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INTRODUCTION
(Hall & Page, 2009, 2012). Such a change is leading to the desire to “stock
take” the field before cultural and disciplinary memories fade (Hall &
Page, 2009; Smith, 2010). This is clearly not the first generation of tourism
geographers to have retired, but it is the first generation whose work
has simultaneously existed in the academic fields of both geography and
tourism studies. They are also part of the first generation whose work is
truly internationalized as a result of their work becoming widely circulated
outside of their own countries due to the impacts of information and com-
munication technology and the adoption of English as the lingua franca of
international business and the academy.
However, academic production and dissemination, along with the labor
market, are subject to the vagaries of globalization as any other industry or
sector. Therefore, this chapter seeks to provide an account of the develop-
ment of the geography(ies) of tourism in a global setting. It does this by
reference to some of the main factors that have affected the geography of
tourism in both a historic and a contemporary sense. Although the aca-
demic literature is substantially referenced, this review is also informed
from the author’s institutional roles in the geography of tourism, observa-
tions from international conferences, travels, and the somewhat schizoid
perspective of being primarily based in a business school at the time of
writing. As with any global overview, it is also limited by the author’s own
language limitations and access to journals and publications.
Table 1. (Continued )
a
Tourism in abstract, keywords, or title.
Table 2. (Continued )
Table 2. (Continued )
a
Scopus search: TITLE-ABS-KEY (“tourism/recreation/leisure geographies” OR “tourism/recreation/leisure geogra-
phy” OR “geography of tourism/recreation/leisure” OR “geographies of tourism/recreation/leisure” OR tourism
AND geography OR geographies.
b
As on October 10, 2010.
database. For example, what for many is arguably the most cited paper in
tourism geography—that of Butler’s (1980) tourism area life-cycle with 514
citations—is not included, while neither is the most cited paper in Tourism
Geographies by Williams and Hall (2000) (Table 3).
The development of the journal Tourism Geographies, the first volume of
which came out in 1999 (Lew, 1999), undoubtedly signaled a new stage in
the development of the subfield, particularly as the editorial board includes
Development(s) in the Geographies of Tourism 19
Table 3. (Continued )
Table 3. (Continued )
a
Analysis as on September 29, 2010.
Table 4. (Continued )
the United States. The United States, New Zealand, Australia, and the
United Kingdom were the leading countries for authors of most cited papers
in Tourism Geographies. Authors based in primarily English speaking coun-
tries accounted for 57.6% of institutions contributing two or more papers
listed in Scopus under tourism and geography/ies. Given the substantial
amount of non-English literature that exists, this cannot be reflective of
tourism geography on a global basis. Table 5 details the wide range of jour-
nals and serials associated with the Scopus listing for those institutions
having two or more publications lists. However, when the total number
of publications is categorized according to the language of publication, 68%
are in English, reflecting concerns not only about the peripheralization of
non-English publications (and hence ideas) in the “international” discourse
of tourism geography but also the emerging linguistic and institutional
monopolization of international publishing spaces (Paasi, 2005b) (Table 6).
There is a long legacy of account of tourism geographies by country or
region: Australasia (Hall, 1999); Austria (Lichtenberger, 1984); Bulgaria
(Bačvarov, 1984); China (Bao, 2002, 2009; Bao & Ma, 2011); Czech
Republic (Mariot, 1984; Vystoupil, Kunc, & Šauer, 2010); France
24 Geographies of Tourism: European Research Perspectives
Table 5. (Continued )
Table 5. (Continued )
(Aitchison, 2006; Che, 2010; Coles & Hall, 2006; Coles, Hall, & Duval, 2006;
Hall, 2005a, 2013; Page, 2005; Smith, 2010; Tribe, 2009; Waitt, Markwell, &
Gorman-Murray, 2008; Wilson, 2012a).
This does not suggest that research and teaching interests and associated
publications are completely irrational; indeed, there is a growing literature
on the teaching of tourism geography (Che, 2009; Dornan & Truly, 2009;
Schmelzkopf, 2002). But it emphasizes that the contents of an area of study
at any one time and location do reflect “the response of the individuals
involved to external circumstances and influences, within the context of their
intellectual socialization” (Johnston, 1983, p. 4). Grano (1981) developed a
model of external influences and internal change within geography that Hall
and Page (2006) and Hall (2004) used as a framework with which to examine
the field of tourism studies. According to Grano (1981), the relationship of
academic space to external influence can be divided into three interrelated
areas: knowledge (the content of tourism studies), action (tourism research
within the context of research praxis), and culture (academics and students
within the context of the research community and the wider society).
