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HEALTH EDUCATION RESEARCH Vol.19 no.

3 2004
Theory & Practice Pages 261±271

Children's eating attitudes and behaviour: a study of


the modelling and control theories of parental
in¯uence1

1 1,2
Rachael Brown and Jane Ogden

Abstract on the child's diet or on other aspects of their


behaviour. To conclude, a positive parental

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The present study compared the modelling and role model may be a better method for improv-
control theories of parental in¯uence on chil- ing a child's diet than attempts at dietary
dren's eating attitudes and behaviour with a control.
focus on snack foods. Matched questionnaires
describing reported snack intake, eating motiv- Introduction
ations and body dissatisfaction were completed
by 112 parent/child pairs. Parents completed Understanding children's eating attitudes and
additional items relating to control in terms of behaviour is important in terms of children's
attempts to control their child's food intake health. Evidence also indicates that dietary habits
and using food as a tool for controlling beha- acquired in childhood persist through to adulthood
viour. The results showed signi®cant correl- (Kelder et al., 1994; Nicklas, 1995; Steptoe et al.,
ations between parent and child for reported 1995). In addition, research also indicates a role for
snack intake, eating motivations and body dis- childhood nutrition on adult health (Hales et al.,
satisfaction, indicating an important role for 1991; Moller et al., 1994; Berenson et al., 1998).
modelling. Parents were then divided accord- Much research also shows that many children's
ing to their control scores. Children whose par- diets in the Western world are unsatisfactory. For
ents indicated greater attempts to control their example, the Bogalsua Heart Study in the US
child's diets reported higher intakes of both showed that the majority of 10 year olds exceeded
healthy and unhealthy snack foods. In addition, the American Heart Association dietary recom-
those children whose parents indicated a mendations for total fat, saturated fat and dietary
greater use of food as a means to control their cholesterol (Nicklas, 1995). A survey in the UK
child's behaviour reported higher levels of showed a similar picture, with 75% of children
body dissatisfaction. The results provide some aged 10±11 exceeding the recommended target
support for both the modelling and control the- level for percentage of energy derived from fat
ories of parental in¯uence. However, whereas (Butriss, 1995). Comparable results have also been
modelling appears to have a consistent impact, reported by Wardle (Wardle, 1995) and Currie et al.
parental control has a differential impact (Currie et al., 1997).
depending upon whether this control is focused There has been a range of explanations offered
to understand why children eat what they eat. Lack
of knowledge has been implicated as causing poor
1Department of General Practice, Guys Kings and
diets, but is not explanation enough as health
St Thomas' School of Medicine, Kings College London,
5 Lambeth Walk, London SE11 6SP, UK education campaigns have had limited success in
2Correspondence to: J. Ogden; changing eating habits (Gatherer et al., 1979).
E-mail: Jane.Ogden@kcl.ac.uk Other research has focused on social cognition

Health Education Research Vol.19 no.3, ã Oxford University Press 2004; All rights reserved DOI: 10.1093/her/cyg040
R. Brown and J. Ogden

models, but most studies using this approach have watching others eat. Research also indicates that
focused on adults rather than children and those children may not only model their parents' food
which have explored children's diets have left intake, but also their attitudes to food and their
much of the variance in eating behaviour unex- body dissatisfaction. For example, Hall and Brown
plained (Resnicow et al., 1997). (Hall and Brown, 1982) reported that mothers of
An alternative approach to children's diets girls with anorexia show greater body dissatisfac-
has focused on developmental theories, and tion than mothers of non-disordered girls.
emphasizes the in¯uence of signi®cant others on Likewise, Steiger et al. (Steiger et al., 1994)
a child's development of food preferences and found a direct correspondence between mothers'
eating habits. In line with Social Learning Theory and daughters' levels of weight concern, and Hill
[e.g. (Bandura, 1977)], some research has high- et al. (Hill et al., 1990) reported a link between
lighted the role of observational learning and mothers' and daughters' degree of dietary restraint.

