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King George V to Sir Edward Grey,
December 8, 1912 (y. infra, p. 658,
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Vol. X
PAR T II
LO N DO N :
19 3 ^
I, Y
Jb ld G I U , ' '■ s
r
V o lu m e X
P A R T II
Edited by
P. GOOCH, D.Litt., and H A R O L D T E M P E R L E Y , Litt.D.
with the assistance of
L IL L IA N M . PENSON, Ph.D.
Table of Contents.
Page
Final Foreword by the Editors ............................................................................... vi
Note on the Arrangement of Docum ents ... ... ... ... ... ... ix
List of Editorial Notes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xix
List of Abbreviations ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xxii
Minutes and Letters by King George V ... ... ... ... ... ... xxiii
Names of Writers of Minutes ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xxiv
List of Docum ents ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... xxvii
Foreign Office and other Documents ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 1-838
Chapter X C I.— The Bagdad Bailway, 1910-12 ... ... ... ... 1
Chapter X C III.— The Bagdad Bailway, August-Decem ber, 1913 ... ... 199
Appendix II.— Japan and the Opening of the W ar in 1914 ... ... ... 823
Appendix I II.— Lord Kitchener and the Arab National Movement ... 824
Index of persons showing the writers of despatches and the principal persons
mentioned in the text ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 839
Subject Index ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 868
Final Foreword.
A fter nearly fourteen years the Editors have completed the task which the
British Government invited them to undertake. Volume X I , dealing with the month
before the war, was published in 192 6 ; and Volume X II remains to be published.
This, however, will contain m erely a general index, a chronological table, and some
documents omitted in or unavailable for earlier volumes, for instance some of the
private pape. s of Lord Lansdowne. The Editors have placed its preparation in the
charge of their valued colleague, Professor Lillian Penson. They will assume a
general responsibility for it, but they feel that their own task substantially ends
with the present volume.
The Foreword to Volumes I and II of British Docum ents on the Origins of the
1Var contained this passage: “ The decision to publish a selection from the British
Documents dealing with the origins of the W ar was taken by Mr. Ram say MacDonald,
Prime Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in the summer of 1924.
It was confirmed and announced by M r., now Sir, Austen Chamberlain in a letter
of the 28th November, 1924 (published in The Times on the 3rd December),
addressed to Dr. R . W . Seton-W atson. Some extracts from this letter were published
by us in the Foreword to Volume X I , and it need only be said here that the
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs referred to ‘ impartiality and accuracy ’ as
being the necessary qualifications for any work which the Editors were to publish.”
In Volume I I I , p. viii, the following passage occurs : “ They (the Editors) think
it well to state what was already implied in their preface to Volume I, p. viii,
that they would feel compelled to resign if any attempt were made to insist on the
omission of any document which is in their view vital or essential.” This declaration
was repeated or referred to in subsequent volumes. The Editors are not Government
Officials but private individuals em ployed by the Government to edit and publish
docum ents, and in that capacity they declared that they would not acquiesce in
the omission of essential material. In a few instances, owing to personal, official
or national susceptibilities, they have allowed passages to be excised or documents
to be withheld. But in every such case either a sufficient indication of what has
been omitted has been given or another docum ent, providing substantially the same
impression or indication of policy, lias been published. Their pledge to the public
has thus been com pletely upheld.
The Editors are glad to record their debt to the late Dir. Ram say MacDonald,
who authorized the publication, and to the late Sir Austen Chamberlain, who carried
the project into effect. They would draw attention to the fact that no other British
Foreign Secretary has ever consented to so extensive a publication of documents.
Without his sympathy and support, their work would have been impossible and their
efforts vain. They venture to think that he has laid historians under a debt the full
measure of which is only beginning to be realized, and which will constitute one
o f his most enduring achievements.
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Summaries of progress are given on pp. 2 6-8 , 5 7-8 , 98-9, 242 -7 , 275 -9 , mainly
in the mifiutes of distinguished officials such as Sir E yre Crowe, Sir A. Ilirtzel,
and Mr. Alwyn Parker. It was unfortunate that work so highly skilled, so intensive,
and so prolonged should have failed of success. The last minutes of August
1914 (p. 420) have a pathetic interest. Chapter XCV dealing with the Portuguese
Colonies, clearing up the old blunder about ‘ The Treaty of W indsor ’ and showing
that English Statesmen must share the blame for the misunderstanding, is much
more interesting. Perhaps the most important part of the whole negotiation is
the exchange of views between Sir Edward Grey, Mr. W inston Churchill and
Colonel Seely in reference to what we should offer Germany in 1912 (pp. 4 80 -8 ).
It is interesting, in this connexion, to note (pp. 4 80-1) that General Botha also
recorded his opinions.
In regard to the present volume no objection has been raised by His M ajesty’ s
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to the publication o f official despatches or
telegrams, or of memoranda or minutes. Nor have objections been raised by other
departments of the Governm ent, or by Foreign Powers, to the publication of similar
documents.
v iii
Once again the private papers of Sir Edward Grey and of Lord Carnock have
proved of invaluable assistance, not only in interpreting the attitude o f the Secretary
of State and o f his principal adviser, but in revealing the inmost thoughts of the
British representatives abroad as expressed in their confidential correspondence.
Perhaps the Editors can, for the last tim e, repeat the statement of Lord Grey
(quoted first in Vol. V I, p. ix). “ I did not, however, regard anything except my
own letters and official papers as deciding p olicy.”
The two letters and minutes of His late Majesty King George V (pp. 658, 801-2)
are published by gracious permission of His Majesty. The Editors wish to acknow
ledge the help given them by Lord W igram , the Keeper of the K ings’ Archives. They
also cannot let this opportunity pass without acknowledging their debt to the kindness
and advice of the Librarian of the Foreign Office, Sir Stephen Gaselee, K.C.M.G., who
has been of the utmost assistance to them throughout. They wish to pay their tribute
to the help given them by other officials of the Foreign Office, particularly
Mr. A. F . Orchard and his predecessor the late Mr. A. Field. They wish also to
thank the officials of the Public Kecord Office in London and Mr. W right, who is
in charge of the Diplomatic and Embassy Archives form erly at Cambridge and now
at Canterbury. Miss E . M. Keate, M .B .E . has assisted in the preparation of this
volume as of several others. Finally we wish to record our great obligations to
Mr. H . R . Mallett M .A ., of the Cambridge University Library, who has so ably
and conscientiously compiled this Index, and all the other Indices of the series.
G. P. GOOCH.
H A RO LD T E M P E R L E V .
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M in u te by M r . J. R a m sa y M a c D o n a ld , as P rim e M in is te r , a u th o riz in g
the p u b lica tio n of B ritish D ocum ents on the O rigin of the IV ar,
d ated M a y i, 1924.
[ T o face p. viii
Note on the Arrangem ent of Documents, & c.
T h e technical arrangement and details of this volume are very similar to those of
Volumes I I I , IV , V I, V II, IX and X (I). The material deals with two main themes,
the Anglo-German negotiations referring to the Bagdad Railway and the question of
the Portuguese Colonies, both reaching their climax in 1914, and the relations of
the Great Powers on naval and other matters.
W ithin the chapters the papers are placed in chronological order, as in previous
volumes, and, as before, chronological order means the date of despatch, whether to
or from London, not the date of receipt. The latter date is added wherever possible,
and readers should be careful to note it.
None of the documents in this volume date from the period before 1906, and
it is therefore unnecessary to repeat the note on the classification o f the papers
before that date, for which reference may be made to Volume I (p. ix).
The note prefaced to Volume II I (pp. ix-x) described further the arrangement
inaugurated at the beginning of 1 9 0 6 :—
“ A new system was inaugurated at the beginning of the year 1906. From that
date all papers, irrespective of country, are first divided into certain general
categories, ‘ P olitica l’ (the form er ‘ dip lom a tic’ ), Commercial, Consular, T reaty, &e.
The papers are, however, not rem oved from their original files, the contents of each
file being treated as one document. The files o f papers are classified within the
general categories according to the country to which their subject most properly
belongs. The volumes containing papers relating to any country are therefore in a
sub-section of the main series, and these sub-sections are arranged in alphabetical
order (e .g ., Political, Abyssinia, &c.). Previously the correspondence with, say, the
British Ambassador at Paris was kept distinct from the com m unications o f the French
Ambassador in L ondon, the latter being termed ‘ D om estic.’ This distinction is now-
abolished, and all papers relating to a subject are placed together in one file or in a
series o f files. The historian finds m any difficulties in this arrangement, as the files
are not arranged in the volumes in chronological order or alphabetical sequence.
The Foreign Office overcomes these difficulties by com piling a manuscript register
of the contents, but this method cannot be used so satisfactorily by the historian. It
is to be feared that the new arrangement makes it more difficult for the historian to
be sure he has found all the papers relating to a given incident.”
For the period 1913-14 many of the documents are still at the Foreign Office,
in the original loose jackets. A com bination of three methods has again been used
in the survey of the available m aterial:—
( 1 ) A comprehensive study has been made of the Confidential Print, which
contains, as the period develops, an increasingly large proportion of the papers.
Documents traced in this way have, as before, been checked by the originals in the
Foreign Office files, and notes and minutes added. In a few cases in this, as in
previous volum es, a note at the foot of a docum ent has been inserted to show that
no original can be traced. In the m ajority of these instances, however, this does not
mean that there is no registered jacket for the paper, but that the jacket contains a
printed copy as the official record.
(2) Application has been made to the Foreign Office library staff for papers and
files of papers to which reference has been found.
X
(3) The Foreign Office registers of despatches and telegrams sent to or received
from British Embassies or Legations have been searched. In a few cases this
examination has revealed documents which were not included in the Confidential
Print, either because they were not considered at the time of sufficient importance or
because they were regarded as especially confidential.
The Editors have recorded in previous volumes their regret that the Embassy
archives for the period after 1905 are not generally available. W ith the exception of
Japan (to 1910) and Russia, the Embassies and Legations have not yet sent their
later papers to England. The Editors can, however, confirm the judgm ent previously
expressed that the records are more exact and complete after 190(5. There are a
few cases in the present volume in which the original texts of documents occurring
in the Confidential Print have proved impossible to trace. In the large number of
cases where opportunities for com parison exist such copies have been found to be
verbally exact, though the punctuation and capitalisation are standardised.
Chapter XC I1I, concerning the last five months of 1913. describes the
negotiations, both with Turkey and other Powers, rendered necessary by the
agreement of July 29, 1913: for the construction o f railways in the Sultan’ s Asiatic
dominions raised political and economic issues o f the highest importance. The
discussions with Germany, the possessor o f the Bagdad Railway concession, were
inevitably the most difficult and prolonged. The chief burden in the preparation
of draft and counter-draft rested on Herr von Kuhlmann, Councillor of the German
Embassy, and Mr. Alwyn Parker of the Foreign Office. L ong before agreement
with Germany was in sight, the discussion o f the right to navigate the Tigris and
Euphrates, granted by Turkey on July 29, 1913, was concluded. The concession,
accompanied by elaborate provisions, was signed on December 12 , 1913, by Hakki
Pasha and by Lord Inchcape as the representative of British com m ercial interests.
The latter undertook to create a com pany to work the concession without undue delay.
The story o f the Anglo-Germ an discussions from the opening of 1914 to the
outbreak o f the world war is related in Chapter X C IV . A preliminary agreement
relating to the transport of material for the line by Lord Inchcape’ s future com pany
was signed on February 23, 1914. The Anglo-German Convention, initialled by
Sir Edward Grey and Prince Lichnowsky on June 15, 1914, provided for two British
members on the Board of the Bagdad Railway C om p any; the termination o f the
Com pany’ s line at B asra; equal treatment o f the goods o f all countries; the
construction and exploitation of ports at Basra and Bagdad by a separate Ottoman
Company, in which 40 per cent, o f the capital should be B ritish; the building o f a
x ii
line from Basra to the Gulf only after agreement between the Turkish, German and
British Governm ents; and equal treatment on the Chatt-el-Arab for the vessels of
all nations. The two main objects of British policy in this great transaction were
thus attained— the security of the western approach to India and fair treatment for
British com m erce.
Another reason for beginning in the year 1897 was the opinion of the officials
themselves (and notably of Sir Eyre Crowo) that the records of the Foreign Office
during the period of Lord Salisbury did not show the course of British policy at
all adequately. Thus Sir E yre Crowe w rites: “ For the whole of Lord Salisbury’ s
two Administrations our official records are sadly incom plete, all the most important
business having been transacted under cover of “ private ” correspondence..............
A methodical study of our relations with Germ any during that interesting period is
likely to remain for ever im possible.” (January 1 , 1907.)(1) Lord Fitzm aurice refers
to the Anglo-G erm an overture of 1879 and sa y s: ‘ ‘ I ascertain there was no trace
of the negotiation in the Foreign Office.” (2) In the same way Sir Charles Hardinge
points out that the 1887 agreements were made privately, ‘ ‘ the text having fallen
into m y hands by m istak e” (I I I , 422). Crowe also states the fact that the papers
of 1901, though “ private,” “ were not placed in the archives ” (III, 423). It was, in
fact, only by accident that they were in the Foreign Office or that we found them
and published them in Vol. II. lie also points out that over Samoa Salisbury kept
transactions ‘ ‘ private. ’ ’
The Editors found and published (V III, Chap. L X I) the Mediterranean agree
ments, which deal with the year 1887. They also found and published memoranda
relating to British guarantees, such as that of 1872 (V III, pp. 371—4) relating particu
larly to Belgium , and the Law Officers’ opinion of 1870 on the same subject (p. 378).
In regard to Lord Salisbury’ s very obscure attitude to the Belgian guarantee during
1887 they published further documents of which even Lady Gwendolen Cecil was
ignorant.(3) In regard to Portugal they published the interpretation of the guarantee
made by L ord Granville in 1873, which has been continued in that form to the present
d a y .(4)
splendid or otherwise, the danger of her being involved in a war in Europe was
not great, and the danger of any great European war was much lessened. In 1901
Lord Salisbury even declared that England had never been practically in danger since
the days of Napoleon. His colleagues thought otherwise, and negotiated first the Anglo-
Japanese Alliance and then the Anglo-French E nten te. By thus abandoning isolation
they made war more possible. Lord Salisbury had himself perceived the danger of
isolation and taken upon him self to end it in 1898. It was then that he offered a
regional arrangement to Russia. On its failure he allowed Mr. Chamberlain to
approach Germany. It is clear that the period of isolation was com ing to an end, and
the course of events was precipitated: by the German seizure of Kiao-Chao at the end
of 1897. It was that incident which prompted Lord Salisbury to reverse the policy of
Disraeli and to make overtures to Russia, and with that event the British
Documents begin.
Volum e I contains almost in its first pages (pp. 5 -7) a detailed account of
Lord Salisbury’ s overture to Russia in January 1898, which is the first full study of
the matter. Chapter II contains the British side of the Anglo-German and Portuguese
Agreem ents, and reveals the truth about “ the Treaty of W in d sor.” Chapter I I I , § ii,
reduces to its right proportions the German-Am erican incident at Manila in 1898.
Chapter IV , § ii, gives a full account o f the Faslioda incident. Chapter V I details the
British attitude and view of the first Hague Peace Conference.
Volume II, Chapter IX , gives the British comment on the German attitude towards
the Anglo-Germ an Agreement of .1909; and in Chapter X, gives Lord Lansdowne’ s
account of the Anglo-German negotiations of 1901, which differs considerably from
the German version. The Anglo-Japanese Agreement is revealed in Chapter X I
and the fact made clear that Count H ayashi’ s Memoirs are. substantially accurate.
In Vol. II, Chapter X I I , § 1 , the high feeling against Germany over the evacuation
of Shanghai is revealed, and details are given of how the Blue Book was mutilated to
conceal it. Section ii of the same chapter in Vol. II gives a good deal of new material
on the Venezuela incident of 190*2, in which concerted Anglo-German action was
attempted, but stopped owing to American opposition. Volume II, Chapters X IV and
XV, give the full British story of the E n ten te and show how Lord Crom er’ s opinions
were of great importance in shaping it. Both Volumes I and II give important
extracts from the private papers o f Sir Ernest Satow on the Far East, on which he
spoke with unrivalled authority (e .g ., I, pp. 41, 219, 241 ; II, pp. 55, 5 8 -9 , 1*26,
228 -9 ).
In Volume IV the Anglo-Russian E n ten te is the theme, and the British account
here published is, as yet, the only authority upon it. There is much important
private material, e .g ., the views respectively of K ing Edward (IV , pp. 5 95-6),
Sir Edward Grey (IV , pp. 6 16 -7 ), and Sir Charles Hardinge (IV , p. 580) on the
scope of the Agreement, while Sir Arthur N icolson’ s private letters from
St. Petersburgh are also valuable. To com plete the picture, a despatch from
Lord Curzon (much mutilated in its Blue Book form) is quoted at m uch greater
length on British policy in India and towards Russia (IV , pp. 356-63).
The Near East is the subject of Volum e V. In Chapter X X X extracts from the
Annual Reports of Turkey for 1906-7 give a com plete picture of the Turkish M onarchy
on the eve of its fall. Chapter X X X IV gives a full account of the rupture with
Servia after the assassination of 1903 and new details about the decision of
K ing Edward to resume diplomatic relations. Much new material is given in
relation to the visit of K ing Edward to the Czar at Reval in June 1908
(Chap. X X X V II) and to the Em peror Francis Joseph at Ischl in August (App. IV ).
In Chapter X X X V III the Young Turkish Revolution is described with important
private letters from Mr. G. II. Fitzm aurice, the chief Dragoman (V , pp. 2 4 7 -8 ,
268-72). The volume also includes the Bosnian Crisis and the quarrel with Count von
Aehrenthal, with piquant com m ents by K ing Edward and Sir Edward Goschen
(pp. 527-30, 536-8).
The Balkan W ars and their outcom e form the subject of Vols. IX (I—II). Part I
gives a full report of the Em peror N icholas’ s visit to King Edward at Cowes in
August 1909 (IX (I), pp. 3 3-5 , 37-8) and another interview with the Emperor
Nicholas II (IX (I), pp. 546-9), which combine with the earlier one in Vol. VI
(pp. 465-6), and a later one (IX (II), pp. 688-90) to throw light on his character. There
is also a valuable conversation with M. Sazonov (IX (I), pp. 408 -9 , 749-72). The
Servian statesman M. M ilovanovic (IX (I), pp. 195-7) and Mahmud Shevket (IX (I),
pp. 392-4) also give interviews of m uch value. For the first time the full corres
pondence between Count Karolvi and Mr. Gladstone after the election of 1880 is
printed, and a long-disputed controversy is thus laid to rest (IX (I), App. I). Perhaps
the most revealing item in the volume is a private correspondence between Sir Charles
H ardinge and Sir Arthur Nicolson on Russia’ s Asiatic policy (IX (I), pp. 101-2, 105-6,
120-2), with comments from Count von Aehrenthal in the role of umpire (IX (H,
pp. 166-8). Vol. IX (I), App. IV , prints a hitherto unknown overture by Turkey for
alliance in 1911.
The principal interest of Volum e X (I), is the large amount of new material
published on the Potsdam m eeting of the Russian and German Emperors in 1910;
on the little known subject o f the proposed Armenian Reform s in 1913—4 ; and a
x v ii
Volume X I was “ collected and arranged by ” the late Sir James Headlam -M orley,
under the supervision of the Editors. It fills up the gaps in the W hite Paper published
at the time of the crisis of July-A ugust 1914, and corrects certain errors. The
celebrated memorandum of July 31, 1914, of Sir E yre Crowe on the obligation to
France was here first published (X I, pp. 228-9). There are a number of minutes by
him , by Sir Edward Grey, and by Sir Arthur Nicolson, together with private letters
which reveal E ngland’ s point of view at that supreme crisis, and her relations with
Russia were fully displayed.
The Editors took the view that British documents ought to be presented in a
British way, which did not necessarily coincide with the most scientific approach,
regarded purely from a technical standpoint. The aim was to show that men were
at work and that their methods were not always scientific. Thus it was explained
(III, p. x) that “ The spelling of proper names, capitalisation, and punctuation . . . .
have been made identical with those of the original docum ent. . . . The original
texts have many inconsistencies in these matters, but it has not been thought
desirable to correct th em .” The Editors thought it more illuminating to show that
the Foreign Office allowed such inconsistencies to prevail among its diplomats, than
to insist on a mechanically correct spelling, which did not exist in the documents
themselves. Similarly, in the arrangement o f the documents, they have explained at
length that “ the British w a y ” dictated a certain method of arrangement. “ The
Editors think that they may here state their reasons for adopting the topical, instead
of the chronological method. . . . The topical method was used in the Grosse
Politik. It grouped material into chapters . . . dealing with particular issues and
subjects. The chronological method, adopted in the French Docum ents Diplomatiques,
displays the documents as they appear from day to day and week to week, without any
attempt to sift them out under headings. It adds, however, a classified list by
which the main subjects can be found. The Editors do not presume to decide on the
advantage o f either method as applied to other countries, where the practice may
be different from their own. They believe, however, that the topical m ethod is
essential for displaying the workings of British policy. For when a crisis arises in
England, or when a particular question comes before the Cabinet, the previous papers
relating to the topic are printed and circulated to the Cabinet in special sections.
Indeed, the normal arrangement of the Foreign Office Confidential Print is in printed
sections devoted to topics o f special interest as they arise, e.g ., Congo, China, Spanish
American W ar, Algeciras Conference, &c. The same treatment is shown when
summaries of special questions are made to facilitate decision by the Foreign
[lo^oo]
x v iii
Secretary or the Cabinet. They are influenced in their decisions by following the
development o f the problem or o f the crisis from documents or summaries extending
backwards for six months or longer. Consequently, the Editors feel that, in adopting
the topical method, they are presenting the problems and decisions to their readers
in much the same way as they appeared to the Cabinet and Foreign Secretary
at the time. These reasons seemed to them to make the topical m ethod of treatment
the preferable one, so far as British policy is concerned.” (Vol. V II, pp. viii-ix.)
The Editors would like to draw attention to the fact that they have throughout
published the actual, and not the paraphrased, versions of telegrams. These are
not to be found either in the Blue Book of 1914 or in the Memoirs of Sir Edward Grey.
This is only one instance of the way in which the most correct texts and versions have
been adopted by them.
Lastly, they would wish to emphasize the value to the reader of the technical
prefaces or notes on the arrangement of Docum ents, &c., prefixed to each Volume.
These generally contain a considerable amount of new inform ation, not only as
to the records themselves and their arrangement, but as to the working of the
Foreign Office machine and its connexion with other departments of State. The
most valuable of these contributions has been made by Professor Lillian M. Penson
and is signed by her name in V ol. IX (II), pp. x -x ii. This contains “ an analysis
of the character of the Confidential Print and a summary of the evidence available
with regard to the submission of documents to the Secretary o f State and their
circulation to the Cabinet.” It was made in response to suggestions from a num ber
of distinguished historians. It is supplemented by another interesting discovery
(V ol. X (I) p. ix) with regard to the formation and working of a Cabinet Committee
for the discussion of Anglo-Germ an negotiations from 1911 onwards. All this
inform ation is not only new but is the only evidence at present available on the
subject. It is hoped that the light thus thrown on the mechanism of government
in regard to diplom acy may stimulate further investigation of a question the
importance of which it is not easy to exaggerate.
G. P. GOOCH.
■ HAROLD TEM PE RLE Y .
P o sitio n o f K o w eit.
[R e co rd in g m odus v iv en d i o f Septem b er 1901] ... ... ... ... ... ... 49
B a g d a d -K h a n ik in L ine.
[C itin g d ocu m en t from S ieb ev t re co rd in g S ir G. L o w th e r’ s protest o f D ecem b er
' 1911] 54
[G iv in g S ir E d w a rd G rey 's view s in S eptem b er 1912] 87
N a v ig a tio n o f S h a tt-el-A ra b .
[R e co rd in g con feren ce of ex p erts a t F oreig n Office, Septem b er 9, 1913, an d cit in g
G .P., X X X V I I ( D ] ................................................................................................................................ 229
P ag e
The A n g lo -P o rtu g u es e A lliance.
[R e c o r d in g en q u iry by H e r r v on K iihlm a nn on J u ly 10, 1912, and m inu tes by
M r. T yrrell, M r. J. T illey, M r. W . L an g ley an d S ir A. N ieolson ] ................ 483-4
M. S a zon ov ’ s P rop osa l fo r A n g lo-F ra n co-R u ssia n C onsu lta tion , F eb ru a ry 1914.
[C itin g S ieb ert, D .D .F ., 3me S er., V ol. I X , G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. X ( I ) ] ... ... 774-5
A z iz B e y and th e A ra b M ov em en t.
[R e fe r r in g to the tria l o f C olonel A ziz-el-M a sri in M a rch 1914] 8 32-3
List of Abbreviations.
A. de P .................................... B ritish P a rlia m en ta ry P ap ers, A c cou n ts and P a p ers.
A itch iso n ... ... ... C. U. A itch is o n : T rea ties, E n g a g em en ts and Sanads (5th Ed., D elhi,
1933).
C ollected D ip lom a tie C ollected D ip lom a tic D ocu m en ts rela tin g to th e O utb rea k o f the
D ocu m en ts E u rop ea n W a r (1914).
Im p eria lism u s ................ D ie I n ter n a tio n a len B e zie h u n g en im Z e ita lte r des Im peria lism u s
(B erlin , 1931).
S ieb ei t-B e n c h e n d o r ff ... This refers t o a new G erm an ed ition o f the above by H err von
S ieb ert, co n ta in in g a num ber o f addition s. It is en titled G raf
B cn ck en d orffs D ip lom a tisch er S ch riftw ech sel (B erlin and L eip zig ,
1928).
S t ie v e : D e r D ip lom a F. S tie v e : D e r D ip lom a tisch e S ch riftw ech sel Isw olskis 1911-4
tisch e S ch riftw ech sel (B erlin , 1924).
Isw olskis
S tiev e : Isw olski und d er F. S tie v e : Isw olski und d er W e ltk r ie g (B erlin , 1924).
W e ltk rieg
LETTERS.
L e tte r to the E m p eror N ich ola s I I , J u n e 16, 1914, pp. 801-2, N o. 549.
M IN U T E S .
No. 324. S ir E d w ard G rey to P rin ce L ichnow sky, J a n u a ry 11, 1913,p. 504.
H . H . A. M r. H . H . A sq u ith (la ter 1st P rim e M in is te r and F ir s t L ord o f the T rea su ry,
E a rl o f O x ford and A squ ith ) 1908-16.
W . L. M r. (la ter Sir) W a lte r L an g ley S en ior C lerk in F o re ig n O ffice, 1902-7; A ssista n t
U n d er-S ecreta ry o f S ta te fo r F o re ig n A ffairs,
1907-18.
L. M. M r. (la ter Sir) L ou is M a llet ... A s sis ta n t Clerk in F o re ig n Office, 1902-5; P riv a te
S ecreta ry to S ir E. G rey, 1905-6; S en ior C lerk,
1906-7; A ssista n t U n d er-S ecreta ry o f S ta te fo r
F o r e ig n A ffairs. 1907-13,1918-20; A m bassador a t
C on s ta n tin op le, 1913-4.
Chapter XCI.
1910
1 From, S ir G. L ow th er 22 Aug. C on v ersa tion w ith R ifa a t P asha : T u rk ish I
(Iiecd. 29 A u g .) claim to Zakh n u n iyeh . Y ou n g T u rk
p olicy in M esop ota m ia and the P ersia n '
G u lf; B ritish in terests in th a t reg ion ... I
1911.
4 Jan. C on v ersa tion b etw een S ir H . B a b in g to n
(R eed . 9 J an.) S m ith and H a k k i P a s h a : N a tion a l
B a n k o f T u r k e y ; B a g d a d R a il w a y ;
qu estion of K ow eit. E nclosin g m em o
ra n d u m by S ir H . B a b in g to n Sm ith.
(M in .) .........................................................
| *
! 1911.
16 To S ir G. L ow th er (Tel.) 3 M ar. Sam e s u b je ct: en q u iry re G erm an a tti
tu de ... ... ... ... ... ... 28
20 F rom S ir E. G oschen 10 M ar. C on v ersa tion w ith H err von B ethm ann
(R eed . IS M ar.) H ollw eg : S ir E . G rey ’ s speech in H ouse
of Com m ons on Bagdad R a ilw ay ;
1 fa v ou ra ble reception in G erm any ... 31
E d. N o t e ................ 26 J u ly M in u te by M r. P a r k e r : d r a ftin g o f
N o. 34 ........................................................ 45
1911.
35 To S ir R . R o d d ................ 18 A u g . C on v ersa tion w ith M a rq u is Im p eria li :
T u rk ish Custom s dues ; b orrow in g
pow ers o f E g y p t ... ... ... ... 49
42 To S ir G. L o w th e r................ 14 F eb. C on v ersa tion b etw een Tew fik P asha and
S ir A. N ico ls o n : L o rd H a ld a n e ’ s v isit
t o B erlin ; G u lf sections o f B a g d a d
R a ilw a y ......................................................... 56
1912.
54 To L o rd G ra n v ille... 4 Ju ly F u r th e r co n v e rs a tio n : term inus of
B a g d a d R a ilw ay at B asra ... ... 76
Chapter XCII.
1913.
59 F rom S ir G. L ow th er (Tel.) 10 Feb. C on v ersa tion w ith M a hm ud Shevket
P asha : H a k k i P a sh a ’ s visit to L on d on 90
1846. . . . .
Ed. N o te ... 5 F e b .-2 A p r. C om m u n ica tion s betw een S ir S tra tfo r d
C a n n in g and the P o r t e .............................. 92
1913.
To B oa rd of T ra de 3 M ar. N eg otia tion s w ith H a k k i P asha : T urkish
Custom s ta riff ........................................... 93
1913.
To S ir G. L ow ther. 8 M ay E nclosing d r a ft con v en tion s and d ecla ra
tions re la tin g to (1) th e T u rco-P ersia n
fr o n tie r , (2) R a ilw ay s in A sia M in or,
(3) P ersian G ulf, (4) N a v ig a tio n o f
S h a tt-el-A ra b , in itia lled on M a y 6, 1913 10O
Ed. N o t e ................ 3 M ay M em oran d u m by S ir L. M a llet and S ir A.
H i r t z e l: sam e subject. ( M i n . )................. 114
F rom S ir F. B e r tie ... 16 M a y Sam e s u b je ct: F ren ch press com m ents 123
(R eed . 17 M a y)
1913.
85 To S ir F . B ertie ... 2 June C on v ersa tion w ith M. P a u l Cam bon :
F in a n cia l C om m ission in P a r is ; F ren ch
desire fo r a greem ent w ith G erm any re
B a g d a d R a i l w a y ........................................... 133
89 To In d ia Office and B oard 6 June E nclosing com m u n ication from H err von
1 o f Trade K iihlm a nn on J u n e 4 r e B a g d a d R a il
way n eg otia tion s ; d r a ft A n glo-G erm an
d ecla ra tion on same subject and o f
cov erin g m em orandum ... ... ... 136
93 N ote by C a pta in (S ir 10 J u n e Sam e sub ject ... ... ... ... ... 146
1 A rn old ) W ilson
1913.
104 F rom S ir G. L ow th er (T el.) 25 J u n e F orw a rd in g teleg ram from B a g d a d : im
p orta n ce o f preserv in g B ritish postal
offices in M e s o p o t a m i a ..............................
1913.
121 To S ir G. B uchanan (T el.) 28 J u ly Sam e s u b je c t : com m ents on proposed
am endm ents ... ... ... ... 181
Chapter XCIII.
The Bagdad Railway, August to December, 1913.
1913.
125 To M r. M a rlin g (T el.) 1 Aug. Sh a tt-el-A ra b C on v en tion : A nglo-G erm a n
n e g o tia tio n s ; R u ssia n ob jection s ... 199
138 C om m u n ication from M. 19 A ug. ; F ran co-G erm an n eg otia tion s (v. N o. 116) 211
de F leu ria u
XXXV
1913.
139 M in u te b y M r. P a rk er 19 A ug. C on v ersa tion w ith I la k k i Pasha : T urkish
position at A d ria n op le ; n eg otia tion s re
B a gda d R a ilw a y ; o il concession in
A lesopotam ia. E nclosin g te x t o f su p ple
m en ta ry d ecla ra tion rc concession fo r
n a v ig a tion o f T ig ris and E u p h ra tes ...
149 F rom M r. M a rlin g (Tel.) 3 Sept. T urkish ju risd ictio n over for e ig n e rs com
m ittin g breaches o f p o r t reg u la tion s ... 226
150 C om m u n ication from M. 3 Sept. F ra n co-G erm an n e g otia tion s (v. N o. 135) 228
de F leu ria u
1913.
156 From, H e r r von K ühlm ann 3 N ov. G erm an co u n te r-d ra ft o f A nglo-G erm an
(R eed . 7 N ov.) C onvention. T ext. ( v. N o. 1541 ... 242
158 F rom H e r r von K ü h lm a n n 4 Nov. S h ip p in g dues at Basra ... ... ... 250
(Ilecd . 5 N ov.)
160 To H e r r von K ühlm ann ... 7 N ov. P rop osed d r a ft o f decla ra tion s to be
signed by the O ttom an G overnm ent and
the B agdad R a ilw a y C om p any re
term inus o f line ... ... ... ... 251
164 F rom S ir L. M a llet (Tel.) 19 N ov. C on v ersa tion w ith M. de Giers.: Sh a tt-
el-A ra b Su pp lem en ta ry D eclaration o f
O ctober 21 ... ... ... ... ... 260
166 To S ir L. M a llet (Tel.) 21 Nov. Sam e subject ... ... ... ... ... 261
169 To H err von K ühlm ann ... 22 N ov. P rop osal to postpon e sign atu re o f agree
m ents re A sia tic R a ilw ay s p en d in g con
clusion o f A nglo-G erm a n n eg otia tion s ... 262
176 To M r. O ’ B eirne (Tel.) 29 N ov. Sam e su b ject ... ... ... ... ... 270
xxxvii
1913.
177 F rom M r. O ’ B eirne (Tel.) 1 D ec. S am e s u b je ct: a id e-m ém oire from
M . Sa zon ov ... ... ... ... ... 271
186 D ecla ra tion s a tta ch ed to 10 D ec. A rticles 3 and 6 o f E u p h ra tes and T ig ris
A n g lo-T u rk ish A g ree N a v ig a tio n D e c l a r a t i o n .............................. 281
m ent
Chapter XCIV.
1914.
193 f'om m u n ica tion to F rinee 15 J an . B ritish rep ly to N o. 192 ... J 312
' L ichnow sky
!
