inequities of international trade, the
negative impacts of globalization, differential access to technology, the crushing debt burden,
and similar factors they see as detrimental to the enjoyment of human rights and development."
At the first UNCTAD meeting in 1964 these countries stated strongly that sovereignty is
nothing if the world's economic resources remain concentrated in the hands of the former
colonizers. Gaining their independence was important but the next step should be the
restructuring of the global economic system to redistribute control over economic resources
through a New International Economic Order (NIEO). To strengthen the NIEO agenda,
developing countries convinced the Commission on Human Rights to deal with the issue of the
right to development, resulting in two resolutions (Res. 411977 and 511979), which affirmed that the
right to development is a human right. In 1979 the General Assembly passed Resolution 34/46
stating that the right to development is "a human right and that equality of opportunity is as
much a prerogative of nations and of individuals within nations."
To further address the raging debates on this issue, the Commission on Human Rights
asked the Secretary General to conduct a study on the international aspects of the right to
development. The report came out in 1979 and stated that:
the central purpose of development is the realization of the potentialities of the human
person in harmony with the community; the human person is the subject not the object
of development; both material and non-material needs must be satisfied; respect for
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human rights is fundamental; the opportunity for full participation must be accorded; the
principles of equality and non-discrimination must be respected; and a degree of
individual and collective self-reliance must be achieved.
Some developed countries led by the United States strongly opposed the idea of a
declaration on the right to development. The Cold War politics, which split the unity of civil and
political rights and economic, social and cultural rights, still largely influenced these arguments.
In fact up to now, a divide remains between those who regard economic, social and cultural
rights as essential human rights and those who do not accept it.
As no agreement could be reached on a draft, the Chair of the Working Group drafting a
declaration on the right to development brought his own version before the General Assembly in
1986. This was passed through a vote of 146 in favor and one against ( US) it, with eight
abstentions. The developed countries were not all united against it, as Australia, Canada,
France, the Netherlands and New Zealand voted in favor of the Declaration.
Article 1 of the Declaration explicitly states that the right to development is an
inalienable human right, and this implies the full realization of the right of peoples to self-
determination, including the inalienable right to full sovereignty over their natural wealth and
resources. After its adoption, a Working Group of Governmental Experts was established to
discuss concrete recommendations on how it should be implemented. Since agreements could
not be reached even after three session, the UN Commission on Human Rights requested then
UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to organize a global consultation on the realization
of the right to development. This took place in Geneva in January 1990 with the participation of
experts, UN programs and agencies, 50 representatives of States, NGOs and a handful of
indigenous representatives. This was the first time indigenous peoples had been invited to a
process related to the Declaration on the Rights to Development. The consultation resulted in a
report which identified the obstacles to the realization of human rights" and refined the concept
of participation in human rights law."
After more than 10 years of existence, however, not much was seen by way of
implementation of the Declaration to the Right to Development. Thus, the Commission on
Human Rights set up a follow-up mechanism that included establishment of an open-ended
working group (OEWG) and appointment of an independent expert. The expert's mandate is to
present to the OEWG on RTD a study on the current state of progress in the implementation of
the right of development as elaborated in the Declaration. (CHR resolution 1998172) Subsequently
General Assembly resolution 541175 of 17 December 1999 called on the independent expert to
submit comprehensive reports at its 51st Session on effects of poverty, structural adjustment,
globalization, financial and trade liberalization and deregulation on the prospects of the
enjoyment of the right of development in developing countries.
Arjun Sengupta, the Independent Expert on the Right to Development, came up with a
series of reports which elaborated in more detail the concept of the right to development,
recommendations on how to operationalize it, and the impacts of poverty and of globalization on
the right to development, among others. In his first report he explained that the Declaration on
the Right to Development succeeded in bringing back the concept of integrated and indivisible
human rights. He said "in effect the right to development emerged as a human right which
integrated economic, social, and cultural rights with civil and political rights in the
manner envisaged at the beginning of the post-World War II human rights movement."
The right to development, as a "universal and inalienable right and an integral part of
fundamental human rights," was affirmed by the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights
(1993).
Sengupta summarized the Declaration's main propositions:
a) The right to development is a human right.
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b) The human right to development is a right to a particular process of development in

which all human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully realized - which means
that it combines all the rights enshrined in both the covenants and each of the rights
has to be exercised with freedom.
c) The meaning of exercising these rights consistently with freedom implies free,
effective and full participation of all the individuals concerned in the decision-making
and the implementation of the process. Therefore, the process must be transparent
and accountable, individuals must have the equal opportunity of access to the
resources for development and receive fair distribution of the benefits of development
(and income).
d) Finally, the right confers unequivocal obligation on duty-holders: individuals in the
community, states at the national level, and states at the international level. National
states have the responsibility to help realize the process of development through
appropriate development policies. Other states and international agencies have the
obligation to cooperate with the national states to facilitate the process of
development.
While this Declaration framework is dominantly statist, it can still be used as a building
block to strengthen and operationalize indigenous peoples' self-determined development.
Indigenous peoples are hardly mentioned in the reports of the Working Group and the
Independent Expert, but the Declaration affirms that the right to development is an integral and
indivisible part of civil, political, social, cultural and economic rights, and stresses it is both a
collective and individual right. The analysis of obstacles, such as globalization, debt burden,
unequal trade agreements, financial and trade liberalization, is crucial in further understanding
why development remains elusive for most peoples, including indigenous peoples.
Furthermore, the emphasis on the primacy of participation and the creation of
appropriate development policies resonates with our assertion of our right to freely determine
our economic, social and cultural development. Equity and social justice are also identified as
key objectives of development, and not just economic growth. Through the years, reports by the
Open-ended Working Group and Independent Expert have elaborated what the right to
development is and how it relates to human development and the human-rights based approach
to development. Legal scholars have come up with their own independent analysis on the
consistency of the right to development with existing international human rights law.
A glaring gap in the reports and some legal commentaries, however, is again the
invisibility of indigenous peoples. The OEWG Chairman's conclusions in the 2001 session are
among the rare ones that mention indigenous peoples. Under the section on national actions,
he affirmed the " ... need for special attention to persons belonging to minorities, whether
national, ethnic, religious or linguistic, as well as to vulnerable groups, such as
indigenous people, Roma, migrants ... "
The story of the Declaration on the Right to Development shows how indigenous
peoples are invisible in the radar screens of most countries, whether developed or developing.
We are referred to only in terms of our vulnerabilities and not the positive contributions we can
offer to make development more socially just and culturally appropriate. While those of us from
developing countries can sympathize with the efforts of their governments to assert their right to
develop, we regret the strong statist underpinnings of this process and its end product. Another
problem is their pursuit of the same dominant development model, which is one of the root
causes of our further marginalization. This is what pushed us to assert our right to self-
determination and to elaborate our own concept of self-determined development, using
whatever we find useful from the results of the work and processes within the UN system. This
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paper treated this Declaration at great length, in spite of the fact that it barely refers to
indigenous peoples to illustrate the challenges which indigenous peoples face in this debate.
Indigenous peoples' struggles for basic human rights, further engagements with UN
To address the hegemonic developmentalist wave or the dominant development
paradigm, indigenous peoples responded in diverse ways. In Latin America the indigenous
peoples took two tracks: one was to fight against it, and another used some of its policies and
programs to promote their interests. The second track adopted agrarian reform, which was the
political agenda of the peoples' movements. Indigenous peoples in the Andean regions of
Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru as well as those from Guatemala and Mexico created or joined
peasant cooperatives, unions, Basic Christian Communities and political parties. Many self-
identified as campesino or peasants and not as indigenous peoples.
Those who opted to fight participated in armed revolutionary movements like URNG in
Guatemala, Shining Path in Peru and at the turn of the millennium, the Zapatista uprising in
Chiapas, Mexico. The participation of indigenous peoples in armed movements is an
expression of resistance against their marginalization. Unfortunately, in most instances their
cause was subsumed into the class struggle, which made their identity and issues invisible.
Nevertheless, because these revolutionary movements needed to generate support not only
within the country but internationally, indigenous peoples who were part of these linked with
other indigenous formations.
In Asia, among the indigenous peoples who armed themselves to fight against
destructive development projects were the Igorot in the Philippines' Cordillera region; Jumma
peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts; Naga and Mizo peoples of Northeast India; and the Karen,
Shan and Chin in Burma. Formations are usually built along tribal lines, but when indigenous
peoples are confronted with projects that impact across physical and tribal boundaries, the
logical recourse are pan-tribal formations such as in the Philippines where a pan Cordillera-wide
indigenous peoples' movement was born. National and regional formations" were also
developed which engaged with the United Nations.
The indigenous peoples in developed countries either negotiated treaties with the State
or filed legal suits against it, especially if it breached earlier treaty agreements. They brought
complaints before the various UN Treaty Bodies, the most popular being the Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and the Human Rights Committee (HRC). At the
regional level they also used the Organization of American States and the Inter-American Court
of Human Rights.
Spaces provided by the United Nations which allowed for the participation of indigenous
representatives helped to strengthen the global indigenous peoples' movement. The first was
the UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations, which saw an increasing participation of
indigenous representatives since its establishment in 1982. This came about as a result of
various UN and UN-related processes initiated by sympathetic UN staff, representatives of
indigenous peoples, NGOs and States.
In 1971 the UN Economic and Social Council authorized the UN Sub-Commission on
the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities to undertake a study on the
"Problem of Discrimination Against Indigenous Populations. The appointed Special Rapporteur,
Martinez Cobo, came up with a series of partial reports between 1981-83, and the final paper
containing the Conclusions and Recommendations was released in 1986. This report, popularly
known as the Martinez Cobo Study, became the major UN reference document on indigenous
peoples. The process set a precedent for other UN agencies or bodies also to support further
studies or organize processes on indigenous peoples within the purview of their specific
mandates.
Even before the Martinez-Cobo report was completed, the NGO Subcommittee on
Racism, Racial Discrimination, Apartheid, and Decolonization held the "International NGO
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Conference on Discrimination Against Indigenous Populations in the Americas" in Geneva on

20-23 September 1977. Of around 400 persons who participated, a fourth or 100 were
delegates of 60 indigenous nations and peoples from 15 countries in the Americas. Observers
from 38-member states of the UN took part as well as UN agencies like UNESCO and ILO.
This historic conference approved the "Declaration of Principles for the Defense of
Indigenous Nations and Peoples of the Western Hemisphere" and several resolutions including
the call on the UN to set up a Working Group on Indigenous Populations. This conference,
through its Economic Commission, gave a scathing critique of development and the role of
multinational corporations:
To accommodate the increasing demand for materials and resources and the inherent
profit quest, the multinational corporations have accelerated development and
exploitation of native peoples and resources. A key force in this process in Latin
America is the U.S. economic development and military aid. This exploitation is imminent
due to the significance of native resources. In the U.S. alone, native lands include
approximately 30 percent of all coal reserves, 90 percent of all uranium reserves and 50
percent of overall energy reserves. Indian lands in the U.S. have produced over 2.7
billion dollars.
Its Social and Cultural Commission elaborated the links between economic
exploitation and indigenous culture. The destruction of indigenous cultures in the Americas is
historically inseparable from the considerations which motivated and which still motivate the
criminal acts of the European colonizers, the primary consideration being human exploitation
and the greed for land and cheap labour. To destroy a culture is to destroy the basis for an
autonomous society able to defend the interests of its members. It is noteworthy that this
Commission has had great difficulty in isolating the destruction of culture from other acts of
genocide, and it is necessary to constantly bear in mind the links existing between these
phenomena. The pattern of cultural aggression and destructive cultural penetration may be said
to begin at the point of departure for the culture of the Indians, i.e., their natural environment.
The removal of Indians from their traditional homes, the physical corruption of their ceremonial
grounds, the industrial pollution of their natural habitat, all render impossible the continuation of
culture, not only because its physical basis is destroyed but because such acts do violence to
the system of values possessed by the Indians.
Another important conference was the "Conference of Specialists on Ethnocide and
Ethnodevelopment in Latin America" organized by UNESCO in 1981. It issued a Declaration
proclaiming that "ethno-development is an alienable right of Indian groups" and affirming their
"inalienable right" to consolidate their cultural identity and to "exercise … self-determination."
Ethnodevelopment, as described in this Declaration, is the extension and consolidation of the
elements of culture, "through strengthening the independent decision-making capacity of a
culturally distinct society to direct its own development and exercise self-determination, at
whatever level, which implies an equitable and independent share of power. This means that
the ethnic group is a political and administrative unit, with authority over its own territory and
decision-making powers within the confines of its development project, in a process of
increasing autonomy and self-management ... "
Due to the indigenous peoples' demands as contained in the Declaration of the earlier
1977 conference and the Martinez Cobo Study's recommendations, the UN Working Group on
Indigenous Populations was established in 1982 by the UN CRR Sub Commission on the
Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. This body was mandated to review
developments concerning indigenous peoples and to develop international standards on
indigenous peoples' rights. Since its establishment, indigenous representatives actively
engaged with it and fully participated in drafting the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples. This space provided the opportunity for indigenous peoples to come together not just
to make statements but to consolidate their own movement at the global level. We discovered
9
an arena of struggle to further pursue our objectives as movements. While it was clear to us that
respect and fulfillment of our rights depended on the strength of our movements locally and
nationally, we also knew that linking our struggles at the regional and global levels and getting
the international community to adopt an international instrument on our rights would greatly
boost our local work.
The World Conferences of the UN in the 1990s also saw the dynamic engagement of
indigenous peoples. Our participation in the 1992 Earth Summit (UNCED), for instance,
resulted in Chapter 26 of Agenda 21 on "Recognizing and Strengthening the Role of
Indigenous Peoples and their Communities," which identified indigenous peoples as a major
group that will help bring about sustainable development. At the 1993 World Conference on
Human Rights in Vienna, indigenous peoples succeeded in pushing a recommendation for the
establishment of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Peoples. Indigenous women took
part in the Fourth World Conference on Women and ensured that the final Declaration and
Programme of Action contained references on indigenous women. The Asian Indigenous
Women's Network, which this writer convened, organized the Indigenous Women's Tent, which
became the nerve center of activities for indigenous women and where we agreed on our own
"Beijing Declaration of Indigenous Women."
Aside from these, some of us started to use the treaty bodies of the UN to air our
complaints and issues and to put pressure on member-states to comply with their obligations to
international human rights law. Our engagement with the treaty bodies is, in a way, a means
to assert that we are equally entitled to enjoy the full protection of international human rights
law. To gather more support and get other actors to reinforce our views, we established
alliances with various NGOs that work for the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples."
Cultural rights and international human rights law

While vibrant debates on economic and social rights and development were taking
place, not much was heard around the issue of cultural rights. In fact, culture has been regarded
not only as an obstacle to development and modernity, but in the human rights discourse, also
as an obstacle to human rights. However, these views are changing because of developments
in international human rights law. The adoption of various human rights conventions, which form
part of what is now known as International Human Rights Law, has led to substantial debates
and jurisprudence on cultural rights, especially as these relate to traditional livelihoods and
development of indigenous peoples.
xxx. The articles that deal specifically with cultural rights are found in both Articles 27 of
the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights and Article 15 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights."
Indigenous peoples are among those who contributed in enriching jurisprudence on
cultural rights within Treaty Bodies because of the cases they filed with them. Pergus MacKay, a
legal expert on indigenous peoples’ rights, who analyzed cases handled by the Human Rights
Committee saw jurisprudence emerge on the following rights of indigenous peoples:
To lands, territories and resources traditionally occupied and used and to a healthy
environment:
To protection of sites of cultural and religious significance;
To cultural and physical integrity;
To meaningful participation in decisions that affect them;
To maintain and use their own cultural, social and political institutions;
To be free from discrimination and to equal protection of the law.
MacKay also cited HRC's interpretation of Article 27:

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The HRC has interpreted Article 27 to include the "rights of persons, in community with
others, to engage in economic and social activities which are part of the culture of the
community to which they belong." In reaching this conclusion, the HRC recognized that
indigenous peoples' subsistence and other traditional economic activities are an integral
part of their culture, and substantial interference with those activities can be detrimental
to their cultural integrity and survival. By necessity, the land, resource base and the
environment thereof also require protection if subsistence activities are to be
safeguarded. Many of the cases brought by Indigenous peoples under Article 27
challenge state- or corporate-directed resource exploitation. In this context, the HRC has
observed that a state's freedom to encourage economic development is limited by the
obligations it has assumed under Article 27.
The Human Rights Committee issued several General Comments after it made
decisions on cases brought before its attention. One of these is General Comment No. 23
(Ibid,53), which recognized that as far as indigenous peoples are concerned " ... culture manifests
itself in many forms, including a particular way of life associated with the use of land resources."
Cultural right therefore includes the ability to practice traditional livelihoods, such as hunting
and gathering and fishing and the right to live in reserves created by law. Thus, the protection of
cultural rights ensures the survival of indigenous peoples and the development of their cultural,
linguistic and religious identity."
Aside from the HRC landmark decisions, the Inter-American Commission on Human
Rights (IACHR) of the Organization of American States (OAS) also invoked Article 27 of ICCPR to
decide in favor of indigenous peoples." The IACHR declared that "the special legal protections"
accorded to Indians for the preservation of their cultural identity should extend to "the aspects
linked to productive organization, which includes, among other things, the issues of ancestral
and communal lands.”
Because of the numerous cases brought before it by indigenous peoples, the Committee
on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination also came up with General Recommendation XXIII in
1997, which deals specifically with indigenous peoples, culture and identity. It called upon
States to:
(e) Recognize and respect indigenous distinct culture, history, language and way of life
as an enrichment of the State's cultural identity and to promote its preservation;
(f) Ensure that members of indigenous peoples are free and equal in dignity and rights
and free from any discrimination, in particular that based on indigenous origin and
identity;
(g) Provide indigenous peoples with conditions allowing for a sustainable economic and
social development compatible with their cultural characteristics;
(h) Ensure that members of indigenous peoples have equal rights in respect of effective
participation in public life and that no decisions directly relating to their rights and
interests are taken without their informed consent.
(i) Ensure that indigenous communities can exercise their rights to practice and
revitalize their cultural traditions and customs and to preserve and practice their
languages.
These general comments and recommendations by Treaty Bodies were used
extensively by indigenous peoples to bolster their arguments during negotiations of the Draft
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. In the same vein, during the revision process
of the World Bank Operational Manual/Operational Directive 4.20 on Indigenous Peoples ( 1991)
11
to the newly adopted Operational Policy 4.10 on Indigenous Peoples (2006), they argued that the
Bank cannot go below the standards set by International Human Rights Law.
The increasing demands not only by indigenous peoples but also minorities to have their
cultural rights recognized and respected have not been ignored by the Commission on Human
Rights. For the first time on April 22, 2002 the CHR passed resolution 2002/26 on "Promotion of
the enjoyment of cultural rights of everyone and respect for different cultural identities." It
affirmed that
a) each culture has a dignity and value that must be respected and preserved;
b) that every people has the right and duty to develop its culture;
c) that states have the primary responsibility to promote the full enjoyment of cultural
rights by everyone and the respect for different cultural identities is vital for the
protection of cultural diversity in the context of globalization, and
d) that all peoples have the right of self-determination (Stamatopoulou, 2007: 57).
This interpretation further clarifies that the promotion and protection of cultural diversity
advances human rights and fundamental freedoms for all which is guaranteed by international
human rights law. This reinforces the link between promotion of human rights and cultural
diversity.
UNESCO universal declaration on cultural diversity

