Documente Academic
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Documente Cultură
its Development
Author(s): Heinz Bechert
Reviewed work(s):
Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Aug., 1970), pp. 761-778
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
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TheravaidaBuddhistSangha:
Some GeneralObservationson Historical
and PoliticalFactorsin its Development
HEINZ BECHERT
M AX WEBER has triedto analyze the historyof the Sangha fromthe "un-
structured"
earlyordersof monksand nunsto thestageof large-scalemonastic
"landlordism"by using the theoremof Buddhismas a means of the "domestication
ofthemasses"forthekingsofIndia,Ceylon,and SoutheastAsia.1MonasticBuddhism
of theTheravadatypewas believedto have been used by thekingsin orderto estab-
are
lish whatis definedas a "hydraulicsociety"by Wittfogel.Similarinterpretations
foundin a numberof modernstudieson the historyof Buddhism.This explanation
of the development is certainlyone-sided,and a morebalancedanalysisof the inter-
actionof different
factorsof changeof theBuddhistmonasticinstitutionsseemsneces-
sary.For this,the conceptsof Buddhisthistoriography should be takeninto consid-
eration.
Conceptsof BuddhistHistoricalWriting
The developmentfrom the early Buddhist Sangha to the modern monastic
communitiesin the countriesprofessingTheravada Buddhismis fortunately rather
well documentedin historicalmaterials,including Buddhist historicalwritings,
whereassimilarmaterialis extremely scarceforthehistoryof Buddhismin mainland
India. The chroniclesof Ceylon composedby Buddhistbhikkhus(monks) can be
consideredas the mostancientpieces of existinghistoricalwritingcomposedin the
environment of Indian culture.
One is temptedto explainthe developmentof historicalwritingin Ceylon as a
consequenceof Buddhistconcepts.There is, however,the factthatno piece of fully
developedhistoricalliterature of Buddhistsin mainlandIndia has come down to us
and that the negativeevidence of recentmanuscriptsfinds (Gilgit manuscripts,
Turfan manuscripts, Sanskritmanuscriptsdiscoveredby Rahul Sankrityayan from
Tibet, etc.) has corroborated the presumptionthat therewere only more or less
isolatedrecordsof importanteventsin the historyof the Buddhistchurchand some
short historicalchaptersin books otherwisecontaining legendarymaterial in
Indian Buddhisttradition. Such also has been thematerialwhichwas takenoverinto
theearliestSinhalesetradition, but in Ceylonit has been developedintofull-fledged
historiography. Later SoutheastAsian Buddhisthistoricalwritingwas stimulatedby
thetradition of Ceylon,as is well known.
ProfessorHeinz BechertteachesIndologyat the ligion4 (I968) pp. 25I-53. Max Weber's"Gesam-
Universityof G6ttingen,Germany. mele Aufsaetzezur Religionssoziologie," vol. 2,
1 For a detaileddiscussionof Weber's opinions were translatedinto English under the title"The
see H. Bechert,"Einige Fragender Religionssozio- Religionof India, The Sociologyof Hinduismand
logieund Struktur Buddhismus,"
des suedasiatischen Buddhism"(New York,I958).