194 C om m unication from 19 Jan. in crease o f T urkish custom s dues 313
C ount B enek endorff (.ltc e d .
20 Jan.)
19G C om m unication to II. P aul 29 J an . Sam e su b ject : B ritish rep ly re date for
Cauibon sign atu re o f agreem ents ... ... ... 314
199 i F rom S ir L. M a llet (Tel.) 10 F eb. C on v ersa tion w ith D jem al B e y : Italia n
(R eed. 11 F eb .) railw ay concession ; suggested A n g lo-
Italia n com b in a tion . (M in .) ................ 323
202 Bagdad R a ilw a y A g ree 23 Feb. A g r eem e n t betw een the B a g d a d R a ilw ay
m ent Com pany and L o rd Ineheape. T ext ... 329
204 F rom P rin ce Liehnow sky 24 F eb. E nclosing G erm an cou n ter-p rop osa l for
A r ticle 6 ( b) o f A nglo-G erm a n C onven
tion ... ... ... ... ... ... 334
I
205 F rom S ir G. B u chanan ... 2 M ar. Sh a tt-el-A ra b R iv e r a in C onvention :
(R eed , j M ar.] A n g lo-R u ssia n exch a n g e o f notes. T exts 335
208 C om m u n ication to H err 3 M ar. P rop osed am endm ents to G erm an cou n ter
von Ivühlm ann proposal fo r A rticle 6 (b) ... ... 338
209 F rom S ir E. Gosehen (Tel.) 5 M ar. Suspension o f G erm an n eg otia tion s w ith
T u rkey (v . N o. 206). (M in .) ................ 339
210 To P rin ce L ichnow skv ... 6 M ar. Sam e subjeet : B ritish a n xiety fo r re
sum ption o f n eg otia tion s ... ... 339
xxxix
1914.
211 A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion 9 M ar. T ext .. .............................. ... 340
re bounda ries o f A den,
&c.
222 To S ir E. Gosehen (Tel.) 26 M ar. Sam e su b ject : possib ility o f com p rom ise 353
1914.
To S ir G. B u chanan ... 4 A pr. Sam e subject : e x p la n a tory n ote to be
in clu ded in C on v en tion ... ... ...
230 F rom P rin ce L ichnow sky 16 A p r. A nglo-G erm a n C on ven tion : proposals fo r
m odifica tion s o f form . (M in .) ... ... 368
234 F rom P rin ce L ichnow sky 24 A pr. P rop osed rew ord in g o f new A r ticle 9 of
A nglo-G erm a n C on v en tion ... ... 374
237 To P rin ce L ichnow skv ... 1 M av B ritish reply re proposed m odifica tion of
* I form o f d ra ft A n g lo-G erm a n C on ven tion 381
1914.
244 To P rin ce L ichnow sky ... 29 M ay P rop osed ex ch a n g e o f notes re ir rig a tio n
w orks in M e s o p o ta m ia ; w ith d ra w a l of
A rticle 7 o f A nglo-G erm a n C o n v e n t io n ;
B ritish desire to com p lete n eg otia tion s 392
246 F rom S ir L. M a llet (T el.) 1 June C on v ersa tion w ith S aid H a lim P a s h a :
(B ecd . 2 J u n e) sam e sub ject ... ... ... ... 395
F rom S ir L. M a llet (Tel.) 5 J u ly P rop osa l fo r com m ercia l tre a ty ... 415
(Itecd . 0 J u ly)
1914.
To M r. B eaum ont (Tel.) 19 J u ly G erm an reply to B ritish represen ta tion s
re ea rly con clu sion o f T urco-G erm a n
n eg otia tion s ; B ritish desire fo r con clu
sion o f A n g lo-T u rk ish n eg otia tion s ... 417
261 F rom M r. B eaum ont (Tel.) 21 J u ly T urkish proposal fo r com m ercia l t r e a t y ... 417
264 To M r. B ea um ont (Tel.) 27 J u ly Sam e subject ... ... ... ... ... 419
Chapter XCV.
1911.
F rom S ir F . B ertie 21 D ec. C on v ersa tion w ith B a ron von S t u m m :
(P riv a te ) l A n g lo-G erm a n r e la t io n s ; naval and
colon ia l questions. (M in .) ... ... 421
1912.
To S ir F. B ertie (P riv a te ) 2 Jan. C on v ersa tion w ith C ou n t M ettern ich :
same su b ject ................................................424
I
268 F rom S ir F. B ertie 12 Jan. Sam e su b ject : A n g lo-G erm a n S ecret
(P riv a te ) A g reem en t o f 1898 and B ritish o b lig a
tion s to P o r t u g a l ................................................425
1911.
Ed. N o te 25 Jan. S ir E. G rey ’ s m em orandum on L o rd '
S a lisb u ry ’ s a ttitu d e in 1898 . . . j 427
1912.
F rom S ir A. H a rd in g e ... 24 Jan. V isit o f “ P a n th er ” to L isbon. E nclos-
(R ecd . 29 J an.) ing discussion in P ortu g u ese P a r lia
m ent on colonies qu estion ... ... , 427
1912.
273 To S ir A . H a rd in g e 29 Feb. C om m u n ica tion s m ade to P o rtu g a l in
1898; question o f p u b lica tion o f A n g lo -
P ortu g u ese D ecla ra tion ... ... ... 437
277 F rom S ir E. Goschen (T el.) 11 M ar. 1C on v ersa tion w ith H e r r von K id e rle n -
W a e c h t e r : G erm an consent to P o r t u
guese sta tem ent (v. N o. 274) ... ... 444
279 F rom S ir E. Goschen 15 M ar. E n closin g G erm an aid e-m em oire re sta te
(R eed . 18 M a r.) m ent to b e m ade in P ortu g u ese P a r lia
m e n t ........................................................................! 444
1912.
291 F rom S ir A. H a rd in g e ... 16 M ay F u rth e r co n v e rs a tio n : sam e subject.
{R eed . 20 M a y) {M in.) 460
310 . . . 1
To M r. W in ston Churchill 18 J u n e D etails o f proposed revision o f Secret
(P riv a te ) T rea ty ......................................................... 481
311 , To Colonel Seely (P riv a te ) 18 J u n e Sam e su b ject ... ... ... ... ... I 481
x lv
1912.
312 To S ir E . G osch en................ 4 J u ly C on v ersa tion w ith B a ron v on M a rscha ll :
sam e s u b je ct; desira b ility o f com m u n i
ca tion to P o rtu g a l on p roposed revision 482
Ed. X o t e ... ... ... 10 J u ly M in u tes re A n g lo-P ortu g u ese D ecla ra tion
o f 1899 ......................................................... 483
319 D r a ft o f R ev ised A n g lo- 9 D ec. T ex t. {M in .) ... ... ... ... ... 489
G erm an C on vention
320 F rom S ir E y re Crow e ... 18 D ec. E n closin g rev ised d r a ft and notes th ereon.
T ex t. {M in .) ............................................ 492
Ed. N o t e .............................. 1 3-18 J an . M in u tes show ing o rig in o f N o. 325 ... 507
326 To S ir F. B ertie ... ... 10 F eb. C on v ersa tion w ith M . P a u l Cam bon :
ru m ou r o f In tern a tion a l C on feren ce re
A frica n questions, and of A n g lo-G erm a n
n e g otia tion s ... ... ... ... 509
1913.
329 To S ir A. H a rd in g e 21 F eb. C on v ersa tion b etw een S ir E yre C row e and
S enhor T e ix e ir a -G o m e s: rep orts in
L isbon P re ss ; alarm re A nglo-G erm a n
n e g o tia tio n s ; q uestion o f p u b lica tion ... 511
333 To P rin ce L ichnow sky ... 13 M ay E nclosing revised dra ft. B ritish rep ly to
G erm an proposals. T ex t. (M in u te s by
K in g C eorg e F ) ... ... ... ... 526
F rom H e r r von K iihlm ann 1 Sept. E nclosing am ended G erm an tex t. T ex t ... 541
343
348 To M r. O ’ B eirne (Tel.) 7 N ov. Sam e sub ject ... ... ... ... ... 546
(P riv a te )
350 To L ord G ra n v ille ................ 28 N ov. C on v ersa tion w ith S ir E y re C row e and
M.
J I. xP a
¡ lu lí Cyaam
V iu ybuoiin .: exAp^la
C ia n
uaaution
iu ii ofi
u
A nglo-G erm a n C on v en tion ... ... 547
x lv ii
1913.
351 F rom M r. C arn egie (Tel.) 13 D ec. C on v ersa tion w ith S en h or M a cieira : his
(F ee d . 14 D ec.) request fo r v isit o f B ritish s h ip s :
A n g lo-G erm a n n eg otia tion s ................. 548
354 F rom M r. C arnegie ... 22 D ec. C on v ersa tion s w ith S en h or M a cie ir a and
(Ttccd. 29 D ec.) D r. R osen : sam e subject. {M in .) ... 550
1914.
369 N o te by S ir E d w ard G rey 16 M ar. C ircu la tion o f papers to C a bin et show ing
course o f A nglo-G erm a n n eg otia tion s ... 565
375 To S ir E. G osch en................ 2 M ay A p p ro v in g No. 374 ... ... ... ... 571
379 F rom C olon ia l Office ... 13 J u ly Sam e su b ject ... ... ... ... ... 578
Chapter XCVI.
Mediterranean Agreements.
I.— T H E G R E Y -C A M B O N L E T T E R S O F N O V E M B E R 1912.
1912.
381 F rom C a pta in M . H a n k ey 30 A p r. E n closin g P rim e M in is te r’ s direction s to
C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D efen ce to
con sid er new naval disp osition s in
M ed iterra n ean and elsew here, and
a gend a fo r m eetin g at M a l t a ................ 5E0
N o. M a in Sub ject.
1912.
384 S ir A. N icolson to S ir F. 6 M ay C on versa tion s w ith M . P a u l Cam bon on
B ertie (P riv a te ) A p ril 15 and on M a y 4 : A n g lo -F re n ch
relations.; F ra n eo-R u ssia n naval n eg o
t ia tion s ; possib ility o f in v ita tio n to
B ritain to p a rticip a te ...................................583
1912.
400 To Mr. C a rn eg ie ... ... 22 J u ly C on v ersa tion w ith M . P a u l C am bon :
sam e subject ; non -com m itta l ch a ra cter
o f naval con versation s ... ... ... 601
403 N o te by M r. C hurchill 29 J u ly Sam e sub ject ... ... ... ... ... 605
(P riv a te )
405 „ „ (P riv a te) 30 J u ly Sam e con v ersa tion : sam e su b ject ... ... 606
408 F rom S ir E. Goschen ... 8 Aug. G erm an press com m ent on F ra n co-
(B ecd . 12 A ug.) Russian N a v al C on v en tion ... ... 608
416 To M . P a u l Cam bon ... 22 N ov. B ritish note r e A n g lo-F ren ch co-op era
tion . T e x t ......................................................... 614
417 F rom M . P a u l Cam bon ... 23 N ov. F ren ch note. T ex t ... ... ... ... 615
1913.
418 F rom S ir F. B ertie ... 1 A ug. E x tra ct from A n n u a l R e p o r t fo r F ra n ce
(B ecd . S A u g .) fo r the y ea r 1912 : F ren ch foreig n
p o lic y ; A n g lo-F ren ch rela tion s ... ... 616
li
I L — N E G O T I A T IO N S FOR AN A N G L O -1 T A L I A N P A C T , 1912-14.
1912.
419 From. S ir R R od d 13 A p r. P ossib ility o f A n g lo -Ita lia n a greem ent 620
(P riv a te) (R eed . SO A p r.)
1913.
438 I To S ir F. B ei tie 3 M ar. C on v ersa tion w ith M. P a u l C a m b o n :
reasons fo r not pressing Italia n n eg o
tia tion s ... ... ... ... ... 639
1914- 1 . . .
13 J an . C on v ersa tion betw een M a rq u is di San
( llecd . 16 Jan.) G iu lia n o and M. K r u p e n s k i: term s o f
| renew al of T rip le A llian ce ... ... 642
1912.
451 To S ir E. G oschen. 8 A ug. C on v ersa tion b etw een S ir A . N icolson and
B a ron von M arscliall : M r. W in ston
C h u rch ill's speeches on naval arm a
m ents ; gen era l A nglo-G erm a n rela
tion s ; press com m ents ; F ra n co-G erm an
relation s ; q uestion of P ortu g u ese
colonies ... ... ... ... ... 655
1914.
Ed. X a t e .............................. 26 J u ly T elegra m from G erm an N a val A tta ch e at
L on don ... ... ... ... ... 658
1912.
453 S ir E. G rey to K in g 9 D ec. B ritish p osition in ev en t o f w ar 658
G eorge V (P riv a te )
1913.
454 F rom S ir R . Ilod d 6 Jan. C on v ersa tion w ith H e r r von J a g o w :
(P riv a te ) G erm an relation s w ith A u stria -
H u n g a ry ; survey of A nglo-G erm a n
r e la tio n s ; naval q u estion s ; a ttitu d e o f
E m p eror W illia m II. (M in u te by K in g
G eorge I 7.) (M in .) ..............................
458 M em orand um ... ... 10 Feb. A n g lo-F ren ch co-op era tion in M e d ite r ra
nean ... ... ... ... ... ... 671
461 ' From S ir F. B ertie ... 19 Feb. F ren ch press statem ents on in crease o f
(R eed . 21 F eb .) F ren ch arm y. (M in .) ... ... ... 674
462 From, S ir E. G oschen ... 21 Feb. Sta tem en ts by A d m ira l von T ir p it z and
(R eed . 21t F eb .) H e r r von J a g ow to B u d g e t C om m ittee
of R e ic h s ta g : enclosing record o f p ro
1 ceedings. (M in .) ... ... ... ... 675
463 S ir E. G oschen to S ir A. 22 Feb. Com m ents on A d m ira l von T ir p it z ’ s
N icolson (P riv a te ) statem ents ... ... ... ... ... 683
464 Froni S ir E. Goschen ... 2 M ar. E n closin g re p o rt from C a p ta in W a tson on
(R eed . S M a r. ) 1 statem ents o f A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ... 684
465 To S ir E. G oschen (P riv a te ) 5 M ar. S ir E. G re y ’ s a ttitu d e to statem ents o f
A d m ira l von T ir p it z ... ... ...
1913.
467 Q uestions in H ouse of 24 M ar. S ta tem en t by M r. A squith re B ritish
C om m ons ob liga tion s in ev en t o f w ar ... ... 689
1913.
487 F rom M r. C hurchill 24 Oct. “ N a v al h o l id a y ” proposals ... ... 721
(P riv a te )
489 F rom S ir E. Goschen 8 N ov. Sam e sub ject ... ... ... ... ... 723
(P riv a te )
492 S ir A. N icolson to S ir E. 8 D ec. Sam e subjects ... ... ... ... ... 726
G oschen (P riv a te )
493 F rom S ir E. G oschen ... 13 D ec. E n closin g re p o rt from L ieu t.-C olon el
(R eed . 15 B e e.) Russell re a rticle by G eneral von
B ern h ard i ... ... ... ... ... 727
1914.
495 F rom S ir V . C orb ett ... 13 Jan. S ta tem en t b y M r. L loy d G e o r g e : G erm an
(R eed . 15 Jan.) com m ent. (M in .) ... ... ... ... 729
1914.
507 To M r. K id ston ... 11 M ay C on v ersa tion w ith M. de S c a v e n iu s :
n eu tra lity o f D e n m a r k .............................. 743
513 M in u te by M r. C hurchill 26 M ay Sam e subject ... ... ... ... ... 749
(P riv a te )
515 F rom S ir E. G oschen (Tel.) 3 June C on versa tion w ith E m p e ror W illia m I I :
(P riv a te ) in v ita tio n to K ie l ... ... ... 750
Chapter XCVIII.
Russian Relations with Germany and Great Britain,
March-July 1914.
I .— R U S S O -G E R M A N T E N S IO N , M 4 R C H 1914.
1914.
518 F rom S ir E. G oschen ... 6 M ar. A rticle in K öln isch e Z e it u n g : R ussian
(R eed . 9 M a r.) a rm a m en ts; G erm an press com m ents.
(M in.) ............................................................. 754
J I
519 F rom S ir M. de B u n sen ... 6 M ar. A rticles in A u stria n and G erm an press :
(R eed . 9 M ar.) same subject. (M in .) ... ... ... 756
521 To S ir E. G osch en... ... 10 M ar. C on v ersa tion w ith P rin ce L ichnow sky :
R usso-G erm an relation s ; G erm an press
a rticles ... ... ... ... ... 758
1914.
524 F rom S ir E. Gosclxen 11 M ar. T elegra m in F r a n k fu r te r Z e it u n g ;
(R eed . 14 M a r.) fu rth er press c o m m e n t s ..............................
I I .— A N G L O -R U S S I \ N N E G O T I A T IO N S , M A R C H - J U L Y 1914.
1914.
S ir G. B uch an a n to S ir A. 5 M ar. C on v ersa tion w ith M . S a z o n o v : A n g lo-
N icolson (P riv a te) R ussian relation s in C en tral A s ia ;
en q u iry re discussions in L on d on w ith
M . P a u l Cam bon an d C ou n t B en ck en -
dorff. (M in .) ................................................ 775
1914.
To S ir F . B ertie 1 M ay C on v ersa tion w ith M. D ou m ergu e,
S ir W . T yrrell, M . P a u l Cam bon and
M. M a rg erie : q uestion o f stren gth en
in g relation s w ith Iiu ssia ; p ossibility
o f A n g lo-R u ssia n naval conversations.
C on v ersa tion w ith M. P o in ca re and
M. D ou m erg u e : B ritish p u b lic op in ion
and A n g lo-R u ssia n relation s ... ...
555 F rom S ir G. B uch an a n ... 25 J u n e V isit o f F irst B a ttle C ruiser S q u ad ron ... 810
(R eed . 29 Ju n e)
lix
1914.
556 F rom S ir G. Buchanan 25 J u n e A u d ien c e w ith E m p eror N ich o la s: A n g lo-
(P riv a te ) R ussian naval con v ersation s and dis
cussions re C entral Asia. (M in .) ... 811
557 To S ir G. B uchanan 2 J u ly S ir E. G rey ’ s sta tem ent in P a r lia m e n t re
(P riv a te ) P ersian o il concession ... ... ... 813
Appendix I.
M. S A Z O N O V ’ S P L A N IN 1914 F O R A N A N G L O -R l S S IA N -.T A P A N E S E G U A R A N T E E
O F A S I A T I C P O S S E S S IO N S .
1914.
Ed. N o te ... 14 J u ly E x t r a c t from le tte r from S ir A. N icolson
t o S ir G. B uch an a n : A n g lo-R u ssia n
relation s ... ... ... ... ... 821
Appendix II.
J A P A N A N D T H E O P E N IN G O F T H E W A R IN 1914.
1914.
To S ir C. G reene (T el.) 6 Aug. P rop osed J ap an ese a ction in Chinese
w aters ............................................................. 823
Appendix III.
L O R D K IT C H E N E R A N D T H E A R A B N A T IO N A L M O V E M E N T.
1913.
F rom S ir G. L ow th er 7 June E n closin g despatch from C onsul-G eneral
(R eed . 11 J u n e) C u m berbatch a t B e iru t g iv in g nam es o f
sp ecial d elegates a p p oin ted t o A ra b -
Sy rian C ongress in P a ris ... ... 825
1914.
F rom S ir L. M a llet 18 M ar. Sam e subject. E nclosing m em orandum on
(F ee d . SO M or.) < position o f G rand Sheriff o f M ecca.
(M in .) ..........................................................827
F rom L o rd K itc h e n e r 21 M ar. H ed ja z R a ilw ay : fu r th e r difficulties be
(T el.) tw een A rab s and T u rk s at M ecca
(M in.)................. ..........................................................830
4 Apr. Re v isit o f Abdullah B ey to C a iro ;
( H eed. 11 A y r .) necessity for ca re in d ea lin g w ith Arab
q u e stio n ; case o f A ziz B ey ... ... 830
L ord K itc h e n e r to S ir W. 26 Apr. Sam e s u b je ct: did n ot sec S h eriff
T yrrell (P riv a te ) A b d u lla h ; la tte r’ s in terv iew w ith
S ir R . Storrs ................................................831
1936.
N o te by Mr. G. A n ton iu s 1 M ay E nclosing sum m ary o f a ccou n t au th orized
by E m ir A bdullah o f his con versation s
w ith L o rd K itch en er in 1912-14 . . .! 831
1914.
F rom S ir L. M a llet (Tel.) 21 Feb. A rrest o f A z iz A li Bey in C onstantinople.
(M in .) ......................................................... 833
No. 1.
threatened by Eussia and Lord Lansdow ne’ s declaration in the House of L ord s(8)
had in view the possible aggressive expansion of other Powers than Turkey, but the
latter is now bent on an active and forward policy there and after the recent
acquisition of m oney in Paris and additions to her fleet from Germ any, we may soon
see one or more Turkish naval units cruising in the Gulf. A ship flying the Turkish
flag will certainly produce a greater effect on the Arabs than did the “ Variag ” while
the meddlesome tactlessness of Turkish naval officers and their desire to have coaling
stations &c. may give rise to troublesome incidents.
I was recently confidentially inform ed of the drift of a report on the Persian
Gulf and E ngland’ s position there compiled by Mahmoud B ey, the Ottoman Consul-
General at Bom bay and his subordinate Jelal B ey, both of whom seem to be keen
and active officials. The report sketches the way in which Great Britain has built
up her influence by generous pecuniary treatment of the Arab chiefs at Muscat and
elsewdiere and urges that the Ottoman Government should em ploy similar methods
which, it says, ought to be more successful than those of England owdng to the
Islam ic tie between the Arabs and the Turks.
Some remarks in this despatch may sound like severe criticism of the policy
of the present rulers of Turkey and I may perhaps point out that m y official and
private relations vdth those in power are quite cordial, while their professions of
friendship for Great Britain are frequent and, I have no doubt, genuine, but I feel
that this should not blind us to the main trend of Young Turkey aspirations and to
the likelihood that the prosecution of their national programme will bring British
and Ottoman real or fancied interests into conflict in several parts of the Arab world
and perhaps especially in Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf. Hussein Jahid B ey,
deputy for Constantinople, the fidus Achates o f Djavid B ey the Minister of Finance
and the spokesman of the Committee in the “ Tanin ” has recently told us in a
couple of signed articles that Y oung Turkey must strain every nerve to increase her
land and naval forces and that wdien the Minister of W ar can dispose of 1.500,000
bayonets and the Minister of Marine o f a considerable Naval force Turkey’ s Minister
for Foreign Affairs will be considered as one of the greatest of European Statesmen
and Turkey will then “ wrreak vengeance on those who do not now treat her with
proper regard .” Some officers in high positions have been heard indulging in
similar outbursts and an aide-de-camp of the Minister of W ar recently declared to
an Englishm an here that Turkey w^ould, if put to it, light the Islam ic torch from
Calcutta to Marocco. These and other such expressions of a Crescentade spirit need
not be taken too literally, but they cannot be entirely ignored as they are indicative
of strong undercurrents.
In this connexion, I have the honour to enclose copies of three articles(9) which
have recently appeared in the “ Jeune T u rc,” a Committee inspired paper which,
like the ‘ ‘ Neue Freie Presse ” of Vienna is financed and directed by Jews. The
latter’ s detestation of Eussia which is one of the features of Young Turkey is
frequently reflected in its columns and in one of theenclosed articles A. A.
(i.e. Ahmed Agaief, a Musulman from the Crimea') represents English statesmen
as having of recent years adopted a policy inconsistent with British traditions by
concluding certain “ ententes,” alluding to the Anglo-Eussian Entente. The Articles
inveigh against what they erroneously call the Triple Entente and try to make Young
Turkey incline towards the Triple Alliance.
I have. Ac.
GEBARD LOW TH EB.
( 8) [r . Purl. D eb ., 4th S er., V ol. 121, p. 1348. T he d ecla ra tion was m ade on M a y 5, 1903.
cp. Coach (£ T em perleu, V ol. I V , p. 371, No. 3 21 ; p. 454, No. 4 10 ; p. 478, N o. 429.]
( 9) [N o t rep rod u ced .]
7
No. 2 .
[B y Bag.'J
F.O . 371/992.
3 03 1 4 /1 0 0/10 44. Paris, D. October 6 , 1910.
Tel. (No. 76.) Secret. En clair. B . October 7, 1910.
M. Pichon has information from Constantinople that «the German Ambassador
has warned the Turkish Government that any arrangement that they may make with
France and England on the subject of the Bagdad Railway will be regarded by
Germany as null and void.
M IN U T E .
(A j|. Gooch cfc T em pertey, V ol. II, p. 174. Ed. N o te, where a b rie f sum m ary o f this
a greem ent is given. It was sign ed on M arch 5, 1903, and is published in full in B E S T .
V ol. 102, pp. S33-48.]
No. 3.
F .O . 371/992.
4 3 0 7 1 /1 0 0 /1 0 /4 4 .
(No. 852.) Constantinople, D. N ovem ber 23, 1910.
Sir, R . N ovem ber 28, 1910.
I have the honour to transmit herewith copy of a despatch/1! from Ilis M ajesty’ s
Consul General at Bagdad reporting that Sir W . W illcocks now advocates the
construction of a railway from Bagdad to Basra to afford an outlet for the produce
of the districts comprised in the Mesopotamian irrigation works, instead o f the
railway direct to the Mediterranean of which he was form erly an ardent cham pion.
Sir W . W illcocks has submitted his plans to the Yali of Bagdad.
It is more than probable that such a line would be a paying concern, but there
is one obvious objection to it from the point o f view of the Turkish Treasury, viz.
that it must by its com] etition reduce the receipts on the Bagdad--Basra section of
the German Bagdad Railway, and pro tanto increase the liability of the Turkish
Government under the heading o f Kilom etric guarantees, which as you will rem em ber
are calculated over the whole o f the line, and not over the individual sections.
From our own point o f view it occurs to me that it is to he apprehended that
if Sir W . W illcocks’ s proposal were carried into effect by the Turkish Government
or on its account by a syndicate, some arrangement might he come to between the
Germans and the Porte, hv which, when the German ra-'lway reached Bagdad from
the W est, the W illcocks railway would be taken over by them and incorporated in
0 ) [N o t re p rod u ced .]
8
the German line. The Germans would thus avoid competition, the Ottoman Treasury
would escape from increased liability in respect of kilometric guarantees and the
Bagdad Railway would be carried to the shores of the Persian Gulf at an earlier
date than if built continuously from the W est.
I have, &c.
C H A R LE S M. M A R LIN G .
No. 4.
Although Rifaat Pasha put marked emphasis on his wish to see a solu tion ,
satisfactory to ourselves of this question, I am rather sceptical of any real sincerity on
the part o f the Ottoman Government. You will remember that prior to the approaches
made to Mr. W hittall by Dr. Gwinner a year ago, H ilm i Pasha who was then Grand
Vizier hinted to me once or twice that Turkey could or would promote an arrange
m ent; the pourparlers between Sir E . Cassel and Dr. Gwinner however only resulted
in inadmissible proposals being put forward by the Germans with the object of
saddling us with the onus of refusing to continue the negotiations which, if successful,
carried with them an assent to the increase o f the 4 % .( 5) Very possibly similar tactics
are now being pursued, the difference being that the unacceptable basis for an under
standing would be put forward by Turkey instead of Germany, and that possibly more
plausible terms will be submitted to us. At any rate I feel convinced that the real
object of the Turks is to endeavour to force our hand with regard to the 4 % .
At the same time it is I think safe to affirm from these overtures that the Turks
are more than a little uneasy both at the silent disapprobation we have shown of their
general policy, and also at the unexpected support which we gave to France in the
question of the loan. The Grand Vizier was very careful in his Declarations in
Parliament to disclaim any resentment over the latter question against the French or
ourselves, and once or twice similar statements have appeared in the Committee
Press. This does not in m y opinion in any way im ply a permanent alteration in the
Comm ittee’ s policy as expounded in the secret resolutions of the Congress at Salonica
last month, but m erely that Javid B ey recognizes that the financial requirements of
the country make it temporarily necessary to show a conciliatory attitude towards us
in the hope of opening the London market for a future loan, and also that the
Committee are aware that a considerable section of its party in the Chamber and the
great mass o f public opinion views with mistrust the departure from the traditional
policy of friendship towards England and France.
I have, &c.
C H A R L E S M. M A R L IN G .
(5) [F o r the G w in n er-C a ssel n e g otia tion s of 1909-10, v. G ooch <i T em p erley, V ol. V I,
pp. 380-433, passim .]
No. 5.
M IN U T E .
0 ) [M r. M a rlin g ’ s despatch (N o. 939), I). D ecem ber 28. 1910, 11. J a n u a ry 2, 1911, is not
rep rod u ced as it m erely enclosed the re p o rt m en tion ed above. (F .O . 371 /12 36 . 2 9 /2 9 /1 1 /4 4 .)]
(2) [N o t rep rod u ced .]
No. 6 .
F .O . 371/1232.
8 4 8 /2 1 /1 1 /4 1 .
(No. 14.) Secret. Pera, D. January 4, 1911.
Sir, B. January 9, 1911.
Sir H enry Babington Smith has been so good as to give me a memorandum (copy
enclosed) o f an interview which he had with the Grand Vizier on the 29th Ultimo,
with the object of enquiring what prospects the Government could hold out of putting
(*) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g . C opies w ere sent to the
In d ia O ffice; to the D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O p e ra tio n s; to the C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D efence.
I t was sent to P a r is ; to B e r lin ; to St. P e t e r s b u r g h ; to C on stan tin op le.]
11
by her recent pourparlers with Germany Russia appears inclined to disinterest herself
in the Southern sections of the railway.
In m y despatch No. 94*2 o f the 29th U ltim o(5) I expressed the opinion that too
m uch importance need not be attached to the advances made by Rifaat Pasha to us
for a renewal of negotiations for a solution of the railway question, but it is quite
possible that if that question and that of Koweit were treated together, (6) we should
find a genuine and effective desire on the part of the Turks to come to an agreement.
The prospect o f gaining something at Koweit would be a powerful inducement to
them to obtain from the Germans the latitude requisite for them to satisfy our
requirements in the railway question. It should be remembered that the main
object in view when eleven years a go(7) we entered into relations with Sheikh Mubarak
was to prevent the Bagdad Railway from reaching the shores of the Gulf except under
conditions consonant with our interests and I venture to suggest that it is worth while
considering whether the moment is not now approaching when we should endeavour
to turn our acquired position at Koweit to account, and whether if we do not now
seize the opportunity, we may not eventually find that we have saddled ourselves
with responsibilities towards the Sheikh involving us in particularly thorny questions
vis-a-vis of the Turks, without having reaped any commensurate advantage. Our
position as regards the actual terminus of the railway at Koweit m ay still be secure
owing to the agreement of October 1 907,(8) but we might now use the leverage offered
to us by the Turkish anxiety to settle the Koweit question to secure our interests on
the Bagdad-Basra sections; whereas if we do not, and if we allow the line to reach
Basra under purely German control, it appears to me that a very awkward situation
might arise.
A great difficulty in seeking a solution o f the Koweit question at present will be
to find a basis of negotiation. Turkish aspirations will o f course be satisfied with
nothing short of an acknowledgment of Ottoman sovereignty over the Sheikh and
his dependencies, but we have, unfortunately, if I may say so, been led into such
intimate relations with him that it would be impossible for us, with the examples
of Albania and Macedonia before us, to abandon him to the tender mercies of the
Turks.
The loss o f reputation to us both in Arabia and Persia would be imm ense, nor
would the native mind be capable o f appreciating the importance o f the advantages
we should have gained in connection with the railway, hut would readily credit the
Turkish version that we had been compelled to yield to the superior power of the
present Governm ent of Turkey. But on the importance of this in relation to our
position in the Persian Gulf His M ajesty’ s Government will no doubt take the opinion
of the Government o f India.
I have. &c.
C H A R L E S M. M A R L IN G .
Enclosure in No. 6 .
I inform ed Hakki Pasha that I was leaving for London in a few days, and it
would be necessary to arrive at a decision regarding the future of the National Bank.
As he was aware, recent events had raised grave doubts as to whether the Bank
could, with advantage, continue its operations. The decision of this question would
depend, in great measure, upon the prospect o f obtaining active and practical support
from the Governm ent. The Bank would never have been started, unless the
invitation o f the Ottoman Government and the attitude o f the British Government
had given it expectations o f support from both.
Hakki Pasha said that in England there appeared to be a mistaken idea that,
because a concession had been given for the Bagdad Railway, the ground wTas entirely
occupied, and there was no room for any other enterprize in T u rk ey.(10) This, he said,
was a com plete mistake. The Bagdad Railway was an existing concession. If it
were to be given again it would very likely be arranged in a different m an ner; but
anyhow, there it was, and it could not be revoked. But The Turkish E m pire was
large, and there was room for very m any other enterprises, which were open not
only to German capital, but to British capital; and British capital would be heartily
welcomed.
I said that I did not think that this erroneous view was held by anyone who
was well inform ed. It was undoubtedly true that the Bagdad question had assumed
great importance in the relations between E ngland, Turkey and Germ any, both in
itself and in relation to the position in Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf generally.
If the Bagdad question could be settled in a satisfactory manner, I was convinced
that it would have an admirable effect on the relations o f the three countries.
Hakki Pasha said that the question of Koweit was at the root of the Turkish
feelin g(n ) about the British action in that part o f the world. On this subject he spoke
strongly. H e said that he regarded as beyond doubt that British action in relation
to Koweit had been unjust. Under British protection, although there was not a
protectorate in the technical sense o f the tvord, Koweit was the cen tre(12) o f the
contraband arms traffic, and a source of continual conflict with its neighbours. So
long as this anomalous state o f affairs existed, it was impossible to restore peace
and order in that part o f the world. Koweit was like a thorn stuck in the side of
T u rk e y; and it was British action there, more than anywhere else, that had created
suspicions o f British aims in Mesopotamia.