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modelling. In one study, peer modelling was used Research therefore emphasizes the role of observa-
to change children's preference for vegetables tional learning with a particular role for parental
(Birch, 1980). The target children were placed at attitudes and behaviour.
lunch for 4 consecutive days next to other children Other studies have highlighted a role for parental
who preferred a different vegetable to themselves control. Some research has explored the impact of
(peas versus carrots). By the end of the study the controlling food intake by rewarding the consump-
children showed a shift in their vegetable prefer- tion of `healthy food' as in `if you eat your
ence which persisted at a follow-up assessment vegetables I will be pleased with you'. For
several weeks later. The impact of observational example, Birch et al. (Birch et al., 1980) gave
learning has also been shown in an intervention children food in association with positive adult
study designed to change children's eating attention compared with more neutral situations.
behaviour using video based peer modelling This was shown to increase food preference.
(Lowe et al., 1998). Similarly an intervention study using videos to
Research has also focused on the role of parents change eating behaviour reported that rewarding
and Wardle (Wardle, 1995) contended that:
vegetable consumption increased that behaviour
Parental attitudes must certainly affect their (Lowe et al., 1998). The relationship between food
children indirectly through the foods purchased and rewards, however, appears to be more com-
for and served in the household¼in¯uencing the plicated than this. In one study, children were
children's exposure and¼their habits and pref- offered their preferred fruit juice as a means to be
erences. allowed to play in an attractive play area (Birch
Some evidence supports an important role for et al., 1982). The results showed that using the
parents. For example, Klesges et al. (Klesges et al., juice as a means to get the reward reduced the
1991) showed that children selected different foods preference for the juice and have been supported
when they were being watched by their parents by similar studies (Lepper et al., 1982; Birch et al.,
compared to when they were not. Olivera et al. 1984; Newman and Taylor, 1992). These examples
(Olivera et al., 1992) reported a correlation are analogous to saying `if you eat your vegetables,
between mothers' and children's food intakes for you can eat your pudding'. Although parents use
most nutrients in pre-school children, and sug- this approach to encourage their children to eat
gested targeting parents to try to improve chil- vegetables the evidence indicates that this may be
dren's diets. Likewise, Contento et al. (Contento increasing their children's preference for pudding
et al., 1993) found a relationship between mothers' even further as pairing two foods results in the
health motivation and the quality of children's `reward' food being seen as more positive than the
diets. Food preferences therefore change through `access' food. As concluded by Birch:

262
Children's diets

¼although these practices can induce children role as the currency central to the interaction
to eat more vegetables in the short run, evidence between parent and child. Therefore, the present
from our research suggests that in the long run study aimed to explore the relative role of mod-
parental control attempts may have negative elling and control with a focus on the intake of
effects on the quality of children's diets by snack foods.
reducing their preferences for those foods.
[(Birch, 1999), p. 10]

Birch also reviewed the evidence for the impact of Method


imposing any form of parental control over food
intake and concluded that: Participants
¼child feeding strategies that restrict children's

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Children aged between 9 and 13 were recruited
access to snack foods actually make the from two junior schools and one secondary school
restricted foods more attractive. [(Birch, 1999), in southern England. Children were approached by
p. 11] either the researcher or a teacher at the school and
asked to give a consent form to their parents. It is
For example, when food is made freely available estimated that about 260 children were asked for
children will choose more of the restricted than the their consent and that 50% of children agreed to
unrestricted foods particularly when the mother is take part. Questionnaires were then given to 137
not present (Fisher and Birch, 1999). parents and children and 112 pairs of completed
In summary, children's diets are often poor and questionnaires were returned (response rate =
research has addressed reasons for this. Some 81.7%).
studies have focused on modelling, and indicate
that children may model both their parent's eating Design
behaviour and also their eating related attitudes
and body dissatisfaction. Other studies have high- The study used a dyadic design looking at pairs of
lighted a role for control, and have indicated that parents and children.
whilst many parents impose control over their
child's intake and use food to control their child's Procedure
behaviour, this may not always have the desired A letter was sent to the head teachers of the
positive effect. However, these two theories have schools, explaining the nature of the project and
been mainly addressed independent of each other. requesting participation from one of their year
In line with this, the present study aimed to explore groups. Information was then sent to parents
the relationship between parents and children's requesting consent for their children to participate
eating attitudes and behaviour, and to assess and and asking if they would take part. On receiving
compare the modelling and control theories of consent from parents, questionnaires were admin-
parental in¯uence. Much previous research has istered in the schools. Administration varied
explored children's diets in terms of major food according to the requests of the Head Teacher.
groups with an emphasis on staple foods such as The questionnaires were administered in small
bread, pasta and vegetables. These foods make up groups in one junior school, whole-class adminis-
the content of a child's main meals throughout the tration in the other junior school, with items being
day and are part of a child's daily routine. In read out verbally to both. In the secondary school
contrast, snack foods such as sweets, chocolate, the questionnaires were sent home. The children's
grapes and toast are often eaten in between meals, weight and height data was collected from the
and can be sources of either con¯ict or pleasure. schools either by the class teachers or the
Further, such snack foods often play an important researcher (R. B.).

