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In this essay I will discuss Marxism in International Relations, a theory that was
developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the 19th century. Moreover, I will apply this
theory to a real life event that affected many Eastern European countries – the collapse of the
Soviet Union in the 1991. Since Marxism inspired Lenin (first leader of the USSR and the
government that took over Russia in 1917) and became a foundation for Leninist ideology, I
believe that this case of study is perfect to reflect on Marxism and its assumptions.
‘’The Manifesto of the Communist Party’’ is probably most widely read work in the
Marxist canon. This canon was prepared the presentation at the second congress of the
Communist League in London in 1847 and outlines a political programme based on a general
account of society and history and incorporating a distinctive critique of capitalism
(Suchting, 1983, p.55). In the first section of the Manifesto called "Bourgeois and
Proletarians", Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels talks about the historical nature of social
hierarchy where one social class (bourgeoisie) imposes control over the other one
(proletariat).
Moreover, the world, according to Marxism, is dominated by the capitalist class, who
not only controls the means of production, but the instruments of governance in their
respective societies. That is probably why they claim, that the one of the main reasons for
instability for international system is bourgeoisie with its effective capitalist globalization.
Capitalist globalization is mentioned in the Manifesto as well: ‘’The bourgeoisie, by the rapid
improvement of all instruments of production, by the immensely facilitated means of
communication, draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilisation <…> It compels
all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them
to introduce what it calls civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves.
In one word, it creates a world after its own image’’ (Marx and Engels, 1969, pp.15-16).
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set up a "dictatorship of the proletariat". ... The armed factory workers joined mutinous
sailors from the Russian fleet in attacking the provisional government. It was so called
Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 that insisted on a revolutionary interpretation of Marx's ideas.
Even though Marxism was a building block of a Soviet Union system and module of
a functioning society and state it was twisted, changed and altered in the needs of Lenin and
Stalin and to the needs of the country that the system was not designed for. Marxism, on its
own premises was actually designed as a movement for fully industrialized societies,
however it came as a serious contender for power in societies that are mainly agrarian, such
as Russia at the time. It seems that Marxism does not work in the real world and does not
take greediness and selfishness of the human being into account, which can lead state to the
tyranny. Despite its weaknesses Marxism contributes to the theory of international relations.
First of all, the materials conception of history, analysis of production and class are crucial
to realist theories in order to prove that the struggle of military power and security shapes the
basic world politics structure. This leads to two further points which is that Marxism has
always been concerned with capitalist globalisation and international inequality; and for
Marxism the global spread of capitalist modernity is the backdrop to the development of
modern societies and the organisation of their international relation (Andrew Linklater, 2001,
p.150). Moreover, it helps to analyse relations of power and inequality, and exposes some of
the limitations of traditional International Relations theory in both its liberal and realist
manifestations.
References:
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Sanders, David, and Richard Carver. The struggle for health: medicine and the
politics of underdevelopment. The struggle for health: medicine and the politics of
underdevelopment, 1985.
Curtiss, John S., and Alex Inkeles. Marxism in the U.S.S.R.--The Recent Revival.
Political Science Quarterly, vol. 61, no. 3, 1946, pp. 349–364. JSTOR,
www.jstor.org/stable/2144639.
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