I said I was not acquainted with the details o f the question; but whatever the
rights or wrongs of the matter His H ighness knew perfectly well that British action
regarding Koweit was not directed against Turkey, but against the possibility of
( 13) [M a r g in a l n ote by S ir A. N ioolson : “ F rom papers I saw th ere has been a con sid erable
con tra b a n d tra d e th rou g h K o w e it— an d w e w in k ed at it d u rin g the discussions and fig h tin g
a t N ijd . A. N .” ]
( 14) [M a rg in a l n ote by S ir L. M a lle t : “ T his w ou ld be best. I f it w ere G erm an, th e effect
on th e n a tiv e m in d w ou ld be a blow to ou r prestige. [L . M . ] ” ]
15
Unfortunately this had been prevented by the action of the British Governm ent,
which he said speaking quite unofficially, he could only describe as a blunder. If
the British Governm ent did not interpose any bar in future, the National Bank
would be able to take part in Governm ent loans, either in co-operation with the
Ottoman Bank or in competition with ' it. Apart from that he repeated that the
whole of Turkey was open to foreign enterprize, and that foreign capital would be
welcomed. I f British capital would come to take part in the developm ent of the
country, there would be a profitable field for the B ank’ s energies. He regretted that
British capital had taken iso little interest in Turkey of late years, and thought that
both the Press and Commercial circles were not well in form ed .(I3) He referred in this
connection to the mining law, in the amendment of which the British G ov [ern m en ]t
had taken a great interest. The law had been amended but in the two years which
had elapsed since then there had not, so far as he was aware been a single British
application for a m ining concession.
I replied that British capital had had very good reasons for avoiding the country
under the old regim e: and in order to persuade it to come here now, it was necessary
to offer adequate inducements, and to create the conditions necessary for success. In
the case of mines for instance the absence of roads and railways made all mines,
except the richest, unrenumerative. This accounted for the absence o f applicants.
As regards works of public utility, we found, unfortunately, a certain want of practical
sense in the Public W orks Department. W ith the objects of securing advantages
to the State, concessions were hedged round with impossible conditions. It would
be to the real interest of the Government to grant the first concessions on terms
which would make them thoroughly rem unerative: whereas the conditions now laid
down were such that there could not be a large profit and there might very likely
be no profit at all. '
ITakki Pasha admitted that there was truth in what I said but added that in
his own opinion this difficulty would disappear in time. At the outset of a
Parliamentary regime there was a tendency to criticize everything. In the endeavour
to avert such criticism , the conditions had perhaps been drawn too tightly.
Experience would rem edy these defects.
I asked the Grand Vizier whether they proposed to approve the Bagdad
Municipal L oan. He said he had been somewhat disappointed as regards the
administrative capacities of- Nazim Pasha and that they had doubted whether the
m oney would be satisfactorily spent, if it were granted. He thought, however, that
they would come to the decision to support Nazim Pasha still, and in that case they
would approve the loan. I represented that it was very desirable to decide the matter
as soon as possible, since m y letter to Nazim Pasha, resum ing our liberty of action
in the matter, had probably reached him or would reach him in a day or two. I
added that it might have some influence as regards the future of the Bank, if I
could point to one business at any rate though not a large one. winch had hecn
concluded. Hakki Pasha said he would endeavour to hasten the decision.
M IN U T E S .
-Mr. M a r lin g ’ s view is that wo should b a rg a in w ith K o w oit in ord er to in duee the T urks
t o use th eir in fluen ce in secu rin g B ritish p a rticip a tio n in the B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y : he suggests
that we should eonsult the I fn d ia ] 0 [ffie e ] on th is proposal.
I t seems t o me that there is the strongest ob je c tio n to M r. M a rlin g ’ s view . H e says we
have had rela tion s w ith the Sheikh o f K o w e it fo r e le v e n . y e a r s : we have had in tim a te
relation s w ith K o w e it fo r tw o eenturies, and in 1863 S ir Lew is P cllv w rote a g low in g a ccoun t
o f the beneficent rule o f the Sheikhs o f K o w e it, o f th e effect o f th a t rule on tra d e iu the
G ulf, and o f the im p orta n ce o f m a in ta in in g w ith th e Sheikhs am icable relations, w hich have
been stea dily con solid a ted ever sinee. T o a bandon the Sheikh to T u rk ey w ou ld be disastrous
( ls) [M a r g in a l note by S ir L. M a lle t : “ The reason is that it has been d iscou ra ged by the
new R eg im e w ho have p u t in n othing. L. M .” ]
1G
in its effect upon our p osition in the G u lf— all the C hiefs w ould ju stly re g a rd us as “ P erfide
A lb io n .”
On the oth er hand, I do believe th a t a settlem ent o f th e K o w e it q u estion ca n only be
effected by in clu d in g th a t question in an a rra n g em en t a bou t th e B a g d a d R [ a i ] l[ w a ] y , and
in J u ly last, w ith S ir C. H a rd in g e ’ s a u th ority , I m ade proposals to this effect to the T urkish
M in is ter o f F in a n ce, w ho was then in L on don .
The difficulty is the deta il o f such an a rra n g e m e n t: we m ig h t recogn ise T urkish suzerainty,
w hile stip u la tin g fo r hom e-rule in a d m in istration , especially as reg a rd s custom s, as to w hich
the Sheikh is p a rticu la rly jealous o f fo r e ig n in terferen ce. W e m ig h t also con sid er the pa ym en t
of a fixed trib u te by th e Sheikh to T u rk ey , fo r w hich he cou ld recou p him self by certa in p ort
dues on th rou g h traffic. As the Sheikh has a lready v irtu a lly a dm itted T urkish suzerainty
by a cce p tin g the office o f K aim ak am , I do not th in k we should have difficulty in in d u cin g
him to agree to the arra n gem en t described, esp ecially as he is m ost a n xiou s th a t the railw ay
term in u s should be a t K ow eit.
I w ould a ccord in gly suggest th a t we should send a cop y o f M r. M a r lin g ’ s despatch to
the I [n d ia ] 0 [ff ic e ] , and w rite to them a t the same tim e as to the a rra n g em en t S ir E. G rey
w ould suggest, a sking fo r th eir ob serv a tion s on the subject.
W e m ig h t add th a t, even if it is deem ed in op p ortu n e to a p p roach th e T urks, it is
e x p e d ie n t to form a clear co n cep tion as to w hat shape a settlem ent of the K o w e it q uestion
should take, in ord er th a t w e m ay be ready if the q uestion is suddenly fo r ce d upon us.
As to a p p roa ch in g T urkey, there is no need to take a decision u n til we receive the
I [n d ia ] 0 [ffic e ] r e p ly : doubtless they w ill con su lt th e G o v [e rn m e n ]t of In d ia , and b y then
the situ a tion a t C on stan tin ople m ay have changed.
A. P .
J a n [u a r y ] 10, 1911.
Q [u e r ]y w rite to I [n d ia ] 0 [ff ic e ] as proposed.
R . P . M.
a '. N.’
No. 7.
the Bagdad Railway and Koweit, and raises the question whether the time has not
arrived when it might be possible for H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] to avail
themselves o f their acquired position at Koweit with a view to securing British
participation in the Bagdad Railway.
Sir E. Grey concurs in the view that having regard to the long standing relations
of H [is ] M [a je sty ’ s] G [overnm ent] with Koweit, and to their close nature during the
last few years, it would be impossible now to abandon the Sheikh to the Turkish
G ov [ern m en ]t without incurring a disastrous loss of prestige. On the other hand he
recognizes that a settlement of the question o f Koweit can only be effected by including
it in an arrangement concerning the Bagdad Railway. An indication to this effect
was tentatively placed before the Turkish M in [ister] o f Finance on the occasion o f his
visit to England in last July, and for convenience of reference, I am to transmit to
you a copy o f a memorandum which was handed to Javid B ey at that tim e.(3)
Even if it be deemed inopportune now to approach the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t,
it appears expedient to form a conception of what shape a settlement o f the Koweit
question should take so that H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] m ight be ready if the
question were suddenly forced upon them.
Sir E . Grey would suggest that with a view to such a settlement (which would
only be acceptable as part o f an arrangement for British participation in the
Bagdad R [ a i] l[ w a ] v ) , H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overn m en t] might recognize the Turkish
suzerainty while stipulating for a full measure of hom e rule in the administration
especially as regards customs matters, as to which the Sheikh is particularly jealous
of foreign interference. The question m ight also be considered whether provision
should be made for the paym ent of a fixed tribute by the Sheikh to Turkey, for which
he might possibly recoup him self by certain port dues on through tra ffic; the
continuance of the tribute to be subject to the equitable treatment of the Sheikh in
regard to his date groves in the Bussorah vilayet. As the Sheikh has already virtually
admitted Turkish suzerainty by accepting the title of Kaimakam, Sir E. G rey does
not anticipate that there would be serious difficulty in inducing him to assent to such
an arrangement, especially as he is most anxious that the terminus o f the Railway
should be at Koweit. A settlement of the question under discussion would probably
only be satisfactory if it involved the control o f the port by H [is ] M [a je sty ’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] and the Sheikh, thus excluding Turkish or German interference at
Koweit in internal matters.
It is not possible to estimate what leverage, if any, the situation of Koweit gives
Great Britain on the Bagdad Railway question until it is decided whether some such
concessions as are above indicated can safely be made, but the main lever for the
settlement of these questions will consist in the power of H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s]
G [overnm ent] to refuse their consent to the proposed increase of 4 % in the Turkish
Customs and to the continuation o f the 3 % increase beyond the month of April 1914
when the consent already given to that increase will expire.
Sir E . Grey will be obliged if the E arl of Crewe will favour him with his
observations on the points raised in this letter.
[ I am, &c.]
L [O U I S ] ■ A L L E T ] .
[10900]
18
No. 8 .
Sir G. Loicther to Sir Edu-ard G r e y .( ')
F.O. 371/1232.
3 4 3 3 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 62.') Pera, D. January 23. 1911.
Sir, R. January 30, 1911.
Rifaat Pasha said to me to-day that he and the Governm ent were anxious to
do what was possible with a view to bringing about a disappearance of the policy of
“ bouderie ” between Great Britain and Turkey. His language was similar to that
used by him to Mr. Marling, as recorded in his despatch No. 918, Confidential, of the
20th U ltim o./2)
I said I was entirely with him in the matter but I should like to have
some definition of what he meant. There had been no sulking on our part. It was true
that we had had to make some' serious complaints of the way our subjects had been
treated at Bagdad and elsewhere by the officials of the new regime, but I had always
endeavoured to make the settlement of these cases as easy as possible for the Turkish
Governm ent. W e had also had to com plain of certain acts of aggression and breaches
of the status quo in the Persian Gulf and it yet seemed doubtful whether the promises
of the Porte had been carried out in this direction. It was the Turkish press, and in
some cases Turkish members of Parliament, who had used language far from friendly
to Great Britain, and this had doubtless left an unpleasant impression in England.
But I could not see of what the Turkish Governm ent had to complain. Did His
E xcellency allude to the loan which, in circumstances to whichAt was unnecessary now
to return, had not been concluded in E ngland? I could not imagine where Turkey
could find a grievance against us. If he alluded to the paucity of British financiers,
concessionnaires and competitors for orders who now came to Turkey, I must admit
that there had been some disappointment felt by such. Many had been called but few
had been chosen. They had found business habits here somewhat cumbersome,
infinite delays, and in the end the margin of profit so small that they were hardly
compensated for the expense and trouble even if successful in obtaining some small
orders.
Rifaat Pasha was unable or unwilling to be more precise, but he said that the
friendship of the mass of the people of this Empire had always been very marked in
favour of Great Britain and any Minister who wished to initiate an anti-British policy
could not live a day. I replied that I had always believed that this was the case, and
therefore it struck me as especially extraordinary that the Government had shown so
little energy in settling matters in which our right was unquestioned. After some
severe criticism of General Nazim, who, he said, imagined that the clock had been set
back fifty years and had been responsible for all the trouble at Bagdad, Ilis Excellency
said that he thought the time had com e for the conclusion of some arrangement
regarding the Bagdad Railway. I replied that I was convinced you would be glad to
hear this as we had been awaiting H is E xcellency’ s proposals since last summer, when
on two occasions he led me to believe that he was on the point of submitting them.
A fter this arrangement was concluded H is Excellency said he thought the Persian Gulf
questions, to which we seemed to attach importance, would be easy of settlement. I
asked His E xcellency whether I could give you any indication of the lines of the
-proposals he intended to make regarding the Bagdad Railway, but he replied that
further consultation with the Grand Vizier was necessary, and he hoped to be ready
with them very soon. In regard to this matter he said he was quite sure that we had
no intention of discussing matters with Germany without the knowledge of the
Ottoman Government. I said that this was so, and in proof of this I reminded him
that I had more than once last summer told him that we were expecting the proposals
he had promised us.
( !) [T his despatch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g ; to the C a bin et C om m ittee
F o r the form a tion o f th e C abinet C om m ittee, v. G ooch <i• Tem .perley, V ol. X (I), p. ix .]
( 2) [N o t rep rod u ced , b u t v. supra, p. 8, No. 4, n o te ( 2).]
19
Though Rifaat Pasha has been speaking to Mr. Marling in a similar strain, there
can be little doubt that the recent publication of the Potsdam negotiations/3) has had
the tendency to induce the Turkish Governm ent to desire to negotiate directly with
us, and to show the people of the country that arrangements of this nature cannot
always be concluded behind their backs.
His E xcellency observed that the Potsdam publication had produced a very
painful impression and, although Baron Marschall had stated positively that there
was no truth whatever in § 3 of the published version ,(3) the Turkish representatives
abroad had led Ilis Excellency to believe that in the main the published version
represented what had taken place.
His Excellency made no reference to any absence of a Russian denial here.
I have, &c.
GERARD LOW THER.
M IN U T E .
No. 9.
F .O . 371 1232.
2 8 8 3 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 25.) Secret.
Sir, F oreign Office, January 24, 1911.
The Turkish Ambassador enquired on the 20th in s t[a n t], o f Sir A. N icolson(2)
whether you had been furnished with instructions to negotiate with the Turkish
G ov [ern m en ]t about the Bagdad Railway.
Sir A. Nicolson told Tevfik Pasha that H is M ajesty’ s Embassy at Constantinople
had been inform ed that if Rifaat Pasha returned to that question H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] would be happy to hear his views and to examine any project which
( ') [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a vin g been sen t to the P rim e M in is t e r ; to L o rd C rew e;
to th e C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D e fe n c e ; to th e D ir e cto r o f M ilita ry O perations. I t was
rep eated to P a ris (N o. 2 3).]
(2) [T h is lesp a tch is based on Sir A. N ico lso n ’ s record of his con v ersation w ith Tew’fik
Pasha. T h e record is m in u ted by S ir E d w a rd G r e y : —
“ T ew nk P a sh a ’ s phrase a bout Ivow eit is w orth n oth in g ( ? n o tin g ) and I am g la d
you reer.ved the m ention o f Ivow eit sy m pa th etically .
E . G.
M. Cam bon asked me this w eek w hether a n y n e g otia tion s w ere in p rog ress w ith
Tu* key abou t the B a g d a d R [ a ilw a ]y and I told him o f th e in stru ction sent t o S ir G.
Low ther, w hich is describ ed in his con v ersa tion w ith Tewfik Pasha.
E. G.
2 1 .1 . 1 1 .” ]
[10900] C 2
20
No. 10.
N o. 11.
M IN U T E S .
E v en if n e g otia tion s d o p roceed ra p id ly b etw een th e P o r te and th e B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y
Com pany “ fo r the com p letion o f the B a g d a d lin e to B a g d a d ” we have no lega l rig h t
w hatsoever to in terv en e or to p r o t e s t : th ere seems to be som e con fu sion o f th o u g h t in th e
id ea th a t we cou ld a ct in the m a nner su ggested in the second pa ra g ra p h o f this te le g r a m :
the B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y w ill be b u ilt in p u rsu a n ce o f an in tern a tion a l a greem en t sign ed in
1903(4)— an a greem en t w hich was preceded, b y oth er m ore or less sim ilar a greem ents d a tin g
from 1898— and we ca n n ot p rotest a ga in st the fulfilm ent o f such an agreem en t e ig h t years
after its sign ature.
The presen t case is in no w ay a n alogous to th e P otsda m a greem ent.
B u t p ersonally I do n ot th in k the first p a ra g ra p h o f this teleg ram is precisely e x p r e s s e d :
w hat proba b ly is or m ay be p r o ce e d in g “ ra p id ly a n d successfully ” is n ot an a rra n g em en t fo r
“ th e com p letion o f th e lin e to B a g d a d ,” b u t a v ery d ifferen t th in g, the a lloca tion o f specific
revenues to serve as k ilom etric g u aran tees fo r th e sections o f the lin e as fa r as B a g da d.
E ven w hen such revenues are a llocated, dal d e tto al fa tto c ’ e un gran, tr a tto , and the
guarantees ha ve to b e ca pitalised and then p la ced u p on th e m arket. J u d g in g b y th e fa ilu re
o f th e last issue o f B a g d a d R a ilw a y B onds (o f w hich 55% h a d to be ta k en u p b y th e
u n d erw riters a n d then to be reta in ed in the coffers o f th e D eutsch e B a n k ) fo r th e sections
o f the line up to El H e lif, .1 do n ot thin k, in th e absence o f an agreem en t as to th e B a g d a d
R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y betw een the P ow ers, th a t we need b e u n d uly a larm ed as to the p rob a b le success
o f the n ex t issue. In this con n ection it m ay be recalled th a t th e B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y B onds
y ield only a bou t 5 % , a sum w hich an in v es tor can g et from the S [o u t h ] M a n ch u ria n
R [ a i ] l[ w a ] y , u n con d ition a lly g u a ra n teed b y th e J ap an ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t, or oth er sim ilar
b o n d s: so the a ttr a c tio n o f the B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y to th e in vestor, as d istin ct from th e
C om pany prom oter, is n ot very in v itin g .
A. P.
F eb ru a ry 8th, 1911.
I a gree w ith M r. P ark er.
W e ca n n ot p rev en t the ra ilw ay b ein g m ade to B a g da d. O ur m ain in terest lies in the
G ulf section.
R . P . M.
I agree and th in k th a t we should rep ea t th is teleg ram to P a ris and in stru ct S ir F. B ertie
to in form M. P ic h o n o f its con ten ts and say th a t H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] feel th a t
(5) [A teleg ram was sent a cco rd in g ly to P a r is (N o. 8) o f F eb ru a ry 9, 1911, 1). 1-30 P.M
I t w as rep eated to C on stan tin op le (N o. 24). (F .O . 371/1232. 4 6 4 4 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .)]
No. 12.
M IN U T E S .
No. 13.
the subject of the Bagdad Railway, and had said that he expected soon to be able
to submit proposals in writing. But we had not so far received any written proposals,
and we were therefore not yet negotiating. W e had, however, expressed our
willingness to receive such proposals, and to consider them carefully.
Count Benckendorff observed that the Turks had presumably made an arrange
ment with Germany which would empower them to negotiate with us.
I said that I assumed that they were discussing the matter with G erm any; but
they had not yet told us definitely that Germany had given them a free hand to
negotiate with us as they pleased about the section from Bagdad to the Gulf, which
was the important question.
[ I am, & c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 14.
F .O . 871/1232.
7 6 6 2 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 . Pera, D. March 1, 1911, 11-55 p . m .
Tel. (No. 52.) R . March 2 , 1911, 8 a . m .
Bagdad Railway.
M [inister for] F [oreig n ]' A [ffa ir ]s ’ written proposals were sent by messenger
to-night.
They are on the lines of his verbal com m unication as reported in m y despatch
No. 100.‘(2)
Porte proposes form ation of a new joint stock com pany whose capital would be
provided by Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t and British, French and German capitalists
distributed as follows : 4 0% for Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t and 2 0 % for each o f the
others.(3)
Cost o f construction to be provided by State bonds to be issued in London, Paris,
Berlin and Constantinople.
Koweit is mentioned as most suitable terminus but as the political status of
Kowreit presents certain particularities and as terminus must be under the direct
administration o f Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t, the relations of Koweit to the Ottoman
Em pire must be regularized.
Attention is also called to utility o f arriving at an understanding as to the
respective rights o f the two Powers in the Persian Gulf.
I confined m yself to saying that I would forward m em o r a n d u m ] to you.
0 ) [T h is teleg ram is end orsed as h a v in g been sent t o the K in g . I t w as sent to St. P eters-
b u rg h (as N o. 75).]
(2) [S ir G. L o w th e r’ s despatch (N o. 100), D . F eb ru a ry 14, R . F e b ru a ry 20, 1911, is not
rep rod u ced , as th e teleg ram g iv en above sum m arizes th e con ten ts o f the despatch. (F.O . 3 71 /
1232. 6 1 6 4 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .)]
(3) [U n sign ed m a rg in a l n o t e : “ 60% t o G erm any and T u rk ey an d on ly 40% to F ra n ce and
E n g la n d .” ]
25
N o. 15.
M IN U T E S .
In the first place I w ould call a tten tion to the serious m is-statem ent (whieh to my m ind
should, to avoid .all fu tu r e em barrassm ent, be forth w ith corrected in an official note from
S ir G. L ow th er) th a t I I [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G fo v e rn m e n t] have m ade one con d ition to th eir assent
to an in crease o f 4% in the T urkish eustom s, viz., th a t the y ield of th a t in crease shall not be
dev oted to the B a g da d R [ a i ] l[ w a ] y .
I th in k it w ould be very im p ru d en t to leave this statem ent u n challenged. T he form u
la tion o f the alleged con d ition was orig in a lly a ttr ib u te d by Tewfik Pasha to S ir C. H a rd in g e,
who den ied ea tegoriea lly, in a m inu te, th a t he had ever m ade it.(3) I in form ed M. O strorog,
who aeeom panied D ja v id Bey to L on d on last J u ly , th a t S ir C. H a rd in g e had been com p letely
m isu n derstood on this p oin t, and th a t it w ould be a m ere evasion o f ou r co n d itio n if the
B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y C om pany ren ou n ced the yield o f the eustom s in crease and g o t other
Query:—
Send cop y o f this despatch to the I [n d ia ] O fffice] p rop os in g th a t it should be con sid ered
w ith a view to an answ er b ein g s e n t ; in d ica te th a t, p r o v id e d a sa tis fa ctory a rra n g em en t is
m ade, on the lines of th eir le tte r o f M a rch 3rd, as to K ow eit, it does n ot seem im p era tiv e to
insist on B ritish p a rticip a tio n b ein g 6 0 % , as a new situ ation w ill arise if, as seem s probable,
the T urks have in view th e ca n cellin g o f th e 1903 concession in reg a rd to the B a g d a d -G u lf
sections, and i f they a gree to a prelim in a ry a greem en t w ith us e x clu d in g p referen tia l rates,
and to a settlem ent o f oth er ou tsta n d in g qu estion s on the litto ra l o f the P ersian G ulf.
M eanw hile we can see, b y the course o f events, w hat w ill be the a ttitu d e o f the G erm ans
tow ards the n eg otia tion s which the T u rks have in itia ted .
A. P .
M a rch 6th, 1911.
T here can b e no question o f 60% in any case. I have n oth in g to add to the M in u te w hich
I w rote on the I [n d ia ] 0 [ffic e ] letter o f M arch 3 .(7)
W e have n o t y et settled in p r in cip le w hether we should be w illin g to fo r e g o C on trol and
w hether it is w orth our w hile to help to b u ild this ra ilw ay w ith ou t con trol and to a gree to
the increase of th e custom s in to the b arga in ! I f w e com e to 110 agreem en t w ith T u rk ey a bout
P ersian G u lf q uestion the status qu o w ill be m a in ta in ed in the G ulf. An agreem en t w ill
probably not im p rov e ou r position , as it is w e w ho w ill be ex p e c te d to m ake concessions. W e
had b etter w rite to the B oa rd o f T ra de and I [n d ia ] 0 [ff ic e ] a full e x p osition o f the present
situ ation and ask fo r th e ir observations.
I t m ust be rem em bered th a t ou r co-op era tion is o f im m ense im p orta n ce to T u rk ey and
Germ any.
L . M.
I w ill discuss the w hole question also w ith S ir A. N icolson and M r. M a llet a fter W ed nesday.
E. G.
7.3.11.
No. 16.
No. 17.
M IN U T E S .
T h is is n ot a full answ er to th e qu estion con ta in ed in our teleg ram un d er rep ly, viz.,
“ A r e the T urkish proposals m ade w ith the cog n isa n ce and a p p rov a l o f th e G erm an G o v [e rn -
m e n ]t ? P recise in form a tion on this p o in t is essential.”
No. 18.
M IN U T E S .
There has been so m uch evasion on th e p a rt o f the O ttom an G o v [e rn m e n ]t in reg a rd to
this q uestion d u rin g the past tw elve m onths th a t it seems m ost im p o rta n t to define our
a ttitu d e and rem ove all a m b igu ity in th e m ost form al m anner. W e have already at
to m ake clear our a ttitu d e in “ in form a l ” ways. S ir G. L ow th er was recom m ended to record
our a ttitu d e in w ritin g last A p ril, b u t it docs n ot a p p ea r clear that he did so.(3) Tewfik Pasha
m isu n derstood or was rep orted to have m isu n derstood. S ir C. H a rd in g e ’ s v ery ex p lic it verbal
sta tem en t on the su b ject last s p rin g (4) ; our a ttitu d e was ex p lain ed verb ally to C ou n t O strorog
last J u ly ; and in w ritin g , th ou g h in an in form a l m anner, t o D ja v id B ey last J u ly. Y et the
P o r t e persists in ig n o r in g th e real sta te of affairs. The con d ition a bou t E g y p tia n b orrow in g
pow ers is n ot new, as it was specifically m en tion ed in th e m em orandum handed to D ja v id Bev
on J u ly 29th, 1910.(5)
I t w ou ld scein th a t th e da n g er o f our n eg otia tion s w ith T u rkey b e in g preju d iced is of
v ery m in or im p orta n ce by com p arison w ith the persistent m iscon stru ction o f ou r a ttitu d e in
reg a rd to the custom s. I ca n n ot feel th a t th e sam e ob ject w ould be a chieved by a “ notice ”
as b y an official and sign ed note. Our position in reg a rd to the n e g otia tion s is really, so far
as T u rk ey is con cern ed , a stron g one.
Q u ery te le g r a p h to S ir G. L o w th e r: —
“ Y ou r teleg ram N o. 58 o f M a rch 10th, Custom s increase.
“ The Sublim e P o rte has so p ersisten tly m iscon ceived our a ttitu d e in reg a rd to this
q u estion , in sp ite of the m any in form a l com m u n ica tion s we have m ade both here and at
C on stan tin op le, th a t I desire to define th a t a ttitu d e precisely in an official and sign ed note
to th e O ttom an M [in is te r fo r ] F [o r e ig n ] A fffa ir s ].
“ T he con d ition a bout E g y p tia n b o rro w in g pow ers is n ot a new one : see m em orandum
ha n ded to O ttom an M in ister of F in a n ce on J u lv 29th.”
A. P.
M a rch 11th, 1911.
R . P . M.
I a gree w ith M r. P a rk er and I do n ot see w hy a clear restatem ent o f ou r con d ition s should
p reju d ice the n eg otia tion s. A t any rate, it w ill ob via te the possib ility of m isunderstan din gs
la ter on.
L. M.
I hesitate to differ from the a bov e m inu tes, b u t I am in clin ed to a gree w ith S ir G.
L ow th er. W e shall by a “ n otice ” p lace on official w ritten record our co rrection o f a m isap p re
hension or m isu n d erstan d in g — and in n eg otia tion s it is wrell to follow ex a c tly the form o f
w ritten com m u n ica tion s a d op ted by th e other side.
I w ould propose to t e l[e g r a p h ] to S ir G. L o w th e r : —
“ Y ou r te l[e g r a m ] N o. 58 o f M a rch 10. Custom s increase.
I f the th in g is p u t in w ritin g there ca n n ot be any m iscon cep tion a bou t it. The im p orta n t
p oin t seems to me th a t it should be in w r itin g .(7)
[E . G .]
No. 20 .
No. 22 .
Enclosure in No. 22 .
M IN U T E S .
[10900] I)
34
N o. 23.
Sir G. Low ther to Sir Edward G r e y .i1)
F .O . 371/1233.
1 10 8 0 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 1830 Confidential. Constantinople, D. March 22, 1911.
Sir, R. March 27, 1911.
W ith reference to m y telegrams nos. 62 and 63 o f March 1 8th ,(2) and yesterday,
T have the honour to enclose translations o f the conventions signed yesterday(3)
between the Ottoman Government and the Bagdad Railway Company respecting
1 ). the H elif-B agdad sections,
2 ). the Alexandretta-Osm anie branch, and
3). the Alexandretta port.
These were accompanied by a declaration of the Company renouncing its right
conditionally to the B agdad-G ulf section and the ports at Basra and the terminus,
of which the Minister for F oreign Affairs promises to give me details to-morrow. The
sum required for the kilometric guarantee and working expenses amounts roughly to
£ T . 400,000, while the surplus receipts assigned in virtue of paragraphs (1) and (2) of
Article II of the convention of yesterday yield about £ T . 405,000 according to the
latest returns i.e. ÆT. 290,000 from the surplus tithes earmarked for the Haidar
P a sh a-E skish eh ir-A n gora -K on ia -E regli sections and some ¿£T. 115,000 from the
ceded revenues surplus for the B ulgu rlu-H elif sections, as shown in the annexed
table. (4)
A ccording to articles (3) and (4) the Company undertakes to com plete the sections
from H elif to Bagdad within five years from the date of approval of the plans and
surveys, which are to be prepared and approved within 14 m onths from yesterday.
To accom plish this there is a natural desire to set to work as soon as possible from both
ends and consequently a corresponding anxiety to lose no time in com ing to a final
settlement with England and France regarding the B agdad-G ulf sections.
As regards the branch from Alexandretta to Osmanie, it is to be constructed
without kilometric guarantees and within two years from the date of approval of the
surveys which are to be presented to the Ministry within nine m onths from the present
date.
Like the port of Alexandretta, the termination of the concession is made to
synchronise with that of the section ending 200 kilometres east o f H elif i.e. in the
vicinity of Mosul.
The plans for the port at Alexandretta are to be ready within fifteen months from
yesterday and the works are to be com pleted within four years of the date of their
approval. This port is in a way a set-off against the Gulf port and that of Basra
granted to the Company by the original firman but now relinquished together with
their exclusive right to the B agdad-G ulf sections of the Railway.
I am inform ed that the German Company also reserves to itself the right to come
to terms with the new Company as to the indem nity to be paid by the latter to
compensate it for the loss suffered in not constructing that section.
Hussein Djahid B ey in the “ Tanin,” which is practically the organ of the
Minister of Finance, and other Governm ent organs express great pleasure at the
conclusion of these conventions and the hope that they will lead to a similar settle-
ment with Great Britain in the matter of the G ulf sections, Koweit and ‘ ‘ other parts
o f Ottoman territory in the Persian G ulf,” (the latter phrase m ay refer to Bahrein,
Katar &c.) but the fact that the Governm ent refuses to submit these conventions to
the Chamber indicates that it anticipates considerable opposition to their conclusion.
According to the Concession Law, which was the outcom e o f the “ affaire L yn ch ”
all concessions involving a financial liability on the part o f the Treasury must be
submitted to the Chamber and it is certainly straining the interpretation o f the
preamble o f the 1908 Convention^) to maintain that the re-allocation o f the revenues
assigned to the Haidar P ash a-K onia-E regli sections do not involve such liability. The
opposition in the Chamber would doubtless be based on the contention that while the
State is contracting debts to meet its ordinary expenditure there can be no justification
for assigning revenues to a railway which, even on military considerations, is not an
imperatively immediate necessity.
The condition attached to the German Com pany’ s relinquishment o f its rights
over the B agdad-G ulf section, viz. that its share in the new Ottoman Company should
not be inferior to that of other Non-Ottomans, coupled with the proposal made to H is
M ajesty’ s Governm ent and forwarded in m y despatch No. 139 o f March l s t ,(6) that the
Ottoman G overnm ent’ s share should be 4 0 % , does not seem to afford m uch scope for
obtaining such control of the B agdad-G ulf line as would compensate for the consent
of a Free-Trade country like England to the 4 % Customs increase and the surrender
o f our position in Koweit. A com bination by which the Ottoman G overnm ent’ s share
should be reduced to 10% and that o f Germany, France and England increased to
3 0 % — the A nglo-French share being thus greater than that of Turkey and Germany
com bined— might afford a more satisfactory basis, especially if Turkey consented to
recognise our position in Bahrein and Katar. Prom inent Germans here have recently
been hinting that the Turks will have to accept any arrangement come to between
Berlin and L ondon, following the analogy o f the Potsdam interview ,!7) and that we
perhaps could secure a more satisfactory arrangement by unofficial pourparlers with
Germany. I understand that m y German colleague, Baron Marschall, is proceeding
to Berlin in a few days and that he intends impressing on H err Kiderlen-W aechter
the desirability o f Germ any’ s unofficially approaching England with a view to a
friendly solution. On the other hand the present Turkish Cabinet feel that the
Potsdam interview, where matters Turkish were discussed without previously
consulting the Ottoman Governm ent, was a severe blow to the latter, and they are
anxious at least to appear to com e to a settlement of Persian Gulf matters with
England direct. At the same time, the proviso that, in the event o f the failure to form
the new ‘ ‘ international ’ ’ B agdad-G ulf Company, the German Company should be
reinstated in her rights under the original concession would seem to point to
G erm any’ s desire to be prepared for all eventualities, e.g. the breakdown o f the A nglo-
Turkish negotiations on the subject. It is said that one of G erm any’ s main objectives
in all these negotiations is to obtain free access to the Paris m oney market.
On general grounds it would seem that the removal o f the main causes o f rivalry
and friction between Germany and England and France here, if not in a wider sphere,
would be to the benefit o f all parties concerned. Turkey has always traded on the
dissensions between internal Ottoman elements and on the discords and jealousies of
the Great Powers. E ven Greeks, Bulgarians and Albanians have lately showrn signs
of a desire to lay aside their mutual dissensions, and it might be to the general interest
that the same tendency should, if possible, be manifested in the international sphere
in matters concerning Turkey.
It is to be anticipated that the German Company will now lose no time in
negotiating with Turkey for the construction of the Khanikin branch.
I have, &c.
GERABD LOW THER.
( 5) [r . B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 8 76 -7 .]
( 6) [ v . supra, pp. 2 5-6, N o. 15, and en cl.]
C ) [r . G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp. 549-723, C h a pter L X X X I X .J
[10900]
36
M IN U T E S .
T he in terestin g com m u n ica tion will be th e one w hich R ifa a t P asha was to g iv e S ir G.
L ow th er on M a rch 23rd (see the first p a g e o f this despa tch) abou t th e G u lf sections.
T he passages a bout B a hrein and El K a t r are im p o r t a n t : if w e co u ld g et a fa v ou ra ble
settlem en t o f these questions it w ould be a d istin ct a ccom p lishm ent and we cou ld hard ly assent
to the custom s in crease w ith ou t such a settlem ent. T he a ttitu d e of G erm any d u rin g these
n e g otia tion s will be cu riou s to w atch. She a p p a ren tly has som ething to g ain b y a settlem ent,
and th e re fo re m ay u rg e m oderation on th e T urks. On th e oth er hand it m ig h t he unw ise to
confide in h er until she conies ou t in to the open , as it is a lw a y s' possible she is up to dou ble
d ealing.