InternationalYearbook for the Sociologyof Re-
761
762 HEINZ BECHERT
As I haveshownelsewhere,2 a criticalstudyof theearliestextantCeylonesechroni-
cles-Dipavamsa (4th or 5thcenturyA.D.) and Mahavamsa (about 500 A.D.)-reveals
thepartplayedbythepoliticalconceptofthenationalidentity oftheSinhalesein close
connectionwith the religioustraditionof Theravada Buddhism,i.e., the concept
of the identityof the SinhaleseBuddhists.Side by side with thisbasicallypolitical
idea,certainconceptsof Sangha historyare reflected in theearlyCeylonesechronicles
as well as in all laterhistoricalworksfromTheravada Buddhistcountries.Firstly,
we should referto the importanceof the historicalsuccessionof ordinationtradi-
tions(parampard)forthe validityof theordinationof Buddhistmonksand thereby
for the charismaof the religiouscommunitiesconcerned.The erectionof new
"simds,"i.e., ceremoniallyconsecratedplaces where ordinationrites can be per-
formed,therenewalof doubtful"upasampadds,"i.e.,higheror bhikkhuordinations,
which led to the establishment of new "nikayas,"i.e., "sects"of the Order,can be
justifiedby historicaltraditionsonly.Anotherrelatedbasic conceptin theecclesiasti-
cal historyof TheravadaBuddhismis theconceptof "sasana reform," i.e.,thereform
of the monasticcommunities" in accordancewith the legal principleslaid down in
theVinayaor Vinayapitaka, thecanonicallaw of theSangha.4
According to the Vinaya, any monk who violates the basic commands of
monasticdiscipline,the so-calledparaiikaprinciples,is automatically excludedfrom
the Sangha.5By way of thisrule,"pseudo-monks" came into existence.These were
personswho pretendedto be monksthoughtheyhad lost theirmembershipin the
Sangha as a resultof violationsagainstthe paraiikarules.Since each new ordina-
tionrequiredthe presenceof a certainnumberof validlyordainedmonks,it could
happenthatnew ordinationsbecame doubtfulas to theirvalidityif the good moral
conductof theordainingmonkswas doubted.
Situationsin whichthe decayof monasticdisciplineresultedin a seriousjeopar-
dizing of the survivalof a legal Sangha have frequently occurredin the historyof
Theravada Buddhism.It has been one of the favoredessentialtopicsof Buddhist
historicalwritingto show how orthodoxBuddhism managed to cope with this
problem.The earliest-and, as a work of literature,the best-coherentwork of
Ideologyof State-SanghaRelations
How did thisstructure fitinto the stateideologiesof the Buddhistkingdoms?
Much has been writtenabout the ideologicalconceptsunderlying the statestructure
in SoutheastAsia. Four concepts-orratherways of action-of kingshiphave been
described:first,the king is a "cakravartin," i.e.,a universalmonarchas describedin
canonicalBuddhisttexts;second,he is a "bodhisatva,"a Buddha-to-be, an identifica-
tiondevelopedundertheimpactof MahayanaBuddhism;third,he is a promotorand
protector of orthodoxTheravada like Asoka; and fourth,he is a "devaraja,"a god-
king in the Hindu tradition.Each of theseelementscould be definedas ways of
action: the "cakravartin"is the emperor of universal peace, the "bodhisatva"
leads all beings on their way to final salvation,the "new Asoka" protectsthe
Sangha and the holy traditions,and the "devaraja" is bound to the rajadharma,
i.e., the moral preceptsof kingshipas describedin the Hindu sacred books, the
Puranas and Dharmas&astras, and reflected in the "dasa rajadhamma"of Buddhist
Jatakatales. These ideas were essentialfor the building of state and societyin
Indian Buddhisttradition,and theywere veryusefulfor the justification of state
powerand forthecharismatic appeal of theruler,thoughnotforpracticalpolitics.
But Indian traditiondid providea systemof politicsfreefromreligiousideology
as a systemof politicalscience,namely,thatof the Kautaliya-Arthasdstra. We read
in thiscomprehensive guidebookforpoliticiansthattheyweretaughtto make use of
religiousbeliefsand institutions forpoliticalends,forexample,to exploitthefaithof
the people in deitiesand thus replenishthe emptytreasury, to appropriatetemple
property,to induce an enemy to come out from a fortfor the performanceof
religiousrites and murderhim when he has come out for the purpose,etc.1
And we have evidencethatKautalya'sbook was read and used fortheinstruction of
princesin Ceylon and Burma.18It remindsus of the principleslaid down in this
book when we learnthatin the i8thcenturya plotwas workedout to murdera king
of Ceylonduringa religiousfestival.19
Indian culturethus providedthe traditionof divine kingship,but it gave also
a traditionof purelysecularstatecraft which freedthe rulerfromall eventualre-
strictions from
resulting divine kingship-a dualism which must be consideredto
understandstate-Sangha relations.
