Igarashi, Y.

(2006) ‘Role of Critical Psychology in Japan: Protest Against Positivistic

Psychology and Search for New Knowledge of the Mind’, Annual Review of Critical
Psychology, 5, pp. 156-166 www.discourseunit.com/arcp/5

Yasuhiro Igarashi1

Role of Critical Psychology in Japan: Protest Against Positivistic Psychology and Search
for New Knowledge of the Mind

1. Introduction of Western psychology and Americanisation after WWII

The history of modern psychology in Japan parallels the course of modernization of Japanese
society in general. During the Tokugawa period (1603-1866), in which Samurai feudal lords
governed the country, schools of Confucians developed systems of thoughts, which explained
nature and mechanism of the universe. They included some theories on mind that explained
the way people conducted themselves, and they proposed norms and morals according to
which men and women should act. With these theories on mind, there existed some folk
psychology concerning people’s ordinary conducts and their mental experiences of emotions,
desires, volitions, and so on. Such folk psychology was expressed in literary works as
explanation of the way the mind works. For these Confucian theories of mind and folk
psychology in the history of Japanese mentality, see Kato (1979, 1983, 1997).

After the Meiji Restoration (1867-1868), the government of emperor’s bureaucrats begun to
introduce a policy of increasing wealth and military power in face of expansion of Western
colonialism in Far East2. Various western knowledge and institutions were introduced from
western countries in almost all spheres in order to modernize Japan and to catch up with the
advanced western countries. It was the same for psychology. Western psychology was
introduced in Japan as a ‘new-knowledge’ from advanced countries of North America and
Europe with the translation of psychology literatures in western languages. The first book
titled ‘Shin-ri-gaku, which means ‘Psychology’ in Japanese, was published in 1875. It was a
Japanese version of J. Haven’s ‘Mental Philosophy Including Intellect, Sensibilities, and Will’
(1857)3.

From 1880s, psychology courses were taught in teachers colleges. It was thought that
schoolteachers had to take psychology courses to understand their future pupils better. At the
University of Tokyo, Yujiro Motora, who worked on psychophysics at Johns Hopkins
University (USA) with G.S. Hall who later became the first president of American
Psychological Association (1892), began to teach psychophysics in 1888 and established the
first laboratory of psychology in 1903. At the turn of century, Japanese psychologists began to
operate as an actor both in academia and in society. By 1920s, there existed a wide range of
research interests ranging from experimental psychology such as sensation and perception to

1
Contact: VEH03661@nifty.ne.jp and igarashiy@yamano.ac.jp
2
Before Russo-Japanese War (1904-05), the policy was rather defensive in the aim of protecting the
independence of the country from the pressure of Western imperialism. But after the victory in that war, Japan
emerged as a new colonial power in East Asia.
3
Haven was a moral philosopher of the Scotland school, professor of intellectual and moral philosophy at
Amherst College, USA. Prior to the introduction of so-called modern psychology, a book of moral philosophy
was published in Japan for the first time in the name of psychology.

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applied psychology such as educational and industrial psychology. For a concise history of
Japanese psychology, see Oyama, Sato, & Suzuki (2002) and Sato (2005).

From the late 1930s to 1945, in the era of war in China, Southeast Asia and the Pacific area,
most disciplines of learning were mobilized to a war footing under the rule of the ultra-
nationalistic militarist government. Psychologists who did research and teaching at
universities and practiced in educational and industrial settings, were also mobilized. Some
psychologists were conscripted and were sent to battlefield as soldiers. Some began to work
on topics of military and defence psychology. But in this wartime era, researches on topics of
established schools like Gestalt psychology were continued and some began to study new
trends of psychology such as neo-behaviorism and logical positivism. Those who survived the
war came to lead Japanese psychology in the latter half of 20th century.

After WWII, full scale neo-behaviorism and operationalism were introduced from North
America. It happened in accordance with wholesale transformation of various institutions.
After WWII, Japan was occupied by the US army. A number of political, economic, and
social institutions were reformed or newly founded under the guidance of the US occupation
forces. They were to demilitarise and democratise the Japanese government and society,
which had been held responsible for the ultra-nationalism that finally culminated with the war
disaster. But once the Cold War had begun and communist governments had been established
in China and North Korea, the US government placed great emphasis on Japan’s role as an
aegis of the free world in Asia to defend against expansion of communism. Furthermore, the
US government began to support and guide conservative administrations using several leaders
of the former militarist government to stabilize society and to reinforce the anticommunist
policies. The foreign policy of Japan has been strongly affected by US government since this
era.