M r. M a llet to see.
A. P.
M a rch 27, 1911.
No. 26.
No. 27.
(B y Post.)
F .O . 371/1234.
1 82 2 8 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 . Paris, D. May 13, 1911.
Tel. (No. 57.) B . May 14, 1911.
French Minister for Foreign Affairs hears that His M ajesty’ s Governm ent are
negotiating in regard to the Bagdad Railway question. He earnestly hopes you will
not commit yourself to consenting to the continuation of the additional 3 per cent.
Turkish customs duties or to Turkey’ s demand for further 4 per cent, customs duties
without consulting the French Governm ent. H e undertakes to act sim ilarly towards
his M ajesty’ s Governm ent, and he is anxious to co-operate with you in join t defence
o f British and French interests involved whether the negotiations are at B erlin or
at Constantinople. H e is very much perturbed at the increasing influence of Germany
in Turkey.
Above is confidential.
M IN U T E .
N o. 28.
Sir F . Bertie to Sir Edward G r e y .( l)
F .O . 371/1240.
1 85 2 9 /6 8 6 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 214.) Paris, D . M ay 14, 1911.
S ir :— R . May 16, 1911.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs is very much perturbed at the state o f affairs
in Turkey and the predominance o f German counsels at the Porte. There is every
chance of disturbances in the Balkans before long. The revolt in the Yem en
continues. The mortality amongst the Turkish troops sent thither to suppress it is
very great and the Grand Shereef o f Mecca shows signs o f shaking off the Turkish
yoke. The Governm ent o f the Ottoman Empire by the Committee of Union and
Progress is a failure. The Y oung Turk Party has not shown the qualities which
were hoped and expected o f it. The recent changes in the Turkish cabinet are
om inous of an increase in the already dominant influence of Germany which had
enabled her to make arrangements most favourable to her own interests in regard
to the Bagdad Railway regardless o f those o f France and E ngland. Matters cannot
continue as they now are at Constantinople and there may be a crisis at any moment
and a seizure o f power by a m ilitary dictator. All this was said to me by M. Cruppi
yesterday. The only way in which France and England can hope to combat the
predominance o f Germ any at Constantinople would in His E xcellency’ s opinion be
an understanding between the British and French Governments for joint action in
Turkish affairs. This gave me an opportunity to say that at Constantinople joint
action to be efficacious should be financial as well as political and that unfortunately
the Ottoman Bank had invariably stood in the way when attempts had been made
to bring about A nglo-French financial co-operation. The policy of that Institution
apparently having been to oppose any undertakings where such co-operation would
be useful unless and until the Bank itself was prepared to promote them and have
the controlling share in them. I then gave to M. Cruppi instances in which the
Ottoman Bank had so acted and I went on to say that negotiations were now going
on in London between representatives of the Turkish National Bank, the Salonica
Bank and other French financiers which were likely to fail owing to the obstructive
attitude o f the Ottoman Bank. H is E xcellency interposed to observe that inform ation
which had just reached him showed that Sir Ernest Cassel did not care to continue
the business o f the National Bank and the pourparlers had consequently come to an
e n d .(2) I replied that I knew that in the interest o f the Ottoman Bank it had been
represented that such was the attitude o f Sir Ernest Cassel and that His M ajesty’ s
Governm ent were indifferent in the m atter; but unless M . Cruppi’ s inform ation
which he had just m entioned was o f the day and positive I thought that the position
had been misrepresented. His E xcellency said that he would make further enquiries
as to the circumstances and result o f the negotiations in L ondon, and that he was all
in favour o f an arrangement for a fusion o f interests. W hat however was essential
for the defence of French and British interests against German opposition was an
immediate understanding for joint action at Constantinople. M. Cruppi did not say
what the nature of that action should be or how it should be exercised generally;
but in regard to the Bagdad Railway question respecting which he had learnt that
you were now negotiating he requested me to beg you most earnestly not to commit
yourself in any way to consenting to a continuation of the 3% additional customs
duties or to a further increase of 4 % to them without consultation with the French
Governm ent who would give an undertaking to withhold any such consent by them
without consultation with His M ajesty’ s Governm ent. W hat he desired would be
that the British and French Governm ents should support each other in any
0 ) [T h is despa tch is endorsed as h a v in g been sent t o th e K in g ; to th e P rim e M in is te r;
t o L o rd M o r le y ; to L ord H a ld a n e.]
(2) [cp . G ooch & T em p erley, V o l. I X (I ), p. 230, No. 198.]
41
S ir F. B e r tie used his o p p o rtu n ity to m ake som e sa lu ta ry rem ark s a bou t the a ttitu d e o f
the O ttom an B a n k in the m a tter o f A n g lo -F re n ch finan cial co -o p e ra tio n in T u rk ey an d his
la n g u a ge m ig h t b e a p p rov ed .
The m isu n d ersta n d in g w hich has arisen abou t ou r n e g otia tion s w ith reg a rd t o th e B a g d a d
R a ilw a y qu estion w ill have been cleared u p b y ou r teleg ra m o f th is m orn in g r e c o rd in g S ir A.
N icolson ’ s con v ersation w ith M . Cam bon.
E x ce p t fo r co-op era tion in finan cial en terp rises (fo r w hich the O ttom an B a n k ha ve h ith erto
shown no enthusiasm ) and in the B a g d a d R a ilw a y question , I d o n ot see how jo in t a ction at
C on stan tin ople w ou ld be useful a t presen t a n d M . C ru p p i does n ot en lig h ten us.
F ra n ce m ig h t (a n d dou btless w ould, if asked), g iv e us som e k in d o f su p p ort as reg a rd s
our m any differen ces w ith T u rk ey in the G u lf a n d in M esopota m ia b u t th is w ou ld n ot lea d
T u rk ey to p r e fe r A n g lo-F ren ch to G erm an a d v ice— q u ite th e co n tr a r y — nor, so fa r as I can see,
w ould A n g lo -F re n ch coop era tion in the p o litica l sphere save T u rk ey from th e fa te w hich
M. C ru p p i fea rs fo r her.
I th in k w e m ig h t en cou ra ge M . C ru p p i t o form u la te his wishes a little m ore definitely,
recip ro ca tin g his op in io n o f the wish fo r a finan cia l a n d gen era l u n d ersta n d in g res p ectin g
T urkish affairs.
H . N.
M a y 16, 1911.
E. A. C.
M a y 25.
R . P . M.
A. N.
E. G.
No. 29.
N o. 30.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir E . G osch en ff1)
F .O . 371/1234.
1 9 1 3 8 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 114.)
Sir, Foreign Office, M ay 18, 1911.
I told Count Metternich to-d ay (2) that we had not yet replied to the Turkish
proposal about the Bagdad Railway. W e could not accept it as it sto o d ; but we should
put forward another proposal, and we were now waiting for inform ation from the
Governm ent of India about the Persian Gulf. Our objects were two-fold : (1) to
secure that in practical working, and not only on paper, there would be no differential
treatment of British tra d e; and (2) to make sure that the strategical position in the
Persian Gulf would not be altered to our disadvantage.
Count Metternich observed that, in the Bagdad Railway Concession, equal
treatment was promised for all trade.
I pointed out how treatment which was equal in theory might be differential in
practice : by the placing of high rates on goods in which we were specially interested
and low rates on goods in which Germany was specially interested. I f we were to
concede to Turkey an increase of Customs Duties which directly or indirectly would
facilitate the making of the Bagdad Railway, we must by means of our participation
in the southern end get some position which would be a guarantee to public opinion
here that there would be no differentiation in raihvay rates. I said that, in conversa
tion with m y Colleagues, I had always stated that it was not the intention of Germany
to differentiate, and that when as sooner or later must be the case, her assent was
asked to a final settlement of the Bagdad Railway question she would be willing to
m eet us on this point.
Count Metternich assented and confirmed the view that the German Government
had no desire to secure differentiation as regards trade.
[ I am, &c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 31.
No. 32.
No. 33.
been quite as obstructive and even more so than the Administration o f the Bank at
Paris. The result of the excessive pretensions of the Bank in the matter of the
Turkish Loan had driven the Porte to seek m oney in Germany. It had obtained it
there at a higher price it was true than it would have paid for a loan in Paris, but
without the political conditions and concessions to the Ottoman Bank which the
French Government at the instance of M. Laurent a French financial expert whose
services had been lent to the Turkish Governm ent as their financial adviser, had been
led to insist on. M. Laurent’ s proceedings had furnished the curious spectacle of an
adviser acting in opposition to the wishes of the Governm ent by which he was
em ployed. There had been a divergence of views between the M inistry for Foreign
Affairs and the Ministry of Finance. A quotation for a loan by a French group other
than the Ottoman Bank was refused by the Ministry of Finance except on conditions
which the Porte would not accept. The Ottoman Bank declined to forego demands
which the Porte regarded as excessive and a loan from France not being negotiable
the m oney was provided by German Banks under the auspices of the German
Governm ent. German interests had benefited thereby politically and com m ercially.
Germ any had posed as the friend in need and with success.
I further expressed to M. de Selves the opinion that the French Government
rather overrated the effect of the power which the Minister of Finance has to withhold
his consent to a quotation in the Paris market of loans or undertakings to which he
sees political objections or to the bringing out o f undertakings to which lie desires to
attach political conditions or promises of expenditure of part of the funds in France.
The French Government had been for a long time under the impression that by
refusing a quotation for a loan for the construction of the Bagdad Railway they would
be able to exact from the Company terms for French and British participation in the
construction and administration of the Railway. This refusal of a quotation though it
delayed the construction and was inconvenient to the Company did not prevent
F rench m oney being invested in the undertaking. The Ottoman Bank, though it was
for a long time denied on its part, but was now admitted, had an agreement which
still existed by which there was a mutual understanding between it and the Deutsche
Bank (alias also the Bagdad Railway Company) to give to one another a 30% option
o f all enterprises undertaken in Turkey. The Ottoman Bank therefore had an option
o f 3 0% in the Bagdad Railway. As the shares were not quoted on the Bourse they
passed in Paris from Bank to Bank and from hand to hand for there were French
investors who were ready to put their m oney into the concern notwithstanding the
prohibition of the French Governm ent o f a quotation. Shares were also purchased
through Swiss and Belgian Banks. There was also another and a roundabout way in
which French m oney assisted the construction o f the Railway viz. through the
purchase by French investors of shares in German enterprises which the German
holders sold in order to invest in the Bagdad R ailw a y ./1)
M. de Selves said that he quite appreciated how shortsighted had been the attitude
of giving unlimited support to the Ottoman Bank and, so far as he was concerned he
would be very glad to see A nglo-French cooperation at Constantinople in financial as
well as political questions.
I have, &c.
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
(ii.) The respective Interests of Great Britain and Turkey in the R egion o f the
Persian Gulf.
His M ajesty’ s Government are willing to meet the wish expressed in the
concluding paragraphs of the Turkish memorandum that a precise definition may be
reached as to the respective position of the two countries, com m ercially and politically,
in the Persian G u lf; and they see no reason why a lasting settlement of the questions
involved should not be reached. H is M ajesty’ s Government are in no sense opposed
to the legitimate claims of the Turkish Governm ent. The most southerly point to
which they have ever recognised such claims on the littoral o f the Persian Gulf is
Ojeir, in the district of E l K atif. South o f this point there is no trace of Turkish
power ever having been param ount; in 1870 the Ottoman Minister for Foreign
Affairs conveyed to H er M ajesty’ s Ambassador formal assurances that the Sublime
Porte did not entertain any intention of obtaining supremacy over Bahrein, Muscat,
or the independent tribes on the coast of the Persian G u lf(6) ; and it is only since that
( 6) [T hese assurances w ere occasion ed b y B ritish a n x iety a risin g from the p r ep a ra tion fo
M id h a t P a sh a ’ s ex p e d itio n t o N ejd o f 1871-2. T hey w ere rep ea ted m ore th a n once,--bu t the
m ost im p o rta n t occasions on w hich th ey w ere g iv en w ere A p ril 23, 1871 (v . en closure in S ir H .
E llio t ’ s despa tch (N o. 172), D . A p ril 26, It. M a y 9, 1871. F.O. 7 8 /2 3 7 4 ), and D ecem b er 10,
1871 ( v . enclosure in S ir H . E llio t ’ s despa tch (N o. 422), D. D ecem b er 10, R . D ecem ber 28, 1871.
F .O . 7 8 /2 4 4 4 ).]
47
date that certain attempts have been made by the Ottoman Governm ent to establish
mudirates and other emblems o f Turkish authority at points to the south o f Ojeir.
The position o f His M ajesty’ s Governm ent in regard to these tribes has been
entirely different. W ith Bahrein they have had direct relations since 1805; these
relations have found concrete expression in a series of treaties dating from 1820,( 7) and
having as their objects the suppression o f piracy and the slave tra d e; the regularity
of the succession to the th ron e; the protection of the island against foreign a ggression ;
and the safety o f the pearl industry, o f which Bahrein is the centre. In Muscat
and the territories o f the Trucial Chiefs His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have, in virtue
of various treaties and agreements, conferred similar benefits for m any yea rs; and
their policy in each case has been inspired by the importance o f upholding the
maritime peace, o f securing open markets to the com m erce o f all countries, and of
protecting the long-established interests of British-Indian subjects.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent cannot acquiesce in any arrangement which might
restrict or undermine the authority which they have exercised uninterruptedly
with such beneficent resu lts; they conceive that any extension o f Turkish jurisdiction
along the littoral o f the Persian Gulf to the south o f Ojeir would be prejudicial to
those results and unsupported by any legitimate claims o f Turkish sovereignty; and
they have accordingly resisted any attempts which have been made to encroach upon
these regions. They are therefore o f opinion that any lasting settlement between
the two Powers must provide for the definite renunciation by the Ottoman Govern
ment o f Bahrein and adjacent islands and o f the whole o f the Peninsula o f E l Katr
(including E l Bidaa), where the Sheikh of Bahrein has important righ ts; and they
consider that such a settlement would finally rem ove a perennial source o f local
friction.
The Ottoman Governm ent express a wish to regularise the relations o f Koweit
towards the Ottoman E m pire, and His M ajesty’ s Governm ent will gladly contribute
to such a solution, on the understanding that their rights and claims are not to be
regarded as prejudiced by any proposals which may now be put forward, should such
proposals prove abortive.
As the Ottoman Governm ent are aware, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have never
admitted that Koweit is under Turkish protection, and, inasmuch as some divergence
of opinion was manifested between the two Governm ents as to the position there,
a modus vivendi was reached in Septem ber 1901 by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent
consenting to give an assurance that, provided the Turkish Governm ent abstained
from sending troops to Koweit and respected the status quo there, they would not
occupy that place or establish a British protectorate over it .(8)
British trade relations with the Sheikhs of Koweit have existed for upwards of
two centuries and, inasmuch as the place has attracted merchants from all quarters
by the equity o f its rule and the freedom o f its trade, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent
could not consent to any interference with the succession or with the internal
administration, or to any infringem ent o f the com plete autonom y of the Sheikh. On
the other hand, they are prepared to recognise Turkish suzerainty over Kow eit, and
to recognise the Sheikh as a Turkish Kaim akam , provided in other respects the
status quo is guaranteed, and the validity o f certain agreements which the Sheikh
has concluded with the British Governm ent is recognised(9) ; provided the islands of
Warba and Bubian are admitted by Turkey to be within the confines o f Kow eit, and
Turkish m ilitary posts are w ithdraw n; and provided finally the Sheikh is admitted
to the full and undisturbed enjoym ent o f any properties he may own or hereafter
purchase on Turkish territory. Koweit would thus form a sort o f enclave within,
( 7) [cp. C. TT. A it c h is o n : Treaties, Engagements and Sannds (5th ed.), V ol. X I (D elh i, 1933),
pp. 233-4.]
(8) [u. im m ed ia tely su cceed in g Ed. N o te.]
( 9) [i.e., the en gagem en t o f J a n u a ry 23, 1899, & c., p rin ted infra, pp. 107-8, N o. 68 , encl. 3 ,
Annexes. F o r the en gagem en t o f O ctob er 15, 1907, cp. supra, p. 12, N o. 6, and note ( 8).]
48
and form ing part o f, the Ottoman E m pire, but enjoying complete self-government
under Turkish suzerainty.
Certain difficulties have recently arisen in regard to the buoyage of the Shat-
el-Arab. For a great number o f years British shipping has, owing to its volum e,
been predom inantly, and until recently almost exclusively, interested in these aids
to navigation. For over fifty years the work o f surveying, buoying, and lighting
the river has been carried out by British agency to the general satisfaction o f all
concerned.
In these circumstances, His M ajesty’ s Government have some difficulty in
appreciating why the Ottoman Governm ent have thought fit to disturb existing and
long-standing arrangem ents; but, being desirous of dealing with the difficulty in a
spirit o f conciliation, they would propose to the Ottoman Governm ent the appointment
o f a small riverain com m ission, com posed of a British and a Turkish representative,
with an engineer to be mutually agreed upon. This commission would superintend
all matters pertaining to improvem ent of navigation, and it would likewise superintend
the requisite periodical surveys.(10)
As regards the rest o f the G ulf, on the other hand, the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t,
so far as they are concerned, will recognise the right of Great Britain (1) to control
surveying, lighting, buoying, and p ilota ge; (2) to police its w aters; and (3) to conduct
all quarantine arrangements.
(iii.) The Increase from 11 per cent, to 15 p er cent, ad valorem in the Turkish
Customs Duties.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have consistently maintained that they could in no
circumstances assent to the increase in the Turkish customs duties unless a previous
and satisfactory settlement had been reached in regard to the Bagdad Railway
question.
To this attitude they a d h ere; and while they consider that such a settlement
m ight be promoted on the lines of an agreement such as has already been indicated,
they could not regard a settlement confined to the railway as either satisfactory or
com plete, since it would leave in a state o f uncertainty a number o f questions closely
affecting British interests in the regions o f Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf. His
M ajesty’ s Governm ent are in principle favourable to railway construction in T urkey;
but they cannot directly contribute to the com pletion of the Bagdad Railway if it
is to introduce a further element o f possible disturbance into an area where British
rights and interests have, especially of late, been wantonly assailed; nor do they
feel that they could justify to British public opinion the imposition of a tax which
will affect British trade,— amounting in Mesopotamia to some 60 per cent, o f the
w hole,— unless they have provided for a general settlement o f political issues in the
Persian Gulf, such as the Ottoman Governm ent themselves desire to bring about, and
unless they have obtained some compensation for and a guarantee against the
continuance o f arbitrary acts such as the dem olition, on no adequate pretext, of
British property in Bagdad.
If the Ottoman Governm ent are prepared to enter upon a negotiation on these
lines, and to concur, as already stipulated, in a removal o f the existing veto on the
borrowing powers of E gypt,— a measure which is called for in the interests of financial
reform in E gypt,— His M ajesty’ s Governm ent will make it their first aim to contribute
to an agreement likely to rem ove all causes o f friction between the two Pow ers;
and they will not only consent, subject to the concurrence o f other Powers and to
the due observance o f such agreem ent, to the further increase of the Turkish customs
for a fixed period, but they will likewise agree to the continued levy o f the 3 per cent,
customs increase, which had only been sanctioned provisionally till the year 1914.
(a)
(b)
Lord Lansdowne to Anthopoulo Pasha.
F.O. 78/5174.
Y ou r E x cellen cy, Foreign Office, Septem ber 11, 1901.
I have ta k en n ote w ith sa tisfa ction o f the teleg ram from the T u rk ish M in is te r fo r F oreig n
A ffairs co m m u [n ic a te ]d by you on the 9th in s t [a n t ], in w hich H is E x cellen cy states th a t the
T urkish G o v [e r n m e n ]t w ill n ot send troop s t o K o w e it and w ill m a in ta in the status quo th ere
on con d ition th a t H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] w ill a bstain from occ u p y in g th a t pla ce or
establishing a B ritish p r o te cto ra te there.
I have pleasure in con firm in g the assurance w hich has been g iv en t o H is E x [c e lle n ]c y by
H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] A m bassador a t C o n s t[a n tin o ]p ie th a t, p ro v id e d th e T urkish G o v [e r n m e n ]t
abstain from sen d in g tro o p s t o K o w e it an d resp ect the status quo there, H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s]
G o v e r n m e n jt w ill n ot occu p y th a t p lace or establish a B ritish p ro te cto ra te ov er it.
L [A N S D O W N E ].
S ir N. O ’ C o n o r’ s rep ort o f the con v ersation w ith Tew fik P asha on Septem b er 6, 1901, is giv en
in his teleg ram (N o. 110) o f th a t date, D . 6 p . m ., R . 10 p . m . (F.O . 78/5 17 4.)
The ten ou r o f this exch a n g e o f view s should be com p a red w ith th e alm ost con tem p ora ry
statem ent p r in te d in Gooch & Temperley, V ol. I I , p. 94, N o. 104, encl. 1.]
No. 35.
No. 36.
placed upon a clearer basis. H e did not anticipate any difficulty regarding Bahrein,
E l Katr, &c., but Koweit was in a somewhat different position. The form er were as it
were detached from the main possessions o f the E m pire, while Koweit eat [sic : ate]l
right into it. R eference was made in the M emorandum to certain arrangements
between the Sheikh o f Koweit and His M ajesty’ s G overnm ent.(3) These were unknown
to the Ottoman Governm ent and he presumed they would be duly com m unicated to
it for it was obviously impossible for this Governm ent to negotiate in ignorance of the
contents of the arrangements. The memorandum seemed to provide for an enlarge
ment o f the dom inions of the Sheikh of Koweit. This could not be viewed favourably
by this Governm ent. Presum ably the arrangements made with the Sheikh were
arrived at with a view to obstructing the acquisition of that place by any other Power.
H is H ighness hoped that we would be assured that Turkey would never alienate any
place on the Persian Gulf to any other Power. They did not desire to see any other
Power but England in those waters. W hat was most important for this Governm ent
(and for this, provision must be made in any arrangements regarding Koweit), was
that it should not becom e a “ foyer de sedition ” or that it should continue to be as
it was now a dépôt for the distribution of arms to the rebels against the Sultan.
These were the only points in the memorandum on which H is Highness touched
and as he said the Cabinet had not yet had an opportunity of exam ining it, I did not
conceive it necessary to argue any of the points with him.
I have, &c.
GERARD LOW TH ER.
No. 37.
0 ) [T h is d espa tch is based on M r. M a lle t’ s re co rd o f the con v ersation . T h e record sta ted
th a t th e sign ifica n ce o f th e v isit was th a t Ism a il H a k k i B e y ’ s ■“ a n x iety t o sta n d w ell w ith us
is a sign o f th e tim es.” ]
[10900] E 2
52
Ismail Hakki B ey disclaimed any unfriendly intention and said that his object
had been to call attention to Persian Gulf questions. Mr. Mallet said that these
questions were now under discussion with the Porte and he could not go into them
with him, but that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] were very anxious to arrive at an
understanding with Turkey. They had no territorial ambitions, but they meant to
maintain the position which they had held in the Gulf for so m any years.
Ismail Hakki B ey then proceeded to talk at some length about Albania, and
he denied the stories of cruelties alleged to have been committed there by the Turkish
Troops, but Mr. Mallet observed that these reports were too well founded and had
reached H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overnm ent] from too m any separate and independent
sources to make it possible to doubt their accuracy.
[ I am, &c.
E. G R E Y .]
No. 38.
F .O . 371/1234.
4 8 3 2 2 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 .
(No. 867.) Constantinople, D. N ovem ber 26, 1911.
Sir, R. D ecem ber 4, 1911.
Assim B ey spoke to me yesterday about the counter-proposals regarding the
Bagdad Railway and the Persian Gulf questions which H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent had
com m unicated to the Turkish Ambassador in a memorandum on the 29th of July
l a s t j 1)
It would not appear that the Cabinet has as yet devoted much study to the
question, for the memorandum has not yet been translated into Turkish nor was Assim
B ey in possession o f the Agreem ents and Treaties respecting Koweit which you had
sent to Tewfik Pasha on the 2nd instant at his request.
H is E xcellency said that he would like to talk over some of the points with me,
but I suggested that as Tewfik Pasha had authority to discuss the general question it
would be better that the Turkish Governm ent should decide on the amendments to
our proposals which they desired to suggest and send them to H is Excellency. H e ,
said however, before doing so he would prefer to discuss some o f the points
academically and proceeded to say that the Ottoman Governm ent were very much
opposed to the participation of Russia in the final portions of the Railway and would
like to suggest that the Russian share should be divided up between the other four |
participants thus giving to each 2 5% and he was of opinion that Turkey should also
provide the President of the Board. I observed that in the Bagdad Railway Turkey
only had 10% and in view of the fact that the line was an Ottoman one and in Ottoman
territory there did not appear to be any necessity for her to require a share equal to
the others. The Minister did not relish the reference to the Bagdad Railway which
he said was an unfortunate legacy o f Sultan Abdul H am id’ s and should not be taken
as providing a precedent.
I understand from another quarter that the suggestion that the Ottoman
Governm ent are likely to put forward is the elimination of Russia and the retention
o f 2 0 % for Turkey the rem aining 8 0 % to be divided between the three other Powers.
H is E xcellency then observed that he did not quite see the object of any group of
capitalists having the m ajority vote on the Board of such a railway. I f the interested
Powers were represented in any form it was clear that preferential rates could not be
established. Moreover though he declared he had refrained from showing the
German Ambassador the text of our proposals he had asked him whether it would be
possible to apply preferential rates and whether this ever occurred on the Anatolian
Line. The Ambassador had obviously replied in the negative and Assim B ey asked
me whether I could produce specific cases of such preferential rates being given. I
said that at present I could not, but there were undoubtedly ways in which advantages
could be given which were not apparent and that it was the general view that this did
occur.
Assim B ey then went on to say that he did not understand why the idea of
Koweit as a terminus had been abandoned in favour of Basra. I said I im agined that
as both places would require considerable works to transform them into a suitable
harbour and that Basra was already a town of considerable importance with merchants
and their warehouses established there it would seem to have certain advantages over
Koweit. M oreover the long stretch of railway line over the desert would add somewhat
to the cost of transport. To m y enquiry why the Turkish Governm ent appeared to
prefer Koweit the Minister furnished no very definite reply, but m erely said that such
a line as that to Koweit might be the beginning of a railway system which would be
of use to Turkey in quelling disorders among the Arab tribes of those regions.
W ith the other proposals contained in the Mem orandum Assim B ey did not deal
but I understand that other members of the Cabinet consider that it would be very
difficult to obtain the acceptance of [ s i c : b y ] the Chamber of a measure for rem oving
the existing veto on the borrowing powers of E gypt if presented by itself although it
might perhaps be possible to do so if it form ed part of a general proposal for the
settlement of all outstanding difficulties with Great Britain, a settlement which the
present Cabinet express themselves as most anxious to bring about.
I have, &c.
GERARD LOW TH ER.
No. 39.
F.O . 371/1234.
4 9 6 5 6 /2 1 /1 1 /4 4 . D ecem ber 11, 1911.
There is at present a strong desire on the part of the Turkish Governm ent to
settle outstanding questions, and to place their relations with the British Governm ent
on a more satisfactory footing.
This has been stated to me recently b y the Grand V izir, by the Minister for
Foreign Affairs, and by the Minister o f Finance. The Minister of Finance inform ed
me that there had been a form al decision o f the Council of Ministers in favour o f a
settlement of the questions under discussion with the British Governm ent.
As regards the Bagdad Railway I gather that the point to which they take most
objection is the assignment to Russian capital of a share in the B agdad-G ulf section
c f the railway.
Supposing Russia to be excluded, the capital m ight be divided between E nglish,
German, French and Turkish interests in such a manner as to give a m ajority to
England and France together, if Turkey would be content with a smaller share than
the other three :—
e.g. England
France 28J% each.
Germany
Turkey 15%
or E ngland
France 2 6 f % each.
Germany
Turkey 20%
54
Assim B ey inform ed me, in the course o f conversation on N ov[em b er] 25th, that
the least the Ottoman Government could accept would be 20% and the Presidency.
I suggest that it would be possible to arrange so that the Presidency should be
honorary, and should not carry a casting vote.
It appears to be very desirable to take advantage o f the present favourable
disposition of the Porte to arrive at a settlement.
There are some indications that the Germans may cease to be content with the
settlement apparently contem plated in their recent arrangement with the Turkish
G ov [ern m en ]t. In this connexion I refer to a conversation with M . Gunther, which
I reported to Sir G. Lowther on N ov[em ber] 26th.
In the meantime preparations are being actively pursued for the construction of
the line from Bagdad northwards. Negotiations are also being carried on for the
erection o f a Custom House and Bonded W arehouse at Bagdad by the agency of the
Bagdad Bailwav.
H . B AB IN GTON SM ITH .
M IN U T E S .
T he first pa ra g ra p h is b orn e ou t b y th e la st sentence o f 48322 (a n n ex ed ).(*)
I t is n o t q u ite clear w hy th e T u rk s w a n t to ex clu d e R u ssia n finan cia l p a rticip a tio n .
W e h a ve receiv ed no a ccou n t from S ir G. L ow th er o f M r. G u n th er’ s rem arks.
Q [u e r ]y . Ask H [ i s ] E [x c e lle n c y ] t o fu rn ish one.
W e m ig h t express ou r w illingness t o discuss a solu tion w ith T u rk ey — b u t I am n ot sure
th a t w e should n o t ev en tu ally press fo r a w ritten rep ly to the d eta iled proposals in ou r
m e m o [r a n d u ]m o f J u ly 1911,(2) w hich a p p a ren tly has h a rd ly been con sid ered y et. U n til this
has been d on e discussion seems fu tile.
A. P .
D e c [em b er] 12, 1911.
[E D . N O T E .— A c co rd in g to a teleg ram from the R u ssia n A m b assa dor a t C on stan tin ople
d a te d D ecem b er 29, 1911, S ir G. L ow th er in form ed him on D ecem b er 28 th a t he had
“ protested v ig orou sly , alth ou gh n o t officially, a ga in st th e in ten tion a scribed to the G erm an
B a g d a d R a ilw a y C om p an y to a lter th e d ire c tio n o f the lin e betw een M ossul [sic] and B a g d a d
in such w ise as to a p p roach K h a n ek in [ s ic ] .” v. S ieb er t, p. 656.]
55
N o. 4 0 .
Sir Edward G rey to Sir G . Lowther.
F.O. 371/1484.
3 0 7 7 /2 6 4 /1 2 /4 4 .
(No. 25.)
Sir, Foreign Office, January 23, 1912.
On the 20th in s t[a n t], Sir A. Nicolson took the opportunity of a visit from
Tewfik Pasha to enquire when Djevad B ey was expected back from Constantinople,
as H [is ] M [a je sty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] were desirous o f com m encing negotiations in
respect o f the Bagdad railway and the Persian Gulf.
H [is ] Ii[ig h n e s s ] replied that he had been continually urging his G ov [e rn m e n ]t
to give us their counter proposals, and they had always replied that their time was
entirely occupied by Parliam entary duties. Now that the Chambers were dissolved,
he expected that Djevad B ey would very shortly return with full instructions.
Sir A. Nicolson said that he hoped that this would be the case, as we were anxious
that no further delay should ensue.
[ I am, &c.]f
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 41.
0) [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and t o th e C a bin et.]
( 2) [u. G ooch ¿a T em p erley, V ol. V I , pp. 666-761, passim .]
( 3) [v. B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 8 33 -4 8.]
( 4) [i>. supra, pp. 45-8, N o. 34.]
No. 43.
N o. 4 4 .
M IN U T E S .
No. 45.
No. 46.
No. 47.
Tarifs différentiels.
Les réserves faites par le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique au sujet de
tarifs différentiels sur la ligne de Bagdad, semblent dériver de la nécessité d ’ em pêcher
l ’ application d ’ un tarif spécial au détriment des marchandises anglaises et au profit
de celles d ’ un autre pays. Certes on ne pourrait soulever d ’objection à ce légitime
souci; cependant com m e il est inadmissible, ainsi que cela se pratique d ’ ailleurs
pour le transport des marchandises sur les réseaux ferrés de tous les pays, que toute
marchandise, quelles qu’ en soient la nature et la qualité, soit soumise à un tarif
uniforme nonobstant la distance à parcourir, le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
Britannique voudra bien reconnaître que ce principe d ’ uniformité de tarif ne saurait
être reconnu. Néanmoins, et en vue d ’ aller au devant des légitimes soucis du
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique, le Gouvernement Im périal est disposé à
assurer au com m erce anglais toutes les facilités compatibles avec les dispositions des
Conventions passées entre le Gouvernement Im périal et la Compagnie des chemins-
de-fer de Bagdad, pour le transport des marchandises.
Kow eit.
Annexes.
E l-Katr.
Les événements de 1875 furent probablem ent représentés par Son Excellence
Sir H . Elliot, Ambassadeur de Sa Majesté Britannique à Constantinople, sous une
forme bien différente de la réalité ; sans émettre en cette occurrence aucune prétention
au nom de Son Gouvernement, il déclara au Ministre des Affaires Étrangères que le
navire Anglais qui avait attaqué Zobara et tiré sur la tribu Beni Hadjer, se serait
probablement livré à des exercices de tir dans le but d ’ intimider et de disperser les
Arabes. De même, Lord Derby, dans Sa réponse adressée le 24 Novem bre 1874 à
Musurus Pacha au sujet du bombardem ent de Zobara, ne souleva aucune question
quant à la souveraineté de l ’ E m pire Ottoman sur la Presqu’ île d ’ E l-K a tr.(8) Dans sa
Note Verbale du 11 Juillet 1891 la Sublime Porte fit savoir en réponse à l ’ Ambassade
britannique, que Zobara et Odeïd se trouvent dans les limites du Villayet de Bassorah
et qu’ ils sont depuis longtem ps administrés par des “ Kaïmakams ” et des “ M udirs.”