263
R. Brown and J. Ogden

Measures (4), always (5)]. These were derived from the


Children and parents received matched question- Dutch Eating Behaviour Questionnaire (Van Strien
naires consisting of the following items. The et al., 1986) and summated to create total scores
internal reliability of the items was explored (range 1±5).
where appropriate using Cronbach's a. Internal motivation. Four items measured
internal motivation: `you have nothing to do',
Pro®le characteristics `are frightened', `are feeling upset', `are feeling
Participants were asked to state their age and cross'. A higher score re¯ected greater levels of
gender. internal motivation (children's a = 0.59; parent's
a = 0.69).
Reported snack food intake External motivation. Four items measured exter-
Much previous research has focused on a wide nal motivation: `If you walk past a bakery sweet

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range of foods consumed including staple foods shop or cafe how often do you really want to eat
such as pasta and bread, and snack foods such as something?', `If food looks, smells or tastes good,
sweets and fruit. The present study aimed to how often do you eat more of it than usual?', `If
focus solely on the intake of snack foods as you have got something delicious how often do you
these play a central role in the interaction between want to eat it straight away?', `If you see other
parent and child, and are often the place where people eating, how often do you eat more of it than
many of the problems with food intake occur. In usual'. A higher score re¯ected greater levels of
line with this, participants circled the number of external motivation (children's a = 0.77, parent's
times that a snack food item was eaten both a = 0.69).
`yesterday' and `in general' using ®ve-point Likert
scales. For `yesterday' the scale ranged from 0 (0) Body dissatisfaction
to 4+ times (4) and for `in general' the scale ranged
This was measured using a shortened Body
from `never' (0) to `every day' (4). The foods were
Satisfaction Questionnaire (Cooper et al., 1987).
presented in a random order. They were analysed
Ten items were rated using a ®ve-point Likert scale
both in terms of the individual food items and in
(never, not very often, sometimes, very often,
terms of total scores which were summated to
always), e.g. `Have you ever felt unhappy about
re¯ect `unhealthy' and `healthy' foods (range 0±4).
your body?', `How often do you refuse food
These foods were selected to provide some
because you are worried about your weight?', `Has
preliminary insights into the kinds of snacks that
eating sweets or cakes ever made you feel fat',
children and their parents eat. The measure was not
`Have you been afraid of becoming fat (or fatter)?
designed to comprehensively assess all foods
A higher score re¯ected greater body dissatisfac-
eaten.
Unhealthy snack foods: chocolate, crisps, pas- tion (range 1±5) (children's a = 0.81, parent's a =
tries, ice cream, sweets, cakes and biscuits 0.87).
(children's a = 0.71, adult's a = 0.63).
Body difference
Healthy snack foods: grapes, oranges, peaches,
yoghurt, toast and apples (children's a = 0.69, Using body silhouettes of adult and children
adult's a = 0.48). (Stunkard et al., 1986) participants were asked to
circle one of the nine ®gures they felt closest to
Motivations to eat their own size and then rate the ®gure they would
Participants rated eight items using a ®ve-point most like to look like. The discrepancy between the
Likert scale, following the statement `How two ®gures was scored. A more positive score
often do you feel like eating when...' [never re¯ected a desire to be fatter and a more negative
(1), not very often (2), sometimes (3), very often score re¯ected a desire to be thinner.