In the sphere of culture and learning, American intellectual and cultural products were
introduced like a deluge in line with this social change brought about by US policy to Japan.
Not only popular culture such as movies and pop music, but also learning amongst Japanese
intellectuals was Americanised rapidly. It seems that this cultural situation was common to
many other countries that were supported and led by the US government after WWII. As a
consequence, Japanese psychology was wholly Americanised as were many other fields of
learning since the 1950s. It has been dominated by North-American main stream psychology,
namely neo-behavioristic S-O-R type psychology, that understand the human mind (covert
mental processes of Organism) as incited by some external Stimuli that can be observed
objectively, and as manifested overtly in Responses that can be measured and quantified
objectively. In this meta-theory (i.e. a paradigm or a philosophy) of psychology, human mind
was to be regarded as something passively activated by stimuli external to the person. Since
mental processes such as learning, memory and reasoning were located in an individual’s
head and isolated from social context studies did not take the context into account. This view
of the mind is regarded not as one that is specific to western culture, especially to North-
American culture, as something socially constructed in the course of history. It is regarded as
the true theory of mind that is universal and trans-historical irrespective of social context by
mainstream psychology still today (Cf. Danziger, 1997).

Table 1. Important events in the history of Japanese Psychology

 1867-68 Meiji Restoration.

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 1875 A.Nishi translated J.Haven’s ‘Mental Philosophy Including Intellect
Sensibilities, and Will’ into Japanese. The first book entitled ‘Psychology’ in
Japanese.
 1882 T. Inoue translated A.Bain’s ‘Mental Science’ into Japanese.
 1887 G.S.Hall & M.Motora’s paper, ‘Dermal sensitiveness to gradual pressure
changes’ (American Journal of Psychology, 1,32-55.).
 1888 Motora’s lecture on Psychophysics at University of Tokyo.
 1889 Meiji Constitution.
 1894 T.Tanaka translated T.Ribot’s ‘Psychologie Allemande Contemporaine’ into
Japanese. First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95).
 1903 Laboratory of Psychology was founded at University of Tokyo. The first
psychology laboratory in Japan.
 1904-05 Russo-Japanese War.
 1907 Introduction of Binet-Simon Test. Several Japanese versions of Binet-Simon Test
were designed rapidly. Applications of psychological studies to practical problem like
education and industrial setting were vigorous.
 1909 The first open lecture of ‘the Popular Science Association’. Not only
psychologists but also people became interested in this ‘new knowledge’. So
psychologists planned open lecture for the public. It attracted large audiences.
 1910 T.Fukurai’s experiment on ‘clairvoyance’. The experiment remains famous even
today in the field of parapsychology.
 1912 The first issue of ‘Psychological Research’.
 1914 Japan enters World WarⅠ.
 1926 The first issue of ‘Japanese Journal of Psychology’.
 1927 The first conference of Japanese Psychological Association, JPA.
 1931 Manchurian Incident.
 1941 Attack on Pearl Harbor
 1947 The 11th annual convention of JPA. The first nation-wide conference after WW
II.
 1951 San Francisco Pease Treaty signed.
 1972 The 20th International Congress of Psychology in Tokyo. Recognition of
Japanese psychology by ‘advanced’ western psychologists.
 1988 Foundation of the Japanese Certification Board for Clinical Psychologist,
JCBCP. Qualification of the Certified Clinical Psychologist, CCP. (15,097 CCPs in
2006)
 1996 Introduction of ‘shitei-daigakuin (qualified graduate course for CCP)’ by JCBCP.
(146 courses in 2006)
 2002 The first issue of ‘Qualitative Research in Psychology’

2. Dominance of mainstream positivistic psychology

The Americanisation of psychology means the dominance of neo-behavioristic S-O-R type

psychology, which exclusively adopts quantitative research methods like laboratory
experiments and large-N questionnaires and heavily stresses objectivity of research and
numerical quantitative data. Since the 1950s, experimental psychology such like psychology
of learning and perception was the leader within academia.4 Clinical psychology, which was
also introduced wholesale from North America after WWII, and other areas of applied
4
Even in the heyday of neo-behaviorism, psychology of perception was popular in Japan. It had been flourishing
since the inception of Gestalt psychology in 1920s.