Cette Note ne provoqua aucune protestation de la part de l ’ Ambassade de Sa Majesté
B ritannique,(9) et la Note Verbale du Ministère Im périal des Affaires Étrangères en
date du 26 Janvier 1892 (également demeurée sans réponse) faisant allusion au Traité
signé par le Cheikh d ’ Abuthabi, contenait textuellement ce qui su it: “ Comm e le
Résident Anglais ne pouvait ignorer que la Souveraineté de Sa Majesté Im périale le
Sultan s’ étend sur les contrées en question (E l-K atr : Zobara et Odéïd), il aurait dû
s’ abstenir d ’ exercer le rôle de médiateur entre les Cheikhs Arabes sans l ’ assentiment
préalable de la Sublime Porte. Quoiqu’ il en soit, le Gouvernement Im périal Ottoman
ayant été laissé dans l ’ ignorance com plète de cet acte, ce dernier ne peut avoir
aucune influence sur ses droits de souveraineté. Du reste l ’ arrangement en question
ne contenait qu’ un armistice entre quelques Cheikhs dont le m aintien est confié à les
surveillance des Autorités Anglaises, et ne saurait être invoqué en aucun cas en faveur
de l ’ établissement de postes militaires à Zobara et Odéïd.’ ’ ( 10)
E n 1895 l ’ Ambassade Impériale Ottomane à Londres s’ adressa au Foreign Office
pour se plaindre de l ’ attitude observée par le Commandant des navires Anglais, qui
avait pressé et menacé les quelques centaines de Bahréïnis soumis au Cheikh Djassim
et établis en émigrés à Zobara où ils avaient arboré le drapeau Ottoman.
Saïd Pacha, Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, écrivit à la date du 22 A vril 1893 à
Son Excellence Sir Clare Ford, la lettre suivante : “ E n me référant à la conversation
que j ’ ai eu l ’ honneur d ’ avoir aujourd’hui avec Votre Excellence, je m ’ empresse de
lui transmettre, ci-près, copie d ’ un télégramme signé par Djassim, Kaïm akam
d ’ El-K atr, et les habitants. Ainsi que Votre Excellence le relevera de la lecture de
ces pièces, les signataires, en leur qualité de fidèles sujets de Sa Majesté Im périale le
Sultan, s’ adressent à leur Auguste Souverain pour demander Sa haute sollicitude en
leur faveur. Il'^ st hors de doute qu ’ il sera procédé en cette circonstance d ’ après la
justice et l ’ équité. P.S. Je n ’ ai pas besoin de répéter que la présence à Katr d ’ un
Résident Anglais avec un bâtiment d ’ État de Sa Majesté Britannique, n ’ a pas sa raison
d ’ être. Votre Excellence en conviendra, j ’ en suis persuadé, lorsqu’ Elle aura pris
connaissance du télégramme précité.” ( n )
Le Commandant du navire Anglais, “ S p h y n x ’ ’ arrivé le 30 Juin 1890 dans le
port d ’ El-K atr, malgré le conseil amical qui lui avait été donné par le Commandant
du Stationnaire Ottoman ‘ ‘ Sayad-i-Déria ’ ’ débarqua et rendit visite au Cheikh
Ahmed qu ’ il interrogea sur l ’ autorité ottom ane exercée à E l-K atr. Cette conversation
fut rapportée par le Cheikh à la Sublime Porte qui, par le canal de l ’ Ambassade
Ottomane à Londres, se plaignit encore une fois auprès du Gouvernement de Sa
Majesté Britannique de l ’ attitude des Officiers de Marine Anglais.
Koweït.
du Cheikh ne se fait pas sentir au-delà d ’ une distance de 20 kilomètres, c ’ est-à-dire aux
confins du territoire de parcours de la grande tribu “ A jm an.”
Dès lors, Koweit ne pourrait être considéré autrement que comme une ville
ottomane dont l ’ administration est confiée au Cheikh Mubarek nom m é par Ordre
Impérial “ Kaïmakam ” de cette localité.
Toutefois la Sublime Porte animée d ’un sincère désir d ’ entente sur ce point avec
le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique, consent à conclure un Arrangement
définitif avec la Grande-Bretagne, sur les bases suivantes :
Maintien de la souveraineté effective du Gouvernement Ottoman sur Bubian,
Wadia et autres îles voisines;
Remplacem ent des Conventions (sans valeur juridique internationale) signées par
le Cheikh Mubarek, par une Convention à conclure entre les deux Gouvernements
Britannique et Ottoman, protégeant les intérêts économiques de la Grande-Bretagne à
Koweit, mais compatible dans ses termes et effets avec les droits souverains de
l ’ Empire sur K ow eit;
Soumission à la Législation ottomane des propriétés appartenant au Cheikh et
sises dans le Yillayet de Bassorah avec la jouissance tranquille et com plète de celles-ci
d ’ après les dispositions des Lois ottomanes régissant la matière.
M IN U T E S .
S ir A. H irtz e l and I have w ritten a jo in t m in u te on this rep ly , and it is a n n e x e d .(15)
As th e rep ly does n ot g o so fa r tow ard s m eetin g ou r view s, n ota bly in reg a rd t o K ow eit,
as D jév a d Bey, in th e in form a l discussions a t the In d ia Office, had a p p ea red to in d ica te, I sent
him , w ith S ir A . N ico ls o n ’ s a p p rov a l, the a tta ch ed p riv a te le tte r .(16) I have receiv ed his reply,
w hich is also a n n e x e d ,(17) and he cam e to see m e, and said th a t the T urkish rep ly m ust not
be reg a rd ed as th eir final w ord , th ou g h I w as n ot successful in fin d in g ou t w here he th o u g h t
his G o v [e r n m e n ]t m ost likely to yield.
A . P.
A p ril 23, 1912.
See m in u tes inside.
„ R . P. M.
[10900] V
66
N o. 48 .
No. 49.
Djevad D ey to Mr. Parker.
E.O. 371/1484.
1 60 0 0 /2 6 4 /1 2 /4 4 .
Private. Im périal Ottoman Em bassy, London,
M on cher Mr. Parker, April 20, 1912.
Dès la réception de votre lettre j ’ ai fait tout mon possible pour vous voir, soit
au Foreign Office soit chez vous, mais on m ’ a fait dire que vous étiez à la campagne.
Je tenais surtout à vous voir pour tâcher de dissiper les alarmes exagérées que vous
avez à la lecture de notre aide-mémoire. J ’ espère toujours que dans la discussion
verbale entre l ’ Ambassadeur et Sir A. Nicolson on arrivera à s’ entendre.
67
Cependant je tiens à vous dire aussi que m oi-m êm e je viens d ’ être très surpris
d ’ entendre que le Foreign Office songerait maintenant à réduire notre quote-part
dans la partition des capitaux à 10% ! Vous savez parfaitement que le sacrifice qu ’on
a fait chez nous de renoncer à une part plus élevée et de se contenter d ’ une part
égale à celle des autres Puissances, est l ’ extrême concession que nous soyons en état
de faire ; j ’ ai donc bien peur que si la proposition est soulevée maintenant de la
réduire encore, cela ne mette sérieusement en danger la solution favorable d ’ une
question à laquelle j ’ attache personnellem ent, com m e vous le savez, la plus grande
importance et dont je suis un partisan convaincu.
Bien sincèrement à vous.
L e 20 Avril 1912. D JE V A D .
No. 50.
Joint M inute by Sir A . H irtzel and Mr. Parker on the Turkish G overnm en t’ s
Memorandum com m unicated on April 15, 1912. (*)
F.O. 371/1484.
16000/2G 4/12/44. Foreign Office, April 24, 1912.
1. B agdad B a il w a y .
with a share of 10 per cent, or 15 per cent, in the B agdad-B ussorah section, and he
appears to have discussed the subject with the Turkish Ambassador in L ondon. But
we are led to think that his impression is erroneous ; since the Turkish delegates
represented to us that Turkey, as the territorial Pow7er, was already making a great
concession in limiting her share to the same amount as that o f the other Powers
participating and Djévad B ey has since forcibly expressed the same view in writing.
Unless some via media can be found between the proposal of His M ajesty’ s
Governm ent for five Powers, and the Turkish proposal for four Powers, a deadlock
m ay be reached.
If, for political reasons, it is desired to retain Russian participation, His
M ajesty’ s Government might perhaps reply that they cannot agree to the distribution
suggested by Turkey (four Powers at 25 per cent, each) and that they therefore revert
to the proposal made last July o f 20 per cent, to each Power (Turkey, France,
Germ any, E ngland, and Russia), but that they would be willing to agree to the
President of the Company being a Turk. B y this arrangement of a Turkish President,
Turkey would be in a position nom inally superior to the foreign countries, and this
would make the agreement more acceptable to the Ottoman Parliament. But we
anticipate great reluctance on the part o f Turkey to any arrangement admitting
Russian participation.
W e have already expressed the view that the control to be exercised by the
Board -would be unusually circum scribed; but, such as it is, it will, in so far as it
is to serve British interests, be dependent upon the continued solidarity of the
E nten te Powers. The proposal made by His M ajesty’ s Government last July is based
upon the assumption that, during the whole period o f the concession— that is, for
99 years at least— the general policy of His M ajesty’ s Government and the Govern
ments of France and Russia will be such as to insure concerted action on the railway
B oard, and it presupposes that the Governments concerned will be able to control
the policy o f their financiers, which in the case of France at least is more than
doubtful. W e venture to suggest that it may in future prove inconvenient that our
interests should depend upon the co-operation of France and Russia on the Board,
since 'the necessity of insuring concerted action by the three Powers in Mesopotamia
m ay handicap British policy in other quarters.
Moreover, it must be remembered that Russian commercial interests are here
contrary to our own, since the value of this section to us— at all events for many
years to come— lies in the fact that it will enable us more easily to pour our goods
into W estern and Northern Persia where at present Russia is our only rival.
W e are accordingly far from being persuaded that it is in the interests of this
country to insist upon Russian participation in the Bagdad-Bussorah section; and
we venture to think that it would be better to provide for the Russian Government
by participation in the Khanikin branch, to which, on terms, the German Govern
m ent might assent, though the last-mentioned consideration applies to this course
also.
It must not be overlooked that Turkey is not altogether a free agent in regard
to the distribution o f capital, since the Bagdad Railwray Company has reserved the
right to a share equal to that obtained by any foreign country in the B agd ad -
Bussorah sections.
(b.) Proposed international convention providing for the exclusion o f differential rates
on any railways in Asiatic T u rk ey; for the alignment o f the railway south
of Bagdad, and the conditions under which it is to be con stru cted ; and for
guaranteeing that the interest in the enterprise o f the several parties
concerned shall be o f lasting duration and not subject to termination on the
expiry of the Bagdad Railway Com pany's concession.
No specific mention is made in the Turkish reply of the “ international conven
t io n ’ ’ which His M ajesty’ s Governm ent desire, but we understood from the Turkish
delegates that no objection would be raised to it.
69
With regard to the exclusion o f differential treatment, the Turkish Government
declare themselves ready to assure to British com m erce all facilities compatible with
the agreements already concluded by Turkey with the Bagdad Railway Company.
This limitation no doubt principally refers to the “ Cahier des C h a rges” or specifica
tion attached to the Bagdad Railway Convention of 1903, and there is some force
in the contention o f the Turkish Governm ent that their hands are tied so far as
concerns rates on the Bagdad Railway. The specification is composed o f technical
details, and it would be well to ask the Board o f Trade and Government of India to
cause an expert examination of the schedule o f rates to be m ade, so as to ascertain
whether they are of a nature to serve or to militate against British-Indian trade.
At first sight the Turkish reply on this point, the exclusion o f differential rates,
seems satisfactory.
Sir H . Babington-Sm ith has suggested that it is of great importance to provide
that the facilities and rates on the Khanikin branch shall be the same for goods
arriving from the Gulf as for those arriving from the Mediterranean. In this view
we entirely agree.
The Turkish Government are ready to meet His M ajesty’ s Governm ent in regard
to the alignment and the financial arrangements, subject to the arrangement o f details.
On the other hand, they say that they are not prepared to agree to the arrange
ment to be arrived at for the B agdad-B ussorah sections being o f lasting duration,
instead o f subject to termination on the expiry of the Bagdad Railway concession.
This is a point o f some im portance; and we d o not think His M ajesty’ s Governm ent
would be well advised to m odify the attitude they have taken up on this question.
In any case, if the principle of re-purchase b y the Turkish Government is admitted,
the exercise o f such a right should be made subject to an undertaking that the present
agreement in regard to the exclusion o f differential treatment should not be departed
from .(s)
(c.) Pecuniary indem nity to be paid to the Bagdad Railway Company in respect of
its renunciation of the right to construct the section of the railway betw een
Bagdad and the Persian Gulf.
The Turkish Governm ent say that this charge must be borne by the proposed
new com pany for the railway south o f Bagdad. It was always supposed that this
would be s o ; and we cannot well object. Indeed, Sir H . B abington-Sm ith has
pointed out that this is really Turkey’ s a ffa ir: Germany claims 2,0001, for each
kilometre abandoned by h e r ; and Sir H . Babington-Sm ith has suggested that Turkey
would do well to offer bonds o f the face value o f 2,000Z. in place of cash, especially
since the value of these bonds has fallen about 10 per cent, during the present war.
H is M ajesty’ s Government proposed, and Turkey agrees, that the best terminus
for the moment would be Bussorah.
But His M ajesty’ s Government further proposed that, in the event o f the railway
ever being prolonged to the Persian Gulf, it must be brought to Koweit under
conditions to be settled by agreement between Great Britain and Turkey alone, and
(5) [Notes by Sir A. Hirtzel and Mr. Alwyn P ark er: “ I understood them to say that if
the Bagdad Railway Concession were extended, the other should be extended also. Could we
not compromise on th a t?— A. H . I agree.— A. P .” ]
70
that a clause to this effect must be inserted now in a convention dealing with these
matters.
Turkey replies that there is no present cause for contem plating a continuation of
the railway beyond Bussorah, but that, nevertheless, the Turkish Government are
prepared to give to His M ajesty’ s Governm ent all assurances necessary to disperse any
anxieties which may be felt concerning the continuation in question.
H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent have every reason to insist upon a settlement of this
question now, when they are negotiating for a general settlement, and possess the
powerful lever of the customs increase.
The Turkish delegates have represented that Turkey could not agree to the
terminus of this Turkish line being under the control of either an Arab Sheikh or a
foreign Power.
The Turkish point of view is in telligib le; and it was partly owing to the difficulty
o f finding a satisfactory solution otherwise that His M ajesty’ s Governm ent suggested
that the railway should stop at Bussorah. W e think therefore that H is M ajesty’ s
Government should maintain the view, in which the Turkish Governm ent acquiesce,
that the principal terminus should be at Bussorah, and that the prolongation to the
G ulf should m erely be regarded as a branch. But there is some danger that the
Turkish Government might, if they could not secure arrangements satisfactory to
them at Koweit, bring the Gulf branch to Um Kasr or elsewhere, and that the
Sheikh of Koweit m ight deplore such a development. The Sheikh seemed gratified
in 1907 when His M ajesty’ s Governm ent concluded the lease of the foreshore,(6) as he
interpreted the transaction as a clear indication that the terminus of the Bagdad
Piailway would be at Koweit, and consequently that the com m ercial wealth of the port
would be increased. But we would not attach too great weight to this consideration
provided that the Sheikh’ s position is secured.
W e accordingly think it important that the Turkish Governm ent should be
induced to bind themselves to bring the branch from Bussorah to the Gulf, if and
when constructed, to Koweit under conditions to be settled at the time between
Turkey and Great B rita in ; but that the position of Bussorah, as the real terminus,
should he emphasised, and that the continuation to Koweit should be characterised as
a branch line in the further negotiations with Turkey.
(f.) Proposed construction and control of the port at Bussorah by the new railway
com pany in the interests o f the unrestricted com m erce of all nations.
Turkey ignores, in her reply, the question of the construction and control o f the
term inal port at Bussorah.
The Turkish delegates did, however, intimate to us verbally that Turkey would
agree to the construction of the port at Bussorah by the new com pany. They did not
m ention con trol; and probably such measures as police control would have to remain,
as at present, in Turkish hands. But it is desirable that control of the port should be
entrusted to the proposed riverain commission.
2 .— P o l i t i c a l an d T e r r it o r ia l Q u e s t io n s .
form ally ren ou n ced ; and they represented that such a surrender would be particularly
difficult to justify at a time when public opinion is smarting under the loss of Tripoli.
They therefore urged that British interests m ight be reconciled with a consolidation
of Turkish dom inion in El K a tr; but from this view the British Resident in the
Persian Gulf and the Governm ent of India em phatically dissent.
It appears to us that there is nothing in the Turkish agreement that would justify
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent in abandoning one iota o f the claims advanced in the
memorandum of July 1911, seeing that an important object, in embarking on a
settlement of Gulf questions was to eliminate the Turks from the peninsula.
W e consider that H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent should protest energetically against
the Turkish attempt to whittle away the assurances (see Annexe I) given by the
Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs to H er M ajesty’ s Ambassador at Constantinople,
and repeatedly given, to the effect that Turkey did not entertain any intention of
obtaining the supremacy over Bahrein, Muscat, and the independent tribes on the
coast of the Persian G u lf; though Turkey did (in the person of Midhat Pasha) argue
that there were no independent tribes in Nedjd.
(b.) Bahrein.
The Turkish reply on this point is, we think, fairly satisfactory. W e understood
from the Turkish delegates that Turkey is prepared to agree to Bahreinis having
British Consular protection in Turkey, but not rights under the Capitulations, and
this appears a reasonable attitude.
According to the Turkish delegates this isle is connected at low tide with the
mainland. It is however opposite a portion of the mainland which is south o f Ojeir,
the most southerly limit to which His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have ever recognised
Turkish influence, and this attempt to establish themselves on the island seems to
date only from 1909.
(d.) K oweit.
The Turkish reply evades a direct answer to much that was written in the British
memorandum of July 1911.
W e consider that no useful purpose would be served by entering into a controversy
as to past history, and that it would be expedient to reply to the Turkish Governm ent
that, while H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent cannot accept or admit the justice of the
Turkish contentions, they would be glad to learn whether the Turkish Governm ent are
prepared to accept the settlement suggested by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent last July,
in the following paragraph :—
British trade relations with the Sheikhs of Koweit have existed for upwards of
two centuries and, inasmuch as the place has attracted merchants from all quarters
by the equity o f its rule and the freedom of its trade, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent could
not consent to any interference with the succession or with the internal administra
tion, or to any infringem ent of the complete autonom y o f the Sheikh. On the other
hand, they are prepared to recognise Turkish suzerainty over Koweit, and to
recognise the Sheikh as a Turkish Kaimakam, provided in other respects the status
quo is guaranteed, and the validity of certain agreements which the Sheikh has
concluded with the British Governm ent is recognised; provided the islands of Warba
and Bubian are admitted by Turkey to be within the confines of Koweit, and Turkish
military posts are withdrawn; and provided finally the Sheikh is admitted to the full
and undisturbed enjoym ent of any properties he may own or hereafter purchase on
Turkish territory. Koweit would thus form a sort o f enclave within, and form ing part
of, the Ottoman Em pire, but enjoying com plete self-governm ent under Turkish
suzerainty.
72
Turkey desires to carry this out join tly with Great Britain. It is evident from
this proposal, and from the proposal that they should consolidate themselves on
E l Katr, as well as from the general attitude of the Turkish delegates, that what the
Turks are aiming at is, under the proposed settlement, not only to secure what they
already possess on sufferance, but also to obtain a footing which they have never had
before. Now whatever m ay be said from the point of view of law, history, or policy,
for the former aim, there is clearly no justification for the latter, and H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent, whose whole object is to get the Turks, as far as possible, out of the Gulf,
can clearly, in no circumstances, acquiesce in it. W e submit that this should be made
quite plain, and it might be well to rem ind the Turks of Lord Lansdowne’ s statement
78
in the House of Lords on the 5th May, 1908, that “ we should regard the establish
ment of a naval base, or of a fortified port, in the Persian Gulf, by any other Power
as a very grave menace to British interests, and we should certainly resist it with all
the means at our disposal. ” ( 8)
The next step would seem to act as suggested under (d) on p. 3 8.(9)
A. H I R T Z E L .
A LW Y N P A R K E R .
April 24, 1912.
(8) [v. P a ri. D eb ., 4th S er., Vol. 121, p. 1348. cp. G ooch & T em p erley, Vol. IV , p. 371,
No. 32 1; p. 454, No. 41 0; p. 478, No. 429. cp. also supra, pp. 5 -6 , No. 1.]
(9) [v. supra, pp. 71-2, section headed “ Kow eit.” ]
No. 51.
“ British trade relations with the Sheikhs of Koweit have existed for upwards
o f two centuries and, inasmuch as the place has attracted merchants from all
quarters by the equity o f its rule and the freedom o f its trade, (i) H[is]|
M [a je sty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] could not consent to any interference with the
succession or with the internal administration, or any infringem ent o f the
complete autonom y o f the Sheikh, (ii) On the other hand, they are prepared
to recognise Turkish suzerainty over Kow eit, and to recognise the Sheikh as a
Turkish kaimakam, (iii) provided in other respects the status quo is guaranteed,
(iv) and the validity o f certain agreements which the Sheikh has concluded with
the British G ov [ern m en ]t is recognised; . . . . (v) and provided finally the
Sheikh is admitted to the full and undisturbed enjoym ent o f any properties he
may own or hereafter purchase on Turkish territory, (vi) Koweit would thus
form a sort of enclave within, and form ing part of, the Ottoman E m pire, but
enjoying complete self-Governm ent under Turkish suzerainty.”
H [is ] M [a je sty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] would be glad to have an explicit reply with
regard to each o f the propositions enumerated above.
There is another question which has recently caused some concern to H [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G [o v e rn m e n t], viz ., that o f the frontier between Turkey and Persia in
the region o f M oham m erah. W hen H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overnm ent] addressed their
0 ) /C opies of this communication were sent to the India Office; to the Director of Military
Operations; to the Committee of Imperial Defence. It is minuted by Mr. Parker: —
“ I have drawn up this memorandum with Sir A. Hirtzel. A. P .” ]
(2) [v . supra, pp. 59-65, No. 47.]
74
memorandum of last July to the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t that question had been dormant
for 60 years, and H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] had no desire to raise it. But
from the attitude o f the Turkish frontier Commissioners at Constantinople they are
led to apprehend that the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t may contemplate advancing claims
which would inevitably re-act unfavourably upon the adjustment of the respective
interests of Great Britain and Turkey in the region o f the Persian G ulf, in view of
the close relations existing between H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overnm ent] and the Sheikh
of M ohammerah.
E . G [B E Y .]
No. 52.
N o. 53.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir E . G osch en J 1)
F.O. 371/1485.
2 7 4 8 6 /2 6 4 /1 2 /4 4 .
(No. 154.)
Sir, F oreign Office, June 25, 1912.
In the course of conversation with the German Ambassador to-d a y ,(2) I said
that I was sure he knew more about the Bagdad Railway than I d id ; but I should
like to tell him how matters stood, so that I might be certain that m y version of
some points was correct.
The Turkish Governm ent claimed that, as the concession beyond Bagdad had
been given back to them by Germ any in return for the Alexandretta concession, they
were entitled to negotiate about it ; and they desired that, while we negotiated with
them, we should not negotiate with anyone else. On this footing we were negotia tin g;
but I understood that Germany, though relinquishing to Turkey the concession beyond
Bagdad, had reserved the right to an equal participation with any other individual
foreign capital.
The Ambassador said that the correct way o f expressing the situation was that
the Bagdad Railway Company had agreed to transfer the concession beyond Bagdad
to another Company, but German participation must be as great as that o f any
other capital except Turkish, and some indem nity was to be allowed to the Bagdad
R [a ilw a ]y C o[m p a n y] for more difficult portions o f the lin e ; but he did not disagree
that, in substance, the Turkish Governm ent wrere entitled to negotiate as they were
doing. He added that he understood the Turks now proposed that the Railway
should stop at Basra.
I said that, as far as that point was concerned, we would acquiesce.
The Ambassador then dwelt upon the Turkish objections toRussian capital,and
said that they were natural, as Turkey suspected a political motive in everything
which Russia did.
I replied that we were aware o f these objections, and the question o f participation
was not arranged. I proposed to continue negotiating with the Turks alone, as they
desired; but, if participation was arranged for the Railway, the matter would then
of course have to be discussed with Germ any, and in any case I would tell him if
the negotiations broke down and came to nothing, or what the final result was.
The Ambassador expressed satisfaction at this.
For the rest, I said that what we desired was to be sure o f a “ status q u o ” in
the Gulf that would not be disturbed.
He observed that we already had an agreement with Turkey as to the preservation
of the “ status q u o ” in Koweit, but no doubt there was always discussion as to what
the “ status q u o ” was. He dwelt upon the impossibility o f there being any
differential duties without requiring certificates o f origin.
I said that it was feared that rates might be high on goods in which we were
specially interested, and low on goods in which Germany was interested.
The Ambassador replied that this would be impossible under any ‘ ‘ cahier des
charges.”
Finally, I said that the “ crux ” o f the whole matter was the 4 per cent, increase
of Turkish Customs Dues. W e could not agree to this -without being able to satisfy
Parliament that the “ status q u o ” in the Persian Gulf was secure; that it -was
settled where the Bagdad Railway was to end, and on what conditions; and that
there would be no differential rates.
0 ) [This despatch is endorsed as having been sent to the K ing and to the Cabinet.]
(2) [A further account of this conversation is given in Sir Edward Grev’s despatch to
Sir E. Goschen (No. 158) of June 25, 1912. v. G ooch & T em p erley, Vol. V I, pp. 757-8, No. 591.
For Baron von Marschall’ s report, v. G .P., X X X I , pp. 340-1.]
76
The Ambassador took no exception to any o f the points raised. In the course
o f the conversation he observed that he had always said that the Bagdad Railway
could not be carried to the Gulf without agreement with us, and that this view had
been more readily accepted at Constantinople than in Berlin.
[ I am, &c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 54.
No. 55.
Z1) [This document is endorsed as having been sent to the K ing and to the Cabinet on
July 27. It was sent to Constantinople (as No. 324) for communication to the Russian .
Ambassador. Copies were sent to the Director of Military Operations; to the India Office.]
(2) [ v . supra, pp. 59-65, No. 47.]
77
Secondly, as the Turkish Governm ent are aware, certain rights are secured to
Persia under the Treaty of Erzeroum (1847), (3) and the geographical position of
Mohammera is such that the Sheikh cannot fail to be brought into contact with the
Riverain Com m ission; and unless provision is made for these facts there is a risk of
the friction arising which it is the object of the two Governments to avoid. There
would have been m uch to be said for an international Riverain Commission on which
Persia, equally with Great Britain and Turkey, should be represented. But as H is
M ajesty’ s Governm ent, appreciating the objections entertained by the Porte, have not
pressed for this, it is necessary to provide in some other way for the representation
of Persia in such matters as m ay touch her rights whether under the treaty of
Erzeroum or under this new agreement. His M ajesty’ s Government therefore propose
that the Commissioner who is a British subject should be charged with the duty of
making to the Commission such representations as may at any time be necessary upon
any question affecting those rights, and they will be willing to use their good offices
with the Persian Governm ent and the Sheikh of Mohammera to induce them to agree
to this arrangement.
These two points com e perhaps outside the scope o f the matters dealt with in the
Memorandum which are confined to subjects o f negotiation between Great Britain and
Turkey alone— but H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent attach great importance to them and
trust that they will receive the favourable consideration of the Im perial Ottoman
Government.
[ I have, Ac.
E. G R E Y .]
M em orandum .(*)
1. H is M ajesty’ s Government have not failed to examine with much care and
attention the important proposals which are em bodied in the memorandum com m uni
cated by the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent on the 15th April last.
2. Throughout their deliberations, H is M ajesty’ s Government have been
animated by the conviction that a com plete agreement on outstanding questions is
eminently to he desired in the larger interests of both countries. They are persuaded
that such an agreement, to be justly appreciated, should be viewed not only in the
measure of sacrifice or advantage which each individual clause m ay im ply, but also in
its cumulative and future effects upon A nglo-Turkish relations in general. H is
Majesty’ s Governm ent therefore desire to lay before the Ottoman Governm ent the
following proposals and considerations:—
4. The interest which Great Britain must take in a railway which is to traverse
a region where British-Indian trade amounts to some 60 per cent, of the total exports
and imports is indeed so obvious as to call for little comment. H is M ajesty’ s
(ii.) The respective interests of Great Britain and Turkey in the region of the
Persian Gulf.
7. His M ajesty’ s Governm ent note with satisfaction that the Turkish Govern
m ent renounce their claims to Bahrein on conditions which there should be no
difficulty in accepting, but they have learnt with disappointment the attitude of the
Im perial Ottoman Government in regard to El Katr and Kowre i t ; nevertheless they
do not doubt that the Ottoman Governm ent will appreciate the important sacrifice
made by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent in the matter of British participation in the
Bagdad Railway, and that they will meet that sacrifice by a corresponding modification
o f the views set forth in the Turkish memorandum of the 15th April.
8. His M ajesty’ s Governm ent must in the first instance protest against the
contention that there is a misunderstanding with regard to the assurance given, and
repeatedly given, to Her M ajesty’ s Ambassador at Constantinople, to the effect that
Turkey did not entertain any intention of obtaining the supremacy over Bahrein,
Muscat, or the independent tribes on the coast of the Persian Gulf.
79
9. The original despatches, duly signed and dated, in which these assurances
were reported, have been carefully preserved in the archives of the Foreign Office, and
they can readily be produced for the inspection of the Turkish Embassy.
10. His M ajesty’ s Government maintain that prior to Midhat Pasha’ s expedition Annex 4
there were on the Arabian coast no sym bols of Turkish authority, no Turkish
jurisdiction or occupation, effective or ineffective. And while they are now prepared
to recognise Turkish sovereignty between the southernmost limits o f Koweit (as
hereinafter defined) and Ojeir, they are unable to admit that any of the arguments»
adduced in the Turkish memorandum in any way invalidates the statement that south
of Ojeir, in the district of E l Katif, there is no trace of Turkish power ever having
been param ou nt; and they are fully persuaded that El Katr has never been locally
regarded as form ing part of, or indeed as being subject to the influence of, the
Ottoman Empire.
For themselves, relying no less on the obvious facts than on the Turkish
assurances mentioned above, they have never so regarded it, and they have repeatedly
informed the Sublime Porte accordingly.
11. His M ajesty’ s Government can only reiterate their opinion that any lasting
settlement between the two Powers must provide for the definite renunciation by the
Ottoman E m pire of the whole of the peninsula of E l Katr, including El Bidaa. They
have consistently opposed any consolidation of Turkish authority, which first attempted
to assert itself so recently as 1870, and they are bound to continue that opposition.
12. The Turkish memorandum o f the 15th April does not afford H is M ajesty’ s
Government all the inform ation which they consider essential to a due appreciation
of the attitude of the Turkish Governm ent respecting Koweit. His M ajesty’ s
Government are concerned to ensure the continuance o f the local governm ent of the
Sheikh of Koweit, as defined in their m emorandum of the 29th July, 1911. Further,
His M ajesty’ s Government would be fully prepared to recognise Turkish suzerainty
over Koweit and indeed to recognise the Sheikh as a Turkish kaimakam, but they
attach cardinal importance to the islands of Warba and Bubiyan being admitted by
Turkey to be within the confines of Koweit, to the withdrawal of the Turkish military
post from Bubiyan, and to a recognition of the limits of Koweit in accordance with
the indications contained in the accom panying memorandum. ^Annex"?“™
13. H is M ajesty’ s Government regret that they would consider the introduction
of divided responsibility for maritime police measures altogether incom patible with
the principles and successful accom plishm ent of their policy in the Persian Gulf.
This policy consists in the maintenance of the maritime peace, and has been
successfully pursued, to the advantage of all concerned, for a century. To m odify the
system in these circumstances would be alike unnecessary and unjustifiable.
14. Indeed His M ajesty’ s Governm ent would go further. They consider that
they have acquired by prescription not m erely the right but the duty to maintain
peace in the Persian G u lf; they have always been opposed to any proposal to trench
upon their prerogative; and it was this attitude which led to the declaration made by
the Marquess o f Lansdowne in the House o f Lords on the 5th May, 1903, that “ His
M ajesty’ s Government would regard the establishment of a naval base, or of a fortified
port, in the Persian Gulf by any other Power as a very grave m enace to British
interests, and they should certainly resist it with all the means at their disposal.” (5)
H is M ajesty’ s Government must therefore ask the Turkish Governm ent to
recognise in the Persian Gulf the right of Great Britain— (a.) To control surveying,
lighting, buoying, and pilotage; (b.) To police its waters; and (c.) To conduct all
quarantine arrangements.
15. In submitting these final proposals for the acceptance o f the Turkish
Government, H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent are not seeking territorial aggrandisement,
nor are they embarking upon any new developments of policy. Their desire is simply
to secure the recognition and to ensure the continuance of an order of things which,
A nnex 1.
A nnex 2.
Draft Articles for a Convention betw een the British and Ottoman Governm ents in
respect of Railways in Asiatic Turkey.
A r t ic l e 1.
The word ‘ ‘ traffic ’ ’ in this and the follow ing articles shall apply to passengers
and their luggage, goods, animals, and things conveyed on the railways, and carriages,
waggons, and other vehicles adapted for running on the railways.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
All reasonable facilities shall be provided by the said railways for the inter
change of traffic; and each railway shall afford all due and reasonable facilities and
accom m odation for exchanging, receiving, forwarding, and delivering such traffic
without any unreasonable delay.
A r t ic l e 4.
A r t ic l e 5.
A r t ic l e 6.
A nnex 3.
Draft Convention for the Establishm ent of a Shatt-el-Arab Navigation Comm ission.
The Government o f His Britannic M ajesty and the Government of His Im perial
Majesty the Sultan o f Turkey, being desirous on account o f the magnitude of their
interests in the trade on the Shatt-el-Arab to im prove the navigation of that river,
[10900] G
82
and to diminish the risks to which com m erce thereon is exposed, have agreed as
fo llo w s :—
1. The navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab shall remain open to the ships of all
nations.
2. The Im perial Ottoman Governm ent will establish a Commission in which
shall be vested the control of the Shatt-el-Arab from Kurna to the sea.
8. The Commission shall consist of two members only, to be appointed by the
Im perial Ottoman Governm ent. One of these two members shall be of British
n a t i o n a l i t y , and shall be selected from candidates suggested by the Government of
His Britannic Majesty.
4. Each of the Commissioners shall receive annually a salary of ¿£T. 2,000 free
of all deductions. These salaries shall be paid by the Commission.
5. The Commission shall appoint such officers and em ployes as may be
necessary, but the Chief E ngineer and the Surveyor shall be of British nationality.
The salaries of such officers and em ployes shall be fixed and paid b y the Commission.
6. The Commission shall be charged with the following duties :—
(a.) The execution of such works as may be necessary for the improvement of
the channel o f the river and of the approaches thereto on the seaward
side.
( b.) The maintenance of the channel of the river free from obstructions of all
sorts, so as to keep it in the best possible state for navigation.
(c.) The preparation, issue, and enforcement of regulations for the navigation
of the river and for the policing of the river and the land and buildings
held by the Commission.