The UNESCO, the UN agency mainly in charge of matters related to culture, defines
cultural rights in "terms of the rights of creators and transmitters of culture, the rights of the
people at large to contribute and participate in cultural life and the rights of peoples to cultural
integrity" (Stamatopoulou, 2007: 1). It handles many of the substantial discussions around cultural
diversity, the relationship between culture and development, and the protection and
safeguarding of tangible and intangible cultural heritage. In fact, it has played an important role
in the formulation of Article 27 of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.
UNESCO has organized various intergovernmental conferences on cultural policies.
Among the first was the 1975 Accra Intergovernmental Conference on Cultural Policies in
Africa, which was the first intergovernmental process to affirm the principle of incorporating a
cultural dimension in development. Another was the 1982 World Conference on Cultural
Policies (MONDIACULT) held in Mexico City, which debated the definitions of culture, development
and the cultural dimension of development. Its final report defined development as " ... a
complex, comprehensive and multidimensional process which extends beyond mere economic
growth to incorporate all dimensions of life and all the energies of a community, all of whose
members are called upon to make a contribution and can expect to share in the benefits."
Then in 2001 it adopted the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity, which finally
mentions indigenous peoples. A landmark declaration, it highlights the link of culture and
development and establishes that the guarantee for cultural diversity to flourish is the respect of
human rights, but unfortunately it has not gained the attention it merits. It also elaborates how
the right to culture establishes an enabling environment for cultural diversity (Article 5), and
clarifies that cultural diversity is one of the roots and a factor of development (Article 3) as well
as a means to achieve intellectual, moral, emotional and spiritual existence. Furthermore, it
stresses that "the defence of cultural diversity is an ethical imperative, inseparable from respect
for human dignity" and reifies "cultural pluralism" which should be promoted through intercultural
exchange and dialogue. Therefore, a commitment should be made to respect the rights of
minorities and indigenous peoples (Article 4).
xxx Overall the Declaration is still a positive development as it signals a shift of
UNESCO's views and priorities in its work on culture. Its public image is of a body concerned
only with protecting and promoting a concept of culture referred to as "high culture," such as
12
masterpieces of art or literature or historical monuments such as the Greek Parthenon or

Egyptian pyramids. It now defines culture in a more holistic manner as seen in Preambular
Paragraph 5. Reaffirming that culture should be regarded as the set of distinctive spiritual,
material, intellectual, emotional features of society or a social group, and that it encompasses in
addition to art and literature, lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems, traditions and
beliefs.
Annex 11, containing the main lines of an action plan for its implementation, has among
its objectives:
1. Deepening the international debate on questions relating to cultural diversity.
particularly in respect of its links with development and its impact on policy-making
at both national and international level: taking forward notably consideration of the
advisability of an international legal instrument on cultural diversity.
14. Respecting and protecting traditional knowledge, in particular that of indigenous
peoples; recognizing the contribution of traditional knowledge, particularly with
regard to environmental protection and the management of natural resources. and
fostering synergies between modem science and local knowledge.
xxx
2. Salient Features of the UNDRIP
Reading 2: UN declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples. Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-

Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). Towards an alternative development paradigm: Indigenous people’s self-determined
development. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
The UN Working Group on Indigenous Populations started drafting the Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 1985. The drafting finished in 1993 and the following year the
Sub-Commission adopted the Draft and submitted it to the Commission on Human Rights. Our
participation in the drafting of the Declaration text allowed for substantial dialogues between us.
the experts and the States. This became the global forum where we discussed extensively our
worldviews, our concepts of rights and development which includes the controversial right
of self-determination.
The CHR set up the "Working Group established in accordance with Commission on
Human Rights resolution 1995/32 of 3 March 1995" to further elaborate and negotiate the Draft."
This Open-ended Intersessional Working Group held its first session from 20 November to 1
December 1995 and completed its work at its 12th Session on February 3, 2006. The adoption
of the Chairman's Text of the Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples became
one of the agenda items of the 1st Session of the newly established Human Rights Council
(successor of the defunct Commission on Human Rights), which on 29 June 2006 adopted it
through a vote (30 in favor, two against-Canada and Russia-and 12 abstentions).
It was then sent to the 61st Session of the General Assembly, which at its session in
November 2006 decided to defer its adoption on the basis of an African States resolution to
further study the Declaration. The African States presented a paper on their proposed
amendments to the Declaration, which indigenous peoples flatly rejected as these reinforced
discriminations. A legal response subsequently developed by the African Commission on
Human and Peoples' Rights Working Group on Indigenous Populations and Communities to the
Aide-Memoire made by the African States was vital in leading to the change in the position of
the States.
Indigenous peoples both from Africa and other regions waged a sustained campaign to
make the African Group of States understand that this Declaration would not be a problem but a
solution to some of the issues they face. Their lobbying and arguments also made the issues of
African indigenous peoples more visible. They extensively used the 2003 Report on Indigenous
13
Populations and Communities in Africa prepared by a Working Group specifically set up for this
purpose to convince the African States and multilateral bodies that there are indigenous peoples
in Africa who are different from the dominant populations. The Report countered the common
argument the African States use not to deal with this issue - that all Africans are indigenous. We
impressed upon them that it was not to their advantage to be seen as blocking the adoption of a
major human rights instrument, and as the days went, they noticeably distanced themselves
from Canada and other opposing States. Eventually the African States led by Namibia and
Botswana came together with delegations from Mexico, Peru and Guatemala to discuss and
agree on amendments to the Declaration, which the latter brought to the indigenous peoples'
caucus steering committee to see if the amended text was acceptable. All the regional
indigenous caucuses agreed to support the amended text.
After more than two decades of work, the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples" was finally adopted by the 61st session of the General Assembly through a vote of 143
in favor, four against and 11 abstentions. For more than two decades we were able to sharpen
our arguments on why we insist that specific articles are formulated the way they are. At some
point we knew that we would not win the battle by perfecting our arguments alone, but by being
flexible enough to accept there could be amendments which would not alter the substance and
basic principles we had fought for but would allay some fears of States who are the main duty
bearers for the implementation of these rights.
UNDRIP and permanent forum on indigenous issues.

As Chair of the Permanent Forum. this writer was given the privilege to address the
General Assembly's 61st Session.
This Declaration has the distinction of being the only Declaration in the UN which was
drafted with the rights-holders, themselves, the Indigenous Peoples. We see this as a
strong Declaration which embodies the most important rights we and our ancestors have
long fought for: our right of self-determination, our right to own and control our lands,
territories and resources, our right to free, prior and informed consent, among others.
Each and every article of this Declaration is a response to the cries and complaints
brought by indigenous peoples before the UN-WGIP. This is a Declaration which makes
the opening phrase of the UN Charter, "We the Peoples ... " meaningful for 370 million
indigenous persons all over the world.
xxx
In terms of what the Declaration will mean for the Permanent Forum, we pointed out
that:
It will serve as the major framework for the Forum in providing advice to the members-
states of ECOSOC and the UN agencies, programmes and funds.
It is a key instrument and tool for raising awareness on indigenous peoples and
for monitoring progress on how their rights are protected, respected and fulfilled, and
how self-determined development is being achieved.
It fleshes out and facilitates the operationalization of the human rights-based
approach to development as it applies to indigenous peoples.
It will serve as a guide for States, the UN System, indigenous peoples and civil
society in making the theme of the Second Decade of the World's Indigenous People
"Partnership for Action and Dignity" a reality.
As it sets the minimum international standards for the protection and promotion
of the rights of indigenous peoples, it will be the framework for redesigning existing and
future laws, policies, and programs on indigenous peoples.
xxx
14
Self-determined development and UNDRIP

xxx The main principles which underpin UNDRIP are non-discrimination and equality.
and the foundational right is the right of self-determination. There is a need to highlight the
preamble, which further elaborates self-determined development. The preamble:
 recognizes that the historic injustices we suffered, through colonization and
dispossession of our lands, territories and resources, have prevented us from
exercising our right to development.
 acknowledges the urgent need to respect and promote our inherent rights. which
derive from our cultures, economic, social and political structures, our histories and
worldviews and our rights to our lands, territories and resources.
 affirms that our control over our lands, territories and resources and over
developments which affect us, will enable us to maintain and strengthen our
institutions, cultures and traditions as well as pursue our development according to
our needs and aspirations.
 stresses that the imperative to respect our indigenous knowledge, cultures and
traditional practices is crucial as these can contribute to the goals of sustainable and
equitable development.
 states unequivocally that we possess collective rights which are indispensable for
our existence, wellbeing and integral development as peoples.
Harmonious and cooperative relations between States and indigenous peoples would be
strengthened if the rights contained in this Declaration are recognized. Justice, democracy,
respect for human rights, non-discrimination and good faith are the key principles which define
this relationship.
The UNDRIP is an acknowledgement that indigenous peoples have not and still do not
enjoy the rights afforded to them by International Human Rights Law on an equal and non-
discriminatory basis. It does not establish special rights for us but is an instrument that interprets
how International Human Rights Law applies to us, as distinct collectivities and as individuals.
The arguments we used to convince States are that the articles of the Declaration come from
natural law, our histories, our customary laws, existing International Human Rights Law and
jurisprudence of the various Treaty Bodies. Some States who voted against it, however, still do
not accept respect for customary law established by the Declaration.
The main basis of our claim to our right to development is our right of self-
determination (Article 3). From this follows our right:
a) to maintain and strengthen our distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural
institutions (Art. 5).
b) to be secure in our enjoyment of our own means of subsistence and development,
and to engage freely in our traditional and other economic activities (Article 20.1).
c) Should we be deprived of our means of subsistence and development, we are
entitled to just and fair redress (Art. 20.2).
d) to determine and develop priorities and strategies for exercising our right to
development. This includes our right to develop and determine health, housing and
other economic and social programmes affecting us, to be involved in shaping these
and, as far as possible, to administer such programmes through our own institutions
(Art. 23).
15
e) The Declaration states that we cannot be subjected to forced assimilation. Any past,
present or future action, which deprives us of our integrity as distinct peoples,
dispossesses us of our lands, territories and resources, forcibly assimilates or
integrates us, or denigrates our cultural values and integrity should be provided
redress by the State (Art. 8).
f) Integral to the right to development is the right of participation. This is why we fought
hard to ensure that our right to free, prior and informed consent is recognized in the
Declaration which is affirmed in several articles. We cannot be forcibly removed from
our lands and territories and relocated without our free, prior and informed consent
(Art. 10).
g) We have the right to practice and revitalize our traditions and customs, which
includes our right to maintain and protect past, present and future manifestations and
expressions of our culture. These include our archaeological and historical sites,
artefacts, designs, ceremonies, technologies, literature and visual and performing
arts. These are considered our cultural, religious, intellectual and spiritual property. If
these are taken without our free, prior and informed consent and in violation of our
laws, traditions and customs, States should provide redress, which includes
restitution jointly developed with us (Art. 11).
h) The Declaration affirms that we have the right to maintain, control, protect and
develop our cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and traditional cultural
expressions, as well as the manifestations of our sciences, technologies and
cultures, including human and genetic resources, seeds, medicines, knowledge of
the properties of fauna and flora, oral traditions, literatures, designs, sports and
traditional games and visual and performing arts. We also have the right to maintain,
control, protect and develop our intellectual property over such cultural heritage,
traditional knowledge, and traditional cultural expressions (Art. 31).
The term "traditional cultural expressions" in this article was not in the original draft, but
as UNESCO and WIPO (World Intellectual Property Organization) were already using it, the Saami Council
and Tebtebba proposed its inclusion. Tebtebba was also against the use of the term "intellectual
property," which was similarly not in the original draft but later agreed to it, being the consensus
reached by the indigenous peoples' caucus.
Articles 10, 11 and 31 resemble some provisions of the UNESCO Universal Declaration
on Cultural Diversity and related Conventions, but UNESCO does not go far enough in terms of
recognizing our right to free, prior, and informed consent and in providing for redress. The
Permanent Forum and UNESCO need to conduct a dialogue on these articles so that
convergence and mutual strengthening can happen as many indigenous peoples all over the
world are victims of acts of misappropriation of their cultural, intellectual, religious and spiritual
property.
The Declaration recognizes that the dignity and diversity of our cultures, traditions,
histories and aspirations should be appropriately reflected in education and public information.
Effective measures should be taken by States to combat discrimination and prejudice against
indigenous peoples and promote tolerance, understanding and good relations between us and
the broader society (Art. 15). Since UNESCO is the main body that deals with the development of
education and media, it plays a significant role in monitoring how this particular article is
implemented.
xxx We have the right to determine and develop priorities and strategies for the
development or use of our lands, territories and resources. Our free, prior and informed consent
should be obtained by States before approving any project, especially as it relates to the
16
development. use and exploitation of mineral, water and other resources. Just and fair redress
for activities undertaken without our participation and consent should be provided by States, and
effective measures should be taken to mitigate adverse environmental, economic, social,
cultural and spiritual impacts (Art. 32). States should respect our right to conserve and protect our
environment and the productive capacity of our lands, territories and resources and provide
assistance programs for these without discrimination (Art. 29). xxx
Culture as development and development as culture

The UNDRIP contains the basic principles and rights to be implemented if self-
determined development is to be achieved. xxx. The violation of the rights to lands, territories
and resources is also a violation of the rights to development and to culture. The culture of
indigenous peoples cannot be understood outside of their physical environment, resources and
traditional livelihoods.
We may not produce a lot of surplus from our agricultural production BUT our wellbeing
as distinct peoples is not compromised. From the perspective of the dominant development
model, there is no development in our communities because our contribution to the gross
national product (GNP) is insignificant.
The imperative to ensure that our cultures and traditions remain alive, our community
unity and solidarity is strengthened, our subsistence is guaranteed, and our indigenous
governance systems are in place, requires us then to fight for our basic human rights which
include civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights. We can easily grasp the concepts of
inalienability, indivisibility and interrelatedness of human rights because of this.
xxx As the issues of cultural diversity and development with culture became more
visible, other UN programmes and multilateral bodies developed their own contributions to the
discourse. The UNDP's "Policy of Engagement with Indigenous Peoples" (2001) recognized
the value of indigenous peoples’ cultures and knowledge for sustainable development.
… indigenous cultures comprise a heritage of diverse knowledge and ideas that is a
resource for the whole world. As UNDP pursues sustainable human development,
attention has been placed on indigenous peoples largely owing to their sustainable
development practices. This has led to an interest in indigenous peoples' ways of life,
their cultures, sciences, land and resource management, governance, political and
justice systems, knowledge and healing practices. Recognition of indigenous peoples'
assets and traditional knowledge (such as terrestrial and marine ecosystems, naturally
occurring medicines from plants and insects, cultivated plant varieties, and animal
husbandry) can be helpful to national and international development. Furthermore,
indigenous peoples' continued existence is a testimony to the sustainability and viability
of indigenous economic production systems, and social and governance practices that
should be supported and enhanced, and most importantly, incorporated into mainstream
development practices.
The UNDP theme for its 2004 Human Development Report in 2004, "Cultural Liberty in
Today's Diverse World," aimed to counter the Huntington view that the problems of the world
today are rooted in the clash of civilizations or cultures. Because this was done post-September
9/11, the HDR team found it timely to deal with this issue. The UNDP report elucidated on why it
is crucial that the issue of culture be integrated in mainstream development thinking and
practice. It shows that democracy and economic growth have proven to be inadequate to bring
about a more peaceful and prosperous world. Developing and implementing multicultural
policies which recognize and respect differences in ethnicity, religion and cultures and promote
diversity and cultural freedoms are instead the paths to take for a more peaceful and secure
world.
17
The World Bank Operational Policy 4.10 on Indigenous Peoples (2005), the Inter-
American Development Bank Operational Policy on Indigenous Peoples and Strategy for
Indigenous Development (2006) and Asian Development Bank Policy on Indigenous Peoples
(1998) all contain provisions which acknowledge that indigenous peoples' identities and cultures
are linked to their ancestral lands and territories and the natural resources they depend on. The
risks and vulnerabilities they suffer when so-called development projects are brought to their
communities, even without their consent, compelled these different bodies to develop safeguard
policies on indigenous peoples. The IADB Strategy Paper went to the extent of defining
development with identity:
... refers to a process that includes strengthening of indigenous peoples, harmony and
sustained interaction with their environment, sound management of natural resources
and territories, the creation and exercise of authority, and respect for the rights and
values of indigenous peoples, including cultural, economic, social and institutional rights,
in accordance with their worldview and governance. This is a concept based on the
principles of equity, interconnectedness, reciprocity and solidarity. It seeks to consolidate
the conditions in which indigenous peoples can thrive and grow in harmony with their
surroundings by capitalizing on the potential of their cultural. natural. and social assets.
according to their priorities.
Indigenous peoples have to be made aware of the existence of these policies and be
equipped to use them, as these banks fund development projects in indigenous territories.
UN permanent forum on indigenous issues and role in self-determined development