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psychology were regarded as secondary status. In this climate, a lot of researches were
conducted in university laboratories. But most of researches in this era were a kind of
replication of researches in North America, using the same research materials but with
different subjects, namely Japanese people. Unfortunately, this situation still has not changed
and the presuppositions of the imported American psychology go unchallenged without
questioning the presuppositions of North-American mainstream psychology (Cf. Fox &
Prilleltensky, 1997). Japanese theoretical psychologists only began to examine these meta-
theoretical issues (Stam, 2000) in the 1990s.

In the era of nation-wide debates on the course of the country immediately after WWII, which
reflected on and criticized the regime that brought about tremendous disaster in this country
and in the other Asian-Pacific countries, there existed a few psychologists who took the
Marxist position. But they didn't have significant influence on Japanese psychology. Without
proposing new vista and new program for psychology, they were absorbed into mainstream
psychology. From circa 1960, Japanese society had recovered from the ruins of war and
enjoyed an economic booming.

The new left student movement and psychology in Japan

Immediately after WWII, student movements began to flourish with a strong sense of anti-
militarism and of protest against oppression of human rights. It was natural that after the
disaster which were brought about by the emperor’s bureaucratic militaristic government
resulting in millions of loss of lives in Asian-Pacific area and dozens of loss of Japanese cities
by US bombing, which included the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, not only
students but also Japanese people in general developed strong anti-war and anti-militarism
attitudes. This was the context within which social movements developed since 1945. In
Japanese society, the anti-war atmosphere is still strong today5.

But most of student movements were subject to the major leftist political parties such as the
Japanese Communist Party and the Socialist Party. And the leftist parties were subjected to the
policy of the leftist authority in foreign countries such as the USSR and the Chinese
Communist Party. This situation was symmetrical to the conservative government’s total
dependence on the policies of US government. Unfortunately, political factionalism and
sectarianism were strong among the leftist parties. Sometime they spent more time and energy
attacking each other than fighting the conservative government. In such circumstance, the
leftist parties often treated student movements as a weapon for political strife to attack other
factions within leftist parties. The authoritarianism of leftist parties was mirrored by the
conservative government, bureaucracy, big businesses and academia.

The new left student movement arose from this soil in the 1960s. There were many sects in
the new left, and their founding ideologies were diverse. Some were Maoist, some were Neo-
Marxist, and some tried to change the Japanese society inspired by the Japanese leftist thinker,
Takaaki Yoshimoto (born in 1924) who as poet, critic, and thinker emphasized the importance
of aesthetic and moral revolution in the course of political struggle. Of course, their political
aims were also not exactly the same. Sometime they antagonized each other. Later in early
1970s, their mutual-hate resulted in infighting and murders that led to people’s distrust and
the decline of student movement in Japanese society. But the new left student movement left

5
Unfortunately, it seems that this anti-war atmosphere among Japanese has been based mainly on the sense of
victimization by the war, not on the sense of victimizer who brought about the devastating war-disaster to people
in Asian-Pacific area.

159
an important legacy in Japanese society. It was the claim of liberty to think and decide by
oneself and not be dependent on any other higher authorities. Consciousness of freedom and
autonomy, that was rare in Japanese culture, has deeply taken root in several quarters of the
society. This heritage in the moral sphere could bring about change in society now and in the
future.

A considerable number of young psychologists were sympathetic to the new left student
movement. They organised several meeting-groups and associations with colleagues. Among
them, the most influential institution was the Japanese Research Association of Psychological
Science (JRAPS), which was founded in 1969. Participants in JRAPS protested against
authoritarianism in psychological society and in university. They especially opposed to the
thoughtless application of psychological tests including intelligence tests in mental hospitals
and schools. Thanks to such psychological measurements that had only slight scientific
evidence, many clients and pupils were diagnosed as ‘abnormal’, ‘inferior’, ‘less developed’,
and ‘feebleminded’. Such diagnosis and labelling directly resulted in great suffering and loss
of life opportunities for clients and pupils. So they tried to reform institutions of
psychological testing to ameliorate the suffering.