(d.) The control of pilotage.
(e.) The buoying and lighting of the channel, and the maintenance and control
of the lights and buoys in the approaches to the river specified in the
Schedule to this Convention.
(/.) The supervision, so far as may be necessary for carrying out the purposes
of this convention, and subject to the treaty rights of foreign Powers, of
the wharves, quays, docks, and jetties belonging to private persons in
or on the hanks o f the river, and the provision of such additional
accommodation and facilities as the Commission may deem necessary.
7. The Imperial Ottoman Government undertakes to facilitate the acquisition
b;y the Commission of such land as the Commission shall consider necessary to enable
it to carry out effectually the duties assigned to it. The cost of such land shall be
paid by the Commission.
In cases where land to which fishing rights are attached is required by the
Commission, no unnecessary interference with such fishing rights shall take place.
8. No dues, taxes, or charges shall be levied either by the Porte or by the
Commission on ships or goods on the Shatt-el-Arab based on the mere fact of
navigation.
9. The Commission shall have the sole right to levy any dues or charges that
m ay be found necessary to cover the expenses o f works undertaken and services
maintained by it. In the event o f such dues being found necessary they shall not
exceed the amount reasonably required for the above purposes, including the
administration o f the Commission, and their produce shall be exclusively applied
thereto, any surplus being devoted to the reduction o f dues. In no case shall the
rate of dues exceed 1 fr. per net registered ton of shipping.
10. A ny dues or charges levied by the Commission shall be levied impartially
and equitably in respect of all vessels, whatever be the places from or to which they
arrive or depart, or the nations or persons to which the vessels or their cargoes
belong. Similarly there shall be no differentiation in the matter o f facilities between
vessels or goods of different nations or persons, or between vessels arriving from
or departing to different places.
88
K ow eit.
His M ajesty’ s Government consider the frontier on the north to be a line
running from Khor-as-Sabiyah so as to pass im m ediately south of Umm Qasr and
Safwam to Jabal Sanan and thence to the Batin. On the south his [s ic ] boundary is
considered to run eastwards from Jabal Manifah on the coast to the Na’ airiyah hill
at the north-western corner of Radaif. On the west the Shaikhdom is bounded
between Jabal Sanam and H afar by the B atin, and south of H afar the border is the
line dividing Summan from Dahanah as far south as the point where that line is
intersected by the route from W abrah to R iyadh.
Districts and Islands.— The Shaikhdom, considered from the physical point of
view, falls naturally into two parts, one to the north and the other to the south o f
a line joining Koweit town and R iq a ’ i. In the northern block lie the districts or
tracts of Batin, Shiqqaq, Batih, U m m -al-Khilan, Yah, Qira-al-Marru, Zaqlah, and
Zor. The southern block comprises the three great divisions of Summan, Dibdibah,
[10900] G 2
84
and (Jmin Janaib; and the last, which lies along the coast to the 60uth o f Koweit
B ay, is further subdivided into districts named Shaqq, Qra’ ab Adan, Salu, Hazaim ,
and Sudah.
The maritime possessions of Koweit consist o f the islands o f Bubiyan, W arba,
and Failakah, which, with its northern and southern outliers o f Mashjan and ’ Auhah,
is situated at the mouth of Koweit B ay, and o f the islets o f Kubbar, Qaru and Umm-
al-M aradim.
A map is enclosed showing the limits of Kow eit.(6)
A nnex 5.
(®) [N ot reproduced]
85
inhabitants who could speak with long experience in regard to the territorial status
quo. The view universally expressed as to the frontier was as follows :—
1. That whatever is the western boundary o f the Hawizeh is, ipso facto, the
frontier of P ersia; in other words, that the Hawizeh district is included within the
confines of Persia.
2. That the “ Hawizeh d istrict” comprises those lands which are regularly
occupied and cultivated by tribes belonging to it, and paying revenue to Persia.
3. That, on the above premises, the boundary locally recognised is that shown
by a green line on map No. 1. It will be noticed that the line (which is form ed by
the edge of the marsh, and is thus a natural frontier), after crossing the G hor-el-Azem ,
eventually cuts the main channel of the marsh just west of S hu’ aib, continues in a
southerly direction until it reaches a point due west of Kuskh-i-Basri, whence it breaks
back to that place, and then proceeds direct to the Shatt-el-Arab at D i’ aiji. The
reason why Kuskh-i-Basri is recognised as an angle of the boundary is referable to
the existence o f a winter lake of rain water at Y afair; the limit of cultivation and
occupation by tribesmen under Hawizeh in this direction is regulated by the distance
from their water supply (Yafair), at which they can safely dwell and keep their flocks,
and this limit is considered to be reached at Kuskh-i-Basri, where the ruins o f an
extensive building of great age form a convenient landmark.
From the point where the locally observed frontier leaves the Khaiyin Canal
and, opposite the Nahr Nazaileh, enters the main channel of the Shatt-el-Arab, it
follows the medium filum aquae of the Shatt-el-Arab down to the Persian Gulf. (See
maps Nos. 8 and 4.)
This line of demarcation is in accordance with the general presumption that,
where a navigable river forms the boundary of conterminous States, the middle of
the channel or ‘ ‘ thalweg ’ ’ is the actual line o f separation between those two States.
Such a presumption may, however, be swept away, either b y proof of prior
occupancy and long undisturbed possession on the part of one of the two States, or
by express treaty stipulation.
The records of the past 800 years, as contained in the official archives of the East
India Company and of H is M ajesty’ s Government, are far from supporting any claim
on the part o f Turkey to “ prior occupancy and long undisturbed possession ” of the
S hatt-el-Arab; while no express stipulation is contained in the Treaty of Erzeroum
(1847) as to the ownership of the river.
If, therefore, H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent had strict regard either to purely local
considerations or to the letter of the treaties, they would not hesitate to press for the
frontier as locally recognised along its whole length from Hawizeh to the Persian
Gulf. But they prefer to look at the negotiations in which they are now engaged as a
whole, and are sincerely anxious to arrive at an arrangement which both parties can
accept ex animo, and which, by rem oving all points of grievance and friction not only
between themselves, but also between the Sublime Porte and the Sheikh of
Mohammerah, will place the relations of all concerned on a thoroughly satisfactory
footing. Provided, therefore, the Turkish Governm ent will accept the frontier status
quo as already indicated from the neighbourhood of Hawizeh to the point where the
K haiyin Canal and the Nahr Nazaileh enter the Shatt-el-Arab, then H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent are prepared to use their influence with the Persian Government and
the Sheikh of Mohammerah to induce them to recognise Turkish sovereignty over the
whole waterway of the Shatt-el-Arab, subject to the following conditions :—
(i.) The following islands to be recognised as within the territorial limits of
Persia :—
(a.) Muhalleh and its adjunct Bahriyeh, the four islands situated between Shatait
and M a’ awiyeh, and the two islands off Manquhi. These islands are in fact parts of
the island of Abadan, and must be so regarded.
(b.) A ny islands now in existence, or which m ay hereafter be form ed, and which
m ay be connected at low water either with Abadan Island or with the Persian bank
below the Nahr Nazaileh.
(ii.) The arrangements proposed by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent for maintaining
full freedom of navigation on the river, and for its conservancy, to be accepted by the
Ottoman Government.
(iii.) The m odern port and anchorage of Mohammerah, which is in the main
stream of the Shatt-el-Arab above and below its junction with the Karun, to be
recognised as within Persian jurisdiction. (See Map No. 2.)
(iv.) No interference to take place with existing fishing rights and usages on or
from the Persian bank of the Shatt-el-Arab, that phrase being understood to comprise
all land on the left bank of the Shatt-el-Arab or on the Persian islands therein which
is uncovered at normal low tide.
(v.) Turkish jurisdiction not to extend to land on the Persian bank, defined as
above, which is only temporarily covered with water in time of flood or from any
accidental cause, and Persian jurisdiction not to extend to land which is temporarily
or accidentally uncovered below norm al low-water mark.
(vi.) The Sheikh of Mohammerah to continue in full enjoym ent of his existing
proprietary rights in lands situated in Turkish territory.
87
No. 56.
[E D . N O T E .— On September 13, 1912, the Russian cha rgé d ’ a ffaires at London telegraphed
to M. Sazonov that Sir Edward Grey considered the construction of the branch line B agd ad-
I Khanekin “ opposed to Germany’ s interests and would be of advantage only to England, as
| this country would then gain control of the entire trade over the Persian Gulf. Grey,
therefore, doubts that the Southern branch line will be finished by 1916, unless Khanekin be
connected with the main line already constructed.” v. S ieb er t, p. 661.]
No. 57.
No. 58.
(*) [Copies of this despatch were sent to the A d m iralty; to the Director of Military
Operations; to the Board of Trade.]
(2) [Sir Edward Grey’s despatch (No. 558) to Sir G. Lowther of December 10, 1912, is not
reproduced. It forwarded a copy of a letter from the India Office to the Foreign Office, dated
November 23, 1912, suggesting that the time had come to press for a reply to the Memorandum
handed to Tewfik Pasha on July 18, 1912. (F.O. 371/1494. 5 0 1 8 9/16 79 9/12 /4 4.)]
(3) [v . s-upra, pp. 77-86, No. 55, en cl.]
89
thought it as well to approach the Minister for Foreign Affairs in a private and
unofficial manner.
I asked H is E xcellency whether he could tell me whether the present Governm ent
had considered the matter and whether an answer could be expected shortly. His
E xcellency replied that he him self had examined the memorandum in a general
manner, though not in great detail, but that the Cabinet had not had time to do so.
He and the other members of the Cabinet were sincerely desirous of settling all
outstanding points of difference that existed with His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, and once
the serious questions, like the Balkan war, &c., which preoccupied the Governm ent,
were disposed o f, he would be prepared to examine the matter and reply to H is
M ajesty’ s Governm ent.
It does not appear to me that we can further press the Governm ent at this
m oment, but if the present Government remains in power after the conclusion of
peace or if it should be followed by one of moderate views, the Turkish Governm ent
should be pressed for a reply.
I have, &c.
GEBABD LOW TH EE.
M IN U T E .
Q [uer]y copy to I[n d ia] 0[ffice], saying that Sir E. Grey thinks that no action can usefully
be taken until the Turkish Gov[ernm en]t renew their demand for the customs increase, which,
he is given to understand, is likely to occur at no distant date.(4)
A. P.
Dec [ember] 30, 1912.
It. P . M .
L . M.
A . N.
E. G.
(4) [This was done in Sir Edward Grey’ s letter to the India Office, of January 3, 1913.
(F.O. 371/1494. 55 37 4/1 6 7 9 9 /1 2 /4 4 .)]
C H A P TE R XCII.
TH E B A G D A D R A IL W A Y . N EG O TIA TIO N S W IT H
HAKKI P A SH A , F E B R U A R Y T O JULY 2 9, 1913.
No. 59.
No. 60.
Resident at that place in 1823. In this letter he stated, inter alia, that “ no tax
except one previously well defined and arranged should be levied on boats the property
of British subjects and protégés, such, for instance, as pass betw een Bussorah and
Bagdad he also stated that their boats should not be seized for the public service.
5. That in 1816 an agreement was concluded between the British Ambassador
(Sir Stratford Canning) and the Porte whereby the tim e-honoured right o f British
vessels to navigate the Mesopotamian rivers was explicitly and form ally recogn ised ^ 1)
It is quite evident, and, indeed, altogether beyond dispute, from the precise and
categorical reports furnished by Sir Stratford Canning on the conclusion o f this
agreement, that both his E xcellency and the Sublime Porte regarded at the time the
f agreement o f 1816 as a definite and perm anent settlement of the conditions under
which British merchant-ships, without limitation as to numbers, m ight navigate the
Tigris and Euphrates as far as they could find water.
It is equally evident that the agreement was the recognition of a right which
British ships, in distinction to ships of any other nation, had in practice enjoyed, with
short intermission, for well nigh two centuries ; that, moreover, they had acquired this
. right partly in consequence of the great and necessary services rendered during a long
series of years by British agency in the m aintenance of security in those regions.
Sir Stratford Canning gave the purport of the agreement of 1846 as follows :—
“ That, whereas British-owned boats had for m any years carried on the internal
! trade on the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates under the British flag and without paym ent
of dues, they should in future pay the same dues as the native-owned boats engaged
in the same trade.”
The agreement was based upon a memorandum com m unicated by Sir S. Canning
\ to the Porte, which clearly laid down the terms on which he claimed that British
vessels should navigate the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, whether engaged in the
I external or internal trade.
The memorandum was submitted by the Turkish Governm ent to the Grand
Douanier who, in a report which was com m unicated by the Grand V izier to
I Sir S. Canning, recapitulated and explained the m emorandum in terms agreeing with
' the views expressed by Sir S. Canning in his despatch. These two docum ents were
. embodied in the vizierial letter which received the sanction of His Im perial M ajesty
' the Sidtan, and was accepted by Sir S. Canning, thus constituting an agreem ent of a
binding and form al nature.
These three documents are included in an appendix, which is annexed hereto for
convenience o f reference.
There can be no doubt as to the interpretation of these documents, for they were
subsequently twice submitted to expert legal investigation of a most searching
character, with the result that the conclusions arrived at by Sir Stratford Canning in
1846 were unreservedly confirmed.
The foregoing summary clearly shows that His M ajesty’ s Governm ent would be
justified, both on historical and legal grounds, in claiming for British vessels unlim ited
rights of navigation on the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates. They feel confident,
therefore, that the Turkish Governm ent will not fail to recognise the extreme
I moderation which characterised their recent proposal that the number o f British
merchant-vessels navigating those rivers should be perm anently limited to six, a
proposal which was put forward without prejudice, but with the desire to effect a final
settlement based on a com prom ise.
Foreign Office, February 26, 1913.
0 ) [Sir Stratford Canning’ s reports on this subject are contained in his despatches (No. 45),
D. March 18, R. April 1, 1846 (F.O. 78 /638), and (No. 53), D. April 4, R April 24, 1846
(F.O. 78/639). The latter enclosed the text of the Vizierial letter printed as No. 3 in the
immediately succeeding Ed. N o t e .]
92
[E D . N O T E .— The following documents form the appendix to the communication printed
as an enclosure to the immediately preceding document (F.O. 9 4 3 2 /4 9 3 0 /1 3 /4 4 ): —
No. 1.
1. British vessels coming from sea and passing the Straits to go back to sea shall navigate
under their own flag; they shall pay 5 per cent, of custom duty for the goods they shall have
imported and 12 per cent, on goods they shall export from Turkey, and nothing else.
2. English vessels built in places under the British dominion, and having to stay in order
to navigate the two aforesaid rivers, shall navigate under their own flag, and, when busy in
carrying from one place to another goods, the produce of Turkey, for their consumption in
the country, they shall pay the same duties as the vessels of the country.
3. Vessels and caiques built in the country and become the property of British merchants
shall navigate under the Ottoman flag, and pay the same duties which are paid by other
vessels and caiques of the country.
No. 2.
(Traduction.)
R a p p o r t du G rand D o u a n ier sur la N a v ig a tio n su r le T ig re e t l’ E u p h ra te, ad ressé à son
A ltes se le G rand V izir, e t com m u n iqu é p a r R éch id P a ch a à son E x c ellen ce S ir S tra tfo r d
C a nning, le 24 fé v r ie r , 1846.
J ’ai respectueusement reçu la lettre que votre Altesse m ’ a fait l ’honneur de m ’ adresser
pour me transmettre une dépêche du Pacha de Bagdad, ainsi qu’ un mémorandum qui a été
présenté par son Excellence l’ Ambassadeur d ’Angleterre, relativement aux droits que payent
les bâtiments et les bateaux qui naviguent sur le Tigre et l’Euphrate et pour m ’ ordonner de
faire un rapport là-dessus.
J ’ ai parfaitement saisi le sens de vos ordres et dûment considéré les pièces y incluses.
Il est exposé dans le mémorandum de l’ Ambassade britannique, que les bâtiments marchands
anglais qui arriveront, sous leur propre pavillon, de leurs pays ou des autres pays de l’ Europe,
pour retourner à la mer, payeront 5 pour cent de droits de douane sur les marchandises de
production étrangère qu’ils apporteront et 12 pour cent sur les marchandises de production de
Turquie qu’ ils exporteront pour leurs pays ou pour d ’autres pays; que les bâtiments venant
des États anglais, qui feront habituellement le commerce sur les fleuves susdits et dans d’ autres
endroits aux environs, en transportant des marchandises, navigueront sous leur propre pavillon
en payant les mêmes droits que les bâtiments indigènes; que les bâtiments construits dans ces
pays-là et qui, comme propriété des négociants anglais, voudront faire des voyages sur les deux
fleuves, navigueront sous pavillon ottoman et payeront les mêmes droits nécessaires que les
bâtiments indigènes; voilà ce que dit le mémorandum.
Ainsi, les bâtiments marchands anglais qui, sans sortir des fleuves susdits, seront occupés
à faire habituellement le commerce sur ces fleuves, en transportant des marchandises, soit sous
leur propre pavillon, soit sous le pavillon ottoman, doivent, comme il est dit dans le mémo
randum, payer entièrement tous les droits payés par les navires indigènes.
Les bâtiments payeront 5 pour cent de droit de douane sur les marchandises étrangères
qu’ ils apporteront dans ces pays-là, de leurs pays ou d’ autres pays de l’Europe, et 12 pour cent
pour droits de douane d’ entrée et de sortie sur les marchandises de production de Turquie
qu’ ils exportent pour leurs pays ou pour d’ autres pays.
Voici encore ce qui se présente à l ’esprit: comme les bâtiments anglais ainsi que tous les
bâtiments des autres nations amies qui, arrivant dans les ports de Turquie, débarquent leurs
cargaisons et s’y arrêtent jusqu’ à ce que le temps du départ arrive ou qui font le commerce
intérieur, payent un droit d’ ancrage appelé “ palamar aktzessi,” le même droit doit être perçu
des navires qui naviguent dans les deux fleuves et dans les environs.
L ’exécution, ou la non-exécution, des points ci-dessus énoncés dépend de la volonté de votre
Altesse, qui donnera dans le cas présent, comme en chaque occasion, tels ordres qu’elle jugera à
propos.
No. 3.
V izie ria l L e t t e r to th e P asha o f B a gd a d o f A p ril 2, 1846 (6 R eb iu l-a k h ir, 1262).
(Traduction.)
J ’ ai pris connaissance du contenu de la dépêche arrivée il y a quelque temps, de la part
de votre Excellence, relativement aux droits que payent les bâtiments et les barques qui
naviguent sur le Tigre et l ’Euphrate.
* This memorandum was translated from English into Turkish and given to the Porte,
and, as no trace of the English is to be found, the present translation is made from the Turkish
sketch, this 2nd day of September 1852.— (Note signed by F. Pisani.)
98
En même temps, son Excellence l’ Ambassadeur d’Angleterre résidant à Constantinople a
représenté dans un “ tacrir ” que les bâtiments anglais peuvent faire le commerce dans les
deux fleuves susmentionnés, en payant les droits établis par le traité, et il a demandé qu’une
dépêche, conçue dans ce sens, fût écrite à votre Excellence.
Cette question ayant été référée au surintendant de l ’Hotel des Monnaies, son Excellence
a fait là-dessus un rapport dont la teneur su it: —
“ Le transport de marchandises d’ une place à une autre sur les deux fleuves susdits,
et sans sortir à la mer, est un commerce intérieur ; ainsi, sous quelque pavillon que les
navires et les barques fassent ce genre de commerce, il faut qu’ ils payent dans ce cas les
mêmes droits que l’on perçoit des patrons des barques, sujets de la Sublime Porte. On
percevra des bâtiments marchands qui, venant sous pavillon anglais des pays étrangers,
entrent dans l’un des deux fleuves avec un chargement de produits de la Turquie pour
exporter et retournent à la mer, les droits fixés par le traité et par le tarif, après quoi on
prendra des bâtiments marchands anglais aussi qui fréquentent le Tigre et l’ Euphrate, de
même qu’on le prend des bâtiments marchands des Puissances étrangères qui viennent dans
les ports de l’ Empire ottoman et d’ après l’exemple existant, un droit d ’ ancrage qui, comme
nous apprenons, consiste en 5 piastres par bâtim ent.”
Sur le rapport ci-dessus, auquel l’ Ambassade britannique a donné son adhésion, l'affaire a
été soumise au Sultan pour consulter le bon plaisir de Sa Majesté Impériale, qui a ordonné de
vous faire savoir par une dépêche qu’il faut mettre à exécution tout ce qui est nécessaire à cet
égard. En conséquence je vous écris et vous envoie cette dépêche afin que votre Excellence
mette ses soins à ce que l’on prenne des barques de commerce anglaises, qui, comme il a été
dit plus haut, seront désormais occupées à faire le commerce intérieur sur les deux fleuves
susdits, des droits conformes à ceux que l’ on prend des barques des sujets ottom ans; et à ce
que l’ on ne prenne sur les chargements des bâtiments anglais qui viennent du dehors et qui
vont dans un pays étranger, que les droits de douane établis, et qu’un droit d ’ancrage consistant
en 5 piastres : votre Excellence aura soin de ne rien faire prendre de plus.
L e 6 B eb iu l-a k h ir, 1262.
R A O Ü F .]
No. 61.
No. 62.
Communication from Hakki Pasha.C)
F.O. 1 6 3 3 5 /1 6 33 5 /1 3 /4 4. London, April 9, 1913.
Turkish Counter-draft of Article 1 of Draft C onvention in respect of Railways in
Asiatic T u rkey.(2)
Parag [ra p h e] I er.
Le Gouvernement Im périal garantit que :
Si la Société du Chem in-de-fer de Bagdad établit, pour certains parcours et pour
certaines catégories de transports, des tarifs abaissant les taxes au dessous des limites
fixées par le Cahier des Charges, elle sera— tant que ces tarifs n ’ auront pas été
abrogés ou modifiés avec l ’ autorisation du Gouvernement Ottoman— tenue de faire
bénéficier des m êm es réductions les transports se présentant dans les m êm es
conditions, c ’ est-à-dire les transports identiques au point de vue : de la nature des
marchandises, des stations de départ et d ’ arrivée, du parcours effectué entre ces
stations, des conditions de tonnage, d ’ emballage et de vitesse (grande vitesse, petite
vitesse, et éventuellem ent, délais supérieurs à ceux de la petite vitesse).
Étant bien entendu que la disposition ci-dessus ne s’ applique qu ’ aux transports
com m erciaux, et que les taxes dont bénéficient ou bénéficieront :
a.) les transports militaires et civils du Gouvernement Ottoman,
b.) les transports afférents aux services publics de l ’ État Ottoman,
c.) les transports afférents aux émigrants ou aux indigents,
d.) les transports afférents au matériel et aux matériaux destinés à la construction
des travaux publics ou à l ’ exploitation des services y afférents,
ne seront pas applicables aux transports commerciaux.
T ^ o a r ^ o L T r a d ^ 6 ma^ ^ave to ° ^ er on th*s draft.” (F.O. 16 33 5/16 33 5/13 /4 4.) A reply from
the Board of Trade was sent on April 25 (F.O. 1 9 2 4 2 /64 63 /1 3/44 ) enclosing a revised draft
which was discussed with Hakki Pasha on the same day. This was the basis of the text
initialled on May 6. v. infra, pp. 101-3, No. 68, encl. 2. For the discussions with Hakki Pasha
cp. in fra , pp. 115-6, Ed. N o t e .]
95
P a r a g r a p h e ] I I I.
No. 63.
Préam bule :
. . . . désireux d ’ améliorer les conditions de navigation du Shatt-el-Arab et de
diminuer les risques auxquels pourrait y être exposé le com m erce . . . .”
No. 65.
F.O . 2 1 0 4 0 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 152.)
Sir, F oreign Office, M ay 3, 1913.
The German Ambassador inform ed me to-day(2) that the Deutsche Bank wished
to have the building o f the Bagdad Railway beyond Bagdad, even if it was a Turkish
con cession; but in the circumstances they would agree to two British Directors for
this part of the work. Their agreement to this would be facilitated if British capital
would com e in. They would also be willing to give up any idea of construction beyond
B asra ; but they would want some indem nity for giving up this part of the concession.
I said that I thought that all the concession beyond Bagdad had already been
(!) [Copies of this despatch were sent to Board of T rad e; to the Director of Military
Operations.]
(2) [H err von Bethmann Hollweg’s instructions for this conversation, dated April 26, 1913
are given in G .P., X X X V I I (I), pp. 161-3. There had been an earlier conversation between
Prince Lichnowsky and Sir Edward Grey shortly before April 3 (ibid., pp. 159-60), and Prince
Lichnowsky’s report of this conversation led to the instructions from Berlin.]
97
No. 66.
M inute by Mr. Parker. A
M IN U T E S .
Herr von Kuhlmann read this record, which I made before I left the German Embassy,
and said it was accurate.
I think the proposals here made contain the elements of a bargain.
He told me Herr von Gwinner -was coming here after Whitsuntide. He also said the
Germans would be quite glad if we abandoned the Mohammerah Khorremmabad line, as that
line, if built, would divert a part of the traffic of the Bagdad Khanikin line. W
pursue the subject.
I also had some conversation with Herr von Kuhlmann about kilometric guarantees, and
he said to me that no railway could be built in Turkey without such a guarantee, and what
was our objection. I said we had no objection to kilometric guarantees because they were
kilometric ; but the opposition to them in this country had arisen from the fact that' the
particular form of kilometric guarantees for the Bagdad Railway were understood to militate
against development of traffic. I could not say if this view was sound, but I recollected a letter,
signed “ Probitas,” which had appeared in the “ T im es” in 1911,(5) and, while I did not
profess to know if the views in that letter were sound or not, it did seem to put the case
against the Bagdad form of guarantee clearly, though of course there might be some answer.
H err von Kuhlmann said he would show the letter to Herr Gwinner as he was anxious to
remove every possible obstacle to English capital engaging in the line.
A. P.
May 8, 1913.
R. P. M.
The most satisfactory feature to my mind in this couvers[atio]n is that the Germans are
willing to give us a free hand in the navigation of the Euphrates and Tigris and to stand out
themselves. W e need raise no objection, provided the Turks agree, to the Bagdad R[ailw a]y
Co[mpany] building the Bagdad-Bussorah section, provided we have 2 Directors on the
Board— and it is distinctly understood that the line is net to be prolonged beyond Bussorah
W e might come to an agreement on these lines without bringing in anything about the
Khanikin branch. That is a matter that involves other considerations and must be dealt with
quite separately, if at all.
E. G.
No. 67.
F.O. 2 1 3 4 7 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Confidentiel. London, M ay 7, 1913.
L e groupe allemand qui a le contrôle financier de la Société du chem in de fer
de Bagdad, est prêt à céder à une Société A nonym e Ottomane à form er la concession
conférée à la Société du chem in de fer de Bagdad par la convention du 20 F évrier/
2 Mars 1903 pour une section de 400 à 500 kilomètres calculés à partir du Golfe
Persique, ainsi que pour les ports à établir à Basra et au Golfe, et ce à des conditions
dont les détails seront fixés d ’ un com m un accord entre le Gouvernement Impérial
Ottoman et la Société du chemin de fer de Bagdad. L e susdit groupe Allemand
déclare d ’ores et déjà qu’ il est d ’ accord à ce q u ’ une large part dans la nouvelle Société
Anonym e Ottomane soit réservée à la Turquie et qu’ il ne réclamera pour l ’ ancienne
Société du Chemin de fer de Bagdad qu’ un intérêt de minorité qui, pourtant, ne serait
pas inférieure à la part de n ’ importe quelle nationalité non-ottom ane. D ’ autre part,
il serait réservé à la nouvelle convention de fixer les compensations qui reviendraient
à la Société du chem in de fer de Bagdad pour l ’ abandon des avantages pécuniaires et
autres qui lui assurait la convention actuellement en vigueur.
Berlin, le 7 Mars 1911.
A. v o n G W IN N ER .
H E L F F E R IC H .
[10900]
100
N o. 68.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir G. Low ther.(l)
F.O. 2 06 6 2 /9 2 41 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 139.) Confidential.
Sir, Foreign Office, May 8, 1913.
I transmit herewith, for Y [o u r ] E [x c e lle n c y ]’ s con f[id en tia ]l inform ation,
copies of draft conventions and declarations relating to certain o f the negotiations
recently carried on with Hakki P ash a.(2)
These drafts have been initialled ad referen dum .(3)
Copies of the maps referred to will be sent to you in due course. Other drafts
are still under discussion.
[ I am, Ac.
E . G R E Y .]
Draft Declaration.(4)
(a.) Appartiennent à la Perse : (1) l ’ île de Mouhalla et les deux îles qui se
trouvent entre celle-ci et la rive gauche du Chatt-el-Arab (rive persane d ’Abadan) ;
(2) les quatre îles entre Chetaït et Maaouiyé et les deux îles devant Mankouhi qui
sont toutes des dépendances de l ’ île d ’ A badan; (3) tout îlot actuellement existant ou
inexistant qui pourrait se form er et qui serait relié par les eaux basses à l ’ île
d ’ Abadan ou à la terre ferme persane en aval du Nahr-Nazaïlé,
0 ) [Copies of this despatch, with enclosures, were sent to the Committee of Imperial
Defence ; to the Director of M ilitary Operations ; to the Board of Trade.]
(2) [cp. Baron von Wangenheim’ s report from Constantinople on May 1, 1913, G.P.,
X X X V I 1 (I), pp. 165-6, and n o te .]
(3) [They were initialled by Hakki Pasha and Sir A. Hirtzel, and in some cases by Sir H.
Llewellyn Smith. For the part taken by Sir A. Hirtzel in the negotiations cp. in fra , pp. 114-6,
Ed. N o te .]
(4) [The texts here given are those preserved in the Foreign Office series of Original
Treaties (Turkey No. 94). They are there headed “ Various Treaty Instruments initialled
ad re fer en d u m during the progress of Mr. Alwyn Parker’ s negotiations with Hakki Pasha,
M ay-August 1913.” Copies of the declaration were sent to St. Petersburgh for confidential
communication to the Russian Government on May 8, 1913, and it was communicated with
the document printed below as encl. 2 to the French, Russian 'and German Ambassadors on.
June 18, 1913. (F.O. 2646 6/25 53 3/13 /4 4.) cp. in fra , p. 157, No. 102, and n o te (2).]
101
Lesquels, s’ étant com m uniqué leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouvés en bonne et due
forme, sont convenus de ce qui suit :
A r t ic l e 1.
qui pourront lui être présentées en vue d ’ être transportées par chem in de fer, entre les
mêmes stations et dans les mêmes conditions, précisément le m ême régime, tant pour
le tarif qui leur sera imposé que pour les facilités dont elles jouiront, quels que
soient :
(a.) L e pays d ’ origine des marchandises importées dans l ’ Em pire ottom an;
(b.) Le pays de destination des marchandises exportées de l ’ E m pire ottom an;
(c.) Les pays d ’ origine et de destination des marchandises en transit par l ’ Empire
ottom an; et
(d.) Le pavillon et l ’ armateur des bâtiments sur lesquels les marchandises seront
importées ou exportées par les ports ottomans.
A r t ic l e 2.
Aux fins de la présente convention la phrase “ les mêmes conditions ” signifie les
mêmes conditions de poids, d ’ emballage et de vitesse (grande, petite ou autre).
A r t ic l e 4.
Dans le cas où le com m erce britannique serait soumis, sur quelqu’ un des chemins
de fer auxquels s ’ applique la présente convention, à un régime d ’ exception en quelque
relation non spécifiée par les articles précédents, telle, par exemple, que l'insuffisance
des facilités accordées en matière de transport com m un ou la pose de conditions
spéciales au transport effectué par une voie déterminée, le Gouvernement de Sa
Majesté britannique se réserve le droit de faire à ce sujet des représentations auprès
du Gouvernement Im périal ottom an, qui prendra les dispositions nécessaires pour
remédier au grief.
A r t ic l e 5.
A r t ic l e 6.
A r t ic l e 7.
de leur bagage. Toutefois, elles ne s’ appliqueront pas au transport des émigrés et des
indigents et de leur bagage.
Aux fins du présent article, le terme ‘ ‘ ém igrés ’ ’ se rapporte aux personnes venues
s’ établir dans les limites de l ’ Em pire ottom an qui sont transportées par les soins de
la com m ission des émigrés.
A r t ic l e 8.
A r t ic l e 9.
A r t ic l e 10.
Aucun prolongement de voie ferrée au delà de Basra vers la mer ne pourra avoir
lieu qu’après accord préalable entre le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman et dans les conditions agréées par eux.
A r t ic l e 11.
Parafée ad référendum
le 6 mai 1913.
I. H.
H . Ll. S.
A. II.
]0 4
E n clo s u re 3 in N o. 68.
Draft Convention respecting the Persian Gulf, de.
I.— Koueit.
A r t ic l e 1 er.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 4.
E n vue de confirmer l ’ entente déjà établie entre les deux Gouvernements par les
assurances échangées le 6 septembre 1901, entre l ’ ambassade de Sa Majesté
britannique à Constantinople et le Ministère Impérial des affaires étrangères, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique déclare qu ’ en tant qu ’ aucun changement
ne sera apporté par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman au statu quo de Koueit, tel
qu ’ il se trouve défini par la présente convention, il ne changera en rien la nature de
ses relations avpc le Gouvernement de Koueit et n ’ établira pas de protectorat sur le
105
territoire qui lui est attribué. L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman prend acte de
cette déclaration.
A r t ic l e 5.
L ’ autonomie du cheikh de Koueit est exercée par lui dans les territoires dont la
limite forme un demi-cercle avec la ville de Koueit au centre, le K hor-Zoubair à
l ’ extrémité septentrionale et Kraïne à l ’ extrémité méridionale. Cette ligne est
indiquée en rouge sur la carte annexée à la présente convention (annexe V). Les îles
de Ouarba, Boubiane, Machiane, Faïlaka, Anha, Koubbar, Karou, Makta et
Oumm-el-Maradine, avec les îlots et les eaux adjacents, sont compris dans cette zone.
A r t ic l e 6.
Les tribus qui se trouvent dans les limites indiquées à l ’ article suivant sont
reconnues com m e dépendant du cheikh de Koueit, qui percevra leurs dîmes com m e par
le passé et exercera à leur égard les attributions administratives qui lui reviennent en
sa qualité de kaïmakam ottoman. L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman n ’ exercera
dans cette zone aucun acte d ’ administration indépendamment du cheikh de Koueit
et s’ abstiendra d ’y établir des garnisons ou d ’ y exercer une action militaire
quelconque sans s’ être préalablement entendu avec le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
britannique.