xxx The most significant achievement of the Decade (1994-2004) was the establishment of
the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Again, indigenous peoples lobbied hard for it
until ECOSOC Resolution 2000/22, which provided for its setting up, was adopted in 2000. In its
six years of existence, the Forum has raised the visibility of indigenous peoples and their issues
within the UN system in an unprecedented manner. Its mandate is to provide expert advice and
recommendations to the ECOSOC and UN programmes, agencies and funds on indigenous
issues in the areas of culture and economic and social development, environment, education,
health and human rights. Aside from providing advice it promotes coordination and integration of
activities relating to indigenous peoples' issues within the UN system as well as raise
awareness and disseminate information on these.
The first Session in 2002 strongly recommended the establishment of a Secretariat unit
for the Forum. which the 54 member-states of ECOSOC heeded. Funded by the UN regular
budget, the Secretariat is under the Department of Social and Economic Affairs (DESA) of the
Division for Social Policy and Development.
As a subsidiary body of ECOSOC, the Forum is well placed to address indigenous
peoples' self-determined development, given its mandate. Its regular sessions and expert
workshops serve as spaces where concrete proposals on how to strengthen indigenous
peoples' self-determined development are debated and agreed upon. As early as its first
session, indigenous peoples asserted that the human rights based-approach to development
should be considered as the framework in addressing their issues. They also strongly
recommended for governments and the UN system to initiate disaggregated data collection to
better know the real picture of the situation of indigenous peoples. Another was for the same
actors to ensure that the right of indigenous peoples to have their free. prior and informed
consent be respected.
The 4th and 5th Sessions of the Forum had the Millennium Development Goals as the
special theme. The Inter-Agency Support Group on Indigenous Issues prepared reports on
MDGs and Indigenous Peoples. The report on Indigenous Peoples and MDGs 1 and 2, which
this writer authored as the special rapporteur, noted that achievement of the MDGs can lead to
18
further poverty or marginalization of indigenous peoples. This is especially so when the State
undertakes poverty alleviation programs that are geared towards expanding lands meant for
mono crop agricultural plantations. This happened among pastoralists of Kenya and Tanzania
when their pasture lands were fenced off by the governments and given to farmers to plant
agricultural crops for the market. The same occurred in Vietnam where highland indigenous
peoples were displaced by lowlanders subsidized by the government to set up coffee
plantations in the highlands. While Vietnam reported that it achieved its goal of poverty
alleviation, the impoverishment of the indigenous peoples as a consequence was not cited at
all.
In 2006 an International Expert Group Meeting on MDGs, Indigenous Participation and
Good Governance was held that specifically stressed " ... the need to ensure effective
participation of indigenous peoples in all stages of the development cycle, such as obtaining
free, prior and informed consent; equitable benefit-sharing schemes; and dispute resolution
mechanisms. Strong indigenous governance structures provide the basis for indigenous
communities to deal with the changes imposed by modernization and globalization without
further disempowerment and marginalization.”
Another important workshop relevant to the subject of this paper is the International
Technical Workshop on Indigenous Traditional Knowledge ( 2006). The experts defined
indigenous traditional knowledge as the complex bodies and systems of knowledge, know-
how, practices and cultural expressions that have been and are maintained, used and
developed by peoples, which do not only sustain the daily life but is also a key element in
maintaining their identities and building their self-determination. They recognized that "this issue
raises a range of policy, procedural, conceptual, political and practical challenges in a wide
variety of areas, such as conservation of biological diversity, intellectual property, trade
negotiations, agricultural policies, education, environment, science, climate change, sustainable
development, private sector activities, health, cultural policies, gender and human rights." These
challenges are before governments, the UN system, other intergovernmental bodies and
indigenous peoples, themselves.
3. Modernization, Economic Development, and Indigenous Socio-Political Institutions

a. Critique on Development
Reading 3: Human development framework and indigenous peoples’ self-

determined development. Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-Abayao, L., & de Chavez, R. (Eds.). (2010). Towards an
alternative development paradigm: Indigenous people’s self-determined development. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
Many indigenous peoples have strongly criticized the modernization theory and dominant
development model promoted by western industrialized countries and emulated by most post-
colonial nation-states. The economic growth-driven development model is inherently
discriminatory against indigenous peoples, their traditions and cultures, worldviews and
socioeconomic and political systems. In an earlier paper, this writer argued that:
Development is essentially a dominating process where destinies of peoples were
shaped according to a Eurocentric perception of the world ... Our indigenous worldviews
and philosophies, value systems, cultural, social, political and economic systems, which
include our traditional livelihoods. were seen as obstacles to development and
modernization. Thus, these were denigrated, destroyed or obliterated. Development,
which was adopted as one of the pillars of nation-state building became one of the root
causes of the conflicts between nation-states and indigenous peoples.
Modernization is the "idea that the state of economic and political advancement enjoyed by the
United States and the industrialized West was normative. and that it was in the U.S. national
19
interest, as well as the general interest of all people, that steps be taken to bring the other two-
thirds of humanity up to a comparable level." If this is the standard which developing countries
should reach to be considered "developed," impliedly, other ways of living would have to be
destroyed or reconfigured to reach this goal.
When the United Nations was established after World War Il, one of its first actions was
to classify the world into developed and developing countries. The development process was
defined to mean that changes in the developing countries should take place in order to attain
the level of developed countries. Development became equated with economic growth. Thus,
any country aspiring to be modern and developed should aim for increased economic growth.
And nation-states are the key actors mainly responsible in bringing about national economic
development.
International cooperation is regarded as one of the means to effect development. But
such cooperation should be grounded on principles of equality, right of peoples and nations to
self-determination and permanent sovereignty over natural resources.
Broad and Cavanagh, global development trend experts, describe how developing
countries viewed their roles before the 1980s:
Prior to the 1980s, most developing countries favored a fairly strong governmental role in
development planning and policies, fearing that unfettered markets in a world of unequal
nations would put them at a disadvantage. In fact, most of the governments maintained
trade restrictions of some sort and gave preferences to national over foreign investment.
Regulating financial flows in and out of a country was the norm for both developed and
developing countries. In many poorer nations, governments pursued different versions of
what became known as "import-substitution industrialization," wherein they created
incentives to help certain industries take off.
Unfortunately, the strong role of the state in development planning and implementation
gradually weakened because neoliberal economists wielded greater influence in the
development discourse. The UN launched four Development Decades from the 1960s to 2000,
with the aim of achieving independent national economic development for developing countries.
Sadly, these Decades failed to achieve their objectives. xxx. To address this, it established the
International Development Strategy (IDS) for the Fourth Development Decade (1991-2000),
which included speeding up the pace of economic growth in developing countries; devising a
development process that meets social needs, reduces extreme poverty, develops and uses
people's capacities and skills and is environmentally sound and sustainable. These objectives
are reflected in the human development framework.
In 1986 the UN General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Right to
Development, and in 1990 established a Working Group of Governmental Experts to discuss
concrete recommendations on how this should be done. The group identified obstacles to the
realization of human rights, and these were:
• concentration of economic and political power in most industrialized countries;
• non-democratic decision-making processes of international economic, financial and
trade institutions;
 structural inequalities in international relations between countries;
 existing trade and financial arrangements dictated by a small number of countries for
their own benefit;
 international development strategies which have been oriented merely towards
economic growth and financial considerations at the expense of human rights.
Unfortunately, these kinds of critical analysis and conclusions, which come out of the UN
itself, are not used to design the necessary next steps to address the problems.
During this same period (1960-2000), many indigenous peoples' territories in developing
countries were beset with large-scale deforestation, massive extraction of oil, gas and
20
minerals, and huge infrastructure construction like mega-hydroelectric dams. This

experience with "development" created great trauma for indigenous peoples, as it caused their
forcible displacement and militarization, destroyed ecosystems they had lived in for
thousands of years, denigrated their cultures and identities, and violated many of their
other collective and individual rights.
The World Bank, International Monetary Fund and even UN programmes and other
agencies like the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and Food and Agriculture
Organization (FAO) became vehicles for promoting dominant development paradigms. The
dogma that the unfettered market is the best way to produce economic growth and
organize societies dominated development discourse and practice, and those against it were
side lined.
Former US Vice President Al Gore described the triumph of the market in a recent piece:
The decisive victory of democratic capitalism over communism in the 1990s led to a
period of philosophical dominance for market economics worldwide and the illusion of a
unipolar world. It also led to, in the United States, a hubristic "bubble" of market
fundamentalism that encouraged opponents of regulatory constraints to mount
aggressive effort to shift the internal boundary between the democracy sphere and the
market sphere. Over time, markets would most efficiently solve most problems, they
argued. Laws and regulations interfering with the market carried a faint odour of the
discredited statist adversary we had just defeated.
Indigenous peoples in the Philippines: A case of development aggression.
It is not any surprise that there is much resistance to the use of the term "development"
because of many negative experiences with it and the modernization process. Indigenous
peoples were among the first to oppose the idea of development and economic growth. In the
Philippines, the indigenous peoples, in particular the Igorot peoples of the Cordillera region,
advanced the concept of "development aggression" to refer to the way our human rights are
violated by the State in the development process. In the 1970s, we successfully resisted the
Chico River Hydroelectric Dam Project, which was funded by the World Bank and imposed on
us by the Marcos dictatorship in the guise of development. Comprised of four big dams to be
built along the Chico River, the project would have displaced around 300, 000 Kalinga and
Bontoc peoples from their ancestral territories. The government and World Bank announced
that the project was for national development and that the minority had to sacrifice for the good
of the greater number. In 1975, the affected indigenous peoples, neighboring communities,
churches, and some national and global NGOs sent a letter to then World Bank President
Robert McNamara requesting him to stop the project.
This struggle heightened our awareness about human rights instruments, xxx. We
questioned the kind of development being pushed. "For what and for whom was this
development?" Our communities became heavily militarized and subjected to aerial bombings;
many were arrested and tortured. and the dam resistance's key leader. Macli-ing Dulag, was
assassinated by the military in 1982. When the Marcos dictatorship fell in 1986. The Aquino
government cancelled the project and the World Bank stopped the loan.
This successful protest of the Igorot peoples, along with that of indigenous peoples in
Brazil against the similarly WB-funded Polonoroeste project in the early 1980s, led to the
formulation and adoption of the World Bank's Operational Manual Statement on Tribal Peoples
(OMS 2.34) in 1982. This was the very first time a multilateral development bank developed a
manual to govern its projects involving indigenous peoples.
We fought and stopped the Chico Dam Project not merely for environmental reasons
but to oppose the threatened loss of our ancestral territories and burial grounds and the
arrogance of the Marcos dictatorship and the World Bank to define what development should be
for us. We could not allow our ancestral territories to be destroyed. and our traditional
21
livelihoods, cultures and socio-political systems to disappear by the hubris and power of those
who regarded us as backward and primitive.
Economic growth, GDP and human development

The concept of human development emerged as a response to criticisms of the impacts
of colonization and of the dominant economic development model. While it is UNDP and father
of the Human Development Report, Mahmoud UI Haq, who are associated with human
development, it should be recalled that as early as 1953, Canada raised the issue of human
development in response to the Soviet Union's criticism of its neglect of the "human
development" of the Inuit (indigenous peoples in the Arctic). Canada established the
Department of Northern Development (1953) whose goal was "human development in the North
to be measured by three indicators: longevity, education and standard of living."
In an era where GDP is the main measure for wellbeing and economic growth is the
main development goal, the Human Development framework has reemerged to provide a
balance between economic growth and social development. It aims to put people back at
the center of development and enlarge people's choices and freedoms. The Human
Development Index links human development and economic growth, and expanded GNP
and income-based measurements. According to Ul Haq, the HDI was developed to "measure at
least a few more choices besides income and to reflect them in a methodologically sound
composite index.:" He cited four ways to create desirable links between human development
and economic growth: investments in education, health and skills and more equitable
distribution of income. Social inclusion is a strong element of this framework. The Gender
Development Index (GDI) and the Gender Empowerment Measurement (GEM) were subsequently
developed to ensure that women's issues are addressed by the development process.
Inspite of the attempts to put a proper balance between economic and social
development, the dominant framework for economic growth and development remained and
was further entrenched. Neoliberalism, represented by the Washington Consensus, succeeded
in relegating the State to facilitate easy access by rich countries and their corporations to lands
and natural resources, markets (including financial market) and human resources in developing
countries. When developing countries fell into the debt trap in the 1980s, the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund provided structural adjustment loans (SALS) that came with
conditionalities that weakened the State and strengthened the role of the market.
The main policies promoted by the Washington Consensus are:
a) trade liberalization and export-led growth,
b) financial liberalization and financial capital mobility,
c) fiscal and monetary austerity
d) privatization, and
e) labor flexibility."
The globalization of this framework was systematically pursued by international financial
institutions like World Bank and IMF, bilateral aid donors and multilateral and bilateral trade
agreements. Thus, laws on mining, investment, land tenure, and labor were further liberalized.
These laws allowed further expropriation of indigenous peoples' lands and waters, more
aggressive extraction of natural resources and wanton destruction of ecosystems in indigenous
territories.
The poverty situation of indigenous peoples in most parts of the world has worsened
because they have been dispossessed of their ancestral lands and resources. But the
observation that the poorest indigenous peoples are found in territories which possess the
richest natural resources is true. In Latin America, studies by World Bank and Inter-American
Development Bank conclude that a strong correlation exists between indigenous peoples and
poverty indices. The 2002 World Development Indicators show that indigenous peoples inhabit
22
territories with vast deposits of oil, gas, minerals and forests BUT compose the vast majority of
the poorest of the poor.
The multiple crises we face today prove the failure of the Development Decades, the
Washington Consensus and globalization. Poverty has not been alleviated, much less
eradicated except for a very few. UN reports and many other studies show evidence "that
economic globalization has consistently concentrated wealth in ever smaller number of
countries and economic elites.” The top one percent of the world population now account for 40
percent of the world's net worth; the richest 10 percent own 85 percent of the global assets and
their holdings are increasing. The world's 946 billionaires have wealth equal to two-thirds of
humanity. Never in our world's history have such gross inequality and immoral disparity been
seen.
A recent UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) report described the
worsening poverty situation:
Estimates suggest that, in 2009, between 47 and 84 million more people have remained
poor or will have fallen into poverty in developing countries and economies in transition
than would have been the case had pre-crisis growth continued with its course. The
setback was felt predominantly in East and South Asia, where between 29 and 63 million
people were likely affected, of whom about two-thirds were in India. By these estimates,
the crisis has trapped about 15 million more people in extreme poverty in Africa and
almost four million in Latin America and the Caribbean.
The phenomenal economic growth in China, India and Malaysia, which reduced the
number of extremely poor people, took place because they did not follow the Washington
Consensus. Most developing countries are not in this state as they were compelled to
implement the Washington Consensus to continue borrowing from the World Bank, other
multilateral financial institutions and bilateral donors. In fact, after the 2008 global financial and
economic crisis, the situation further deteriorated in many developing countries, highly
comprising their achievement of the Millennium Development Goals.
Taking all these into consideration, the UN Permanent Forum's recent "International
Expert Workshop on Indigenous Peoples' Development with Culture and Identity" (January 13-15,
2010) concluded that:
The blind faith in self-correcting, efficient markets and the promotion of infinite
consumption of finite resources coupled with the promise that economic liberalization will
lead towards rapid economic growth, all too often, leads to the over-exploitation of
natural resources where indigenous peoples, their cultures and identities, are seen to be
"obstacles" to progress because their lands and territories are rich in resources and
indigenous peoples are not willing to freely dispose of them. Further, indigenous
peoples’ cultures and values are seen to be contradictory to the values of the market
economy such as accumulation of profit, hyper-consumption and competitiveness. In
many countries, the history and the continuing practice of assimilation has resulted in
blanket public policies which excluded indigenous peoples and are discriminatory
towards their cultures and identities. The pursuit of economic growth, at all costs, are not
only destructive for indigenous peoples but for the rest of humanity and the planet.
Development, culture and identity
The process of nation-state building in the post-colonial era and the view that the only
development track is the path of rich nations in the North, have undermined indigenous
peoples' cultures and identities. The concepts of one nation, one state, one national culture, one
national language is antithetical to realities in the nation-state. Most nation-states are
multinational, multicultural and multi-lingual. The 2004 HDR on Cultural Liberty reported that
"the world's nearly 200 countries contain some 5,000 ethnic groups. Two thirds have at least
one substantial minority - an ethnic or religious group that makes up at least 10% of the
23
population." Inspite of this reality, the report also recognized that "political leaders and political
theorists of all persuasions have argued against explicit recognition of cultural identities - ethnic,
religious, linguistic, racial. The result, more often than not, has been that cultural identities have
been suppressed, sometimes brutally, as state policy - through religious persecutions and
ethnic cleansings, but also through everyday exclusion and economic, social and political
discrimination.
Because nation-states adhere to the notion that strength is based on keeping and
protecting national unity, sovereignty and their boundaries, cultural diversity and indigenous
peoples are regarded in a poor light. Many governments resist indigenous peoples' assertion
that they have the right of self-determination, which includes determining their political status
vis-a-vis the State and freely pursuing their economic, social and cultural development. Since
these rights conflict with its eminent domain claims, its power to reclassify lands and its fixation
on the idea that human rights is about individual rights, the State has either assimilated
indigenous peoples, suppressed them or discriminated against them.
Since the State is the main agency and unit for development and many nation-states are
ruled by dominant populations, indigenous peoples' cultures are considered obstacles to
national progress and development. It is very difficult for States to accommodate sub-state
entities, especially indigenous peoples whom they usually consider backward, into the
modernization framework of nation-state building. This is one reason why many conflicts
arise in indigenous territories.
Indigenous peoples have the most diverse cultures and speak 4,000 languages of the
world's remaining 6,000 languages. The UNESCO defines culture as the set of distinctive
spiritual, material, intellectual and emotional features of society or a social group that
encompasses not only art and literature, but lifestyles, ways of living together, value systems,
traditions and beliefs. To indigenous peoples, culture is vital in determining their economic and
social wellbeing. The UN report on The State of the World's Indigenous Peoples highlights this:
Indigenous peoples have rich and diverse cultures based on a profound relationship with
their land and natural resources. Dichotomies such as nature vs. culture do not exist in
indigenous societies. Indigenous peoples do not see themselves as outside the realm of
nature, but as part of nature, and they have their own specific attachment to their land and
territory and own specific modes of production based on a unique knowledge of their
environment. Nor do indigenous peoples emphasize a radical duality between the sacred
and the mundane as happens in Western culture. In many indigenous cultures, social and
political institutions are part of the cosmic order, and it is on the basis of their worldview,
beliefs, values and customs that indigenous peoples define their customary laws and
norms. Another salient characteristic of indigenous cultures is that they are based on a
collective perspective. In the same way that indigenous peoples consider their lands and
resources to be collective assets, they see their cultural values and activities - as function
of the group not individuals.
Culture, values and rituals, indeed, are the glue that keep the social fabric of indigenous
communities together. And the continuing practice of these cultures and values has ensured
that cultural diversity is still vibrant, and that tropical forests and better protected ecosystems
remain in the world today. The UNDRIP is cognizant of the link between indigenous peoples'
development and culture, which is why 16 of its 46 articles refer to culture.
The connection between culture and development is similarly recognized by UNESCO's
Declaration on Cultural Diversity adopted in 2001. The Declaration states that cultural diversity
is one of the roots and a factor of development (Art. 3) and a means to achieve moral, emotional
and spiritual existence. It stresses that the guarantee for cultural diversity to flourish is the
respect of human rights. Its action plan for implementation is aimed at deepening the
international debate on questions relating to cultural diversity, particularly its links with
24
development and its impact on policy-making. Another objective is achieving respect and
protection of traditional knowledge particularly with regard to environmental protection and
management of natural resources.
The cultures of indigenous peoples who live in different ecosystems are linked to the way
they regard and protect these ecosystems. The indigenous peoples in Cambodia, for example,
consider a part of their forests as Spirit Forests and thus protect these at all costs, being where
their deities and ancestors' spirits reside. They also protect these to secure and safeguard their
forest-based traditional livelihoods and ecosystem. Their resistance against the expansion of
Economic Land Concessions, which are deforesting their territories on a massive scale, is
growing stronger despite repression by the military and powerful groups within the government
and corporations. Similarly, the Tagbanua indigenous peoples in Palawan, Philippines fought
for the delineation of their ancestral waters NOT MERELY to better control the waters which are
part of their ancestral territories, BUT because these are sacred grounds where their water
deities reside, and which they are thus obligated to protect.
Nation-state building, which sets arbitrary boundaries of national territories, however, has
helped to fragment indigenous communities and cultures. Many indigenous peoples were
separated when nation-states carved out their territories. The Naga peoples for instance are
found in Myanmar and India, prompting the Chief of the Naga Hoho (Traditional Council of
Elders), who lives in a longhouse, to say he eats in Burma and sleeps in India. Similarly, the
Sami peoples find themselves divided among Norway, Finland, Sweden and Russia. This has
posed complications for Sami reindeer herders whose cultural practice and livelihoods require
access to their traditional grazing lands which cut across these national boundaries. They had to
fight hard to get the three Scandinavian countries to recognize their need to freely move across
national boundaries, but up to now they experience difficulties in gaining access to their Sami
relatives in Russia. Denying such access violates their right to traditional livelihoods and culture,
which are part of their Sami identity, and their right to development.
It is imperative to bring in culture into the framework of alternative development thinking
and practice. If States acknowledge that the right to culture or cultural liberty is vital for human
development and thus work towards its realization, there is no question it will have a positive
impact on indigenous peoples and on the entire planet. The 2004 HDR Report clearly points this
out:
Cultural liberty is a vital part of human development because being able to choose one's
identity - who one is without losing the respect of others or being excluded from other
choices is important in leading a full life. People want the freedom to practice their
religion openly, to speak their language, to celebrate their ethnic or religious heritage
without fear of ridicule or punishment or diminished opportunity. People want the
freedom to participate in society without having to slip off their chosen cultural moorings.
Human rights-based approach to indigenous peoples' development. A holistic approach is
important in developing an alternative path to development, and this has been recognized by
the Expert Workshop on Development with Identity and Culture: Focus on Articles 3 and 32 of
UNDRIP:
The failure of the dominant development paradigm as evidenced by the lingering global
economic crisis and the environment crisis of climate change and erosion of biological
diversity signals the need to evolve alternative ways of thinking and doing development.
Indigenous peoples' visions and perspectives of development provide some of these
alternatives which should be articulated and discussed further. Indigenous peoples'
concept of development is based on philosophy that humans should live within the
limits of the natural world, underpinned by the values of reciprocity, solidarity, equilibrium
and collectivity. Development with culture and identity is characterized by having a
holistic approach, seeking to build on collective right, food security and sovereignty and
25
greater control and self-governance of lands, territories and resources, it builds on