In this context,it is clear that the integrationof the Sangha was worked out
withinthetraditionof rationalpolitics,butit had to be justifiedin termsof religious
17Kautaliya-Arthasdstra
5. 2. 37-39; I3. 2. 2I- "MoladandaRebellion"whichis not mentionedin
35, etc. the Mahdvamsa.See, inter alia, "The Johnstone
18 Cf. Geiger, op. cit. (note I4) p. 74, II9; Manuscripts, Relationof a ConspiracyAgainstthe
Geiger, "Kenntnisder indischenNitiliteratur in King of Candy in the Year I760, given by the
Ceylon," Beitraegezur Literaturwissenschaft und Appoohamyde Lanerolles,"CeylonAntiquaryand
Geistesgeschichte
Indiens,FestgabeHermannJacobi Literary Register2 (I9I6/I7), pp.272-74; P. E. E.
(Bonn, I926) pp. 4I8-2I. Kautalya'swork seems Fernando,"India OfficeLand Grantof King Kirti
to be mentionedin the book list of the famous Sri Rajasim.ha,"Ceylonjournal of Historicaland
Pagan inscriptionof I442 under the misspelttitle Social Studies3 (I960), pp. 72-8i. The rebellion
of "Koladhvaja-tikd."See Mabel HaynesBode, The is recordedin the gdsanavatirnavarnanava, edited
Pali Literatureof Burma (London, i906) p. io8, by C. E. Godakumbura(Moratuva,I956), a Sin-
no. 259. halesehistoryof Buddhism.
19Thereis a numberof sourceson thisso-called
THERAVADA BUDDHIST SANGHA 767
ideology.This could be done by emphasizingthe necessityto protectthe Sangha
from decay, i.e., frommeddling in "mundane" activities,the Sangha being an
forpurelyreligiousor "supra-mundane"
institution (lokuttara)aims."Undisciplined"
was consideredsynonymous with "worldly"in regard to monks. Therefore,pro-
tectionof the Sangha was, at the same time,preventingit fromtaking part in
politicalactivitieswhich was forbiddenby the rules of vinaya,and at the same
time,by reason of state.A hierarchicalstructurewas the best practicalmeans to
enforcethe controlof the Sangha; for it was virtuallyimpossibleto keep under
controla Sangha which consistedof a large numberof non-connected groups of
monks.20
in Ceylon
Changesin theSanghaStructure
The hierarchicalstructureof the Sangha in Ceylon,however,did not survive
the lapse of time. It is hardly possible to understandthe disintegration of this
structure withouttakinginto consideration the politicalhistoryof the island from
the i6th to the i8th century.The politicalunitywas brokenup, partsof the island
came underthe controlof colonialpowersand therewas a generaldeterioration of
the culturaland religiousconditionsin thefreepartsof the country.A greatpartof
the literaturewas lost.Thus, it is not surprisingthatthe Sangha also was affected
bygeneraldecay.There was no morea strongcentralauthority of themahasthaviras
or the karakasanghasabMh. The monarchsdid not appointa mahasvamito prevent
theSanghafrombecominga potentially strongerpowerthantheirown.