A r t ic l e 7.
Les limites du territoire dont il est parlé à l ’ article précédent sont fixées comme
suit :
La ligne de démarcation part de la côte à l ’ embouchure du K hor-Zoubair vers le
nord-ouest et passe immédiatement au sud d ’ Oumm-Kasr, de Safouan et de Djebel-
Sanam, de façon à laisser ces endroits et leurs puits au vilayet de B asra; arrivée au
Batine, elle le suit vers le sud-ouest jusqu’ à Hafr-el-Batine qu’ elle laisse de côté de
K oueit; de ce point ladite ligne va au sud-est en laissant à Koueit les puits d ’ Es-Safa
et d ’ El-Garaa, Ouabra et Antaa pour aboutir à la mer près de Djebel-M ounifa. Cette
ligne est marquée en vert sur la carte annexée à la présente convention (annexe V).
A r t ic l e 8.
A r t ic l e 9.
L e cheikh de Koueit jouira en pleine sécurité des droits de propriété privée qu’ il
possède dans le territoire du vilayet de Basra. Ces droits de propriété privée devront
s’exercer en conform ité de la loi ottomane et les biens immobiliers qu’ ils concernent
seront soumis aux impôts et charges, au m ode de conservation et de transmission et
à la juridiction établis par les lois ottomanes.
II .- E l -K a t r .
A r t ic l e 10.
A r t ic l e 11.
I I I .— Bahreine.
A r t ic l e 12.
A r t ic l e 14.
Les sujets du cheikh de Bahreine seront considérés com m e étrangers dans les
territoires ottomans et pourront être protégés par les consuls de Sa Majesté
britannique. Toutefois, cette protection devra s ’ exercer en conform ité des règles
générales du droit international européen, les sujets de Bahreine n ’ ayant pas le droit
de jouir des privilèges accordés par les capitulations aux sujets de certaines
Puissances.
IV .— Golfe Persique.
A r t ic l e 15.
L e Gouvernement Im périal ottom an réserve à cette occasion tous les droits qui
lui reviennent com m e Puissance territoriale sur les côtes ainsi que sur les eaux,
territoriales ottomanes.
107
L es deux Gouvernements sont d ’ accord pour nom m er, dans le plus bref délai, des
commissaires qui auront à appliquer sur le terrain les limites établies par les
articles 5, 7 et 10 de cette convention en en dressant un plan détaillé et un procès-
verbal explicatif. Le plan et le procès-verbal susénoncés, une fois dûment dressés et
signés par les commissaires respectifs, seront considérés com m e partie intégrante de
la présente convention.
A r t ic l e 17.
(5) [T h e t e x t o f this agreem en t and corresp on d en ce rela tin g to it is g iven in F.O . 7 8/5 11 3 ]
108
A n nexe II.
(Translation.)
I agree to absolutely prohibit the importation o f arms into Koweit or exportation
therefrom , and to enforce this I have issued a notification and proclam ation to all
concerned.
Dated this 24th day o f Moharrum, 1318 (24th day of May, 1900).
(Seal of Sheikh M ubarek-el-Subah.)
A nnexe III.
A nnexe IV .
As regards No. 1, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have inform ed the Sheikh of Koweit
that so long as he and his heirs and successors act up to their obligations under the
Agreem ent, H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent undertake to support them and accord them
their good offices. H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] reserve to themselves the right
to interpret that term at their discretion.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent hold m oreover a lease of land from the Sheikh of
Koweit.
As regards No. 4, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent take occasion to rem ind the Sublime
Porte that British rights in the Persian Gulf and on the coast rest not m erely on the
agreements concluded, and transmitted herewith to the Ottoman Governm ent, but on
the custom, consent and long-established relations between the local chiefs and the
Government of India.
H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent hope that in the com m unication of these agreements,
together with the supplementary declarations which are hereby brought to the notice
of the Ottoman Governm ent, the Sublime Porte will see proof o f H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent’ s goodwill and desire to facilitate the conclusion of the negotiations set
forth in their above-m entioned m emorandum.
I have, &c.
E. GREY.
Déclaration secrete.
L e Gouvernement Im perial ottoman declare reconnaître que la phrase ‘ ‘ affaires i- h .
de Koueit ” com prend aussi bien les questions intérieures qu ’ extérieures, mais qu’ en A- H
aucun cas le cheikh ne pourra conclure de traité contraire à la présente convention.
L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman déclare qu’ à l ’ occasion de la signature d ’ une
convention turco-britannique sur le Golfe Persique et les territoires environnants,
fixant les limites du kaza autonome de Koueit et du territoire indépendant d ’ El-Katr,
il a donné à qui de droit les ordres nécessaires pour que les fonctionnaires civils et
militaires ainsi que les troupes d ’ armée régulière ou de gendarmerie se trouvant dans
les limites assignées à ces deux territoires aient à les quitter dans le plus bref délai.
L e Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique prend acte de la décision du
Gouvernement Im périal ottoman de donner une somme de £ st. 1,000 au cheikh de
Bahreine en com pensation de sa renonciation à toute réclam ation sur l ’ île de
Zahnounié, située à proximité du littoral ottom an du Nedjd et appartenant audit
sandjak, et offre ses bons offices pour remettre cette somme au cheikh contre une
renonciation écrite qu’il fera parvenir au Gouvernem ent Im périal ottoman.
Fait en double exemplaire à Londres, le , 1913.
Parafée ad referendum
le 6 mai, 1913.
I. H. *
A. H.
Lesquels, s ’ étant com m uniqué leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouvés en bonne et due
form e, sont convenus de ce qui suit :
A r t ic l e 1 er.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
Cette com m ission sera composée de deux membres seulement, à être désignés par
le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an. L e Gouvernement Im périal, désirant que l ’ un
des membres soit de nationalité britannique, invitera le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
britannique à lui proposer des candidats parmi lesquels il choisira l ’ un des
commissaires.
A r t ic l e 4.
A r t ic le 5.
La com m ission aura qualité pour nom m er tels agents et em ployés qu’ elle jugera
nécessaires, mais le Gouvernement Im périal, désirant que l ’ ingénieur en chef et
l ’ inspecteur des services fluviaux soient de nationalité britannique, invitera le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique à lui proposer des candidats parmi lesquels
il choisira ces fonctionnaires. La com m ission nom m era un ingénieur-adjoint et un
inspecteur-adjoint de nationalité ottom ane. L e traitement de ces agents et employés
sera fixé et versé par la commission.
A r t ic l e 6.
faculté de pourvoir à toutes accom m odations et facilités que la com m ission pourra
juger nécessaires.
(g.) Dans le cas où un port serait établi à Basra en conform ité de quelque
convention que ce soit liant la Turquie à la date présente, les droits qui seront assurés
dans ce port au Gouvernement Im périal ottom an par cette convention et par le cahier
des charges seront, en tant que ces droits concernent les matières traitées dans les
paragraphes précédents, exclusivement exercés par la commission.
A r t i c l e *7 .
La com m ission aura qualité pour fixer, par les règlements édictés par elle en
vertu de l ’article 6 (c) de cette convention, les amendes qui seront imposées en cas de
leur contravention. Telles contraventions seront justiciables exclusivement par la
commission qui sera revêtue pour des cas semblables de l ’ autorité, analogue à celle
dont jouissent les municipalités, d ’infliger aux délinquants des amendes et, à défaut
de payem ent de telles amendes, le terme de réclusion équivalent prescrit par la loi
ottomane.
A r t ic l e 8.
Pour toute autre affaire pénale du ressort de la com m ission, la police de celle-ci
aura seule le droit d ’ opérer des arrestations. Les prévenus seront ensuite remis aux
autorités com pétentes; la com m ission se réservante1*) le droit de se faire représenter
au procès en qualité de plaignant.
A r t ic l e 9.
A r t ic l e 10.
_ Aucun droit, taxe ou charge basé sur le fait seul de la navigation ne sera prélevé,
soit par la Sublime Porte, soit par la com m ission, sur les bâtiments ou marchandises
dans le Chatt-el-Arab à moins d ’ être perçu en rémunération de services rendus.
A r t ic l e 11.
_ La com m ission aura seule le droit de prélever les droits ou charges qui seront
jugés nécessaires pour couvrir les dépenses des travaux et services administrés par
elle. L e produit de tels droits ne dépassera pas la somme nécessaire pour atteindre
le but ci-haut mentionné, y com pris les frais généraux d ’ administration de la
commission, et le produit y sera exclusivement affecté. Tout excédent devra être
utilisé à la réduction des droits. L e taux de ces droits ne dépassera dans aucun cas
1 fr. par tonne nette de navigation.
A r t ic l e 12.
^ Tout droit ou charge imposé par la com m ission sera prélevé impartialement et
équitablement de tout bâtim ent,(13) quels que soient le port d ’origine, de destination et
A r t ic l e 13.
Toute somme que la com m ission jugera nécessaire d ’ emprunter pour le compte-
capital en vue d ’ accom plir les fonctions qui lui seront dévolues sera avancée par le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman, après entente avec le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
britannique, à un taux d’ intérêt qui ne dépassera pas 5 pour cent.
A r t ic l e 14.
A r t ic l e 15.
La commission publiera tous les ans un relevé complet et exact de ses comptes,
qui montrera les sommes perçues et déboursées par elle. Ce relevé sera soumis à
l ’ examen de la cour des comptes.
A r t ic l e 16.
A r t ic l e 17.
A r t ic l e 18.
A r t ic l e 19.
Les autorités locales ne s’ immisceront en aucune façon dans des questions ayant
trait ni aux immeubles, constructions, terrains ou autre propriété de la commission,
ni à ses fonds, ni à l ’ exercice de leurs fonctions par les agents chargés de la police, du
pilotage ou des autres services établis par elle, ni aux débarcadères, jetées, docks ou
quais situés dans ou sur les bords du fleuve et appartenant à des particuliers.
L e personnel de la police qui sera employée par la commission sera choisi parmi
les sujets ottomans et de préférence parmi ceux qui ont déjà été au service du
Gouvernement Impérial. La commission aura qualité pour engager des officiers
supérieurs de nationalité étrangère pour exercer des fonctions d ’ organisation et de
commandement.
113
A r t ic l e 20.
La remise à la commission de bouées ou de phares placés dans les chenaux
donnant accès au Chatt-el-Arab ne sera pas considérée comme portant atteinte à la
juridiction territoriale exercée dans les eaux où ces bouées ou phares sont situés.
Aucune provision non plus de cette convention ne sera interprétée comme revêtant
la com m ission de l ’ autorité d ’ exercer une juridiction ou des fonctions ou de prélever
des droits ou d ’ acquérir des terres en dehors des limites de l ’ Empire ottom an sans
le consentem ent de la Puissance territoriale, ni comme modifiant l ’ application ou
l ’ interprétation des dispositions d ’ aucun traité ou arrangement définissant les
frontières de l ’ Empire.
A r t i c l e 21.
Cet arrangement restera en vigueur pour une période de vingt et u n (14) ans à
partir du jour de sa signature. Dans le cas où aucune des deux Hautes Parties
Contractantes n ’ aurait fait connaître à l ’ autre douze mois avant l ’ expiration de ladite
période de soixante ans son intention de mettre fin à l ’ arrangement, il restera en
vigueur jusqu’ à l ’ expiration d ’ un an à partir du jour où l ’ une des deux Hautes Parties
Contractantes l ’ aura dénoncé.
E n foi de quoi, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs ont signé la présente convention et
y ont apposé leurs cachets.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le , 1913.
Parafée ad referendum
le 6 mai 1913
I. H .
A. H.
A n n exe.
I
1 1 V a issea u -ph a re ... G ou v ern em en t ottom a n ... B a rre e x t é r i e u r e , L t. F il ev. 5 sec.
56 f e e t , vis.
10 m.
2 B ou ée à gaz a céty lèn e b r ita n n iq u e ... L t. F .
3 , B ou ée non é cla irée ... „ „
ottom a n
...
...
„ „ Old bar buoy.
N o. 1.
4 » » ••• *» ,,
5 ”, » ••• ,, b rita n n iq u e ...
„ ...
7 ” ” ■" ” Chenal ...
8 „ „ ••• » o tto m a n ... „ ...
it
y
10 ", ••• ;; b rita n n iq u e ...
11 ottom a n ... „ ...
12 „ ... B a rre in térieu re
13 n b r ita n n iq u e ... » » I n n e r bar buoy.
14 P h are ... ... ottom a n ... F ao ... L t. F . red 25
»
f e e t , vis. 6 m.
* A d m ira lty C hart N o. 1235 “ M ou th o f the E up hra tes, S h a tt-el-A ra b, and B a rm ish ir
R iv e r ” (c orrected to F eb ru a ry 1913).
Déclaration.
Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman déclare que, dans le cas où le cheikh de
Mouhammera voudrait prier un des commissaires de s’ occuper des intérêts du
commerce et de la navigation persans, la Sublime Porte autorisera ledit commissaire
( 14) [ “ S o ix a n t e ” was sub stitu ted fo r “ v in g t e t u n ” on J u n e 1 1 ; it was in itia lle d on the
te x t o f J u n e 11, “ I. H . ; A. P .” ]
[10900] I
114
a s’ occuper de ces intérêts sans que cela puisse préjudicier en quoi que ce soit à sa
qualité de commissaire ottoman et à ses attributions telles qu ’ elles sont définies par
cette convention.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le ,1 9 1 3 .
Parafée ad référendum
le 6 mai 1913
I. H.
A. H.
T he N e g o t ia t io n s w it h H akki P asha.
F.O . 2 0 6 6 2 /9 2 4 1 /1 3 /4 4 .
S ecret.
R e p o rt.
F o r e ig n Office, M a y 3, 1913.
F o r th e last m onth or so th e u n d ersign ed have m et H a k k i P asha tw ice a w eek at the
F o re ig n Office to discuss th e va riou s q uestions a risin g ou t o f the B ritish m em ora ndum o f
18th J u ly, 1912.(2)
I. T he S h a t-el-A ra b a rra n g em en t presen ted no g rea t difficulties e x ce p t in m a tters o f
form . In A r tic le 5 H a k k i P asha la id stress on th e a p p oin tm en t o f T urkish “ a d jo in t s ” ; as
they will have no special a u th ority th ey w ill be u n ob jection a ble. W e h a ve secured th a t the
tw o ch ie f officials shall be n o t only B ritish b u t selected from ca n d id a tes recom m ended by
H is M a je sty ’ s G overnm ent.
A r tic le 6g was in serted by H a k k i P ash a in ord er to cov er th e rig h ts o f th e B a g d a d R a ilw a y
C om p an y to con s tru ct a p o r t at Basra. '
A r tic le s 7 and 8 are th e up shot o f m uch discussion. W e w an ted th e ju d icia l pow ers o f the
Com m ission to be w id er— in fa c t w e w a n ted it to be con s titu ted a co u r t o f first in stan ce fo r
all pu rposes. B u t H a k k i P asha cou ld n ot a gree to this, and as it a ppea rs th a t the D an u be
C om m ission now has no la rg er pow ers th a n those g iv en by A rticles 7 and 8, it d id not seem
p o litic to insist. T he g rea t o b ject is th a t th e local a u th orities should have as little op p o rtu n ity
as possible fo r th w a rtin g the C om m ission, and th a t seem s to be sufficiently assured.
A r tic le 11.— H a k k i P asha was m ost u n w illin g to a ccep t the m axim um due, b u t w e insisted
to som e e x ten t m eetin g him b y A r ticle 16, w hich, in effect, p rov id es fo r a recon sid era tion o f
the lim it in certa in circum stan ces.
A r tic le 13.— W e had p roposed th a t th e a dv an ce should b e m ade by th e tw o G overnm ents,
in o rd e r to be sure th a t som e oth er P ow er d id not step in. B u t H a k k i P asha was a nxious
th a t it should be th e T u rk ish G overn m en t only, and th e w ord s “ a près en ten te avec le
G ou v ern em en t de Sa M a jesté B rita n n iq u e ” sufficiently serve ou r pu rpose.
A r tic le lit presented con sid era ble difficulty to H a k k i P asha, w ho w an ted the C om m ission’ s
b u d g et to be v oted an n u ally by the T u rk ish P a rlia m en t. T his had to b e stron gly resisted.
A r tic le 19 w as m uch discussed as reg a rd s p olice, w hom H a k k i P asha w ished to be len t by
th e T u rk ish G overnm ent. T his w ou ld n o t secure them sufficient in depen den ce, and had to be
resisted.
A sep arate d ecla ra tion p rov id es th a t th e Sheikh o f M oham m era m ay en tru st his in terests
to on e o f the Com m issioners, m ea n in g , o f course, th e B ritish Com m issioner. I t w ill be necessary
to su p p lem en t this b y an agreem en t w ith th e Sheikh b in d in g him , his heirs and successors, to
select the B ritish Com m issioner fo r th e purpose.
I I. A s reg a rd s K o w e it an d th e P ersian G ulf, H a k k i P asha p rod u ced a c o u n te r d r a ft to
ours, w hich, th ou g h it con ta in ed o b jection a b le features, w e a ccep ted as a basis fo r discussion.
A r tic le 1 .— T urkish and B ritish view s w ere irrecon cila b le on the question o f “ su zerain ty ”
a n d “ so v e re ig n ty ,” b u t as the im p o rta n t th in g is th e rig h ts a ctu a lly secured fo r K o w e it and
ren ou n ced by T u rk ey in the rest o f the con v en tion , and as “ suzerainty ” is itself n ot a w holly
una m bigu ou s term , w e agreed, in retu rn fo r sa tisfa ctory defin ition s in th e subsequent articles,
to om it eith er term , and to say th a t K o w e it “ est un Caza auton om e de l ’ E m p ire O ttom a n .”
In A r tic le 2 H a k k i P asha la id stress on th e O ttom an flag, and we a ccep ted it, su b ject to
the S h eik h ’ s rig h t to m ark it w ith a sp ecial d evice. T his has been w an ted loca lly fo r m any
y ears past, b u t th e Sheikh was a fra id o f T u rk ish displeasure.
u n d erstood th a t he consid ers th e resu lt as sa tis fa ctory as any d ocu m en t is lik ely to be. Som e
a d d itio n a l sa feg u a rd a ga in st u n fa ir d ifferen tia tion in rates w ill he a fford ed b y th e presence
o f B ritish d irectors on th e B oa rd . A ltera tion s in rates, a cco r d in g to H a k k i P asha, req u ire
the sa n ction o f th e T urkish G overnm ent, an d it should be possible fo r th e B ritish d irectors to
w arn H is M a je sty ’ s G overn m en t if any a ltera tion a d versely a ffectin g B ritish tra d e is p roposed ;
hut to o m u ch stress m ust n ot he la id on this, since it has been im possible t o p r ov id e th a t the
d irectors shall actu a lly be nom in ees of H is M a je sty ’ s G overn m en t.(4)
L O U IS M A L L E T .
A R T H U R H IR T Z E L .
3 rd M a y, 1913.
M IN U T E S .
F.O . 2 0 6 6 2 /9 2 4 1 /1 3 /4 4 .
S ir L . M a llet asked m e to send in th is rep ort, a tta ch in g th e a greem en ts (4) w hich H a k k i
P ash a has a ccep ted, su b ject to con firm ation by th e T urkish G o v [e rn m e n ]t. W e should a t once
com m u n ica te to th e R u ssia n G o v [e rn m e n ]t, and to M . de G iers a t C on stan tin op le, the d r a ft
a greem en t abou t th e M oham m erah fr o n tie r ; and a com m u n ica tion to th e R u ssia n and F ren ch
G o v [e rn m e n ]ts , defin in g ou r presen t a ttitu d e on th e B a g d a d ra ilw a y qu estion , (as in d ic a te d
in on e o f the a n n exed d r a ft con v en tion s) is now b e in g prepa red . (S ir A. N icolson m ade this
co m m u n [ic a t io n ] verb ally on M a y 8).
O ne o f th e a greem ents w e desire w ith T u rk ey , th a t re la tin g to n a v ig a tio n rig h ts on the
T ig ris and E u p h ra tes,(5) is n ot a n n exed , because H a k k i P asha has p rod u ced a cou n ter-d ra ft.
H e is com in g a ga in on T u esda y (M a y 6) to discuss this w ith S ir A. H irtze l, S ir H . L l[e w e lly n ]
S m ith , and m e ; and S ir L. M a llet ex p la in e d his view s to m e b efore he w en t on leave.
S ir L. M a lle t’ s id ea was th a t the d r a ft agreem ents m ig h t possibly be in itia lle d on M a y 6,
b u t I p ropose to tell H a k k i P ash a th a t S ir E. G rey has n ot y e t had tim e t o read them .
I t w ill b e necessary to draw up a fu r th e r agreem en t p r o v id in g fo r th e rem oval o f the
T u rk ish v eto on the b o rro w in g pow ers o f E g y p t.
H a k k i P asha has also p rod u ced a list o f th e desid era ta o f th e T urkish G o v [e rn m e n ]t, who
w an t u s(6) : —
1) T o a gree to an in crea se o f th e custom s from 11% to 15% ad v a lorem fo r an in defin ite
p eriod , and not m erely fo r seven years. (T his S ir L. M a llet th ou g h t w e should concede, subject
o f cou rse to the assent o f all the P ow ers b ein g likew ise g iv en ).
2) T o a gree to th e su b stitu tion , in du e course, o f a specific ta riff for an ad valorem one.
This, I thin k, we can a gree to in p r in c ip le , if oth er P ow ers do so, b u t w e should o f course
stip u la te th a t the deta ils m ust be the su b ject o f n eg otia tion . T he p o in t is, how ever, p rim a rily
one fo r the C o m in [e rc ia ]l D e p [a r tm e n ]t an d th e B [ o a r d ] o f T [r a d e ] , to w hom it is b e in g
referred .
3) T o a gree t o the tem ettu ta x. T his we ca n do su b ject to the assent o f the oth er P ow ers.
4) T o a gree t o the a bolition o f th e fo r e ig n P o st Offices, w hich en ta il a serious loss o f
rev en u e on T urkey.
T h e P ost Office w ere recen tly op p osed to this, an d so was S ir G. L ow th er. I thin k, how ever,
w e m ig h t refer th e p o in t afresh to b oth th e P [o s t ] 0 [ffic e ] and S ir G. L o w th e r ,(7) and th a t
w e m ig h t in th e m eanw hile rep ly t o H a k k i P ash a th a t we w ill re-exa m in e the question, b u t
th a t w e ca n n ot com m it ourselves t o a fa v ou ra b le decision.
5) T h a t H [ i s ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] should “ a gree to s t u d y ” the p ossib ility of
a bolish in g the C a p itu la tion s— a step w hich w ould im m easurably g r a t ify T urkey.
I know th a t the gen era l fe e lin g a t th e Em bassies a t C o n s [t a n tin o ]p le is a ga in st any
a tte m p t a t abolish in g the C a pitu la tion s.
T he T u rk s have, how ever, been so a ccom m od a tin g in these n e g otia tion s th a t it w ould be
sa tis fa cto ry i f we cou ld g ra tify th eir am ou r p ro p re b y n ot re tu rn in g a flat refusal to th eir
request, w hich a fte r all is m erely one th a t we should n ot “ refuse to stud y ” th e question.
I th in k w e m ig h t say th a t we do n ot th in k th e m a jority o f the P ow ers w ou ld a gree to th e
a b olition o f the ca p itu la tion s in p resen t con d ition s, b u t th a t H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ]
a re nevertheless p repa red , w hile reserv in g th eir final decision, to en ter up on a stud y o f th e
w hole question , w ith a view to d e c id in g if, un d er certa in con d ition s, (ju d icia l and oth er) they
cou ld , in con cert w ith th e oth er P ow ers, a gree to a m odifica tion o f the ca p itu la to ry regim e.
I th in k S ir L. M a llet, w ith w hom I discussed the p oin t, was o f this op in ion .
S u p p lem e n ta r y R e p o rt.
F.O. 2 4 5 2 2 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
V .— N a v ig a tio n o f th e R iv e rs T ig ris and E u p h ra tes.
A D r a ft D ecla ra tion by the T urkish G overn m en t on th is su b ject has now been in itia lle d
ad re fer en d u m by H a k k i P asha and S ir H . L lew ellyn Sm ith. The d r a ft was p rep a red by the
la tter, and is th e result o f m uch a n xiou s con sid era tion by the B ritish rep resen ta tives, w ho have
had the benefit o f the adv ice o f L o rd In ch ca p e and M r. H u th J ack son , and w ho have also
rep eated ly discussed w ith M r. H . F. B. L yn ch the p osition and am bition s o f his C om p an y, w hich,
at present, alon e represen ts B ritish in terests on these rivers.
The m ain ob ject o f H is M a je sty ’ s G overn m en t is to secure effectiv e com p etition betw een
riv er-b orn e traffic and the R a ilw ay , i f and w hen th e la tte r is ex ten d ed from B a g d a d to Basra,
this b ein g a necessary corolla ry o f the w ith d ra w a l o f ou r ob jection s to the ex ten sion . In the
first in stance, th e B ritish M em oran d u m o f th e 18th J u ly , 1912,( 9) had asked fo r th ree a d d ition a l
ships, w hich it was th ou g h t w ould , w ith M essrs. L y n c h ’ s e x istin g fleet, suffice fo r th a t pu rpose.
B u t dou bts su ggested them selves, and the B oa rd o f T ra de and I n d ia Office h a vin g in d ep en d en tly
com e to the con clu sion th a t it w ou ld be b etter served by som e am alga m ation o f e x istin g T urkish
and B ritish in terests, w hich w ould secure con trol fo r the la tter, it w as d ecid ed to p u t forw a rd
a proposal to this effect to H a k k i P asha, w ho had a lrea d y in tim a ted th a t a m alga m ation was
fa v ou red by th e T urkish G overnm ent, w hile the G erm an G overn m en t had in d ica te d th e ir
w illingness to w ith d ra w from th e n a v ig a tion on certa in con d ition s. I t w as th ou g h t sim pler to
p roceed by w ay o f a D ecla ra tion em b od y in g the m ain p rin cip les in a form as sa tis fa ctory as
possible to T u rk ish am ou r-p rop re, and to lea ve th e deta ils— up on w hich the effectiveness of
B ritish co n tr o l w ill la rg ely d ep en d— to be settled by a C on v en tion b etw een the O ttom an
G overnm ent and the B ritish concessionna ire. I t w ill be necessary th a t th is C on v en tion should
be sign ed b efore the custom s in crease is finally a p p rov ed . I t is prop osed th a t the con cession
naire should be L o rd In ch cap e, b u t th a t M r. L y n ch should be a d m itted to a share (n ot, how ever,
a m ou n tin g to co n tr o l) in the new C om p any and should h a ve a seat on th e B oard .
The D ecla r a tio n also prov id es (clause 7) th a t the L yn ch C om p any should co n tin u e as a
separate b od y on the basis o f w h at H is M a jesty ’ s G overn m en t are prep a red to reg a rd as its
actual rights. T he B ritish flag w ill thus rem a in on the river, and a B ritish u n d e rta k in g w hich
has been in ex isten ce fo r ov er h a lf a cen tu ry need n ot lose its id e n tity . T his is m uch less than
M r. L ynch claim s, b u t it is con sid ered in ad visa ble th a t he should con trol b oth his ow n ex istin g
Com pany and the new one. A t the sam e tim e, his C om p an y has been the p ion eer in the riv er
n a vig ation , and is th erefore ju stified in e x p e c tin g som e p r io r ity o f rights. I t has th erefore
been a rra n g ed w ith L o rd In ch cap e th a t M r. L y n ch should receive, ov er and above th e shares
he m ay choose to ta k e up in the new C om pany, a certain n u m ber o f fu lly p a id -u p shares as a
solatium .
I t is in ten d ed th a t g u aran tees shall b e g iv en th a t b oth th e B ritish p a rt o f the new
Com pany and M essrs. L yn ch shall rem ain p erm an en tly un d er effectiv e B ritish con trol.
H . L L E W E L L Y N S M IT H .
A R T H U R H IR T Z E L .
M a y 28, 1913. A L W Y N P A R K E R .]
M inute by M r. Parker.(*)
E n clo s u re in N o. 69.
Statem ent com m unicated to H akki Pasha, May 9, 1913.
Confidential.
W e have been asked by Hakki Pasha to consider whether His M ajesty’ s
Government would prefer a solution o f the E iver navigation question on the lines of
(1) the draft Convention already discussed,(5j or
(2) the abortive L yn ch Convention of 1909, or
(3) the maintenance of the existing British Company as a separate enterprise
and subj’ect to the maintenance of its rights the grant of a Concession to a new
Ottoman Company join tly controlled and financed, of exclusive rights to steam
navigation on the Bivers.
It is obvious that so m uch must depend on the details of any scheme that only a
provisional indication of views can be given at the present stage. Subject, however,
to the satisfactory adjustment of the detailed arrangements, we are at present disposed
towards a solution on the lines of the third alternative, which will have the advantage
of avoiding the difficulty of the Elag.
4 s regards the com position of the new Ottoman Company, Hakki Pasha suggested
a tripartite arrangem ent under which one-third o f the capital would be Turkish,
one-third British and one-third would be supplied by the Belgian Company fo r the
transport o f materials for the Bagdad Railway. 4 s the capital of the last named
Company is half British and half German, the effect of this would be that half the
capital would be British, one-third Turkish and one-sixth German.
4 s regards this proposed division of capital, we m ust be free to arrange with the
Germans as to the allocation betw een the two countries of the Anglo-G erm an share.
In the even t o f the Germans forgoing their share we should be willing that this should
be divided equally betw een Great Britain and Turkey.
The limits and period of the Concession should be generally on the lines already
discussed between us. It would no doubt be necessary to provide some means whereby
a fair share o f the future expansion of the trade of the Bivers would be earned by the
British Company, which otherwise m ight find itself driven out by the com petition of
the new Company.
If an arrangement on the above lines com m ends itself to the Im perial Ottoman
Government, it will probably be sufficient to make it the subject of a declaration,
leaving the details of the Concession to be worked out between the Imperial Ottoman
Government and the Concessionnaire.
It would be useful if some indication could be given of the paym ent which the
Imperial Ottoman Governm ent would expect in return for transferring to the new
Company its interests in the navigation of the Bivers.
H. L L . S.
A. H .
May 9, 1913. A. P.
(5) [A rou g h d r a ft was receiv ed from H a k k i P ash a on A p ril 17, 1913. A cop y w as sent to
the B oa rd o f T ra d e on th e same date. T he rep ly from th e B oa rd o f T ra de, o f A p r il 25, 1913,
enclosed a revised d ra ft. T h eir com m u n ica tion is m in u ted : “ These tw o d r a fts w ere discussed
by S ir L. M a llet and S ir A . H irtz e l w ith H a k k i P ash a on A p [ r i l] 25. H . N. A p [ r i l] 26, 1913.”
(F.O. 1 9 2 4 2 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .) T he te x t, in itia lled on M a y 20, is g iv en in fra , pp. 158-9, N o. 102, encl.]
No. 70.
Communication from M. de Fleuriau.C)
F.O. 2 2 1 9 6 /2 2 1 9 6 /13 4 4 . London, M ay 13, 1913.
L ’ Ambassade de France à Constantinople a récemm ent remis à la Sublime Porte
deux notes verbales indiquant les conditions auxquelles le Gouvernement de la
G ) [T h is com m u n ica tion is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to S ir P . H a rv e y .]
120
No. 71.
Déclaration.
L e Gouvernement Im perial Ottoman declare que le Gouvernement Khédivial a la
disposition complète et entière des affaires financières de l ’ E gypte, ainsi que pleine
faculté de contracter, à tout m oment et sans l ’ autorisation du Gouvernement Impérial
Ottoman, tels emprunts, soit intérieurs soit à l ’ étranger, qu’ il jugera nécessaires.
Parafée ad referendum.
M IN U T E .
I h a v e to ld M r . P a r k e r h e c a n d isc u ss t h e fr o n t ie r q u e s tio n w ith H a k k i P [a s h ]a .
A. N.
E. G.
No. 72.
F.O. 2 2 5 9 0 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 185.) Berlin, D. May 15, 1913.
Sir, R. May 17, 1913.
The German Press has been somewffiat exercised in its mind as to the negotiations
being carried on in London between H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Porte on the
subject of Koweit and the Bagdad Railw-av, especially as to the manner in which
German interests will be affected. According to some Press reports Germany has
given her consent to the arrangement, while other papers maintain that the agreement
bears an Anglo-Russian character and was concluded over Germ any’ s head.
Conspicuous among these latter papers is the “ Vossische Zeitung,” which publishes
a telegram from its Paris correspondent to the effect that a new treaty has been
concluded between His M ajesty’ s Governm ent and Turkey giving to the former
paramount influence over the Bassorah-Ivoweit section of the Bagdad Railway. “ In
return for this,” the telegram continues, “ England undertakes to build up the harbour
of Bassorah, which is of great importance to the Bagdad Railway. On the Turco-
Persian frontier, Turkey cedes the territory of Urmia, a concession obtained by
England in the interests of Russia, in return for Russian support.” The telegram
concludes by outlining the other provisions of the agreement, including the reforms
in Anatolia and Syria promised by Turkey.
In com m enting on its correspondent’ s telegram the “ Vossische Zeitung,” after
expressing the hope that E ngland’ s role of honest broker during the Balkan crisis was
not prompted by self interest, and after admitting that the above mentioned terms
contained in themselves nothing objectionable to Germany, says that it will be
impossible to judge whether England has been playing fair in the Koweit question till
the badly-needed German official statement on the subject appears.
This official statement has now appeared in the form of the following telegram
to the ‘ ‘ Kölnische Zeitung ’ ’ :—
“ The press has been busy discussing the negotiations now in progress between
England and Turkey about the Bagdad Railway. The two Governm ents have hitherto
made nothing known as to the trend of these negotiations, though it m ay even now be
stated that the view is incorrect that the A nglo-Turkish negotiations will prejudicially
affect German interests. It can be confidently asserted that there is in no quarter any
intention of ignoring the rights of the Bagdad B ailway.”
I have, Ac.
W . E. GOSCH EN.
No. 73.
No. 74.
Mr. O 'B eirne to Sir Edward G r ey .(v)
St. Petersburgh, M ay 17, 1913.
F.O. 2 2 7 3 2 /9 2 4 1 /1 3 /4 4 . ‘ D. 2 -4 5 p . m .
Tel. (No. 194.) t R. 3 -1 5 p . m .