tradition with respect for ancestors, but looking forward.
The focus on Articles 3 and 32 is to ensure that any development work will have the
UNDRIP as its basic foundation. The human rights-based approach to development is a critical
element of a new design of development. The FPIC of indigenous peoples, enshrined in six
articles of UNDRIP, should be obtained before any development project is brought into their
communities. Article 10 says indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands
and territories, and cannot be relocated without their FPIC. This is not an easy principle
because most nation-states claim ownership over sub-surface resources, which means
minerals, oil, gas and water. This explains their aversion to the idea of getting FPIC of affected
peoples when they want to exploit these resources. However, indigenous peoples who know
their rights assert the centrality of FPIC in any development process that directly affects them.
xxx. The "UN Statement of Common Understanding of Human Rights Based
Approaches to Development Cooperation and Programming" says:
 All programmes of development cooperation, policies and technical assistance
should further the realisation of human rights as laid down in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments;
 Human rights standards contained in, and principles derived from, the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights instruments guide
all development cooperation and programming in all sectors and in all phases of the
programming process;
 Development cooperation contributes to the development of the capacities of "duty-
bearers" to meet their obligations and/or of "rights-holders" to claim their rights."
Integrating Environment into Development
Environmental, social and cultural costs should likewise be accounted for in measuring a
society's progress. A shortcoming in the Human Development framework is the disappointing
weak linkage between development and environment. As early as 1992, Agenda 21 of the UN
Conference on Environment and Development had already consolidated the concept of
sustainable development, which integrates environmental issues with development policies.
This means integrating natural resource constraints and environmental damage in measures of
economic or human development.
Within this framework, the measurement of economic development includes costs of
using the environment as production inputs and as waste sinks such as for carbon dioxide
sequestered by forests and oceans. Therefore, the costs of services provided by ecosystems
and natural resource use as well as costs for protecting and preventing environmental
degradation should be factored into the universal System of Standard National Accounts (SNA).
As of now, SNA only recognizes depreciation of man-made capital assets but not of ecological
assets.
xxx The UNDP funded the Integrated Environmental Management for Sustainable
Development (IEMSD) in 1994 and made the UN System of Integrated Environmental and
Economic Accounting (SEEA) as part of it. xxx
In the Philippines, the National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) has led attempts to
integrate the SEEA into SNA. The NSCB head Romulo Virola stated:
With environmental accounting, the state of the environment can he assessed - how
much resources are available to us, how much renewable resources are being
consumed, how fast non-renewable resources are being depleted, the quality of the
environment and the remaining resources, their economic importance/value and how
much is spent by man for the protection of the environment. Through environmental
accounting, it is possible to reveal the economic distortions in the production and
26
consumption activities resulting from the subsidies granted to economic activities that
are heavily dependent on the environment..."
Unfortunately, these efforts have not yet resulted in SNA's expansion to fully integrate
environmental costs. All this good work done by well-meaning UN technocrats and government
officials are not easily translated into policy, as most nation-states continue to impose the
prevalent global economic growth framework. The Philippines, for instance, is becoming
NOTORIOUS for ignoring the cries of indigenous peoples whose lands are being given to
foreign mining corporations despite the lack of free consent of affected communities. The
Philippines is a CLASSIC CASE of a country which has followed World Bank and IMF
prescriptions to the letter, and thus its TERRIBLE economic and environmental state.
xxx. The devastating typhoons the Philippines experienced in late 2009 previews what
can happen more frequently for countries in typhoon or hurricane belts if greenhouse gas
emissions will not abate. Two unprecedented typhoons battered the capital of Metro Manila and
the Cordillera region for three weeks. The first one, internationally named Ketsana, poured in six
hours the average monthly rainfall the country gets, causing widespread flooding, land erosions,
thousands of dead and missing persons and millions of dollars’ worth in destruction to property
in Metro Manila. The second, Parma, hit the Cordillera region, the ancestral territory of more
than one million Igorot peoples. It lingered for 10 days, unlike a normal typhoon which lasts from
24 to 48 hours, resulting in massive landslides especially in communities already weakened
considerably by mining operations, killing hundreds of people, destroying houses and farms,
and burying roads that isolated communities.
Igorot communities near the disaster areas quickly responded with rescue and
rehabilitation operations, bringing rice, other food, shovels and other needed items for the
typhoon victims. Our traditional values, ethics and practice of solidarity, mutual aid and
reciprocity, collectivity and support for the weakest and most vulnerable came into full play.
While the recent global economic crisis also affected the Cordillera region, its impacts were not
as significant as those brought about by climate change. The devastated communities were
those where foreign and national mining companies had operated from 30 to 100 years and,
along with those still around, did not rehabilitate after they left.
We did not cause the problems of climate change or the economic crisis nor we did
benefit from mining operations, but we bear the heaviest burden of adapting to all of their
adverse impacts. We, thus, see climate change as a case of environmental injustice. While rich
countries have historically caused 80% of the greenhouse gas emissions we now suffer
from, they have not issued much support in the form of relief and adaptation funds. They
owe developing countries, nations and peoples’ climate and adaptation debts. Thus, under the
UNFCCC and Kyoto Protocol, they are obliged to provide developing countries the finances and
technologies for mitigation and adaptation, aside from cutting their domestic greenhouse gas
emissions deeply.
Indigenous peoples and multilateral system

Our participation in multilateral bodies and initiatives are attempts to make more visible
the continuing violation of our collective and individual rights, and articulate our worldviews,
values and practices of sustainable development. It has been more than 30 years since
indigenous peoples started to participate in greater numbers in the UN system, which has
deepened our understanding of the value and challenges of multilateralism. This has also led to
the adoption of policies and declarations on indigenous peoples' rights and the establishment of
mechanisms and spaces dealing with indigenous issues.
Among the fruits of our engagement in the UN are:
a) the adoption of ILO Convention No. 169 on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples (1989);
b) adoption of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2007);
27
c) establishment of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (2000);

d) the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights and fundamental freedoms of
indigenous people (2000);
e) the Expert Mechanism on Indigenous Peoples' Rights (2008);
f) UNDP Policy of Engagement with Indigenous Peoples (2000); and
g) World Bank Revised Operational Policy and Bank Policy 4.10 on Indigenous
Peoples (2005), among others.
Unfortunately, our engagement with the Human Development Report and Human
Development Index and the processes around the Millennium Development Goals has not been
as extensive as we had hoped for. xxx.
Indigenous peoples' self-determined development or development with culture and

identity
xxx. For self-determined development to be realized, UNDRIP has to be effectively
implemented, along with other human rights and international instruments. The right to culture
and identity, as contained in UNDRIP, CERD Recommendation XXIII and UNESCO Convention
on Cultural Diversity, are also crucial elements of self-determined development.
In addition. the ecosystem approach to development, to biodiversity conservation and to
mitigation and adaptation to climate change also has to be implemented. The CBD, which has
adopted the Ecosystem Approach as its primary framework for action, defines it as the
strategy for the integrated management of land, water and living resources that promote
conservation and sustainable use in an equitable way. It involves taking account of vital
ecosystem functions and valuing the ecological goods and services they provide in all decision-
making processes or what is also referred to as natural capital. For indigenous peoples, this is
simply obeying the laws of nature and practicing the indigenous values of mutual reciprocity.
respect for Mother Earth and solidarity. We know too well that if we do not treat nature and other
living beings as "our relations," we and our future generations will suffer the consequences of
our misbehavior. This is natural law.
The IPs have their own views of development and wellbeing that must be considered
in determining development models and approaches. The language of development as
understood by dominant societies does not have equivalents in indigenous worldviews and
languages. Thus, instead of using "development," several efforts are being made to advance
indigenous concepts of wellbeing or living well. Latin America, for example, has variations of
this: among the Quechua, it is sumaj kausay (sumaj, beautiful, good; kausay, to live); the
indigenous peoples in Bolivia and now the government have the concept of buen vivir (living
well); the Maya use the word utzil (utz, well being; il, well living).
Among the Kankana-ey Igorot, we say gawis ay biag (good life), which is loaded with
many rules and taboos. These taboos are embedded in the concept of innayan which generally
means "do not do it." Thus, we say innayan if you cut a tree and sell it to earn money or when
you redirect irrigation water to your own field without equitably distributing it when you are
assigned to mananom (refers to indigenous water management system)." If you flout the
customary laws on forest or water management, accompanying sanctions will be imposed on
you. Most of us respect these, and this explains why we still have tropical forests in our
territories unlike the vast majority of communities of the dominant populations in the Philippines.
We also practice mutual labor exchange called ug-ugbo when we plant, harvest, build houses,
care for the sick and aged, and during weddings and death rituals. The care for the earth or
what economists would call natural capital or assets and the strong social capital in terms of
caring for each other are what we consider our wealth. We may not be rich materially, but
we are wealthy in terms of values and the ecological integrity of our territories which we
can bequeath to our future generations.
28
The Miskitu peoples of Nicaragua have similar rules linked to development called laman
laka, which can be interpreted as rules of coexistence, offering harmony within the family
regardless of age or gender. It might be akin to what sociologists and anthropologists term as
"social fabric." Laman laka establishes economic norms on land use, signifying "if you have, you
have; if you have it, I have it." This involves labor exchange or pana pana, which allows
interaction between people and marked by the value of the word, respect for family, trust, ethnic
loyalty and the commonwealth."
Current work on indicators on indigenous peoples’ wellbeing and development is
also helping to bring to the surface more indigenous perspectives on these. In a joint project of
CBD, Permanent Forum and Tebteba, the lead in the International Indigenous Forum on
Biodiversity Working Group on Indicators, indigenous peoples themselves identified the core
issues to serve as basis for developing indicators of wellbeing and sustainability. Those
identified in regional and global processes include the following:
1) security of rights to territories, lands and natural resources,
2) integrity of cultural heritage,
3) respect for identity and non-discrimination,
4) culturally appropriate education,
5) fate control or self-determination,
6) full, informed and effective participation,
7) health,
8) access to infrastructure and basic services,
9) extent of external threats,
10) material well-being,
11) gender, and
12) demographic pattern of indigenous peoples.
The next step is to identify indicators which will measure progress in achieving these.
b. Social Capital
Successful Stories: Self-Determined Development, Ecosystem Approach,

and Development with Culture and Identity
Reading 4: Role of traditional knowledge in strengthening socioecological

production landscapes. Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC). (2012). In Sustaining & Enhancing
Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio. Volume 2. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
Recognizing the importance of traditional knowledge including customary sustainable

use and equitable sharing of resources, the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity
(CBD), has not only adopted their promotion, in its Article 8j and Article 10c respectively, but
also adopted the ecosystem approach as the main framework in its program of work. xxx
Summary of Research Findings. As defined by CBD, the ecosystem approach is a
strategy to manage land, water and living resources that promotes conservation and sustainable
use of the different parts of the environment, thereby ensuring continued ecosystem
services/functioning for people’s well-being. Our work brought us to the conclusion that
ecosystem approach is a traditional holistic viewpoint of the Igorot indigenous peoples in the
management of their territories. They adopted a land use pattern creating different nested
ecosystems of watersheds, woodlots, rotational agricultural areas, rice lands, the river systems,
and homesites, which are perfect picture of agroforestry within the mountain ecosystem. These
different parts of the ili (village/community) are kept in balance through knowledge system,
custom laws, belief systems and spirituality, community solidarity, and social values transmitted
29
from one generation to the other. Their respect for nature (as manifested by many rituals that
they have to perform for the use of resources it provides); their strong belief that land is life to be
nurtured for future generations; and their activities determined by the coming of certain birds,
flowering of certain plants, the direction of the wind, the formation of the clouds—all these
illustrate the land-man-nature relationship.
From the different parts of the land emerged a biodiversity of flora and fauna in the
different nested ecosystems, e.g., the fish, frogs, edible snails, weeds, insects; different
varieties of rice in the ricefields; more than 20 cultivated food crops; several naturally occurring
plants in the rotational agricultural areas; and various kinds of grasses and trees in the
pastureland. From the land and biodiversity, people developed their livelihood systems. Twenty-
five traditional occupations were recorded, including among others, hunting, food gathering,
food processing, farming, fishing, pottery, bamboo weaving, barter, salt making, sugar cane
processing, stonewall construction, and broom making. Except for blacksmithing and weaving,
raw materials required for these occupations were found in the community.
Up to the 80s, people generally lived off the land and produce most of their needs. Due
to various socio-economic, cultural and political pressures, however, the above-mentioned
knowledge system weakened through time. Its disintegration was hastened by the promotion of
chemical-based monocrop farming. Virgin forests were bulldozed to pave the way for the
production of commercial temperate clime vegetables.
Project Implementation: Establishing Rapport, Knowing What is There. To
implement the project, four development strategies were drawn up. At different stages of the
work, the partnership had to find the correct balance or combination of two or three of these; at
other times, to focus on just one. These include (1) research and documentation, (2) organizing
and capacity building, (3) advocacy and networking, and (4) socio economic project
implementation.
Research has to be the first step after acquiring free, prior and informed consent,
following the process of the communities. By the time the partnership entered the area,
however, the peoples’ confidence on their knowledge and lifeways was so much eroded that
they would not like to talk about it. We had to shift our research to doing more awareness-
raising: telling people that in the international communities, many have come to realize that our
traditional ways are profound wisdom. We then engaged community members in the discussion
on the logic of traditional practices. Eventually, through the participatory research, we
documented the traditional knowledge and resource management which are still very much
alive in two of the five pilot sites. We did a case study in one village that is now dominantly
entrenched into the market economy. The latter showed drying up of some rivers and
indebtedness among vegetable growers; and other manifestations of increasing food insecurity
were surfaced out.
Enabling Communities to Advocate and Influence Policies. Such findings were
presented to heads of line agencies, the legislative body and the Mayors’ Office. The session
culminated with the local government unit (LGU) allocating resources for the project to be able
to upscale from our five pilots sites to include all the 12 barangays of the municipality.
These includes plans to do the 3-dimensional mapping a of the whole town and to
formulate a land use plan that upholds the principles of traditional territory management of
sustainable use and equitable sharing or resources. The sharing led people to question the
general view that chemical based commercial vegetable production has brought in quality of life
in the community. The discussion also surfaced the realization that the shift from diversified,
sustainable traditional farming system to the “modern” farming was a negative change. These
we consider as our first and second breakthrough.
Our third breakthrough occurred during the first land summit where participants were
able to unite their views on the superiority of their traditional knowledge and their customary
laws. Participants signed a covenant and committed themselves to “arrest environmental
30
degradation and promote peoples’ well-being” by continuing the research work, regularizing
community education, strengthening positive traditional lifeways, and reaching a broader unity
starting from their communities to those sharing the services of their territories’ ecosystems.
Promoting Development/Innovations of Traditional Occupations for Increased
Food Security and Poverty Alleviation. To date, the partnership has implemented three
projects. The first was the construction of the Wangwang Footbridge in July-December 2009 to
facilitate access to farmlands. This project is the first of its kind in the community on four counts:
best in quality and durability in the municipality, designed through collective discussion,
implemented through an ubbo (communal labor) group, and done through a collaborative effort
of the people’s organization and the barangay council.
The second project set up a blacksmith training center through the newly-formed Tinoc
Panday Group, in collaboration with the LGU. Blacksmithing is one of the traditional occupations
in the area, but in the entire central Tinoc only one living blacksmith continues to practice it. As
53-year-old Daniel Binay-an declared: It gives me great pleasure to be a trainor in
blacksmithing. I thought I would not be able to transmit the skills I have. The project now gives
me the opportunity to lead a more meaningful life, I can transfer my skills to others. As such, I
will die a happy man.
The Inum-an Development Project was launched on November 23. The inum-an is the
rotational agricultural area or where shifting cultivation is practiced. Since time immemorial, the
inum-an has contributed much of the people’s sustenance. Before rice terraces were built, these
areas supplied rice, camote (sweet potato), legumes and vegetables.
Up to this time, these continue to supplement rice farming, contributing more than 50
percent of the food needs of the village. However, inum-an management has to contend with
1) shorter fallow periods, thus decreased soil fertility and reduced productivity, 2) need for better
soil erosion control as the environment becomes more fragile, 3) growing population and limited
land, 4) decreasing labor force, and 5) the need for cash. With the Inum-an Development
Project, innovations for sustainable food systems can be showcased and food security
enhanced. Specifically, the project aims to:
1. Support interested ubbo groups, with members of organized groups as a priority,
willing to integrate innovations in their inum-an;
2. Provide learning venues for other members of communities for innovative
technologies;
3. Increase productivity of the inum-an;
4. Contribute to increasing food security of project beneficiaries; and
5. Contribute to organizational funds to promote and develop sustainable food systems.
Forming or Strengthening Appropriate Groups in the Community. Strengthening
the farmers’ organizations was initially not considered a priority by barangay councils, but this
problem was overcome as the need for strong peoples’ organizations was reaffirmed.
Community leaders and elders at the Man-ili Convention discussed and agreed on a more
systematic and comprehensive plan for community organizing as they gained a better
appreciation of the role of indigenous peoples’ organizations in ensuring self-determined
development. To date four farmers’ organizations have been revived and organizing of elders is
ongoing.
Maximizing Project Outcomes for National and International Policy Advocacy.
Linking the project to national and global policy advocacy has just started. The project
experience has been presented in several fora organized by Tebtebba in the Philippines with
the aim to promote revitalization of indigenous peoples’ natural resource management systems,
using as an example the profound knowledge of the Kalanguya. It has also been shared with
community mappers in different countries supported by the Forest Peoples Programme (a UK-
based NGO) working on customary sustainable use through community mapping.
31
A broader perspective was provided to these groups including traditional occupations and
traditional knowledge on the development of nested ecosystems.
Continuing Work. The MRDC-Tebtebba Partnership continues to work towards the
objective of unifying different stakeholders in Tinoc to formulate a roadmap for the adoption of
the ecosystem approach on a higher and wider level, taking into account current realities. In
May to August 2011, nine of the 12 barangays drafted their comprehensive land use plan
(CLUP), facilitated by a steering committee composed of representatives from CSO’s,
government line agencies, and community leaders.
To ensure support, adoption and implementation of the Land Summit Covenant on the
municipal level through the municipal comprehensive land use plan has to be undertaken.
To attain this, the following work shall be done:
• Capacity building among different peoples’ organizations as part of the project’s
sustaining mechanism; and
• Convening an inter-agency roundtable discussion to define roles of each in the
implementation of land use and development plans.
Reading 5: Improving indigenous people’s well-being through community