In several western countries, especially in Britain (Henriques et al., 1984; Parker, 1999),
turmoil of student movement in 1960s and 1970s prompted the birth of critical psychologies
which are established as small but strong critical currents against mainstream psychology
today. These currents propose alternative ways of doing research and practice. But JRAPS
failed to establish critical psychology as a significant approach to subjectivity and the welfare
of Japanese people. The JRAPS failed to recognize the importance of critical perspectives
which have developed in social and human sciences since 1960s, namely post-structurism,
critical theory of Frankfurt school, Lacanian psychoanalysis, feminism, and sociology of
scientific knowledge and so on. It couldn’t assimilate these ideas, which played such a crucial
role in nurturing critical psychologies in several western countries. Most members of JRAPS
have no contact with the contemporary critical psychology movement around the world. And
yet JRAPS exists today despite this lack of interest. Recently, it planned and published several
edited books on peace psychology, the history of psychology and human development with
some social-criticism. It is our aim to connect such activities of social-critique to the
contemporary critical psychology movement around the world.

Under the strong influence of the myth of neutrality of science, it has been a taboo for
Japanese psychologists to talk about political and social issues. Broadly speaking, Japanese
psychology after WWII, with the exception of the JRAPS, has not attempted to connect to
social/societal needs. It has not developed relation to any social or political movements.

3. Reflexivity: Search for post-empirical research methods and change of social climate

Since the early 1990s, strong critiques against mainstream positivistic psychology have arisen
from several quarters within academia, especially from qualitative researchers (the Field
Psychology Group) and from theoretical psychologists. The main reason for these critiques
was the infertility of mainstream psychology. Thousands of psychologists produced tens of
thousands of research reports (i.e., papers published in many journals specialized in
psychology and innumerable number of presentations made at meetings of psychological
societies) since the 1950s, but most of them were conducted following the model of North-
American psychology. Such research activities have produced only a few significant works
that were relevant to Japanese people's lived experiences. A considerable number of Japanese

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psychologists began to question this infertility and began to search for ways to break the
deadlock. Some of them gathered together to promote the adoption of qualitative research
methods instead of quantitative research methods in psychological research. Some gathered to
examine philosophical presuppositions and the history of psychology in pursuit of a better
understanding of the foundation and background of mainstream psychology.

In the 1990s, the social climate surrounding the discipline of psychology has changed
drastically. Until recently, Japanese society didn’t care what academic psychologists did in
universities and colleges. From the inception of neo-behaviorism, people did not have much
interest in studies on topics of mainstream experimental psychology such as classical and
instrumental conditioning in animal learning and cognition. This would be the same as in
many other countries. But in Japan, even clinical psychology didn’t attract much attention
until 1980s. Traditionally Japanese people preferred not to talk about their private worries to a
third party such as a counsellor or psychotherapist. Such problems were solved in their small
communities consisting of family members and friends in the context of thick interpersonal
relationships between them. More severe mental illnesses such as schizophrenia have been
treated by psychiatrists with little contributions from clinical psychology. But this situation
has changed recently.

Japanese society was Americanised in the post-WWII era and the thick interpersonal
relationships, which characterize collectivism in traditional Japanese society, are now
weakening especially in urban areas. It is said that in these days traditional Japanese traits
such as industriousness, humility and compassion are not as common. In the last two decades,
the numbers of psychology-related problems such as school absenteeism, serious crimes by
teenagers, child abuse by parents, domestic violence, social isolation, depression, and suicide
have significantly increased. These problems have become serious pressing issues in society.
Now Japanese society and governmental authorities expect psychology, which means clinical
psychology for them, to treat these problems.