264
Children's diets

Additional parental items median splits on the parent's ratings of control. The
Control children's reported snack food intake, eating
motivations and body dissatisfaction were then
This assessed two aspects of control and food.
assessed as to whether their parents showed high or
Items were rated on a ®ve-point Likert scale and
low control over their child's diet and high or low
summated to create a total score (range 1±5).
use of diet to control their child's behaviour as a
Control over their child's diet. means to test the control theory of parental
Examples of items include: `How often are you in¯uence. Analysis used independent t-tests and
®rm about what your child should eat?', `How Levene's test for homogeneity of variance.
often do you allow your child a free choice of what
to eat?', `How often are you ®rm about when your

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child should eat?', `How often do you allow your Results
child to eat between meals?'. A higher score
re¯ected a greater degree of control placed on the
child's food intake by the parent (eight items, a = Pro®le characteristics
0.67). Participant's pro®le characteristics are shown in
Table I. There were 112 pairs of parents and
Control over their child's behaviour using
children. Children's ages ranged from 9 to 13;
food
adults from 23 to 53. The majority of the parents
Examples of items include: `How often do you were female, but there was almost an equal split
treat your child with food for good behaviour?', `If of boys and girls. The majority of parents were
your child is unhappy how often do you use food to white and described themselves as lower middle
cheer them up?', `Is a snack between meals class. Children's and adults BMI were within the
considered a treat for good behaviour?', `Do you healthy range.
use food as a way of distracting your child (e.g. if
they are preventing you from doing your chores)?'.
A higher score re¯ected a higher use of food to
control the child's behaviour (eight items, a =
0.81). Table I. Pro®le characteristics
Pro®le characteristics: Variable Parent (n = 112) Child (n = 112)
Parents were also asked to record their: Subjective
Age [years (range)] 40.8 (23±53) 11.23 (9±13)
class (working class, lower middle class, upper Sex
middle class, upper class), ethnicity (black, white, male 15 (12.4%) 49 (44%)
Asian, other), weight and height. female 106 (87.6%) 63 (56%)
Ethnicity
Data analysis black 1 (1%)
The results were analysed to (1) describe the white 92 (82%)
Asian 6 (6%)
participants' pro®le characteristics and their re- other 1 (1%)
ported snack food intake using descriptive statis- Subjective social class
tics, and (2) to assess the modelling theory of working 31 (32.3%)
parental in¯uence, parents and children's reported lower middle 44 (45.8%)
snack food intake, motivations for eating and their upper middle 21 (21.9%)
upper = 0 (0%)
body dissatisfaction were compared using Height (cm) 164.7 6 9.8 150.7 6 9.9
Spearman's correlation coef®cients. Finally, the Weight (kg) 67.7 6 12.9 44 6 12
pairs were then divided into groups based upon BMI 24.8 6 4.3 19.2 6 3.53

265
R. Brown and J. Ogden

Table II. Parents' (n = 112) and childrens' (n = 112) food intake (yesterday and in general)
Parent's Parent's Child's Child's Parent's rank Child's rank
yesterday general yesterday general

M SD M SD M SD M SD Yesterday General Yesterday General

Healthy food
grapes 0.2 1 1.6 0.8 0.4 1 1.8 1.1 10 9 10 8
oranges 0.4 0.6 1.9 1.1 0.6 0.9 1.7 1.0 6 6 8 10
peaches 0.1 0.3 1.2 0.9 0.1 0.4 0.9 1.0 13 13 13 13
yoghurt 0.4 0.6 2.1 1.2 0.6 0.7 2.3 1.2 5 5 7 7
toast 0.7 0.7 2.5 0.9 0.8 0.8 2.6 1.1 1 1 4 2
apples 0.6 0.6 2.3 1.0 0.7 0.8 2.5 1.1 4 3 6 4
Unhealthy food

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chocolate 0.7 0.8 2.1 0.9 1.0 0.1 2.6 0.9 2 4 2 3
crisps 0.3 0.5 1.8 0.9 0.7 0.7 2.7 1.0 9 7 5 1
pastries 0.1 0.3 1.2 0.7 0.2 0.5 1.3 0.9 12 12 12 12
ice cream 0.2 0.4 1.3 0.7 0.3 0.6 1.7 0.9 11 1 11 11
sweets 0.3 0.5 1.7 0.9 1.1 1.1 2.3 1.0 7 8 1 6
cakes 0.3 0.5 1.6 0.7 0.6 0.9 1.8 1.1 8 10 8 9
biscuits 0.7 0.9 2.4 1.1 0.8 1.8 2.4 1.1 3 2 3 5