organizing, training and waterworks. Cordillera Disaster Response and Development Services [CorDisRDS].
(2012). In Sustaining & Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio. Volume 2. Baguio City:
Tebteba Foundation
Firewood is still the most commonly used fuel for cooking in the community. The
community’s electric power is provided by the Mountain Province Electric Cooperative
(MOPRECO). However, only 50 percent of the households have availed of electricity due to the
membership requirements, wiring and monthly billing. Electrical power is used mainly for
lighting.
Forest products of Daulan include soft wood, orchids, herbal plants, reeds, weeds, and
some wild animals like deer, boar, and wild birds. Edible plants found in the place are rattan
shoots, pappait, amti and other native plants. Hardwoods that were found before are now gone
due to illegal logging. There are also many water sources in the community. These include
the Pap-arong river, the Chauran river and Chapah creek. These are sources of fresh water fish
aside from being utilized for irrigation and domestic use.
Sitio Daulan has a total population of 272 individuals with 62 households and 63
families. The people are a mixture of different ethnolinguistic groups, but the majority belong
to the indigenous Ha’ki tribe. They speak the Tinongrayan and Ginihon languages. But many
also speak and understand Pilipino, Ilocano, and English especially the younger generations.
Rice farming is the main economic activity and primary source of livelihood in the
community. There are two cropping seasons both for wet and dry rice farming. The first
cropping is called Tinyerga. It is planted during the months of January until June. During this
first planting season indigenous and introduced varieties are planted. The second cropping is
called Tapiac. The rice varieties planted are Tapac and Pinnawid and some other rice varieties
planted in the first cropping are tried in this planting season. Both organic and inorganic farming
are practiced in the community. Organic farming is done with the use of animal manure. Some
rice fields are planted with camote or sweet potatoes, aba or gabi (taro), and corn during
the dry season due to insufficient irrigation water. Rice production is primarily for household
consumption. Rice shortage is common especially from the months of January until May. To
cope with the situation, the people engage in swidden farming, and paid labor for additional
income.
Aside from wet rice farming, upland swidden farming is practiced through the uma
system. Harvest from upland farming are usually a mixture of traditional and introduced
rice varieties and vegetables. Traditional crops are beans, peanuts, chayote, corn,
32
squash, and sweet potatoes. Temperate vegetables grown are wombok (chinese cabbage),
cabbage and pechay (a cabbage variety).
In addition, some community members engage in tilapia fish production. Raising of
chickens and ducks for household consumption is also common to all households. Seasonal or
occasional labor is another source of livelihood for the residents.
Males usually go out of the community for seasonal labor in construction or gardens
while some women go out to work as house help. Overseas work is also a cause of temporary
outmigration. Government employment and store-keeping are other sources of income for a few
residents. Making brooms from tiger grass and rattan weaving of baskets and backpacks are
also done, usually by the males.
Indigenous practices are still followed in the community. Elders decide on
community issues and also help in its implementation. Governance and decision making is done
both by the barangay officials and the elders.
Elementary school children study in Tonglayan and in schools outside the barangay.
Elementary and high school students need to walk 15-20 minutes to reach the school in Sitio
Pora, while college students travel to Bontoc, Baguio, Isabela, or Manila for their education.
There is one Barangay Health Station with only one barangay health worker and a
barangay midwife assigned in the community. Common diseases are headache, diarrhea,
cough, flu, rheumatism, measles, amoebiasis, ulcer, urinary tract infection, goiter, and worms.
The malnutrition rate in the community is high. Most of these cases are preventable, yet these
remain the major illnesses in the community.
The Balugang-Daulan Farmers Organization (BADAFO) first came to know about
Cordillera Disaster Response and Development Service (CorDisRDS) in May 2008, through the
provincial peasant alliance APIT-Montañosa and the Cordillera Peoples Alliance (CPA) Mountain
Province chapter. The activities implemented by CorDisRDS in Balugang-Daulan include
a Water Works Project, Human Rights orientation, leadership training seminar, herbal medicine
training and support for organizing the general assembly of the people’s organization.
Waterworks System. The people of the community felt the need for a waterworks
system because of the lack of clean water in the community. They had an existing water system
at that time with limited pipes and faucets that did not reach all the different clusters of houses.
But because the water source was from a brook (waig), it was not safe to drink. Soil and
decayed leaves and plants usually contaminated the water and they had to boil their water for
drinking all the time. The water volume from the old source was insufficient for the needs of all
the households. It served mainly the houses near the source while little was left for the lower
sitios such as Balugang and Daulan, causing competition and disputes over water among the
people. They were not able to construct water sealed flush toilets because of the lack of water.
For the women, the problems they encountered with the old water system was that the
water was not safe for their children to drink, requiring them to boil it. The children usually
get diarrhea after drinking water straight from the old source. They had to walk far to fetch water
from the source or from the river when the supply of water is cut, especially during rainy season
when sticks or stones block the pipes from the old source. Time usually spent by the women in
fetching water and washing clothes and dishes in the source was around one to two hours each
day.
Thus, when CorDisRDS responded to the request of the community and the plan for the
water works project was made, the whole community participated actively since they
felt that the water works was a priority project. All the 67 households in Balugang and Daulan
helped in the work by sending their representatives to work each day, including the men,
women and youth. Men and women helped in hauling sand and gravel. The youth carried the
cement and pipes from the road. During the construction of the water tank and the installation of
the pipes, the men went out early to do the work, while the women prepared the food for the
workers.
33
Plumbing and cementing work were done by the community members who had learned
the skills from the construction of the old water system. CorDisRDS was responsible for the
design and technical assistance and they also provided all the materials for the project. They
suggested that three distribution pipes be installed directly from main tank because of the
location of the different clusters of houses that are far from each other; and to maximize the
water volume to serve all the households. The work on the project started on August 27, 2008
and was completed on September 26, 2008 with no major problems encountered.
After the completion of the project, the community people said that they feel that there
has been a big improvement in their lives. They are very satisfied that they now have abundant
supply of water. Water is now enough to supply the needs of the community the whole year
round, 24 hours each day. Since the project was completed, they have not experienced scarcity
of water. All 67 households have access to the water, which is safe to drink even without boiling,
because the water source was tapped from a spring. The water reaches their houses and
this makes it easier for them to wash, cook, bathe, clean, and raise pigs. The women now have
more free time to work in the fields and gardens, to pound rice, to do housework, and to care for
the children. Their dirty dishes and clothes are no longer accumulated, but are washed regularly
right beside their homes. The incidence of diseases like diarrhea and scabies has also
decreased. They are able to bathe even at night after coming home from the fields, because
they no longer have to walk a long distance to the water source. The children have more free
time and are no longer often late for school as the water for bathing is just nearby.
In the maintenance of the water system, the people’s organization BADAFO is the one
responsible for making sure that the water system is in good conditions. The 67 member
households are divided into four groups for the maintenance of the waterworks. Every month,
one group is responsible to check the system, do necessary repairs, and clean the area
from the water tank down to the pipes and faucets. The four groups take turn in doing the
maintenance work.
Aside from this, the BADAFO has collected a small amount from the members: a
membership fee of P10.00 per household and a yearly fee of P5.00 per household. This amount
is being collected by the treasurer of the organization and they have now collected P4,000.00
(approx. US$100). The amount reached P7,000.00 earlier so they decided to use P3,000.00 to
buy a pipe threader and pipe wrench for the maintenance of the project. The money is also
being used for any expenses for the repair of the water system.
Another policy is to collect fines from those who damage the water system. Only those
15 years old and above may be fined. The organization is very strict in imposing the fine. So
far, two people have been fined, adding to the money of the organization. The money they have
collected may also be lent out without interest to members who have an emergency need such
as sickness, death, hospitalization, and emergency trips to visit a sick relative. A maximum of
P1,500.00 may be borrowed for up to three months only, after which it must be paid. They
identify a collateral that will be taken in case the person is unable to pay back on time. Or else,
an officer of BADAFO can sign as a guarantor of the loan. They have, however, not yet
experienced a case when the person who borrowed did not pay back his loan.
On the whole, the project implementation and maintenance was deemed successful.
The community praised CorDisRDS for listening to the community and for helping out in the
work of implementing the project. In exchange, CorDisRDS encouraged the community to
always maintain and take care of the water system because it belongs to the community. The
community also says that they are able to implement and maintain the project without continued
outside support.
Training on Herbal Medicine, Leadership and Human Rights. The training on herbal
medicine was considered very useful for the community, especially by the women. They were
able to learn how to make herbal medicines such as garlic; ginger and chili mixed with gin to be
used as an ointment for arthritis, wounds and cough; ginger tea for cough and sore throat;
34
dangla leaves as an antiseptic and for bathing when you have fever; and other herbal
preparations, which they did not know of before. They are now applying what they learned and
using the herbal medicines when these are needed. This has had the effect of lessening their
expenses for buying medicines.
The Human Rights Orientation was conducted jointly with APIT-Montañosa. During the
orientation, they discussed what human rights are, learned how to identify the different
forms of human rights violations, and learned skills in documentation of human rights violations.
Women also learned about women’s rights. Now, the women feel empowered because they feel
they can be equal with men and also do the work that men do, while their husbands also help
them in the housework and child care.
The Leadership Training Seminar taught them collective management of the
organization, how to facilitate meetings, how to take minutes of meetings, and make resolutions
and other documents. They found this training very useful, especially for the chairman of the
organization, since he now knows better how to run the organization. Before, it was mainly the
elders who were depended upon to lead the community. Now new leaders have emerged. The
barangay secretary also found the training useful because it helped her do her work well in
the barangay, like recording minutes of meetings and preparing barangay resolutions.
After the training, the leaders of BADAFO improved their leadership style and methods.
Everybody does his/her duties and cannot refuse to do a task, because they were oriented on
their tasks before they accepted to become officers of the organization. They have also
improved their system of cooperation even when working in the rice fields. For instance, they do
the traditional cooperative exchange labor by groups instead of all together at one time, which is
more efficient. They also bring their own rice to eat when working in the fields of another farmer,
so that the landowner will not have problems in feeding the workers. Because of the good
cooperation within the organization, other communities have become impressed with BADAFO
and want to follow their system of cooperation.
Reading 6: Energy forever for people’s wellbeing. Montañosa Research and Development Center
(MRDC). (2012). In Sustaining & Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio. Volume 2.
Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
Born from an indigenous peoples’ struggle against development aggression, the