Within the Sangha itself,disciplinecame virtuallyto a low point.The re-intro-
ductionsof the upasampadafromArakan did not achievelastingsuccess.21 So-called
"ganinnanses,"i.e., priestswho had undergone lower ordinationor pabbajjd only,
but not upasampada (and in manyinstanceshad wivesand children)inhabitedthe
monasteriesof the island.It was with greatdifficulty thatKing Kirtisri-Rajasimha
and themonkValivitaSaranankaracouldachievea reformof theSangha in themid-
dle of the i8th centurywhichwas connectedwith the promulgation of a new kati-
kavata.Under a comparatively stronggovernment, again a mahasvamior sangharaja
was appointed,Saranankara.The reform,however,did not go deep enough.Cer-
tainly,the"ganinnanses" had to undergoan ordination, someofthemlefttheSangha,
butin generalit seemsto havebeenmoreor lessa compromise.22
The greatesthindranceto a throughoutreformof the Sangha in Ceylon was
formedby the systemtermed"monasticlandlordism"which had developedas a
peculiarityof Ceylong Buddhismin a long processwhich seems to have begun
alreadyin the late Anuradhapuraperiod (about the ioth century).The administra-
tive head of a monasteryhad been electedby its particularSangha or monastic
20 On the relationof "sasana reform" and "sec- 22 The mostdetailedstudyof thisreform move-
ularisttendencies"in the traditional historyof the mentis KotagamaVacissara, SaranatkaraSahgha-
Sangha see H. Bechert,"Einige Fragen," op. cit. rtija samaya (Colombo, 1960). From the large
(see footnoteI), p. 275ff. numberof articleson the topic,P. E. E. Fernando,
21 The upasampadawas reintroduced by inviting "An Accountof the KandyanMissionsentto Siam
monks fromArakan duringthe rule of Vimala- in I750 A.D.", Ceylon journal of Historicaland
dharmasuirya I (I592-I604) and of Vimaladhar- Social Studies2 (I959) pp. 37-83, should be re-
masuirya II (I687-I707); see Mahavamsa94, I5ff.; ferredto. For the katikavataissued by Kirtis'ri-
97, 8ff.; P. E. E. Fernando,"The Rakkhanga- Rajasimha, see Katikdvatsangard, op. cit. and
Sannas-Cuirnikava and the Date of the Arrivalof Ratnapala,op. cit. (footnoteI5).
ArakaneseMonksin Ceylon,"University of Ceylon
ReviewI7 (1959) pp. 4I-46.
768 HEINZ BECHERT
communityand was removablein the earlyperiod,but in the course of time the
positionas a head of a monasterydevelopedstep by step into a nearlyabsolute
ownershipof themonastery.23 Though thisdevelopmentwas completedonlyin the
igth century,24 the rule that the head of a monastery-inofficialterminology, a
vihdrddhipati or "chiefincumbent"-couldappointone of his pupilsas his successor,
had long beforebecome generallyaccepted.25 This so-called"pupillarysuccession"
(siydnusisyaparamparava) was widelyused to retainthe monasteriesin the hand
of certaininfluential
families.
For a numberof monasteriesanotherrule of successiontermedjnodtisisyaparam-
parava or sivuruparampardva became valid. Under this rule only a relativeof the
deceasedviharadhipati could succeedhim. Thus, a laymancould be the successorto
a deceased monk providedhe was readyto take up the robes.Rudimentsof this
regulationcan be tracedback to the Dambadeni Katikavata.26It spreadduringthe
periodof the ganinnanses.In thisway,the donationsof pious kingsto the Sangha
and the exemptionfromtaxationof Sangha propertyhad, in fact,createdproperty
interests groupsof thepopulationconnectedwiththemonasticendow-
of influential
ments.These groups were strongenough to preventthe reformmovementfrom
succeedingwiththereestablishment of a publicand centralcontroloverthemonastic
units to preventdeterioration of the disciplinaryand educationalstandardsof the
monksas well as the alienationof the incomeof the monasteries.27
Thus, the reformof the i8th centuryresultedin the formalreestablishment of a
valid upasampada but not in a reformof the administration of the "Buddhist
temporalities."In thecolonialperiod,thedisintegration continued,thoughtherewere
repeatedattemptsto take up the task of providingthe Buddhist institutionsa
workingconstitution to preventmisuseand misappropriation.28
However,thebreakdownof thecontrolof thestatedid not resultin decayof the
entireSangha.There werealwaystendenciesfora reformfrominside,i.e.,forpurely
religiousreasonsand motives.The reformist movementscalled into being by com-
munitieswhichhad becomeinfluential as a consequenceof social changein theearly
igth centurywere closelyconnectedwith the controversies of the castes.Alreadyin
theDambadeni Katikdvatathe customto excludeall personswho did not belongto
the highestcaste-the Goyigamacastewhichis themajoritycasteof the Sinhalese-
ofResurgent
PoliticalImplications TheravadaBuddhism
Studentsof canonicalBuddhismhave alwaysemphasizedthe nonpoliticalnature
of the Buddha's teachings.Max Weber has describedBuddhismas a "specifically
non-politicaland anti-political
religionof a social class."42No doubt,thereare many
characteristicelementsin earlyBuddhismto supportthis statement.However, we
have alreadyseen how the Sangha was incorporated into the structure
of the tradi-
tionalBuddhiststates.Similarly, thereligiousfactoras an important forcewithinthe
politicaland social upheavalin the Buddhistcountriesof South and SoutheastAsia
in the recentpast is too obvious to be overlookedor disregarded.However, the
questionremainshow far the religiousmomentsin this developmentcan be de-
scribedas genuinelyreligiousfactors
or elseas religiouson itsfaceonly.