In this context, it was clear that mainstream academic psychology was almost useless. It was
necessary to promote clinical psychology and to create new institution to deliver
psychological services. So in 1988, the Japanese Certification Board for Clinical
Psychologist, (JCBCP), was founded with the full support of the Ministry of Education and
has began to qualify Certified Clinical Psychologists (CCP). JCBCP had qualified 15,097
CCPs by 2006. CCPs work as counsellors, psychotherapists and diagnosticians in hospital.
The educational authorities strongly promote CCPs and are planning to assign them to all
elementary schools and junior high schools in the country. Now Certified Clinical
Psychologists are widely recognized as professional psychologists and they have become
major actors in the field of mental health in Japan.

4. Qualitative research and theoretical psychology as protest against mainstream

psychology

Today there exist several critical trends in Japanese psychology. Qualitative research is the
strongest and the most promising critical psychological approach in Japan now. Moreover,
small numbers of theoretical psychologists attempt to elucidate philosophical and social
underpinnings of psychology in collaboration with philosophers and cognitive scientists. They
try to find new methods to be used within the field. Below I will discuss their characteristics
briefly keeping the discussion in line with the questions posed by the editors of this special
issue. .

161
A. When and how did they emerge? Which “social/societal needs” do they correspond to?

These new trends - qualitative research and meta-theoretical studies - arose in the 1990s. But
they did not emerge as a direct response to some “social/societal needs”. They started their
activities as a critique for the lack of productivity of mainstream positivistic psychology,
which has dominated Japanese psychology since WWII. Japanese qualitative psychologists
and some theoretical psychologists try to create new meta-theories and new methodologies
with which one could do significant research. Research which investigates people’s real life
experiences and subjectivities in their own context of everyday life and which can in turn
contribute to welfare of these people

B. What kind of social practices and interventions are proposed? Do they reflect the position
and the role of their specific geo-political region in a world full of inequalities?

The Japanese qualitative research movement has not developed directly in relation to any
social and/or political movements, although in Japan there exist active and important social
movements on human rights, peace, ecology, social welfare, and so on. It is possible,
however, that from “field researches and research”, namely investigations completed within
contexts where people live their lives and using qualitative methods, new social policy for
education and for social welfare might be developed in the near future. Some community
psychologists are working to help abused women and Japanese children left behind in China
after WWII using the method of unstructured interviewing to understand their real life
experience and their subjectivity in detail. To help vulnerable people, it is essential to know
how they live in their everyday life context, so qualitative methods like participant-
observation and open interviews are recommended instead of laboratory experimentation and
ready-made questionnaires.

For more than half a century, students majoring in psychology have been indoctrinated in
classroom and laboratories into the myths of objectivity and neutrality of science (Gergen,
1994). They are taught that only objective methods of research such as experimentation could
bring about true knowledge, and that to fulfill the requirements of objectivity, psychologists
have to stay away from any ideologies that commit to social, political and religious values. As
a consequence, most qualitative psychologists and even most theoretical psychologists do not
have ample awareness that in a world full of inequalities the role of a psychologist can be that
of an agent of societal change in Japan. Generally, Japanese psychologists do not reflect on
their position and role in East Asia.

C. Is there collaboration and/or exchange with other approaches of “critical psychology” in

other geo-political regions of the world?

Only few Japanese psychologists attend international meetings concerning critical psychology
like the International Conference on Critical Psychology. Even qualitative researchers don’t
know much about critical psychology. It is possible that qualitative research current in Japan
has the potential to shift the course of Japanese psychology in the near future but this remains
to be seen. It has already attracted many research and professional psychologists, not only
from young generation of twenties and thirties but also from psychologists in their fifties,
some of them might act as major players in this movement to change Japanese psychology.
Information on the contemporary critical psychology movement in the world is sorely needed
in Japan and such interchange can promote understanding of other approaches like

162
psychology of liberation (Martin-Baro, 1994), feminist psychology and the new history of
psychology (Furumoto, 1989; Danziger, 1997).

Recently, several Japanese psychologists interested in meta-theoretical issues in psychology

attended the biennale conferences of the International Society for Theoretical Psychology
(ISTP) and had exchanges with psychologists from other countries that includes not only
English-speaking countries and other western countries, but also central and south American
countries and countries of African continent. Exchanges at the 10th ISTP conference in
Istanbul (2003) brought about the opportunity for the present author to write this article.

D. Are the various approaches in critical psychology institutionally represented and/or

organised?