proposed concept of the Ngibat MHP was concretized in 1992, and is now on its 20th year of
existence and sustained operation, which is the longest community-managed renewable energy
project in the Philippines.
The partnership of MRDC and the Ngibat community dates back in 1981. We devoted
our early years in studying, experimentation and adoption of innovations on traditional
knowledge in agriculture and blacksmithing. An alternative to the mega-dams was one of our
favorite topics when we gather for community discussions at night.
In 1986, Umilin di Buscalan (residents of Buscalan, which is also part of the Butbut tribe)
and MRDC ventured and completed a water-powered rice pounder project in Buscalan,
Tinglayan, which is a neighboring village of Ngibat. It showed concretely how water can be
harnessed for renewable energy.
From this project, Ngibat came out with the concept of a multipurpose micro-hydro
project, which remained dormant and shelved for more than five years due to intense
militarization of the area by a local paramilitary unit who called themselves the Cordillera
People’s Liberation Army (CPLA). When the situation in the area normalized, the now legally-
registered Ngibat Farmers’ Association or NFA2 forwarded its request to MRDC to assist in the
realization of the micro-hydro project.
Project Implementation. In accordance with MRDC’s guidelines on project
development, an all-rounded feasibility study was conducted and a community unification
35
process was undertaken on what the project is, the options, the design, the needed resources
and who will provide for such resources, the management of the project, among other concerns.
The project implementation was launched with Ngibat hosting the gathering of three
tribes (the Butbut, Dananao, and Tulgao) who share the same communal watershed/forests.
It was a successful event. Ngibat presented their plan to maximize the water flowing in their
territory to be a power source of their micro-hydro unit and the different tribes affirmed their
commitment for the protection of the shared communal watershed.
One non-negotiable mandate and principle that we had to religiously ensure in the
development process is peoples’ participation. We believe that the full participation of the whole
community is a precondition for the success of the project, if we are to contribute to people’s
empowerment and if we are to measure our success in terms of people being able to carry
on any development initiatives on their own. Nancy Ayangao, a community organizer of MRDC,
would repeatedly verbalize her observations that even small children helped in the hauling of
materials based on their capacity. In critical stages of the work, Engineer Frank Taguba, the
project-in-charge from MRDC, would bring out the technical design and some books, and
translate these into the local language, for lengthy, but necessary instructions from these. The
people then, would discuss how to apply the theory and with their traditional knowledge in
engineering, blacksmithing and construction, the work proceeded smoothly.
It was not only the technical aspects that we had to discuss. Of the many points we
debated on, there was only one significant concern which we were not able to unite on: that
the community did not agree on the idea from the management committee of MRDC that
domestic lightning will be the least priority and should be installed a year after assessing
phase 1 of the project. Phase 1 included energizing a rice mill equipment and a blacksmith
shop. They immediately installed domestic lighting and they were proven right during the first
project evaluation in 1997.
The Ngibat people said, “The project has had a significant impact on our lives. With the
supply of domestic lighting or electricity, school children have become more diligent and
conscientious in their studies. Similarly, the women can work with ease at night compared to the
earlier times when they have to work in the dark or in the light of the saleng” (Chi-ug
Gannac, 29 years old, woman farmer, 1997).
Before the project, among the daily chores of small children is to hold or tend the
pithwood light for mothers to be able to see her work during the night, such as rice pounding,
dishwashing, selecting seeds, and others. Oftentimes, children are whipped if they refuse to do
this task. Thus, the presence of electric lighting was a great relief for mothers and children.
“We do the work with our children and we have time to sit down with them to study their lessons,
and our bonding was much improved,” as narrated by Catherine Atumpa, one of the mothers.
That was a rare disagreement, we agreed on almost all matters and were able to put into
practice our agreements. We were able to complete the project through the use of an existing
irrigation canal. Intake dam and forebay were constructed and a galvanized iron penstock
measuring six inches in diameter was used to direct the water to the crossflow turbine that
generate both mechanical and electrical power. This is to energize the processing equipment
such as the rice mill, sugar cane presser and flour mill; also the power tools for the
blacksmithing activity in the daytime; and to provide domestic lightning during the night. It took
us more than a year to complete the project.
From 1993 to 1997, both MRDC and the community jointly maintained the project. But it
was mainly the community’s collective effort, which made it possible for them to have discerned
the problems, planned and implemented repairs and modification. From 1997 up to present, the
community is maintaining and managing the project on their own.
One of agreed things that did not materialize was the formation of a committee that will
supervise movie viewing and to regulate movie shows. We were able to predict that with
36
electricity, the entry of televisions will be inevitable. With the entry of televisions, the
indiscriminate advertisement of consumer goods, the culture of violence and the patriarchal
society, among other unregulated shows, may lead to the creation of unnecessary wants and
cultural erosion. To prevent this, an educational program that makes use of televisions and
audio-visual materials shall be planned with a committee who will review and regulate viewings.
It was also anticipated that freezers for food preservation will then be acquired for the
common use.
For nearly 20 years, the project was able to service the community realizing the following
objectives:
1. Increased appreciation and strengthened traditional forest management and collective
customary laws of forest protection among the tribes involved;
2. Decreased the labor-intensive production processes specifically the burden of manual
rice pounding among women and children;
3. Increased labor productivity through the inventions, fabrication and production of
appropriate labor-saving devices, tools and implements;
4. With the reduction of labor input in the production processes, production of other food
crops such as root crops, sugarcane and cash crops shall be encouraged to address
the food shortage;
5. Provided domestic lighting that raised the quality of life in the village, like the bonding
of children and mothers, more sharing of responsibilities, wherein men now became
the rice millers.
In conclusion, we can say that the key factors that continue to sustain the project, among
others, include people being the main actors in the whole cycle of the development process;
the strengthening of their positive cultural values of resource utilization and conservation;
cooperation; the sincere capacity facilitation for capacity building, technology development and
transfer by the MRDC; the democratic decision making and collective management of the
community leaders; and most especially, the continuing meaningful and relevant services
derived from the project by the community.
Reading 7: Micro-hydro power plant means rice surplus & income for indigenous
peoples of remote Mabaca. Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC). (2012). In Sustaining &
Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio. Volume 2. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
The initiative, “Integrated Rice Intensification Program for Mabaca,” started in 2004 and
was crafted by the indigenous peoples’ organization, the Mabaca Farmers Alluyon (MFA) in
Kalinga province, northern Philippines. It evolved from the research conducted in the area by
the Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC).
The research in 2004 showed that the 797 population of Mabaca, divided into 135
households, experience rice shortage at an average of four months per year. Each household
consumes an average of 1.5 cavans/sack (50kgs/cavan) of rice per month. To supplement this
shortage, the villagers have to hike eight hours over a mountainous terrain and get a 5-hour
vehicular ride in a rugged road, paying PhP120.00 (US$2.70) one way to the town center,
Tabuk, and buy chemically-grown rice at PhP1,200.00/cavan ($27.27).
This rice shortage for the 135 households totals 810 cavans in four months and they
spend for the 1.5 cavans rice and fare PhP2,040.00. For the whole village, they spend
PhP1,852,400.00 ($42,100) per year. Thus, the main purpose of the initiative is to attain a level
of self-sufficiency in rice.
The activities undertaken: 1) blacksmith trainings for the villagers to fabricate their own
farm tools and equipment; 2) seminars and trainings on organizational management; 3)
construction of an irrigation canal for rice field expansion and to operate a micro-hydropower
project to mechanically run a rice mill to lessen the burden of manually pounding rice, power a
37
blacksmith shop, and provide electric light; 4) seminars and trainings on sustainable agriculture
practices and natural resource utilization and management.
In 2009, after five years of the initiative, a level of rice self-sufficiency has been
achieved. This is manifested in the availability of locally-produced organic rice that can be
bought within the community the whole year round, which means they do not have to go to
Tabuk to buy chemically-grown rice.
For the 135 households of indigenous peoples of Mabaca, Balbalan Kalinga, the
installation of a micro-hydropower plant (MHP) meant surplus rice production and increased
income for their household needs. The micro-hydropower plant also led to the construction of a
hydro-powered rice mill and a blacksmith shop in the community.
The 25-kilowatt MHP was constructed by MRDC in partnership with the technical
expertise of Sibol Agham at Teknolohiya (SIBAT). Montañosa Relief and Rehabilitation
Services (MRRS) assisted in the survey and implementation of the project.
Rice Mill. The rice mill installed in 2004 meant money saved for those who used to have Commented [ml1]:
their palay (unmilled rice) milled in the town center of Salegseg, via a 7-hour downhill trek and
another 8-hour uphill trek to bring the milled rice home.
Before the installation of the rice mill, hauling fees for one half cavan of rice commands
PhP150 for bringing the palay to the milling center in Salegseg and bringing the milled rice back
to Mabaca. Others who are hired for their hauling services prefer to be paid in kind with at least
one ganta (1 medium can) of rice per can of milled rice.
The rice mill was constructed in 2004 and is open three days a week. The people pay
only PhP10 for milling a can of rice. For those who wish to pay in kind, they pay two cups
(chupas) of milled rice per can. The payments go to the MFA, the indigenous people’s
organization managing the rice mill.
The presence of a local rice mill has also greatly reduced the time and effort spent by
the women in pounding rice. One household usually consumes a can of rice, which is pounded
for three hours, within a period of at least five days. With the presence of the rice mill closer to
home, they now have more time to spend for other activities including other work in the
field, taking care of children, and domestic chores.
Rice Field Expansion. The installation of the powerhouse along with the blacksmith
shop resulted in the expansion of the area of cultivated rice land. Expansion of the current rice
field area is largely due to the installation of the blacksmith shop (pandayan), which enabled the
farmers to make metal tools for digging and cutting, including bolos, sickles, sanggap, shovels,
and wheelbarrows. With the use of these farm tools, the people expanded their rice lands
through the system of ubbo or mutual help groups. Ubbo are work groups numbering around 6-
15 persons per ubbo, who cooperate to accomplish a collective task in the community such as
rice field expansion, planting, and harvesting.
With the increase of the cultivated rice land area, the people are now able to increase
their rice supply and eliminate the shortage of rice production. Before, rice supply usually
falls short by four months before the next harvest season.
Prior to the installation of the micro-hydropower plant in 2004, the 135 households in
Mabaca needed to buy rice from Tabuk during the lean months to augment their rice supply.
This rice shortage for the 135 households totals 810 cavans in four months. At PhP2,040.00 per
cavan of rice including hauling fees, the shortage of 810 cavans per year is equivalent to a total
PhP1,852,400.00 ($42,100) per year or nearly PhP2M spent by the households of Mabaca to
buy rice from the Tabuk town center.
Since 2006 with the full operation of the MHP and the rice mill, Mabaca enjoys
sufficiency of rice supply from its own production. Mabaca has also since then been able to sell
rice to other neighboring communities in Gawaan, Tanap, and in the town center at Salegseg.
The year 2006 also saw the mounting of the dynamo and installation of the panel board and
transmission lines to the blacksmith building with the supervision of the MRDC staff
38
and Triclops.
Irrigation Canals in Place. Increase of rice supply is also due to increased supply of
water after irrigation canals were put in place. The construction of a limestone-lined 1,000-meter
long irrigation canal located 150 meters above the powerhouse resulted in regular water supply
for the rice fields. Near the tank is a diversion canal that directs the water to the community and
into an irrigation canal leading to the rice fields of Bayowong.
The rice produce had earlier been insufficient due to lack of irrigation facilities that meant
that only one crop of rice could be planted each year. Now, the irrigation canal leading from the
Bayowong Creek to the ricefields has contributed to increased rice production. The hydropower
system is fed with water from the Bayowong creek that comes from several artesian springs that
flow all year round. Bayowong creek is a tributary of the Mabaca River.
Sugar Cane Presser. With the blacksmithing shop in place, the people of Mabaca were
able to make a dapilan (sugar cane presser) to extract sugar cane juice and make brown sugar
(muscovado) from the sugar juice. The community folks also make basi, a favorite sugar cane
wine that is drank on special occasions including weddings, baptisms and graduations.
Domestic Lighting. In the same year of 2006, transmission lines for electrical wiring for
household lighting was completed. Mabaca is not covered by the national electric grid. Thus,
with the installation of the MHP, the households are now able to use electric current for house
lighting, following the conduct of a ritual celebrated by the community elders. Trainings were
conducted by MRDC on the operation of the MHP, including practical wiring and leadership
skills and values. Practical house wiring is also given and actual practice is conducted.
In December 2006, the Mabaca Farmers Alluyon and the Mabaca Barangay Council
created the Barangay Mabaca Electric Cooperative (BMEC) through a barangay (basic
government unit) assembly. The cooperative’s daily affairs are taken care of by a management
committee with 7-10 members.
Cooperative members are grouped according to the village or purok they belong to. The
members assigned group leaders per village. Policies and guidelines were formulated with the
understanding that the BMEC is collectively owned by the MFA, an organization of farmers and
the people of Barangay Mabaca.
Conclusion. The “Integrated Rice Intensification Program for Mabaca” has contributed
in several ways to the community well-being and sustainable development of the indigenous
peoples of Mabaca. Firstly, the initiative saved hard-earned cash that was used to buy rice in
the town center, which is now used for other basic necessities such as for education, health,
clothing, and other food needs. Secondly, the burden of carrying rice for eight hours has been
eliminated. Thirdly, the MHP-operated rice mill has eliminated the burden of women and
children in manually pounding rice.
The MHP-operated blacksmith shop also provides the villagers with homemade sturdy
farm tools and they now know how to repair broken farm tools, which in the past is just
discarded. Also, the electric current provided by the MHP gave the children time to read their
lessons and increased their knowledge, which the teachers have noted. With the provision
of lighting, the people do not need to buy kerosene anymore for their lighting needs, thereby
eliminating carbon emission and the additional expense. Aside from kerosene, they used to
gather pine pithwood from the pine forest for lighting, which is an additional work as the forest
where they gather these are far from the village settlement.
And lastly, the practice of sustainable agriculture practices has been inculcated to them
and is being practiced, thus ensuring the sustainable production of crops. They now grow
healthful organic rice instead of buying the chemically-grown rice being sold in the town center.
39
Reading 8: The Calamian Tagbanua of Coron: Defending their identity & cultural
heritage. Guillao, J. (2012). In Sustaining & Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio.
Volume 2. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
The Calamian Tagbanua, Their Heritage and Struggles. Nurtured by their ancestors,
the land and waters of the indigenous Calamian Tagbanua persists the test of time, and most
recently, of climate change. It was not easy for the Calamian Tagbanua of Mindoro, Philippines
to defend their identity and cultural heritage; but their efforts had given them leverage to
possess and utilize their rich marine and coastal ecosystems. The kind of life that I saw in the
land and territories of the Calamian Tagbanua is simple, yet life sustaining. It is a kind of life that
permeates solidarity and sense of self-determination that strengthens a community’s life and
wellbeing. A life that has kept the serene beauty of the sea and limestone formations abounding
the island.
The Tebtebba research on how traditional knowledge is being practiced in the majestic
land of the Calamian Tagbanua, in the face of climate change, made my heart leap with joy. It
has always been part of my consciousness to see this picturesque beauty that I often see in
postcards and pictures, not to mention the heart-warming stories of friends who had been
to the place.
It is not always easy to be a stranger in a place, especially if you are alone. However,
this feeling of discomfort was dissolved when I reached my destination. The moment I
disembarked in Busuanga, I knew that my trip to Coron Island, which is composed of two
villages, namely, Cabugao and Banwang-Daan, would be very interesting and enriching.
Indeed, the visit to Coron Island transcends the appreciation of the physical beauty of the place.
The experience plunged me in a deeper understanding of the Calamian Tagbanua, who have
surpassed a history of neglect and non-recognition of their rights to indigenous or traditional
systems, a system that puts premium to sustainable development. Noteworthy is the fact that
the Calamian Tagbanua have developed mechanisms and actions to confront the impacts of
rapidly changing climate. This is on top of the realities they are confronted with, specifically that
of the dominant society. This mainly comes in the form of addressing the influence of some
dayuhan (migrants) in relation to fishing method and pressures from tourism activities being
promoted by the local government.
My week-long stay in the community was filled with rich exchange of knowledge and
demonstration of traditional practices. Integral to the visit was a brief tour to the ancestral
domain of the Calamian Tagbanua. They consider their ancestral domain not only as territory
but also part of their history and cultural identity. The chance to visit brought my consciousness
in silent wonder as I recall the discussion I had with the elders of Coron Island. Their wisdom
and persistence against intimidation and abuses from powerful forces whose intention was to
exploit and gain from their resources is far from commendable. It is actually an act of heroism
because they have defended the integrity of the Calamian Tagbanua.
They have protected their cultural heritage. For them the essence of identity and
wellbeing lies very much in their rich ecosystems. As expounded by Apo Ben Aguilar (an elder
in the community), “We cannot live without our ancestral land and waters. They are part of our
lives.”
The struggles of the Tagbanua to defend their territory are reflected in the epic tales of
two heroes, Ti Makarere and Ti Natambak. These are important accounts about Tagbanua
warriors who had defended their territory from foreign Muslim and Spanish invaders. Since then,
the people have stood in unity against any invasion from outsiders in order to protect their
territory and their traditional way of life.
Discerning the need to further protect their ancestral domain from abuses or exploitation
in the future, the Calamian Tagbanuas fought to obtain their legal claim over their land and
waters. Through the help of the Philippine Association for Intercultural Development (PAFID),
40
the Tagbanua Foundation of Coron Island (TFCI) was formed by the Calamian Tagbanua in
1985.
This organization played an important role in their claim for their ancestral territory. The
process of reclaiming their ancestral domain started in 1996. After two years of intense haggling
with the government, the Calamian Tagbanua successfully gained their legal claim, the
Certificate of Ancestral Domain Claim (CADC) over their land and waters. xxx
What is Sustainable Life Among the Calamian Tagbanuas? The persistence of a
sustainable life among the Calamian Tagbanua was a result of years of practice of indigenous
knowledge that had been handed down to them by their ancestors. For instance, certain areas
are delineated as fish sanctuaries and sacred areas such as the panyaan. The people have also
interesting means of understanding the weather by looking into the signs around their
environment. As shared by the Barangay Captain, also an elder in the community, the Calamian
Tagbanua have their traditional way of weather forecasting and this knowledge guides their day-
to-day activities, though some of these have been compromised because of climate change.
Nonetheless, “Kap” (as he is fondly called by his constituent) related that if they wanted to see if
they could go fishing the following day, they look at the moon. When the moon is not shining
brightly, then it means that the sea is not calm and the weather would not be good for fishing
activity the following day; and so they would rather perform other tasks at home.
The system of fishing (pangangawil), which is an important livelihood for the Calamian
Tagbanua, is guided by the principle of subsistence fishing: getting only what they need
for the day. To catch fish, fishermen use simple tools like kawil (hook and line), pana (spear)
and lambat (small nets). This fishing strategy effectively limits the harvest and therefore
allows the people in the community to conserve their marine resources.
Apart from fishing, gathering of balinsasayaw or Pygmy swiftlet’s nests is equally an
important traditional livelihood among the indigenous peoples of Coron Island. This
traditional livelihood has been practiced from generation to generation. Swiftlet’s nest-gathering
is strictly practiced by clan members and ownership of these nests is passed down through
generations, together with the knowledge of nest gathering. While nest-gathering
(pagbabalinsasayaw) is an important source of cash for the people, they are mindful to
harvest what is enough for the day.
Critical to the sustainable management of their resources (marine and even forest), is
the observance of their traditional litigation system called panglaw. The system provides space
to address violation or abuse of resource use and customary law. Anyone who is reported to
have committed any violations are tried under this system. The Calamian Tagbanua observe
and practice a number of norms and rules as outlined below.
Customary Laws/Norms Governing the Ancestral Domain of the Calamian Tagbanua

On fishing methods:
• The use of any part of the ancestral domain by non-Tagbanua without permission.
• Catching yields by non-Tagbanua that exceed sustenance or for commercial purposes.
• Selling and leasing of portions of land within the ancestral domain to non-Tagbanua
without consultation and approval from the Tagbanua Foundation of Coron Island
(TFCI).
• Fishing in sacred areas, lagoons and lakes.
In preserving their homeland/sacred places:
• The burial grounds are prohibited for use for other purposes and are not open to the
public.
• Fishing in sacred places is prohibited.
• It is prohibited to gather nest of balinsasayaw if its inakay (brood) are still very young.
• Ownership of caves where the balinsasayaw lives is through inheritance only unless
these are discovered caves.
41
On the use of lakes and beaches:

• Only small canoe is used for touring around the island.
• Beaches are regarded as sacred, hence must not be exploited.
• Quarrying or destruction of limestone rocks is prohibited.
In preserving the forests and its resources:
• It is prohibited to gather all the root crops like kurut and kapari.
• Gathering of tubers must be from the root; the root system must be left intact and viable
in order that the plant can continue to produce.
• Cutting of mangroves along the coast is prohibited.
• It is prohibited to uproot, damage and burn herbs and other medicinal plants.
• The use of pandan leaves must be regulated and this plant must not be over used.
• It is prohibited to hunt beyek, kalasyaw gesye (wild animals).
Now that the legal system is dominantly influencing community’s indigenous knowledge
system, an elder in the community insists on reviving the panglaw system as he believes that
this is more effective in punishing violators, especially those dayuhans that use illegal fishing.
The sparkling coasts of Coron Island mirror the sustainable lifeways and systems of the
Calamian Tagbanua in the midst of constant pressure from outsiders and threats from climate
change. As expressed by an elderly woman, the weather has become unpredictable and difficult
to understand (“Magulo ang panahon ngayon; minsan madalas ang ulan, minsan wala namang
ulan”). The unpredictability of the weather was first observed in the early 80s but they say that
weather changes have become more frequent in the 90s up to the present. With the advent of
climate change, the Calamian Tagbanuas experience unpredictable weather patterns, warmer
weather and drought, sea level rise, warmer sea and they are now more susceptible to
environmental hazards.
The elders in Coron Island view climate change as linked with other environmental and
social problems. They see the impacts of climate change as some sort of punishment for
people’s greed, selfishness, lack of spirituality, disrespect for sacred places, or violation of
taboos such as fishing near the awuyuk, panyaan and the sanktuario (nesting ground for
fish). For them, climate change is a warning to the people who are causing so much destruction
to nature. They also believe that these changes in the climate happen because the world is
“getting old.” Hence, an option for them is to adapt to climate change and improve their adaptive
capacity in the process.
To cope with the impact of climate change, the Calamian Tagbanua have adjusted the
cycle of their day-to-day activities, such as preparing their kuma (swidden farm) in earlier month
rather than the usual time. They also discover new places to gather fish, given the decline in fish
catch from the regular areas where they fish. To reverse the declining trend in fish catch, most
of the elders in the community urge the people to go back to traditional ways of fishing. They
even argued that if traditional methods had been used continually, then there could have been
less damage to marine life. As more environmental disasters are perceived to come in the
future, the Calamian Tagbanua likewise pledge to avoid acts that would cause further damage
to their rich ecosystems. Since the weather has become unpredictable and is posing greater
risks to community life, the elders strongly advocate the revitalization and application of their
traditional knowledge in order to protect, manage and sustain life within their ancestral
domain. As aptly put by an elder, what is needed now is a paradigm shift which would reinforce
a more sustainable life, without putting harm to the rich biodiversity of the ecosystem.
Greed for the bounty of the sea is not a virtue of a Calamian Tagbanua. Yet, the kind of
life that is being demonstrated by the dominant society is just the opposite and is thus posing
a great threat to the lifeways and systems of the Calamian Tagbanua. Through time, Coron
Island enjoyed a serene life under the care of its people. Will they surpass these challenges?
The voices are clear—there is the collective determination to win another battle for survival.
42
Reading 9: Ikalahans: Owners & protectors of the Land. Magata, H. (2012). In Sustaining &
Enhancing Indigenous Peoples’ Self-Determined Development: 20 Years After Rio. Volume 2. Baguio City: Tebteba Foundation
We, the Kalanguya-Ikalahan tribe, invariably equate land and the resources within it with life itself. We
nurtured our indigenous systems for our land and resources management that have endured the test of
time. For this reason, the recognition of our indigenous ability to sustainably manage our ancestral
domain was made a matter of policy (ADSSDPP 2005).
I am an Ikalahan, I am a Forest Guard
The strong cool breeze of the Malico forest caused Nonoy, the forest guard, to tighten
his jacket around his chest. But even the approaching rain does not stop him from trekking
down the pathway to the forest—his forest.
Nonoy is one of the forest guards of the Kalahan Forest Reserve in Nueva Vizcaya
province, northern Philippines. He makes sure that the forest is used according to community
land use plans. He also reports to the local forestry office if there are indiscriminate harvesting
of timber products and forest fires. It is a part of his job to identify sick trees that might need
assistance or cutting and checks portions of the forest that need clearing or replanting. He loves
his job.
He has learned how to measure how the trees grow just by looking at them and by
making use of his tape measure. Centimeter, circumference, breast height—these are only
some of the terms he learned to use when he sees how the trees are growing. He used to think
that when trees are left alone in the forest, then they would grow faster. Why not? No people
and animals would disturb the growth. But experience taught him otherwise.
It was not bad at all when people assist the growing of trees. He has been instrumental
in assisting the growth of trees and other species in the forest by the Forest Improvement
Technology (FIT) that he and the other foresters of Ikalahan have innovated. He is happy to see
that their innovation is yielding much trees than they ever thought. Oh, how he loves
his job.
The Forest Improvement Technology
FIT follows the natural rejuvenation process of the forest. Trees die or are felled by
storms, while new seedlings will sprout and develop. Mature trees that have stopped
growing are removed to create favorable conditions for forest rejuvenation. If this is done
every year, the forest will continue to develop and improve. The removal of individual trees
does not hurt the forest or its environment and provides first class lumber.
Each year the forest farmer makes a selection of trees to be cut. The farmer
checks for crooked, damaged or crowded trees that need to be removed to improve the
forest. Simple equipment is used, and the sawdust, tops and branches are left to rot
because they restore fertility to the forest soil and help maintain biodiversity. The farmer
does not separate the potential crop trees from the other trees because he knows that all
trees have a role to play in the forest.
If there are large open spaces, a forest pioneer species will be planted first.
Agricultural crops are not planted between the trees because they would bother the other
plants that need to grow to make a good forest. Enrichment planting can increase the
population of one or two species of large or small plants. This can be highly favorable as
long as the forest is not turned into a plantation. The forest farmer will cut only a small
amount of growth, allowing the forest to improve each year.
When the forest finally has its proper amount of wood, which is approximately 270
m3 per ha, the farmer can begin to remove an amount equal to the total growth rate of 15
to 20 m3 per ha per year. The farmer will have to do that to allow the seedlings to grow.
The growth rate presently expected in Philippine forests is about 4.5 m3 per ha per year.
Under proper management, using FIT, the forest can produce as much as 15 to 20 m 3
43
per ha per year. Such a forest still retains the characteristics of a natural forest.
It still has high biodiversity and is an effective watershed with a high
percolation rate. It will also provide a sanctuary for many kinds of wild orchids, animals,
birds and insects. If each forest farmer cares for five ha of good forest, he may harvest up
to 80 m3 of first class lumber every year without damaging the forest. That would provide
him with higher cash income than many professionals and he would still have plenty of
time to produce his own food on the farm. Once the forest has developed, it can be
sustained indefinitely.
The forest guard doesn’t make much money from his job. But according to him, he does
what he does for the future generation. He says he is not a university graduate but has
learned forest protection from his parents and grandparents. The community has become his
teacher, and the forest his school grounds. He has been doing this for years and he wants
to continue doing it for his children. He loves his job.
The Fight for Land is the Fight for Life