There can be no doubtthatthepoliticalroleof the religiousfactorsdependsto a
largedegreeon thegeneralpoliticaland socialsituationof the countriesin question.
To make out which peculiarinfluencesare due to a certainreligioussituationis
extremelydifficult as nowhere do the religiousfactorsexist isolated from other
factors.In thiscontext,a comparativestudyof societieswith similarreligiousback-
groundscan servea veryusefulpurpose.
At firstsight,one would say that the religiousbackgroundof the Theravada
Buddhistcountriesis almostidentical.We findthe same religiousliterature in Pali.
Even minutepointsof theinterpretation of theteachingsof Buddhismare discussed
in thesebooks.The lifeof the Buddhistmonksis governedby the same set of rules,
etc. This picture,however,is one-sided.Here the basic differences of the popular
religionswhichexistin the severalcountriesof Theravada Buddhismshould be re-
called.Popularreligionhas two aspectshere;firstly, popularBuddhism,i.e.,religious
practicesof the peasant populationbased on the so-called"Great Tradition"43of
literaryBuddhism,but not in full agreementwith the real understanding of the
ideas incorporated.Half-magical practices as described in the very popular
CeylonesePali book Rasavahiniwrittenby Vedeha in the i3th centurycan serveas
a typicalexampleforpopularBuddhismin thissense.WhereascanonicalBuddhism
of SoutheastAsian
44 H. J.Benda,"The Structure 46 On the movementof resurgent Buddhismin
History,"journal of SoutheastAsian History 3 Ceylon and Burma see D. E. Smith (ed.), South
(I962) pp. II4-I8. Asian Politicsand Religion(Princeton,I966), with
45 See MichaelM. Ames, "Magical-animism and four chapterson Ceylon by D. E. Smith,A. J.
Buddhism:A Structural Analysisof the Sinhalese Wilson and C. D. S. Siriwardane;D. E. Smith,
ReligiousSystem,"Religionin South Asia, ed. by Religionand Politicsin Burma (Princeton,I965)
EduardB. Harper(Seattle,I964) pp. 21-52; cf. and H. Bechert,Buddhism us, Staatund Gesellschaft
also my articlequoted in footnotei. On the in- in den Laenderndes Theravdda-Buddhismus, vols.
tegrationof bothreligioussystemssee the example I-2 (Frankfurt, I966, Wiesbaden,I967).
describedby H. D. Evers,"Buddha and the Seven 47 D. C. Vijayavardhana,Dharma-Vijaya,Tri-
Gods: The Dual Organizationof a Temple in Cen- umphof Righteousness or theRevoltin the Temple
tral Ceylon,"journalof Asian Studies 27 (I968) (Colombo,I953) pp. II-20.
pp. 54I-50. The cults of Ceylon and of Burma 48Valpaja Rahula, Bhiksuvagiurumaya,Ist ed.
have been comparedin Bechert,op. cit. (footnote (Colombo,I946).
I), pp. 287-93.