Parents' and children's reported snack results showed a signi®cant correlation between
food intake parent's and child's snack food intake in general,
Table II describes the reported snack food intake of and between parents and child's unhealthy snack
parents and children. Children's most common food eaten yesterday, indicating that a more
snack foods for `yesterday' were sweets, chocolate, healthy or unhealthy diet shown by the parents
biscuits, toast and crisps, and for `in general' were was associated with a similar diet by their child.
crisps, toast, chocolate, apples and biscuits. Many There was no association for healthy snack food
of the foods being eaten by the children could be eaten yesterday. In terms of motivations, the results
considered `unhealthy'. Adults ate more healthily, showed a signi®cant correlation between parent
with three out of their ®ve most common foods and child for internal motivations, but not for
being categorized as `healthy'. The foods most external motivations, indicating that a child was
more likely to state that they ate for reasons such as
often eaten for both `yesterday' and `in general'
feeling upset or cross if their parent also stated
were toast, chocolate, biscuits, apples and yoghurt,
likewise. The results also showed a signi®cant
although ranked in a different order for these
correlation between parent and child for both
different time points.
measures of body dissatisfaction, indicating that a
higher dissatisfaction by the parent was re¯ected in
Comparison of parents and children's
a higher level in the child.
snack food intake, eating motivations and
their body dissatisfaction Role of parent's level of control over their
Parents and children were analysed to explore the child's diet
correlation between their snack food intake, eating Parents who exercised high control over their
motivations and body dissatisfaction. The results children's diets were compared with parents who
are shown in Table III. For snack food intake the exercised lower control to see if control levels

266
Children's diets

Table III. Comparisons between parents' and their childrens' food intake
Variable Parent (n = 112) Child (n = 112) Spearman's correlation

M SD M SD r P

Food intake
t healthy yesterday 1.93 1.44 0.54 0.39 0.15 0.119
t healthy generala 1.96 0.59 0.40 0.28 0.392 0.01
t unhealthy yesterdaya 0.351 0.27 0.651 0.41 0.234 0.01
t unhealthy generala 1.96 0.59 1.99 0.61 0.317 0.001
Eating motivations
t internal motivationa 1.10 0.67 1.10 0.77 0.352 0.01
t external motivation 1.93 0.85 2.16 0.85 0.17 0.069
Body dissatisfaction

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t body dissatisfactiona 1.57 0.74 1.1 0.71 0.22 0.01
t body differencea ±1.6 1.14 ±0.43 0.89 0.195 0.03
aSigni®cant correlation between parent and child.

Table IV. Impact of parent's control over diet on children's food intake, eating motivations and body dissatisfaction

Variable Low control (n = 64) High control (n = 56) t P CI

M SD M SD

Food intake
healthy fooda yesterday 0.4645 0.3417 0.6161 0.483 ±2.067 0.04 ±0.2629 to ± 0.006
unhealthy fooda yesterday 0.5500 0.3377 0.8010 0.4747 ±3.299 0.001 ±0.4018 to ±0.1003
healthy food general 2.0054 0.5921 1.9851 0.6767 0.173 0.863 ±0.2111 to 0.2516
unhealthy food general 2.0468 0.4995 2.2041 0.5842 ±1.569 0.119 ±0.3558 to 0.041
Eating motivations
internal motivation 1.0742 0.7672 1.2054 0.8217 ±0.904 0.368 ±0.4185 to 0.1562
external motivation 1.9883 0.7604 2.2593 0.9391 ±1.732 0.086 ±0.5809 to 0.039
Body dissatisfaction
body dissatisfaction 1.1063 0.6841 1.1164 0.7702 ±0.75 0.941 ±0.2752 to 0.2552
body difference ±0.4762 0.8203 ±0.3571 0.9987 ±0.713 0.477 ±0.4495 to 0.2114
aSigni®cant main effect of group.