Nonoy stops to appraise the pine forest down the mountainside. He sighs from pure
bliss. Some of the smaller pine trees are now catching up with older ones. These pine trees
were planted during the earthquake, he recalls. Ah, yes the earthquake. It was in 1990 when a
major earthquake hit the community. Right after the quake, there was a torrential rain for 40
days. Some feared it was the end of the world. A huge part of the forest eroded with large trees
uprooted. This devastated the forest—but not the people. The community started collecting
indigenous seedlings and put up more nurseries for the rehabilitation of the forest. No family sat
down until the destroyed parts of the forest were replanted. Nonoy sniffs.
Now, he sees the fruit of their toil. He recalls that the planting was done after community
consultations and agreements. It has been wont in the community to call for a tongtong
or a community meeting when there are community matters to be discussed. The lallakay
(elders) would preside the meeting and the youth and children are welcome to listen. It was
through these community gatherings that Nonoy learned how the Ikalahans have fought
valiantly for their right to access, control and manage their ancestral forests.
The reserve is a part of the 48,000 hectares of the whole ancestral domain of the
Ikalahans. The ancestral domain has been recognized and handed to the Ikalahans in 1974
through a Memorandum of Agreement (MOA No. 1) with the government. The agreement gave
the Ikalahans the right to access, manage and utilize the forest for 25 years, renewable
for another 25 years, according to their traditional forest management.
The community story of the Ikalahans was not an easy road to success. Being the first
group of indigenous peoples to challenge the government to relinquish forest management
to the community, the Ikalahans had to play the rule of the game. They had to have a legal
name.
The Kalahan Educational Foundation (KEF) became the answer. With the help of Pastor
Delbert Rice, an American missionary who was residing in the community at that time, the
community registered the KEF in the early 1970s to serve as their legal entity in their battle. A
year after, the community realized that they needed a community school for their youth who
were then leaving to neighboring towns for secondary education. The Kalahan Academy was
set up through meager local funds and much community contributions.
Forest fires, rampant illegal logging and threats of land grabbing from outsiders
prompted the community to set up community rules and actions that would later be recognized
and serve as a model to other forest-based communities, not only nationwide but in many other
countries in the world.
MOA No. 1 spurred inspiration from and determination of the Ikalahan to save their then-
endangered forest. xxx They started reforestation with donated labor and used their meager
44
funds in acquiring needed seedlings and manpower for their reforestation project. The KEF
hired local people and worked on the development of their skills rather than hire technical
experts from the outside. They also wrote project proposals and received meager
support from various funding agencies (Rice, 2003).
The documentation of forest resources, which started in the 70s has proven to be very
helpful not just in forest resource inventory but also in protecting the reserve. In the 1990s the
government proposed a road construction that would save hours of navigating through difficult
roads to neighboring provinces. The community was ecstatic! This would mean less hours of
travel time to the city! But the proposal says that the road would have to pass through the
wildlife sanctuary of the Kalahan Forest Reserve. Everyone disagreed. The Ikalahans through
the KEF organized bird watching activities with other civil and environmental organizations.
They invited government officials, agencies and civil organizations to join the activity. At the end
of the day, the Ikalahans were able to make a very long list of indigenous birds, migratory birds,
endangered birds and animals, and even threatened species of trees that would have to be cut
were the road proposal takes place. The government did not dare try to irk the people. They
backed off from the project.
Community Resilience and Forest Management

Nonoy could not stop smiling while thinking how proud he felt to be in charge of his own
ancestral forest. He realized that the MOA No. 1 has been very instrumental in making the
Ikalahan manage their forest, but it was really the comm“unity” (oneness) that made everything
possible. The rain droplets are starting to fall. He walks faster. He recalls how, as a child, he
would trot down their uma (swidden farm) while his mother is busy harvesting obi (sweet
potatoes). He would then help carry the obi back home where they will cook it in boiling water
for dinner. How long ago it seems now!
Now, they are observing the two-month-no hunting policy. He knows this has to be done
to give way to the hatching of the birds. It has also been years since there were recorded
violators of night bird hunting. The community forestry law prohibits hunting of night birds in
order to prevent catching of migratory birds. Since childhood, they were taught that the Kalahan
Forest Reserve is a migratory path for birds from other countries. He heard that some birds
even come from China.
He passed by the uma of his friend Tom and saw that Tom’s fire grass are almost ready
for harvest. He prays the rainy season do not come before it is harvest time for fire grass. His
friend Tom and other farmers sell the fire grass and other crops from their production forest.
He sees that his friend is still practicing the traditional composting he used to know as a child.
This is common in the community as they strongly oppose the entrance of commercial
pesticides and herbicide. His mother would gather all the vines and weeds from the uma, put
them under the soil in a plot and let the weeds rot in time for the next planting season.
Other weeds and branches from trees his mother would pile in the steeper parts of the uma to
prevent erosion. They call this procedure the gen-gen. He also uses this method to maintain
fertility of the soil in his dappat (individual land holding). His father acquired the dappat in the
early 70s where all community members were given 5-10 ha of the production forest to till. Then
his father divided the land to his children. The remaining part of the forest were set aside for the
wildlife sanctuary and watersheds that are still observed up to the present.
How time has changed! Before, they would only talk about how to sustain the forest for
their needs such as food, water, and shelter. Now, they are talking about climate change and
how it might affect their children in the future. Since the 90s the community have observed slight
changes in the weather, specifically the weather patterns. Before, the elders and even the
younger people in the community were able to predict and prepare when the strongest typhoons
came and when to weed the uma in time for summer season. Now, time has changed. Nonoy’s
45
father is an old man who loves to work in his uma from sunrise to high noon. He would then go
home at lunchtime and get some rest before going back to the fields.
But some years back, he consistently complains of the sun becoming hotter which
makes him unable to finish his tasks at noon time. He claims the sun must have gotten older,
too; that is why it is much hotter and “burns the skin.” Nonoy believes his father. Recently, he
heard his friend from Malico, which is way up high the forest, who was able to plant rice in his
paddy. People in Malico have not been planting rice in their paddies since he could remember
because of the cold weather. They only get rice from the farmers from the lower part of the
domain, where it is hotter.
There have been visitors in the community who have been talking about possibilities of
selling carbon. “Carbon?” Nonoy thought. He does not have any idea about selling carbon.
From what he heard, carbon is something stored in the forest when you take care of the trees.
When there are more trees, there are more carbon and there is less climate change. As a
forest guard, he has been involved in measuring the biomass and carbon content of the forest.
They have started doing this in 1994 and then had to change the formula twice in order
to get a more accurate result. He could not remember how much exactly the forest carbon
content is, but it ranges from 8,000-9,000 tons/year and it continues to improve every year.
He shrugs. If someone would buy carbon or air, then he does not see anything bad about it, as
long as he and the community continue what they do in the forest. Who knows, if they were able
to sell carbon while still managing their forest, they might be able to have their own hospital. He
sighs. Sometimes, this talk on climate change and forest being a solution to it gets very
complex. Why don’t people just stop making things that result to climate change?
Now, he is nearing home. He can smell the sweet scent of Manang Persia’s jam. He
should try to tell his wife to cook dagwey (wildberry) jam when he gets home. The community
livelihood on selling jams and jellies has been a huge success. Accounts from older men and
women have it that the quest for an alternative livelihood started in the early 80s. Many tried
venturing in milk processing, commercial vegetable production, and composting; but so far, the
production of jams from wild fruits has been the most successful and sustainable one. He heard
from their marketing division that they are now selling their products to as far as Manila, the
country’s capital.
The community livelihood started out as an experiment. One day, they realized that
much of the wild fruits were being left alone in the wild for the birds to eat. But not everything is
being consumed by the animals. So they started picking some wild and edible fruits and the
community women learned how to cook and preserve them. Now, they gather wild fruits from
their production forests but makes sure they leave more than enough for the wild animals to eat.
Now, it is really raining. Nonoy didn’t have any umbrella so he was partly jogging. He
was a few meters from their door and Nonoy’s heart swelled with pride. His home, a simple hut
made from sturdy pine tree from his own forest, stands before him. His wife, cooking some rice
from their own ricefield from their dappat must have also been preparing some of the fish
he caught from the river the previous day. And his child, his precious kid, is waiting at the
doorway for him. These are his treasures, nurtured and fostered here in this forest—a forest
that has been fought for and taken cared for so long by his forefathers. A forest he had sworn to
protect and live for the rest of his life.
Reading 10: The muyong system: Land ownership and forest management
systemamong the Tuali of Ifugao. Ifugao Research Development Center. (1996). In Bennagen, P.L. & Lucas-
Fernan, M.L., 1996). Consulting the spirits, working with nature, sharing with others: Indigenous resource management in the
Philippines. Quezon City: Sentro Para sa Ganap na Pamayanan
Introduction. The muyong system is a land ownership and forest-management system

unique to the Tuali sub-ethnolinguistic group of Ifugao province in the Cordillera region. The
46
system covers privately owned forested areas. For this study, main interviews were conducted
in barangay Mompolia, a Tuali settlement, and in Sitio Humalophop, a nearby Ayangan
settlement. Additional interviews were also conducted in Barangay Bannao, an Ayangan
settlement in Banaue. Resource persons included community elders, mombaki (traditional
priests who also act as local historians), and muyong owners.
Ricefields were built along the hollows which caught water and humus run-off from the
surrounding hills. Homesteads were constructed close to the ricefields to lengthen the time
people spent tending to their rice crop. Forests close to the ricefields were subdivided into
private family woodlots. Each woodlot was called a muyong, the general lfugao word for forest.
Forests farther from the center of the community were declared communal property and open
for the use of all community members. The muyong is generally thought of as an extension of
the payoh or ricefield. It is there so that each ricefield owner may have a source of firewood to
cook the harvest. The muyong is passed on as part of an inheritance package that includes a
ricefield or several ricefields. Descendants of the early settlers generally have wider payoh and
muyong because their ancestors were able to choose the choice spots.
Laws and Values Governing the Muyong System. When Mompolia was established, it
had thin forests of predominantly small trees. The situation prompted the early inhabitants to
formulate a set of laws and values to develop and protect the forests. Most of the laws they
formulated remain to this day and govern the muyong system.
A muyong owner must regularly perform hikwat, an obligation to clear the muyong of
undergrowth and creepers. The practice ensures that tree saplings have a better chance to
grow. Hikwat is performed at least once a year or whenever the muyong is overgrown with
undergrowth and creepers.
When an owner cuts a tree for housing or firewood, he must first chop off all large
branches. As the tree is felled, it must be directed towards a place where it would do less
damage to saplings and other growing trees. Each muyong owner must prevent others from
encroaching on the property. Traditional boundaries between muyong have been drawn by the
early settlers. It is the duty of each muyong owner to ensure that these boundaries are kept.
An owner is subject to peer pressure in maintaining the muyong. The community considers it a
disgrace for an owner to neglect the hikwat or to pass on to an heir a muyong with few trees.
Those who burn dried weeds and other farm waste must make certain that the fire does
not spread to or damage muyong. Those who pass through the area are prohibited from
indiscriminately cutting saplings to clear a path.
Community members without muyong are allowed to cut firewood from the muyong of
others. Permission is usually sought especially if the owner has a reputation for being stingy.
Those who are granted permission may cut pating (dried twigs) or hohopak (dried branches)
only. The local blacksmith has special cutting privileges. He may cut gutmo, trees unsuited for
housing, to fire his forge.
Huge trees in a muyong, especially those close to creeks and large rocks, are not cut
because these are believed to be the homes of pinading, the lfugao earth spirits.
Violators of the laws governing the system are subject to hingal, simple reprimands, or
haliw, payment of fines depending on the infraction committed. One who indiscriminately cuts
saplings to clear a path may be subjected to a scolding. One who cuts a grown tree without the
permission of the owner is treated as a thief and is usually made to repay the value of the
timber in cash and to butcher a pig to be eaten by the aggrieved party, elders, officials, and
other persons invited for the settlement of the case.
An owner may sell the muyong, but only during times of great need and if all other
means of raising cash are exhausted. The usual causes for selling muyong are death or
sickness in the family. However, some owners who out migrate sell their muyong to raise cash
for expenses. Muyong for sale is first offered to other members of the clan. The property is only
offered to outsiders if no clan members wish to buy.
47
Effects of the System on the Community. The muyong system is a significant factor in
the protection and preservation of the forest over Mompolia. The community has numerous
stands of trees which contribute to a cooler micro-climate, a relatively stable water supply, and
the prevention of the soil erosion.
In contrast, the nearby Ayangan villages which lack a similar system, have noticeably
less trees and a predominantly cogonal environment. According to resource persons from these
communities, the areas were once thickly forested. The lack of a forest management system
has obviously contributed to the loss of forest cover.
Threats to the Muyong System. There are a number of threats to the muyong system.
Population pressure has resulted in the clearing of forest areas to give way to homesteads and
the cutting of more trees for housing materials. This trend began during the past decade and is
continuing to this day.
The growing need for cash is pushing many owners to engage in economic activities
detrimental to their muyong. During the 1970s, wood-carving was introduced as a secondary
source of livelihood. The muyong became a source of materials for carved handicrafts.
Recently, the government has introduced fruit tree growing as an alternative source oflivelihood.
Some owners cleared their muyong to make way for citrus and coffee orchards. (The effects of
these economic activities are even more felt in communities which do not have the muyong
system. In Humalophop, some tree species have vanished due to excessive cutting by
woodcarvers.)
Elders complain that their descendants no longer respect the muyong system. They say
that the young generation feels no compulsion to protect the muyong because of readily
available alternative sources of fuel and income. A man who could easily purchase a tank of
cooking gas is no longer bothered if the tree he cuts for timber crushes several smaller trees.
Limitations and Potentials of the Muyong System. Since the muyong system is
unique to the Tuali, it is doubtful if it can be replicated in other areas of the province or the
region. The scope of protection offered by the system is limited to the private woodlots only. In
communal forests, there is excessive swidden farming and indiscriminate harvest of
forest products.
However, the values that are attached to the muyong system, such as the careful
harvesting of trees, the hikwat, and the protection of the woodlot from forest fire can be distilled
and taught to other communities. The benefits derived from the muyong system can be utilized
to motivate others to adopt a similar scheme.
Reading 11: Belonging to community. Cariño-Fangloy, J. [2015]. Indigenous wisdom: A documentation of the
cosmologies of the indigenous peoples of the Cordillera. Baguio City: Maryknoll Ecological Sanctuary
The indigenous person in the Cordillera is born into a community and continues to
belong to that community, through lifetime and even beyond death.
The word ili, literally village, includes both the people and their territory. The ili is an
autonomous local community, which traditionally controls a territory and exercises decision-
making in relation to community welfare and the management of resources.
One belongs to a community through birth, marriage, and permanent residence.
Members of the community are expected to enjoy certain rights, which come with certain
obligations, including cooperation in village welfare activities and adherence to custom law.
Generally, community members or kailian who migrate outside the village are still considered
members.
Institutionalized sharing.
A key lesson of the community is sharing. Through established customary practices,
community members learn to be concerned with the welfare of others, and to share their wealth,
48
time, knowledge and labor. The community provides many opportunities to contribute personal
resources for the benefit of other members of the community, and for the community as a
whole.
The hosting of rituals, such as weddings, is a good example. The host of a ritual feast
feeds the whole community, and provides at least one good meal, usually more, which includes
unlimited rice, meat, wine, and other dishes reserved for special occasions. It is also a
customary practice for portions of the butchered animals to be reserved as watwat, or portions
of meat to be distributed to those in attendance to be taken home.
Butchering of many animals is a sign of honor; prestige, wealth and abundance of
resources. In a wedding feast in Belwang - the meat of the butchered carabaos was distributed
as follows: the head and 4 legs went to the house of the bride and groom, while other parts of
the carabaos were shared with the people gathered during the kedag or distribution of meat. To
get a share in the meat is called makitefek, maki is to partake in, and tefek refers to a
sharpened runo reed used to carry the share of meat. During that particular kedag there were
81 tefek, which were also shared with women. Usually it is the men and young boys who gather
during kedag. The heart of one carabao was given to the barangay captain and the other heart
was for the soldier who shot the carabao.
Eighty-one tefek were distributed to the people gathered. Other parts were also given to
the people to whom the host family was indebted. According to Ligawan, a woman elder, "the
tefek is a form of saying thank you to each one who in one way or another had been in service
to the couple and their families, like those who helped carry the provisions along the mountain
trails, those who gave a drink to the carabao during the dry season, and many more."
Wedding guests gave their gifts, called adang, which are their contributions for the
couple to start their married life, with a store of provisions and some assets to set up their own
household. Gifts were in the form of palay, cash, and wine. People who gave adang were given
a share of meat, called watwat, or ata.
Saga ok
Sharing of wealth is manifested in other customary practices, which aims to ensure that
members of the community have a share in the resources in the territory.
In Itogon, 8enguet, where gold has been mined, since time immemorial, sagaok is a
customary wealth-sharing mechanism. A small-scale mining team which has hit a rich gold vein
is obliged to open the tunnel to sagaok: other less fortunate members of the community are
welcome to work the productive mine for one day, and take home all the ore they could extract
on that day. Students who needed money for college tuition could do the same. Old or disabled
persons could have one sack each to be filled with ore by the miners. If the mine remains highly
productive for an extended period, sagaok could be done again and again."
Custom also calls for miners who hit the gold to share the linanq, the residue of the
suicing process, which still has a high content of gold. Linang is customarily distributed to the
women of the community, children and the elderly. In return, the women help out in the work in
the final processing of the gold. Mine owners who struck it rich are further obliged to share their
wealth by hosting ritual feasts to which their neighbors, fellow-villagers, kindred and friends are
invited."
Proceeds from sagaok are substantial, and can make a big difference for people in
need, and even make possible the sharing with other less fortunate people. For some, sagaok
helps in fulfilling ritual obligations.
"Doing sagaok in Talowan was a good venture. With my share from sagaok, I was able
to buy food provisions for our family, including a family from Tarlac who was staying with us at
that time. I was able to trust this family inside my house. Whenever I came home, I found the
house in very good order and very clean. I have been trying to find this family but I had no luck. I
don't know where they are now.
49
"On another occasion in 1986, I was in Talowan doing sagaok, working on my share of
the gold ore from one of our uncles. I was sitting inside our sleeping quarters when I was told
that someone was looking for me. I saw that it was Canuto Cuanso from Happy Hallow. I asked
why he came and he told me he was sent to summon me home because my father-in-law died.
It is a good thing that I was able to clean and process the ore that I got. I used the proceeds for
the kafi ritual that we later performed for my father-in-law."
Collective labor
Collective labor is a customary practice known in the various local languages as
binadanq, aduyon, or ugbo, practiced by the different indigenous people in the Cordillera. This is
the cooperation and free labor service rendered to people who need assistance in farm work, in
the construction or dismantling of a house or granary. The voluntary service or assistance
during planting, weeding and harvest time (manpango) is a value that is still alive today in the
Tanglag tribe in Kalinga. The person who hosts the work team feeds the pinango or volunteers.
When the time comes that a pinango needs assistance, this person too, will do the same.
Among the Banao people of Kalinga and Abra, this traditional practice is known as
ammoyo, which applies to farm labor, looking for lost animals, and bringing the sick to the
hospital. In the past, this also included building of new rice fields, constructing of houses, and
putting off forest fires.
This practice finds its roots in the traditional agricultural calendar, which is based on
astronomic and biophysical changes. In the past, this traditional calendar was used to
synchronize production of activities and to ensure the equal sharing of communal water
resources. For the Banao people, elders enforced the cooperation of the community to follow
the traditional calendar and synchronized farming, and instilled discipline among community
members in practicing collective efforts such as the ammoyo.
Support system in troubled times