Those who study tourism geography are a sub-community of the social
science community, including geography and tourism studies, within the
broader community of academics, scientists, and intellectuals, which itself is
a subset of wider society. The society has a culture, including a scientific/
academic subculture within which the subject matter of the geography of
tourism is developed. Action is predicated on the structure of society and its
knowledge base: research praxis is part of that program of action, and
includes tourism research (Hall & Page, 2006). Therefore, the community of
academics is an “institutionalizing social group” (Grano, 1981, p. 26);
a context within which individual academics and researchers socialize
and network and which helps define the goals of their subject area in the
context of the structures within which they operate. The content of a subject
area or discipline must, in turn, be linked to its milieu, such as changes as to
how universities and research is funded and the major social and scientific
issues of the day.
promote certain types of theories over others, rather than suggesting that
the geography of tourism is purely descriptive. Nevertheless, within much
European and North American tourism geography, there has long been a
strong element of spatial description that has not been well connected to
economic, political, and/or social theory. Meyer-Arendt and Lew (1999),
for example, note the more applied nature of tourism geographical research
in North America. The perception of the geography of tourism in the
broader field of tourism studies as being strongly applied and spatially
descriptive has been projected by a number of influential reviews (Janiskee
& Mitchell, 1989; Mitchell, 1979, 1984; Mitchell & Murphy, 1991; Pearce,
1979). While spatial atheoretical description had been strongly critiqued by
geographers (Britton, 1978, 1979, 1983, 1991; Ioannides, 1995; Shaw &
Williams, 1994), this was, and perhaps by some, still has not affected the
perception of what the geography of tourism can offer more critical spatial
understanding of tourism phenomena (Hall, 2011b).
The applied vs. theory debate is not one isolated to tourism geography
and is perhaps reflective of broader debates in tourism research and the
social sciences. This also reflects on the emergence of new sets of ideas or
“turns” that are adopted as part of the discourses of tourism geography.
This means we have seen the often uncritical adoption of “gazes” (Crang,
1997a; Urry, 1990), new cultural geographies and turns (Aitchison, 1999),
the mobility paradigm or turn (Adey, 2010; Cresswell, 2006; Hall, 2005c;
Hannam, 2008; Sheller & Urry, 2006), and, more recently, the so-called
“critical turn” in tourism studies (Bianchi, 2009). This is despite the fact
that many of these “turns” have antecedents within geography that are
often unacknowledged or unrealized. Therefore, there is perhaps a need to
recognize that the discourse of tourism geography is itself embedded in the
machinations of the academic fashion cycle, “which plays out through a
particular industrial actor-network of academic knowledge production, cir-
culation and reception” (Gibson & Klocker, 2004, p. 425), within which
“favored academic personalities” are
organizations (Deem, 2001). This is, perhaps, best reflected in higher educa-
tion by the use of teaching and research quality audits (Hall, 2005a, 2011a;
Page, 2005), increasingly marked by simplistic notions of quality, and the
international transfer of ideas and policies that surround them (Hall, 2011a,
2013).
The concept of the entrepreneurial university describes the way in which
tertiary institutions are “… pushed and pulled by enlarging, interacting
streams of demand, [and] universities are pressured to change their curri-
cula, alter their faculties, and modernize their increasingly expensive physi-
cal plant and equipment” (Clark, 1998, p. xiii). Such pressures come from
government higher education, economic development, and innovation poli-
cies; the signing of free trade agreements that include educational services
and qualifications recognition; and globalization. The notion of academic
capitalism goes “beyond thinking of the student as a consumer to consider-
ing the institution as marketer” (Slaughter & Rhoades, 2004, p. 1), with
academics acting as “state-subsidized entrepreneurs” (Slaughter & Leslie,
1997, p. 9). This means that the “encroachment of the profit motive into
the academy” identified by Slaughter and Leslie (1997, p. 210) has now
become the norm.
Academic capitalism refers to the way in which the academic staff of
publicly funded universities deploy their academic capital to generate exter-
nal revenues to the institution via the pursuit of market and market-like
activities. Leading to a situation in which profit-oriented activities are pre-
sently embedded, “as a point of reorganization (and new investment) by
higher education institutions to develop their own capacity (and to hire
new types of professionals) to market products created by faculty
and develop commercializable products outside of (though connected to)
conventional academic structures and individual faculty members”
(Slaughter & Rhoades, 2004, p. 11).
Although the precepts of academic capitalism and the entrepreneurial
university are not evenly adopted across the globe, primarily because of
local factors affecting higher education institutions, some faculties and
departments which are seen by university administrations as offering com-
mercial and income-generating potential may be more susceptible than
others to such reorientation. Those without such potential, especially in the
humanities, may be forced to cut course offerings or even be closed or
amalgamated. However, the geography of tourism, straddling both com-
mercial and public research, is a clear candidate for the further develop-
ment of entrepreneurial self-interest in commercial and research-granting
activities. Nevertheless, to adapt academic behaviors away from such
Development(s) in the Geographies of Tourism 33
Imposing the rules of the game, that is to say, the rules used to
calculate decisions, by imposing the tools in which these rules
are incorporated, is the starting point of relationships of domi-
nation which allow certain calculating agencies to decide the
location and distribution of surpluses. The extension of a cer-
tain form of organized market, an extension which ensures the
domination of agents who calculate according to the
34 Geographies of Tourism: European Research Perspectives
CONCLUSION