in¯uenced their child's snack intake, motivations Role of parent's level of control over their
for eating and body dissatisfaction. The results are child's behaviour using food
shown in Table IV. The results showed no effect of
parental control over diet on snack food intake in Parents who exercised high control over their
general, eating motivations or body dissatisfaction. child's behaviour using food were compared with
However, those children whose parents reported parents who exercised lower control to see if
higher levels of control over their children's diet control levels in¯uenced their children's snack
reported eating more of both the unhealthy and food intake, motivations for eating and body
healthy snack foods yesterday, indicating that dissatisfaction. The results are shown in Table V.
attempts to restrict a child's food intake may be No differences were found between the two groups
paradoxically associated with its increase. for snack food intake, eating motivations or body

267
R. Brown and J. Ogden

Table V. The impact of parent's use of diet to control the child's behaviour on children's food intake, eating motivations and
body dissatisfaction
Variable Low control (n = 66) High control (n = 51) t P CI

M SD M SD

Food intake
healthy food yesterday 0.531 0.4092 0.6088 0.3961 ±1.123 0.264 ±2.371 to 0.065
unhealthy food yesterday 0.6585 0.3632 0.6822 0.4985 ±0.293 0.770 ±0.1844 to 0.1369
healthy food general 1.9949 0.6384 1.9932 0.6217 0.015 0.988 ±0.2320 to 0.2355
unhealthy food general 2.0593 0.5433 2.1603 0.5238 ±0.988 0.320 ±0.3016 to 0.0995
Eating motivations
internal motivation 1.0227 0.767 1.2500 0.7794 ±1.567 0.12 ±0.5146 to 0.060
external motivation 2.0731 0.8049 2.1750 0.8440 ±0.659 0.511 ±0.4083 to 0.2045

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Body dissatisfaction
body dissatisfactiona 1.0094 0.7449 1.3275 0.6774 ±2.367 0.02 ±0.5843 to ±0.0519
body difference ±0.3788 0.9075 ±0.3788 0.9075 0.768 0.444 ±0.2069 to 0.4689
aSigni®cant main effect of group.

difference. However, those children whose parents intake focused only on snack foods rather than
reported a greater use of food to control their providing a comprehensive description of all
child's behaviour showed higher levels of body aspects of the children's diets. In addition, the
dissatisfaction. measure relied upon self-report which was not
supported by any objective assessment. However,
Discussion all measures of food intake are problematic.
Researcher observation can change food intake,
The present study aimed to explore the ways in laboratory assessments offer an unnatural environ-
which parents effect their child's eating attitudes ment, and diary measures cause self-monitoring
and eating behaviour, and to test both the model- and either increase or decrease eating. Further,
ling and control and control theories of parental fully comprehensive food checklists can yield data
in¯uence. There are some problems with the study, which is unmanageable and unsynthesized. The
however, which need to be addressed. First, many measure used in the present study was designed to
children did not consent to take part in the study. be simple and short so that it could be understood
Because consent was needed to opt into the study by both parents and children. It was also designed
rather than to opt out, it is possible that some to be focused on a child's consumption of snack
parents did not receive the consent form and were foods which are often at the centre of eating-related
not told about the study. Non-consent may there- negotiations between the parent and child. The
fore re¯ect the child's forgetfulness rather than an limitations of the measure are acknowledged, but it
objection to a study on eating behaviour. However, is believed that it provides some insights into the
it is also possible that those who did not consent impact of modelling and control.
were different to those who did in terms of eating The results indicated that both parents' and
attitudes and food intake. It is not possible to children's diets consisted of many unhealthy snack
estimate the impact of this on the results as eating foods such as crisps, chocolate and biscuits,
control and consent could be related in either con®rming previous ®ndings from larger-scale
direction. Therefore, care must be taken in surveys [e.g. (Butriss, 1995; Nicklas, 1995;
generalizing from the results of this study to all Wardle, 1995)]. The results also indicated a strong
children in general. Second, the measure of food association between a parent's and their child's