In times of disaster or emergency situations, the community comes out in full force to
help the victims. This is done willingly and wholeheartedly, with the understanding that when
help is needed, the community will also be there for you.
In the difficult times in a person's life, the community is there to provide support and to
share the burden. This has the positive outcome of providing guidance in dealing with difficult
situations like sickness, death, and disaster, and helping the community members find peace of
mind.
Sangfu is a Bontok ritual performed for various reasons, such as healing a sick person,
thanksgiving for building a new home, and for acquiring property, like land, jewelry, gongs,
vehicles, and other material things.
This particular sanqfu was done for the healing of a sick mother in Maligcong, Bontoc.
During the ritual, the elders chanted a group prayer called ayyeng. Ayyeng may include
recounting of stories, good or bad, of the family. Prayers, which invoke the spirits for blessings,
healing and thanksgiving are part of the ayyeng. In some cases, women also do the ayyeng, as
in this case where the ayyeng was chanted by a 68-year old woman. This is the content of her
ayyeng:
Blessings to their rice granary at Lungayan
Blessings to the children thatthey may have eight grandchildren
It is you, Lumawig, who taught us how to do the rituals
We people obey you for us to have good life.
Ayyeng has specific names for various needs. Serwa is usually chanted during a
wedding ritual, and is a prayer for abundance. Literally, 'serwa' means abundance. Positive
blessings like "maserwa nanfagas cha" are wished for abundant food.
50
Safusab is a prayer narrating the story of Lumawig (God) who gave instructions on how
to do rituals.
Makedser is a prayer of narration for the sick person. During this prayer, everybody was
asked to remain seated and be quiet. No one was allowed to talk or move around. Dogs and
chickens were prevented from going near the prayer space. After the chanted prayer, the man
who prayed blessed the sick person, her children and grandchildren.
In Kalinga, the pusipos ritual is performed to give tribute to a seriously sick elder. When
a family sees their elder get seriously ill and become weaker, they plan a pusipos. Here, the
community is invited to join in a festive celebration to honour the person for his good deeds and
accomplishments. This "eulogy of the living" commemorates his life as head of the family or a
leader. If the elder was a peacepact holder, the peacepact partner tribe is also invited to join the
ritual feast. Family members, relatives, elders and those he touched in life take turns to speak.
Animals are slaughtered as thanksgiving. The gongs are sounded, dancing ensues, and games
are played."
On July 12-13, 2011, in Naneng, Tabuk, Kalinga, a pusipos was done in honor of Mr.
Andres Amla, 74 years old. The ritual was aimed at celebrating his life and praying for the
healing of his physical ailment.
The community people gathered. They took their places and sat in a big circle. The
children were hushed. The carabao that offered its life for the celebration gave its final cry. Mr.
Amla spoke. In his speech, he thanked the mercy of heaven for his long life. He also thanked
the indigenous culture and practice in conjunction with belief in God taught by the church. He
requested the community and the members of his family to forgive him for anything he might
have committed in his life that hurt others. Finally, he thanked the Almighty for a successful
family: his several children, well educated, and building their own families.
After his speech, the community was invited to dance. Drinks of basi, homemade local
wine and pulutan of grilled meat was served. Then the life and the various roles that Mr. Amla
assumed in the community were presented: as a school teacher in Naneng Elementary School
for 10 years, as an NPC (National Power Corporation) employee for 14 years, and as Barangay
secretary of Naneng since his retirement from NPC until the year the pusipos was held in 2011.
Andres Amla was described to have lived a clean life: he never smoked, he drank alcohol
sparingly, and a good family man with 11 children. He was a strict schoolteacher for 10 years.
When the salary of a schoolteacher became too meager for his growing family, he left the
teaching profession to become an NPC employee where he spent the remaining 14 years
working until his retirement at age 65. After retiring from NPC, he served as barangay secretary
under several barangay captains. Then his children and prominent members of the community
took turns to speak about Mr. Amla and to thank him for all the good things he did in his life.
It was five months after this pusipos that Mr. Andres Amla passed away, with good
memories of his pusipos and the tribute that the community gave him.
Collective mourning, in times of death

In times of death, the community is involved in the mourning for the passing away of a
kailian, or fellow villager.
In Kalinga, a village cryer or mangibugga informs the people of the death of a member of
the community. The wake usually takes a week or more, during which, animals are butchered
and offered to the deceased in order for his spirit to be at peace and not bring misfortune to
those left behind. It is also intended to feed the multitude of wellwishers who come to the wake.
Dandannag or vigil songs are sung in chorus by old men. A leader usually starts with a phrase,
followed by a synchronized response by the rest. During this mourning period, the community
suspends work in the fields until the dead is interred. As a customary practice, relatives help out
by bringing in rice, basi, firewood, tobacco and other materials to be used. Normally, animals
are butchered every night, and relatives and other members of the community help in the
51
cooking, fetching water, gathering firewood and feeding the crowd. They see to it that everyone
is fed during meal time and coffee served to keep people awake during the night vigils. Friends
and neighbours come in with their donations in the form of cash or material things to show their
sympathy to the bereaved."
For the Binongan tribe in Abra, in cases of death, the bereaved family and the
community are guided through a collective mourning process, through a series of prescribed
steps, starting with the announcement and invitation to the community; remembering the life of
the dead person; grieving; letting go; cleansing; and moving on."
When someone dies, a community member is assigned to go to the villages to announce
the death. Before, this was done face to face, but nowadays, this is done on radio, facebook,
and through other media. At the start of the wake, at least one animal (a pig, a cow or a
carabao) is butchered to feed the people who come for the wake. The wake could last from
several days to a month. An emcee called mantinidor is chosen, usually someone prestigious
who is familiar with the customs of the community.
During the funeral or bagongon, three pairs, male and female are chosen to speak in the
pinolayak. Here, greetings are extended to the bereaved and to the visitors, in a lyrical, poetic
chant.
Next is the alabaab or sangsangngit, which is literally a mourning cry. It is a chant with a
distinct melody, extending words of encouragement and advice to the bereaved. It includes a
brief history of the dead, highlighting the good deeds and examples, and asking forgiveness for
whatever faults or weaknesses of the dead. The people are served drinks so that inhibitions are
removed and they become more fluent.
Next is the palpallubos, or letting go. Three skillful speakers are chosen to present in a
role-playing drama. The first speaker represents the dead person, and asks for forgiveness for
any wrong he might have committed, gives the last words of instruction, advice, and farewell.
The second speaker represents the family of the dead, and talks about the dead person, and
thanks the visitors who came. The third speaker gives advice for the dead and his family. All
these speeches are done in chanting, with a distinct tune.
Before the burial, the coffin is first brought outside the house, where the people stop by
the yard where two or three pairs dance the traditional dance around the coffin. This is the first
moment to break the sadness for the grieving for the dead.
After the burial, everyone goes back to the house, and the waksi or cleansing ceremony
is done. Before starting, everyone gets anointed with oil, as part of the cleansing. In this ritual,
parts of the clothing or property of the dead would be wrapped and placed in a conspicuous
place. A mantinidor, emcee, is again chosen, and the people join the community dance to the
traditional gong music, pallook. In contrast, the relatives though they join the pallook, do not
really dance, but only do walking steps.
Wisdom and advise for the young

During childhood, girls and boys are taught their duties and responsibilities. Since the
parents are often busy in the farm, children are taught to do their share in the work and are
expected to do their chores: fetching water, babysitting the younger ones and pounding rice,
helping in the farm work, and gathering firewood.
An important part of a child's growing up years is the gammid or ofan, where the family
of the mother butchers a pig and prepares tongue-shaped glutinous rice cakes called inandila.
The prepared food is brought to the grandparents on the father's side, to be shared with other
relatives. The grandparents in return give their grandchild a bungor (a string of heirloom agate
beads), a chicken or pig, a g-string if the grandchild is a boy and tapis C wrap-around skirt) if the
child is a girl. Bundles of palay, a panay or a porcelain bowl, blanket and money are given to the
child. This ritual visit to grandparents is an important event in the life of the growing child for
s/he is not only introduced to the relatives but also strengthens kinship ties with them.
52
Grandparents in this indigenous community strongly influence the lives of children, since much
time is spent with them when their parents are in the farm. Most often, the grandparents are the
babysitters and the story-tellers and children have great affection for them.
In Kalinga, the gabbok is a thanksgiving ritual to thank Kabunian for the gift of life and
acknowledges an affinity to ancestors. This ceremony is the Kalinga way for baptizing and
naming children. Children are named after an ancestor in the belief that the good qualities of
their forebears such as bravery, industry, leadership, generosity and hospitality will be inherited
by the child.
In Besao, a few days after the birth of a baby, women in the community go to visit the
new mother and her baby, with a special dish called tengba. Tengba is a fermented mixture of
fresh-water crabs, salt, and pounded rice, which is said to help a mother produce enough milk to
nurse her newborn baby. This is an opportunity for the community to give support to a young
mother, to help bolster her self-confidence as she faces a new task to care for her newborn, and
to share experience and advice on motherhood. The tengba itself offers the right nutrition for a
nursing mother-calcium and protein from the crabs, and Vitamin B and carbohydrates from the
rice, and other vital nutrients for milk production. Thus, young mothers are fortunate to have the
support of older mothers, who encourage breastfeeding, and who they can run to for advice, as
they enter a new stage in their lives.
In Cordillera indigenous communities, people listen when the elders speak. The elders
are valued for their wisdom and rich experience. They play an important role in the community
as a council of decision-makers in community affairs, and are consulted on various matters,
such as the management of the territory and the resources found there, rituals and community
occasions.
A wedding is a community affair

Weddings are traditionally a community matter and not simply a concern of the couple
and their families.
A customary practice in the past was the parental contract where babies and older
children were paired off by their parents. The common reason given for an arranged marriage is
to maintain the cordial relations between families, settling family or clan feuds, or sealing a
concluded settlement of a case, and concentrating wealth within the contracting parties, thus,
maintaining their socio-economic status in the community. Marriage of this nature is an alliance
of families.
Reciprocity, sharing and solidarity are social values manifested during marriage rituals
which are celebrated with a display of generosity with the kinship groups trying to outdo one
another in the gift-giving. Tawid or inheritances given to the couple by their families are publicly
announced. Pigs and carabaos are butchered, meat is distributed, and all are given their piece
of watwat. This joyful celebration of dancing and merriment accompanied by the continous
beating of the gongs and the overflowing basi and tapuy may last for several days and nights.
For the Binongan tribe in Abra, marriage is an affair of the whole community, and
concerns the whole community. Once the marriage is done, the new husband and wife
exchange places, and become citizens of each other's ili. The husband's community will provide
protection for the wife, just as the wife's community will provide protection for the husband. If the
couple meets problems, which jeopardize their marriage, the whole community will be involved
to show that they care. There were cases where even the mayors from other municipalities
helped to settle differences between husband and wife who encountered trials in their
marriage."
For the Binongan tribe, the traditional wedding, buda, has the following components.
The first step is the danon or betrothal, a courtship endeavor by both parties. Parents of
the boy go to the girl's house. Danon is announced ahead to the girl's family. As a sign of
53
acceptance, they butcher an animal, like a chicken or piglet, to feed the guests. During this
occasion, the following matters are discussed once the danon is accepted:
1. Sabday is an amount of money (minimum of P100 and maximum of P1000) given by
the groom's parents or relatives to the bride. It symbolizes the acceptance of the
bride to begin talks regarding marriage arrangements and agreements.
2. Bulsok is an amount of money quite sizable, plus animals, given by the groom's to
the bride's family. The amount of money is subject to discussion between the two
families, and sometimes it would take as long as three hours to break the deadlock
in negotiations.
3. Pangapuan is a traditional decorative blanket or blankets from the groom as a gift to
two old women on the bride's side.
4. Paqlabusan or bidanq is traditional wrap-around skirt, given by the groom to a
female relative of the bride.
5. Paglooban is money to be given to chosen relatives of the bride, usually two
persons, as a sign of entrusting the bride to the groom, his family and relatives
during the wedding. The negotiated amount will come from relatives of the groom as
a voluntary donation.
All of these gifts compose what is called the imbentaryo. During the wedding, the
imbentaryo is announced to the public.
During the wedding itself, there is traditional dancing to the gongs. A table is placed in
front with 2 heirloom Chinese porcelain plates. Then comes the shout, "paluwal!" One will shout
for the bride's side, one will shout for the groom's side. What ensues is like a contest between
the two sides, to show off which side does give more gifts. While dancing, money is given as
gifts. Paluwal continues until the end of the wedding celebration. To close the wedding
celebration, the gifts are placed in a large blanket, and two people swing the blanket in front of
the married couple, while two elders or more share their advice to the couple.
The public announcement of the imbentaryo is important, especially in case the marriage
fails and the couple separates. The imbentaryo is the basis for payments to be made by the
offending party. Grounds for separation are abuse, adultery, concubinage or bigamy.
Sometimes, not having children is also cause for separation, in which case, the elders are
consulted. The couple must listen to what the elders and what the community have to say.
Separation is allowed in extreme cases, but only after a process of community members trying
to help settle differences between the couple.
The whole community is invited

The owek or shriek of pig being butchered; thick smoke from a neighbor's home; the
beating of the gongs - all these are open invitations to all members and visitors of the
community to attend a community occasion, to get together with relatives and villagemates, and
partake of feasting which includes meat and wine.
Life cycle rituals and activities are not just the concern of the kindred circle but the whole
community. One need not be called or given special invitation during occasions to celebrate life,
like the birth and growing up years of a child, marriage, even sickness and eventual death later
in life. Because every occasion necessitates the sounding of gongs, this is enough to call the
community to the feast. This public character of rituals are expressions of the people's collective
behaviour and community solidarity.
The inclusive nature of indigenous culture is manifested when a Kalinga person calls
another sunud (sibling). To be called sunud means being accepted and recognized as part of a
kindred circle. This principle is notably visible during conflict resolutions involving tribes, where
high value is placed on consensus-building, compromise and unity. Agreements to end conflicts
54
are stipulated in the pagta (by-laws) of the bodong or peace pact which become binding to all
members of both communities.
In Ibaloy culture, individuals living in one community are all considered kin. Whether or
not there is blood relation, one is considered a relative and is given respect as a member of the
community. These strong bonds build and sustain the community. People gather whenever
there is a celebration like wedding, house inauguration, reunion, and death. People gather
whenever there is a butchering of animals, so whatever happens during the gathering, adivay
happens. Adivay is a recognition, an affirmation and renewal of kinship and community
solidarity, through the concrete and physical human encounter with the presence and
attendance of kin and community members."
"Whenever relatives would host a ritual feast, even if the venue was far away, the
parents and children would all go to attend. They would patiently hike the long and winding
trails, so that they could go and be present and show their affection.”

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Appendix D for Unit 4

1. Pre-UNDRIP International Conventions

Reading 1: Early engagements of indigenous peoples with the international

ILO Conventions 107 and 169

UN Declaration on Right to Development

b) The human right to development is a right to a particular process of development in

Conference on Discrimination Against Indigenous Populations in the Americas" in Geneva on

Cultural rights and international human rights law

MacKay also cited HRC's interpretation of Article 27:

UNESCO universal declaration on cultural diversity

masterpieces of art or literature or historical monuments such as the Greek Parthenon or

2. Salient Features of the UNDRIP

Reading 2: UN declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples. Tauli-Corpuz, V., Enkiwe-

UNDRIP and permanent forum on indigenous issues.

Self-determined development and UNDRIP

Culture as development and development as culture

UN permanent forum on indigenous issues and role in self-determined development

3. Modernization, Economic Development, and Indigenous Socio-Political Institutions

Reading 3: Human development framework and indigenous peoples’ self-

minerals, and huge infrastructure construction like mega-hydroelectric dams. This

Economic growth, GDP and human development

greater control and self-governance of lands, territories and resources, it builds on

Indigenous peoples and multilateral system

c) establishment of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (2000);

Indigenous peoples' self-determined development or development with culture and

Successful Stories: Self-Determined Development, Ecosystem Approach,

Reading 4: Role of traditional knowledge in strengthening socioecological

Recognizing the importance of traditional knowledge including customary sustainable

Reading 5: Improving indigenous people’s well-being through community

Born from an indigenous peoples’ struggle against development aggression, the

Customary Laws/Norms Governing the Ancestral Domain of the Calamian Tagbanua

On the use of lakes and beaches:

The Fight for Land is the Fight for Life

Community Resilience and Forest Management

Introduction. The muyong system is a land ownership and forest-management system

Support system in troubled times

Collective mourning, in times of death

Wisdom and advise for the young

A wedding is a community affair

The whole community is invited

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