776 HEINZ BECHERT
and politics") and the "Kelaniya Declarationof Independence"were promulgated
in DecemberI946 and JanuaryI947.49
The movementof resurgent Buddhismwas, no doubt,in a contradictory ideologi-
cal position.The firstphase of the reformmovementin Ceylon,thatof the forma-
tionof reformist groupsin the Sangha, did not succeedproducinga generalsasana
reform, on accountof the materialinterestsand the structural rigidityof the richly
endowedmonasteriesof the old Sangha group or Syama-Nikayain theirintrinsic
connection withtheSinhalesesocialsystem.Monasticlandlordismhad developedas a
characteristic
of SinhaleseBuddhism,but undertheold systemit had been controlled
by thestateto a certaindegree.In the colonialperiod,theseinstitutions had become
privateones.The hopes of Christianmissionaries thatthe decayof theseinstitutions
would lead to a gradualdisappearanceof Buddhistinfluencedid not materialize.On
the contrary,the Buddhistcause was takenoverby reformist forceswho enteredthe
politicalarenabylinkingSinhalesenationalismand Buddhistresurgence. This seemed
justifiedbecauseonlyan intervention of thestatecould achievea reformof thesasana
along traditionallines. The colonial governmenthanded over the controlof the
Buddhisttemporalities to the generalBuddhistpublic in a nearlydemocraticcon-
ceptionof administration undertheBuddhistTemporalities Ordinanceof I889 which,
however,did not work,becausethe necessaryinfra-structure for such a systemdid
not exist.Furthermore, the legislationdid not provideany systemto preventmisuse
of theauthority givento thetrustees. The Ordinanceof I93i did not servebetterthe
Buddhistinterests either.50
The issue of sasana reformwas naturallycloselylinkedwith the reassertion of
Buddhismin generaland particularly with the issue of giving Buddhismits "due
place" in stateand societyagain. If, on the one hand, in absenceof an appropriate
organizationof the Buddhistlaity,onlythe statehad the meansfora reformof the
Buddhistinstitutions and, on the otherhand, only Buddhistshad the rightto do
anythingforthe cause of Buddhism,the issue to make Buddhismthe statereligion
seemed to be justified.It was, of course,not practicablein Ceylon which has a
multi-religious society,and the corresponding move in Burma,as it is well known,
finallyfailedin I962 withthe take-overof the so-calledrevolutionary government.5'
The ideologyunderlyingthe reassertionof Buddhism in Ceylon was largely
based on the effort to pointout the negativeconsequencesof actionsof the colonial
regimerelatedto the interests represented by Christianmissionaries forthe develop-
mentof Buddhism.Alreadyin thewritingsof the AnagarikaDharmapala thisvery
principleto explainthe decayof Buddhismas a resultof foreigninfluenceis used
overand again.52One of the main argumentsused in the so-called"BuddhistCom-
missionReport,"53 in T. Vimalananda'sbook on the religiouspolicyof thecolonial
ConcludingRemarks
It was a long way fromthe originalstructure of the earlySangha built on the
model of the Sanghas of the ksatriyarepublicsof the Buddha's period to the
medievalhierarchical structureof a TheravadaSangha underthecontrolof thestate.
In the earlybhikkhucommunity, controlwas understoodin termsof self-control.
The principlesof the completeness of the Sangha withina boundaryor sima,of the
necessaryunanimityof the Sangha in importantmattersand the condemnationof
"cschism" or sanghabhedawas believedto be effective to preserveits purity.Not a
patriarch,but vinaya and dharma, i.e., the Buddhist law, was to govern the
bhikkhucommunity. We have seen how additionalstructures were used to make
theseprincipleseffective in repeatedsasana reforms.To ensurelastingsuccessfor
the reforms, Buddhiststatesmade use of hierarchicalstructures and new formsof
ecclesiastical
jurisdiction.
When theauthority of theold Buddhiststatesbrokedown in Burmaand Ceylon,
the Buddhistsin theorycould have renewedthe original quasi-democratic struc-
tures with the necessarymodifications. They could have done this,had not the
interrelation and interdependence of the Sangha with interestsof caste and class
interest,with economicinterestsof the bhikkhusas land owners,etc. preventedit.
Instead,monks'associationsof moreor less politicalcharacterwere formed,leading
stillfartheraway fromtheoriginalconceptionof theBuddhistSangha.The so-called
"Buddhist resurgence"thus did not lead to a sasana reformin the traditional
understanding of the term.It did, however,resultin a considerableincreaseof the
politicalinfluenceof the Buddhistestablishment. In East Bengal,on theotherhand,
a Buddhistcommunitywas successfulin achievinga sasana reform,evidentlynot
in spiteof the poverty, but on accountof the povertyof theirmonasticinstitutions.