268
Children's diets

snack food intake for all snacks in general and reported higher levels of body dissatisfaction.
unhealthy snacks eaten yesterday. This provides Food is embedded with a complex set of meanings
support for the modelling theory of parental removed from hunger and satiety (Ogden, 2003). It
in¯uence and indicates that children's diets are is possible that using food to change behaviour
effected by the types of food eaten by their parents detaches food further from its role in satiating
[e.g. (Klesges et al., 1991; Olivera et al., 1992; hunger and promotes a more problematic relation-
Wardle, 1995)]. Modelling also appeared to have a ship with eating. The body dissatisfaction reported
role in the transmission of eating-related attitudes, in the present study may be a re¯ection of such a
with the results showing associations between relationship.
parents' and their childrens' internal motivations In summary, previous research has described
and body dissatisfaction. This re¯ects previous theories concerned with both modelling and con-
research which has reported a correspondence trol. The results from the present study offer

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between mothers' and daughters' degree of weight support for both these theories in pairs of parents
concern (Hall and Brown, 1982; Hill et al., 1990; and children. In particular, modelling was found to
Steiger et al., 1994). The results from the present have a clear in¯uence on how children both think
study therefore support a modelling theory of and behave around food, with consistent associ-
parental in¯uence, and indicate that parents' eating ations found between parent's and children's
behaviours and attitudes closely correspond to eating behaviours and attitudes. Parental control
those of their children. was also found to exert an impact. Whilst control
The present study also explored the role of over diet, however, in¯uenced the child's food
control. This was ®rst assessed in terms of parental intake and not their attitudes, using food to control
attempts to control their child's diet, and the results behaviour was found to have the reverse effect.
showed that children whose parents reported Accordingly, whilst modelling may have a con-
greater attempts to restrict their child's food intake sistent impact upon a child's diet and attitudes, the
indicated eating more of both the healthy and impact of parental control depends upon whether
unhealthy foods. These parents may have been this control is focused directly at the child's diet or
imposing such control because their child had a indirectly uses diet as a means to modify other
pre-existing tendency to overeat. However, in line aspects of the child's behaviour. To date, the
with previous studies of parental control (Birch, theories of modelling and control have been
1999; Fisher and Birch, 1999), it is also possible developed as independent perspectives using dif-
that parentally enforced food restriction has the ferent populations and different methodologies.
paradoxical effect of triggering overeating in The results from the present study provide some
children. Such an impact is in accordance with insights into the relative impact of these different
experimental studies of children's diets (Fisher and forms of parental in¯uence and indicate that a
Birch, 1999), and also ®nds re¯ection in studies of positive parental role model may be a more
dietary restraint and the impact of self-imposed effective means to facilitate change than parental
food restriction on eating behaviour [e.g. (Herman attempts to impose control over their child's food
and Mack, 1975; Ogden, 2003)]. intake. Such results have direct implications for the
The role of control was also explored in terms of development of health education interventions.
the use of food to modify behaviour. The results Recent recommendations for the development of
showed that such parental control had no impact intervention programs have called for the provision
upon the child's diet, which is in contrast to of information to parents concerning meal content,
previous research [e.g. (Birch et al., 1980, 1982; size and timing, and details about the potentially
Newman and Taylor, 1992)]. However, those damaging in¯uence of coercive feeding practices
children whose parents reported a greater use of (Birch and Davison, 2001). The results from the
food as a tool for behavioural modi®cation present study indicate that in addition to simply

269
R. Brown and J. Ogden

educating parents what to feed their children, the Health Education Effective? An Overview of Evaluated
Studies. Health Education Council, London.
parent's diet itself should also be the focus on Hales, C.N., Barker, D.J.P., Clark, P.M.S., Cox, L.J., Fall, C.,
change. If parents can be encouraged to recognize Osmond, C. and Winter, P.D. (1991) Fetal and infant growth
that their own eating behaviour is the most and impaired glucose tolerance at age 64. British Medical
Journal, 303, 1019±1022.
important source of information for their children Hall, A. and Brown, L.B. (1982) A comparison of the attitudes
then maybe parents can be encouraged to adopt a of young anorexia nervosa patients and non patients with
`do as I do not what I say' approach to their those of their mothers. British Journal of Psychology, 56,
39±48.
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