The journal Qualitative Psychology Research has been issued since 2002. This is the only
high quality publication for psychological researches using qualitative methods. Mainstream
psychology journals such as the Japanese Journal of Psychology do not accept qualitative
research papers since the editorial boards of such journals are usually composed of
researchers who favour quantitative methods and approaches. So a group of psychologists
who recognize the importance of qualitative research, “Field Psychology Group”, started the
new journal in 2002. Led by the same group of psychologists, the Japanese Society of
Qualitative Psychology was founded in 2004. There are several small academic meetings on
theoretical psychology (i.e., philosophy of psychology, history of psychology and sociology
of psychology, and so on) that examine the current state of affairs of theories, practices, and
institutions of psychology and explore new ways of investigating, practicing and teaching
psychology.

E. What is the theoretical and methodological background of the different approaches?

For some Japanese qualitative psychologists, social constructionism (Gergen, 1994) serves the
role of meta-theory and philosophy of psychology. It has essentially replaced the S-O-R
schema of mainstream psychology, which explained mental phenomena as elicited by some
external stimuli and viewed all behavior as a reflection of covert mental processes separated
from social context.

Some Japanese theoretical psychologists studied philosophical issues within psychology from
the perspective of Sigmund Koch (1964, 1999), who was a pioneer and a leading scholar in
philosophy of psychology since the 1940s, especially in the analysis of philosophical
foundation of behaviorism. Likewise, the work of Amedio Giorgi (1970), who is the
representative scholar of phenomenological psychology in North America since 1960s, has
been influential. Bem & Looren de Jong’s well-known textbook of theoretical psychology,
“Theoretical issues in psychology: An introduction” (1997) helped Japanese psychologists to
catch up with contemporary research and trends. Having absorbed these theoretical critiques
against mainstream positivistic psychology by western psychologists, Japanese theoretical
psychologists, including the present author, are now better able to examine theories, practices,
and institutions of Japanese psychology reflexively.

Table 2. Papers in “Qualitative Psychology Research” No. 1, 2002

163
1. Cognitive developmental stages of family caregivers for elderly people. By T. Tanaka, Y.
Hyodo, and K. Tanaka.
2. How delinquent youth in a juvenile group home come to be seen as troublesome people: A
study on the verbal interactions between the staff and delinquents in social skills training
sessions. By H. Matsushima.
3. Constructing the meaning of “mild” motor disability from the viewpoint of life-span
development: The life-stories of individuals between the severely disabled and the able-
bodied. By M. Tagaki.
4. The narrative of nature, weather, and season in face of death: A model of the life story
research to succeed previous hypotheses. By T. Saijo.
5. Why people mention the brightness of the sky and weather at the critical boundary of life
and death: The generative cycle of hypothesizing and analyzing data in qualitative research.
By Y. Yamada.
6. Description and analysis of various ways of being in adolescence. By T. Okura.
7. The process of model construction based on qualitative data in field psychology: Figurative
model from image drawings of “This World and the Next World”. By Y. Yamada.
8. Are participants in environmental movements self-sacrificing?: Motivations for
participation. By K. Ando.

5. Prospect for near future: Role of critical psychology in Japan

Japanese society is changing. Many social institutions that were established in the era of
recovery from the WWII aftermath and that brought about economic prosperity and social
stability are in the process of being restructured by the neo-liberal polices of the conservative
government. These policies stress and pursue economic efficiency. After the economic bubble
burst in early 1990s, the Japanese economy has been in a depression for a long period. Due to
the current harsh economic times, the social situation surrounding Japanese psychology is
now changing rapidly. Under immense pressure from social and administrative demands to
provide therapeutic and preventive treatments for psychology-related mental problems,
psychologists have had to adopt a pragmatic attitude. Today, psychologists are required to
prove their usefulness and competencies to society if they want to keep their jobs in academia
and to get resources to do research. In these circumstances, we have to find the best ways to
bring about a truly emancipating psychology that can contribute to the welfare of people in
Japan and in other countries. The critiques against mainstream psychology, which have been
put forth by qualitative psychologists and theoretical psychologists from self-reflexive
standpoint, are an important step towards this aim.

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