Russian M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] referred in conversation yesterday to
Anglo-Turkish negotiations respecting the Persian Gulf region. (2) H e seemed inclined
to complain o f H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] taking present opportunity to obtain
concessions from Turkey. I explained that the negotiations in question form ed a
natural com plement of those respecting Turco-Persian frontier. H [is ] E [x ce lle n cy ]
0 ) [C o p ie s o f t h is t e le g r a m w e r e s e n t t o t h e D ir e c t o r o f M ilit a r y O p e r a t io n s ; t o t h e I n d ia
O ff ic e .]
( 2) [ i ’ p . t e l e g r a m s f r o m t h e R u s s i a n charge d'affaires a n d t h e R u s s i a n A m b a s s a d o r at
L o n d o n t c M . S a z o n o v o n M a y 1 9 a n d M a y 2 1 r e s p e c t i v e l y , Siebert, p p . 6 6 2 - 4 . ]
124
laid particular stress on press reports to the effect that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] have agreed to make a m oney advance to Turkey. H e said that it had
been understood between the three Powers that no m oney should be given to Turkey
pending the conclusion of peace. I remarked that there seemed now little danger of
Turkey resuming fighting.
It might, I think, be desirable to make some com m unication to H [is ]
E [x ce llen cy ] about these negotiations^) as he seems decidedly sensitive on the
subject.
(3) [v . im m e d ia t e ly s u c c e e d in g d o c u m e n t .]
No. 75.
N o. 76 .
M IN U T E .
I c a n m e n t io n t h is s u b je c t t o H a k k i P a s h a o n F r i d a y , if d e s ir e d . I p r o p o s e t o in s e r t , fo r
c o n s id e r a tio n , a c la u s e in o u r d r a ft r e p ly t o H a k k i t o th e fo llo w in g e f f e c t : —
“ H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] d o n o t d e sir e to in tr o d u c e a n a d d itio n a l p o in t o f
th is n a tu r e in to th e ir e x p r e s s c o n d itio n s fo r a s s e n tin g to th e c u s to m s in c r e a s e , b u t th e y
re ly u p o n t h e O t t o m a n G o v [ e r n m e n ] t t o m a k e w it h o u t d e la y a r r a n g e m e n t s in r e g a r d t o
th e o il w e lls o f M e s o p o t a m ia w h ic h w ill e n s u r e B r it is h c o n t r o l a n d m e e t w ith t h e ir a p p r o v a l
in m a t t e r s o f d e t a il.” ( 4)
A. P.
M a y 21, 1913.
R. P. M.
A. N.
E. G.
( !) [C o p ie s o f th is te le g r a m w e r e s e n t to t h e I n d ia O ffic e ; to t h e D ir e c t o r o f M ilit a r y
O p e r a t i o n s ; t o t h e D i r e c t o r o f N a v a l I n t e l l i g e n c e ; t o t h e A d m i r a l t y ; t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e .]
( 2) [ S i r G . L o w t h e r ’ s t e l e g r a m ( N o . 2 3 6 ) o f M a y 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 , D . 1 - 1 0 p . m ., R . 3 - 1 5 p . m ., i s n o t
r e p r o d u c e d . S ir G . L o w t h e r s t a t e d t h a t h e h a d b e e n a s s u r e d t h a t n o p r o m is e s h a d b e e n g iv e n
t o “ M e s s r s . W a g g , R u s s e l l , ( s i c ) . ” ( F .O . 2 3 1 8 8 / 1 6 / 1 3 / 4 4 . ) ]
(3) [ S i r G . L o w t h e r ’ s t e le g r a m ( N o . 1 1 7 ) o f M a r c h 1 , 1 9 1 3 , c a n n o t b e t r a c e d .]
( 4) [ T h is c la u s e w a s c o m m u n ic a t e d t o H a k k i P a s h a o n M a y 2 3 , 1 9 1 3 . ( F .O . 2 3 9 4 5 / 1 6 / 1 3 / 4 4 . ) ]
No. 77.
no differentiation of rates on British goods. They would be able to let us know if any
such differentiation did take place, in which case we should make diplomatic
representations.
Since we had made this arrangement with Hakki Pasha, the German Govern
m ent had begun to speak to us on the subject. Apparently, they were entitled to
claim from Turkey that the Bagdad Railway should, in one way or another, be
continued to the Persian G u lf; and they said that, therefore, Turkey could not forgo
without their consent the right to make the railway from Busra to the Gulf. But this
consent they were willing to give if there was no opposition to the Railway being made
to Busra, and if they could be assured that the financial guarantees for making the
line up to Bagdad, which would be lost by the cession of Turkish territory in Europe
to the Allies, would be replaced, and if further guarantees were secured to carry the
line on to Busra. This was a matter that would come before the Financial Commission
in Paris, and I could not com m it m yself to the German Governm ent without first
discussing the matter with the French and Russian Governments. W e were now
satisfied that, if the Railway did not go beyond Busra, we need not regard it as being
prejudicial to British interests, and we need not oppose it.
The French Ambassador was under the impression that we had secured the right
to build the section from Busra to the Gulf, and had been offered the B agdad-K anikin
branch.
I assured him that this was not so. W e had not acquired any right to build any
section, and we had no participation. It was true that something had been said by an
unauthorised German to Mr. L yn ch, who was also an unauthorised person, as far as
these negotiations were concerned, about giving us the branch from Bagdad to
K anikin.(4) But I had discouraged any idea of such a proposal being brought into the
discussion, as it seemed to me to affect the arrangement that Russia had made at
P o tsd a m : an arrangement that was connected with the Kanikin branch.
[ I am, &c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
( 4 ) [ v . supra, p . 1 1 8 , N o . 6 9 . ]
No. 78.
M inute by Mr. Parker.(*)
F.O. 2 3 5 0 1 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Sir A. Nicolson, Foreign Office, M ay 21, 1913.
H err K uehlm ann came to see me yesterday(2) and, after saying he had ascertained
that there was no intention, as we had heard, to deflect the main line of the Bagdad
Railway at Mosul, he proceeded to m ention what he described as “ one or two points
of detail ” regarding our original conversation of May 7 .(3)
As Sir E . Grey had warned me before that I was not to discuss any
proposals, I told H err Kuehlmann that I would m erely listen to wThat he had to say
and report it.
Since some of his “ points of detail ” are to the advantage of Germany, I thin
is very desirable that Sir E . Grey should have this minute, and my original rec
of H err K uehlm ann’ s proposals, before him when he sees Herr Kuehlm ann to-morrow.
It will be recollected that H err K uehlm ann has accepted that record as an
accurate version o f his proposals, and a copy o f it is annexed. The important point
to bear in mind is that paragraph 6 does not enter as a condition of the proposed
written agreement with Germany : I was particularly careful to keep it out o f the
wording o f m y minute. The suggested conditions of the bargain with Germany are
to be found only in paragraphs 1 to 4 of m y record.
( J) [ C o p i e s o f t h i s m i n u t e w e r e s e n t t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o S i r A . H i r t z e l ; t o M r . P e r c y
A s h le y .]
0 ) [ c p . G.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 1 7 9 - 8 1 . ]
( 3 ) [ v . supra, p p . 9 7 - 8 , N o . 6 6 . ]
127
W hen lie came on M ay 20 Herr Kuehlm ann said he understood the German
Company would prefer to build the port of Bussorah alone. (This is intelligible from
the German standpoint, but we should prefer to participate owing to our special
interest in the river and for other reasons.)
The Germans, he said, would like the conditions for controlling the port at
Bussorah to be the same as those which exist at Haidar Pasha (opposite
Constantinople). He would explain those conditions later. If we did exercise any
share of control, he said he would prefer that it should be done through the proposed
Shatt-el-Arab Commission. (Prim a facie, there seems no objection to this, but it must
be fully looked into.)
The German G ov [ern m en ]t could not absolutely prohibit any German subject
from buying shares in the new navigation Company, or even from engaging in
navigation, but they would undertake not to “ encourage or support ” any German
subject in taking part in the navigation. The German G ov [ern m en ]t hoped, however,
for the sake of public opinion, that the w7ord “ m o n o p o ly ” might be avoided in the
agreement with Turkey. I said I would report his remarks, but that the m onopoly
was the essence of the whole thing, just as in effect the Germans had a m onopoly on
the railway, and I said it seemed to me impossible to secure our object if the word
were omitted.
H e said the German G ov [ern m en ]t hoped we would agree to give an undertaking
that there should be no discrimination between the different nations in regard to river
traffic rates. (This is quite reasonable.)
Then he said that if the Company agreed to the “ indefinite postponem ent ” of
the line from Bussorah to the Gulf it would require financial com pensation from the
Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t for that section (100 miles or so). (The Germans seem to
intend to squeeze the poor Turks, but this is not our business.)
Lastly he said that the Company wished not m erely to secure the allocation of
specific revenues for the main line up to Bussorah, but also for the branches (which
include the Khanikin branch). H e said this was a detail which need not be specially
brought to Sir E. G rey’ s attention, but it is, owing to the introduction of the Khanikin
branch, a very important detail, and however important the construction of the
Khanikin branch m ay be as an artery of British trade, there seems little doubt that
Russia will oppose any attempt on G erm any’ s part to secure the im mediate allocation
of revenues for this branch, as the date of com pletion of that branch has an important
effect on Russia’ s obligations under the Potsdam agreement. The Bagdad
R [a i]l[w a ]y Company is of course already entitled, under the original concession of
1903,(4) to secure the allocation of revenues for that branch eventually, but I think we
should stipulate with H err Kuehlm ann that, having regard to the exhausted financial
condition of Turkey at the m oment, the Com pany should be content if they secure the
allocation of revenues for the main line up to Bussorah, leaving the branches till a
later date. Otherwise there will be a sharp divergence of opinion in the Financial
Commission at Paris.
Meanwhile it seems important to maintain the position that the question of
securing the allocation of revenues for the railway does not enter as a condition
i expressis verbis into our bargain with Germany. All that H err Kuehlm ann asked on
. May 7 was a sort of collateral assurance that we would help them to get security for
the m a i n line to Bussorah.
It seems very desirable to tie the Germans down as soon as possible to their
undertaking about the river navigation, lest they should whittle it away, and I venture
to suggest that a draft agreement should be prepared ad referendum .
A . P.
M ay 21, 1913.
R . P. M.
A. N.
I have spoken to H err von Kuehlm ann and dictated a record which I will give to
the D ep [a rtm en ]t on M onday.(s)
E. G.
23.5.13.
(5) [v . im m e d ia t e ly s u c c e e d in g d o c u m e n t .]
No. 79.
Sir Edicard G rey to Sir E. G oschen.( *)
F.O. 24323/6463/13/4-1.
(No. 165.)
Sir, Foreign Office, M ay 23, 1913.
I told Herr von Kiihlmann to-d ay(2) that for some time past, I had been unable to
give close attention to the details of the Bagdad Railway question, owing to the
amount of time that I had had to give to other things, but I had now looked into the
matter and I would tell him how we stood.
F ive or six years ago, on the occasion o f the German E m peror’ s visit, when he
had said that it wTas natural for us to have a gate on the Persian Gulf, we had suggested
negotiation “ d quatre, ” so that an agreement might be come to by Germany, France,
Russia, and ourselves, all together.(3) But this had not found favour with the German
Governm ent. Finding that this was so, France, Russia, and ourselves had agreed that
each m ight negotiate separately with Germany and conclude our own agreements, but
on the condition that any agreement by one of us for participation in the Bagdad
Railway should not becom e effective till the other two countries had also reached an
agreem ent with Germany. In addition, we had agreed that none of the three of us
would give consent to the 4 per cent, increase of the Turkish Customs Dues till the
other two were ready also.
The agreement now made with Ilakki Pasha had not yet been before the Cabinet,
and it must still be subject to confirmation there, though I had little doubt that, if the
Foreign Office and India Office were both in favour of the agreement, as I believed
they were, the Cabinet would sanction it. W e did not regard this agreement as being
dependent upon the consent of France and Russia, because it did not involve
participation in the Bagdad Railway. As far as this Railway was concerned, except i
for the small point of having two British Directors on the Board as a guarantee
against differentiation of rates, the agreement was really self-denial. W e did not even ,
acquire the right to make the section from Basra to the G u lf: we secured only the i
negative guarantee that this section should not be made without our consent.
I was prepared to defend this agreement in Parliament, and to say that, if it was : ■
confirmed, we should have no interest in opposing the com pletion of the Bagdad
Railway to Basra. Hitherto, there had been apprehension that the Bagdad Railway, I
com pleted to the Persian G ulf, m ight upset the “ status q u o " there, might displace !
the navigation, now in British hands, by which British trade entered Asia Minor, and !
transfer into other hands the whole of the trade-route from the Gulf to Asia Minor. I
The agreement that we had now made with Turkey would safeguard us against this.
I understood that Germany had an agreement with Turkey, under which Turkey
was bound to continue the Railway to the Persian Gulf, either by entrusting it to the :
German Company, or in some other way. I also understood that Germany was
prepared not to press her claim for the continuation of the Railway beyond Basra, but
wished to be sure that there would be no opposition to, and indeed that every facility
would be given for, its continuation to Basra. To make sure of this, Germany wished
that we should instruct our Delegates at the Financial Commission in Paris to
C ) [ T h i s d e s p a t c h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v i n g b e e n s e n t t o t h e K i n g a n d t o t h e C a b in e t . A
c o p y w a s s e n t t o S i r P . H a r v e y .]
(2 ) [ c p . G.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 1 8 1 - 5 . ]
( 3) [ c p . Gooch & Temperley, V o l . V I , p p . 96-8, N o . 63.]
m
co-operate in securing by financial arrangements the necessary guarantees. In effect,
this would mean that we should actively participate in supporting the Bagdad
Railway. B ut, as I had just explained, we were not entitled to promise support of
this sort without first consulting France and Russia, and I must therefore consult
them. It was also the case that we could not well promise the support of our
Delegates in Paris without knowing exactly what proposals were to be made for
securing the necessary guarantees for the Railway. 1 suggested that the German
Delegate in Paris should discuss the matter with his French and Russian Colleagues,
as well as with the British delegate.
Herr von Kuhlmann said that the matter really turned upon the question of an
indemnity rather than upon the question o f an increase of the Turkish Customs Dues.
If Turkey had to pay an indem nity, or if, instead of Turkey’ s paying an indem nity,
the Allies were to be relieved of all share in the Turkish Debt, Turkey would be unable
to find m oney for the Bagdad Raibvay or for any thing else that was necessary to
develop Asia Minor.
I said that we had originally expressed opposition to the idea of an indemnity
because we thought that it was not to the advantage of any Power who had any
interests in Turkey that Turkey should be left, after the war, in such a crippled state
as to be unable to make a newT start with the possessions that were left to h e r ; but I
had not lately discussed the matter. I thought that all the Powers had originally been
of this opinion, but that some of them, including Austria, had since rather changed
their opinion.
Herr von Kuhlmann thought that it would be a pity that all agreement should be
postponed till the financial question had been settled in Paris. H e suggested that,
instead of our prom ising to give support and to co-operate in securing guarantees for
the Bagdad Railway, a form ula might be found saying that the agreement about the
Railway should not com e into force unless the results of the financial arrangements
in Paris were satisfactory.
I said that I would think this over. I thought that there was something to be
said for such a formula. It would make our agreement with Germany conditional.
Germany, I understood, did not wish the agreem ent to be definitive till she was sure
that the outcom e of it would be that she would get facilities for constructing the
Railway as far as Basra. W e, on the other hand, wished the agreem ent to be
conditional, because we could not make a promise of actual support for the Railway
till a settlement was come to with France and Russia. The change made by the
agreement would be that we should henceforth be willing to give reasonable support
if France and Russia were satisfied; whereas without the agreement with Germany
we should have said to France and Russia that, even if they were satisfied, their
support must be conditional upon the making of an arrangement by Germany with us.
I observed that wTiat I had said applied to the Bagdad Railway itself as far as
Basra. I could not enter into any discussion about the B agdad-K hanikin branch,
because I understood that the arrangement com e to between Germany and Russia at
Potsdam involved the continuation of that branch into Persia, and, from that moment
the branch became a matter that specially concerned Russia, and was therefore one
with which I could not deal separately at all.
Herr von Kuhlmann said that he would endeavour to frame a conditional form
of words.
I said that I also would think the matter over.
11 am, &c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
[10900]
130
N o. 80.
Communication from Haklri Pasha.C1)
F .O . 2 4 0 5 6 /9 2 4 1 /1 3 /4 4 . London, May 24, 1913.
Mémorandum suggesting form of reply to points 4 and 5 of His H igh ness’ s
Mémorandum o f May 1, 1913.(2)
4. Le Gouvernement de S [a ] M [a jesté] Britannique admet, en principe,
l ’ abolition des bureaux de poste anglais existants en Turquie. En fait, cette abolition
ne peut avoir lieu que si les autres bureaux étrangers sont en m ême temps abolis et
si les postes ottomanes offrent au com m erce anglais les garanties de sûreté et de
régularité désirables. Le Gouvernement anglais est prêt à entrer en négociations avec
la Sublime Porte pour les améliorations à apporter au régime postal ottoman afin de j
rendre possible l ’ abolition des bureaux étrangers, pourvu que les autres Etats
intéressés aussi y prennent part.
Toutefois, le Gouvernement anglais, appréciant que dans l ’ état des choses actuel,
des revenus postaux, devant revenir au trésor ottoman, se trouvent être perçus par des .
bureaux étrangers, déclare n ’ avoir pas d ’objection à prescrire à ses bureaux de poste
en Turquie l ’ usage de timbres ottomans si tout les Etats intéressés se trouvent d ’ accord
pour les conditions d ’ un tel usage.
5. E n ce qui concerne les capitulations, le Gouvernement de S [a ] M [ajesté]
Britannique fait d ’ abord remarquer que les parties commerciales et financières de ces
anciens traités ayant fait l ’ objet d ’ autres accords, il ne peut s’ agir en l ’ espèce que de 1
leurs parties jurisdictionnelles. Comme le Gouvernement Ottoman lui-même ne
demande qu’ une étude de la question, le G [ou vern em en ]t de S [a ] M [ajesté]
B rita n n iq u e ] se déclare prêt à nom m er des délégués à une com m ission purement de
juristes où tous les Etats ayant des capitulations à eux propres devront être
représentées et qui sera chargée d ’ étudier soit les mesures propres à assurer l ’ abolition
des parties susénoncées, soit les améliorations successives qu’ on peut apporter à la
situation actuelle.
t 1) [ C o p i e s o f t h i s m é m o r a n d u m w e r e s e n t t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e G e n e r a l P o s t
O f f i c e .]
( 2) [ r . supra, p . 9 6 , N o . 6 4 . ]
No. 81.
* N o. 8 2 .
F.O. 2 4 8 4 4 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 167.)
Sir, Foreign Office, May 29, 1913.
I showed H err von Kiihlm ann to-d ay (2) the record that I had made of m y
conversation with him about the Bagdad Railway on the 23rd instant.(3)
H aving read it, he said that it represented exactly what he had reported.
I said that I showed it to him because I had now begun to discuss the matter with
the French and Russian Governm ents, and what I had said to him represented the
light in which I would put the matter to them. I agreed, therefore, to his keeping
the copy that I had shown him. I told him that I should be prepared to go as far as
Russia had gone at Potsdam, and say that we would not obstruct the Bagdad Railway.
But we could not becom e active partners in prom oting it unless an arrangement was
come to with France and Russia. The arrangement between Germ any and Russia
was one that concerned themselves, and I could only suggest that the German
Government should discuss the question with the French Governm ent.
[I am, &c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
(* ) [ T h is d e s p a t c h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v i n g b e e n s e n t t o t h e K i n g ; t o t h e C a b i n e t ; t o t h e
B o a r d o f T r a d e .]
( 2 ) [cp. G.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 1 8 5 - 7 , w h e r e t h e c o n v e r s a t i o n i s d a t e d M a y 2 8 ; cp. a l s o
D .D .F . , 3 me Ser., V o l . V I I , p p . 2 6 - 7 , N o . 2 5 . I t s e e m s c le a r t h a t M a y 2 8 is in f a c t c o r r e c t ,
s in c e t h e B r it is h d r a f t is d o c k e te d “ D [ r a ] f t t o B e r li n 1 6 7 . M a y 2 8 / 1 3 ” ]
( 3 ) [ v . supra, p p . 1 2 8 - 9 , N o . 7 9 . ]
No. 83.
by H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent concerning tbe Bagdad Railway and more particularly
about the abandonment of any British claim to participation in the construction of
the Bailway as far South as Basrah, which came as a com plete surprise to him.
I have, &c.
H U G H O ’ B E IE N E .
M IN U T E S .
S h o u ld w e n o t in fo r m C o u n t B e n c k e n d o r ff o f t h e c o u r s e o f o u r n e g o tia t io n s w ith G e r m a n y ?
L. M .
Y e s a n d M . C a m b o n t o o . S ir L . M a lle t s h o u ld d o it v e r b a lly o r b y g iv in g a m e m o fr a n d u m ],
I h a v e so m u c h B a lk a n m a t t e r t o d is c u s s e a c h t im e I se e t h e m a n d h a v e n o t t h e d e t a ils o f
t h is s u ffic ie n tly in m in d t o d o i t v e r b a lly .
E. G.
No. 84.
I'.O. 2 51 5 9 /9 2 41 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 203.) Berlin, D. May 31, 1913.
Sir, B. June 2, 1913.
The following question was addressed to the Im perial Chancellor in the Beichstag
yesterday by Dr. Müller (of Meiningen) the prom inent Liberal m ember :—
“ Is the Im perial Chancellor prepared to furnish inform ation in regard to an
agreement concluded between Turkey, England and Germany under which
Germany can construct the Bagdad Bailway as far as Basra on condition of the
admission of two English m embers to the Administrative Council, whilst the
construction of the harbour at Basra and the line from Basra to Koweit would
fall to England with an English protectorate over K ow eit? ”
Herr von Jagow, Imperial Secretary of State of the Foreign Office, replied as
follows :—
‘ ‘ As the House is no doubt aware from the statement made yesterday by
the English Secretary of State for Foreign A ffairs^1) England and Turkey have
agreed on the draft of a Treaty whereby the Bagdad Bailway shall not go further
than Basra without the concurrence of E ngland; and England, in view of her
interests in the section from Bagdad to Basra, is to be represented on the
Administrative Council of the Bagdad Bailway by two votes. As Sir Edward
Grey pointed out in his statement, the agreement has been com e to between
E ngland and Turkey. W e have however been kept inform ed of the progress of
the negotiations, and, so far as our interests and rights under the earlier Bagdad
Agreem ents and our present Bagdad agreements are affected by the Anglo-
Turkish Treaty, our concurrence is necessary, as the two contracting parties do
not fail to recognize. An exchange o f views on the subject has been begun.
Pending its termination I must, I regret to say, abstain from making a further
statement in regard to details. I desire however to state that the provisions of
the Anglo-Turkish agreement, whereby the Bagdad Bailway is to terminate at
Basra, is based on the assumption that the Shatt-el-Arab will be made navigable
from Basra to the Persian Gulf, and must be maintained permanently in this
condition.”
I have, &c.
W . E. GOSCHEN.
( ! ) [ v . Pari. Deb., 6 t h S e r . ( H o u s e o f C o m m o n s ) , V o l . 5 3 , p p . 3 9 2 - 6 . ]
133
N o. 8 5 .
Sir Edward G rey to Sir F . Bertie.(f)
F.O. 2 5 8 4 1 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 351.)
Sir, Foreign Office, June 2, 1913.
M. Cambon spoke to me to-day(2) about the Bagdad Railway, urging that as
regards the Financial Commission in Paris it would be very desirable that we should
not make to Germany promises with which France could not be associated. The
French Governm ent were quite ready to com e to an agreement with Germ any about
the Bagdad Railway, and would like the whole matter cleared up and got out of the
way. He asked whether I could not suggest this to the Germans.
I said that I had already suggested to H err von Kiihlm ann that the Germans
should talk to the French about the Railway. W e had said that we would not oppose
the Railway if the Germans made with us the proposed agreement. It would now be
for the French to get what guarantees they wanted for the region in which they were
interested in railways; and then I hoped that the French and ourselves m ight come
to an agreement with Germ any as to the financial arrangements to be made by the
Financial Commission in Paris(3) in support o f the Railway.
[I am, A c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
0 ) [ A c o p y o f t h is d e s p a t c h w a s s e n t t o S i r P . H a r v e y .]
( 2 ) [cp. D .D .F ., 3 ™ Ser., V o l . V I I , p p . 26-7, N o . 25.]
( 3) [cp. supra, p . 9 7 , N o . 6 5 , a n d note ( 3 ) . ]
No. 86.
F.O. 2 5 8 4 5 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 177.)
Sir, Foreign Office, June 2, 1913.
The German Ambassador gave me to-d ay (2) the following letter in connection with
the Bagdad Railway :—
(See paper herewith.)
He said that there were one or two other points that his Governm ent thought
should be considered. If we were to have two Directors on the Bagdad Railway,
German public opinion would expect one German Director on the Navigation
Company, and one on the Company that had charge of the dredging of the
Shat-el-Arab.
I said that we should be prepared to guarantee that the navigation would be
kept open, and the Navigation Company would of course require a port. The Bagdad
Railway had, I understood, the right to construct a port at Bagdad and Busra, but not
necessarily the only port. It seemed to me, therefore, that the best plan would be for
the Bagdad Railway Company to discuss with the British element of the Navigation
Company how the ports should be made.
The Ambassador suggested that this and other details of the Bagdad R [a ilw a ]y
question should be discussed between H err von Kiihlm ann and Mr. Parker or someone
in the D ep [a rtm en ]t.
I agreed to this.
0 ) [C o p ie s o f th is d e s p a tc h w e r e s e n t to S ir P . H a r v e y ; to t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; to th e
In d ia O ffic e ; t o th e C o m m it te e o f I m p e r ia l D e f e n c e ; to t h e D ir e c t o r o f M ilit a r y O p e r a tio n s .
I t w a s s e n t t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , f o r i n f o r m a t i o n , ( N o . 1 8 2 ) o n J u n e 1 5 , 1 9 1 3 .]
(2) [cp. H e r r v o n J a g o w ’ s i n s t r u c t i o n s o f M a y 2 8 , G.F., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 1 8 7 - 8 ; a n d
P r i n c e L i c h n o w s k y ’ s r e p o r t , ibid., p p . 1 9 1 - 2 , a n d note.]
134
I urged that the Germans should discuss the question of the Bagdad Bailway with
the French, if a satisfactory agreement was to be come to at the Financial Commission
in Paris for providing guarantees for the Bailway.
[ I am, A c.]
E . G [B E Y ].
* A n E n g lis h v e r s io n is g iv e n h e r e a ft e r a s a m a t t e r o f c o n v e n ie n c e . [ N o t r e p r o d u c e d .]
No. 87.
1°) Affaires religieuses et scolaires:— délivrance d ’office et sans frais des firmans
réglementaires, statut des écoles, impôts, &c. .
2°) Observation en toutes circonstances du principe que les ressortissants français
ne peuvent être détenus dans les prisons ottomanes.
3°) Beconnaissance de la qualité de ressortissants français aux Tunisiens et aux
Marocains.
4°) Signature et mise en vigueur par Iradé Impérial du com prom is d ’ arbitrage
dont le texte a été soumis à la Porte Ottomane, le 16 mars 1910.
F ) [cp . D .D .F ., 3 me S ér., V o l . V I , p p . 5 8 0 - 2 , N o . 5 1 8 , w h e r e a n o t e b y t h e F r e n c h A m b a s s a d o r
a t C o n s t a n t i n o p l e i s g i v e n u n d e r d a t e M a y 8 , 1 9 1 3 . cp. a l s o D .D .F ., 3 me S ér., V o l . V I I , p . 2 7 ,
N o . 2 5 , w h e r e M . P a u l C a m b o n r e p o r t s t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n m a d e t o S i r E d w a r d G r e y . The
r e f e r e n c e g i v e n t h e r e i n note ( » ) i s o b s c u r e .]
135
5 °) Octroi au groupe recomm andé par le gouvernem ent français de la concession
garantie on de la construction et de l ’ exploitation, sur la base déjà envisagée, des
lignes de chemin de fer suivantes :
Samsoun à Sivas et Karpout avec privilège, dans le cas où le projet Chester ne
recevrait pas de suite, pour le prolongem ent jusqu’ à D iarbekir; Tourkhal à Tokat
Zihlé à \osgat Tchalts à Erzinghian, Pékiridj et Erzeroum , et éventuellement
Trébizonde à Pékiridj, étant entendu en ce qui concerne ces deux dernières lignes,
que le concessionnaire sera tenu d ’ accepter les délais de construction qui lui seront
fixés par le Ministère Impérial des travaux publics après entente entre les gouverne
ments Ottoman et Russe.
6°) Concession à la com pagnie D aras-H am ah [s ic ] et prolongem ent de la ligne du
chem in de fer de Rayak à Lydda et du privilège de son prolongement éventuel
jusqu’ à E l-A risch, avec assignation pour la garantie de cette ligne des excédents des
dîmes affectées à la garantie de celle de Rayak à Alep.
7°) Etablissement entre la Compagnie D am as-H am ah et prolongem ent de
1 administration du chemin de fer du H edjaz d ’ un arrangement laissant à la ligne
de Beyrouth à Damas la totalité du trafic entre Damas et la mer.
8°) Concession aux groupes, qui seront recommandés par le gouvernement
français^ dans des conditions en permettant la construction et l ’ exploitation, des ports
d ’ Inéboli, d ’ Héraclée, de Tripoli, de Caiffa et de Jaffa, et en outre de ceux de
Trébizonde et de Samsoun dans le cas où le contrat d ’ études intervenu pour ces deux
derniers avec la Banque nationale de Turquie ne reçevrait pas de suite.
M IN U T E .
T h i s is a v e r y i m p o r t a n t d o c u m e n t , a n d a s M . C a m b o n p r e s s e s f o r a n e a r l y r e p l y ( 2) I d o n o t
t h in k w e s h o u ld w a it t ill w e c a n h a v e S ir G . L o w t h e r ’s o b s e r v a t io n s b y p o s t.
I t h in k w e s h o u ld t e le g r a p h a s u m m a r y t o H [ i s ] E [ x c e ll e n c y ] a n d a sk fo r h is o b s e r v a t io n s ;
t h a t w e s h o u ld t a k e t h is c o n v e n ie n t o p p o r t u n it y o f le t t in g t h e F r e n c h k n o w in g e n e r a l o u tlin e
w h a t o u r d e m a n d s o n T u r k e y a r e , m o r e e s p e c ia lly a s t o t h e T ig r is n a v ig a tio n m o n o p o ly a n d t h e
S h a t t -e l -A r a b C o m m is s io n , a n d t h e r e m i g h t b e a d v a n t a g e in g e t t i n g F r a n c e t o s a y s h e w i ll n o t
o p p o se th e m .
I t h in k w e s h o u ld a t o n c e e n t e r in t o c o n fid e n t ia l c o m m u n ic a t io n w ith t h e N a t io n a l B a n k
a b o u t p o i n t 8 , in s o f a r a s i t c o n c e r n s T r e b iz o n d a n d S a m s u n . B e f o r e w e a r e c o m m i t t e d t o
a n y d e fin it e a t t it u d e o n s o m e o f t h e o th e r p o in t s , m o r e e s p e c ia lly r a ilw a y s , I t h in k w e s h o u ld
b e c l e a r a s t o h o w f a r t h e y a r e c o n s i s t e n t w i t h o t h e r e x i s t i n g r i g h t s , e.g., t h e B l a c k S e a B a s i n
a g r e e m e n t . A s t o p o i n t 3 w e m i g h t ju s t p o i n t o u t t o t h e F r e n c h G o v [ e r n m e n ] t t h a t in t h e
a n a lo g o u s c a s e o f B a h r e in e s e w e a r e n o t in s is t in g o n m o r e t h a n B r it is h c o n s u la r p r o te c t io n ,
a n d n o t c la i m i n g t h e s p e c ia l p r o t e c t io n o f t h e c a p i t u la t i o n s , a s in t h e c a s e o f E u r o p e a n s .
Q u e r y c o m m u n ic a te w ith th e N a tio n a l B a n k a s p r o p o s e d (3) a n d te le g r a p h to S ir G .
L o w t h e r : — . . . ,( 4) ^ p
J u n e 5, 1913.
R. P. M .
( 2 ) [ S i r E d w a r d G r e y ’ s r e p l y i s g i v e n infra, p p . 1 6 8 - 9 , N o . 1 1 5 . ]
(3) [A le tte r w a s s e n t to th e N a tio n a l B a n k o f T u r k e y on J u n e 9 , 1 9 1 3 . (F O 2 5 5 3 3 /
2 5 5 3 3 /1 3 /4 4 .)] ' '
( 4) [T h e d r a f t fo llo w s o f S ir E d w a r d G r e y ’s te le g r a m to S ir G . L o w t h e r ( N o .2 4 5 ) of June6
1 9 1 3 , D . 1 2 - 2 0 p . m . v. i m m e d i a t e l y s u c c e e d i n g d o c u m e n t . ]
No. 88.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir G. L ow th er.( J)
F.O. 2 55 3 3 /2 5 5 3 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 245.) Foreign Office, June 6 , 1913, 1 2-20 p . m .
French G ov [ern m en ]t have com m unicated to us, and invited any observations
we may desire to make on, the following conditions of their “ financial and fiscal
assistance ’ ’ to Turkey ;—
1). Settlement of religious and scholastic questions, including the status and
taxation of schools Ac.
( 0 [T h is te le g r a m w a s r e p e a te d to P a r is (N o . 2 2 1 ). C o p ie s w e re a ls o s e n t to th e I n d ia
O f f i c e ; t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e D i r e c t o r o f M i l i t a r y O p e r a t i o n s .]
136
2). No French citizen to be detained in a Turkish prison.
3). Natives of Tunis and M orocco to be treated in every respect as French
citizens.
4). Enforcem ent of the arbitration compromise submitted to the Porte on
March 16, 1910. W hat is this?
5). Grant of the following railway concessions, on the basis already contemplated,
to the group approved by the French G o v [e r n m e n ]t:—
a) Samsun to Sivas, with option of continuation to Diarbekir if the Chester
project falls through.
b) Tourkhal to Tokat.
c) Zihle to Yosgat.
d) Tchalts to Erzinghian, Pekiridj and Erzeroum , and eventually Trebizond to
Pekiridj, provided that, in regard to the two last named lines the
concessionnaire must agree to the delay fixed by the Ottoman
G ov[ern m en ]t after agreement with the Russian G ov[ern m en ]t.
6). Concession to the Dam ascus-Ham ah Company of an extension from Rayak
to Lydda, with the right of eventual extension to El Arish. (To this last extension we
have objected and M. Cambon said it would be dropped.) This line is to have a
guarantee of the surplus tithes now assigned to the line from Rayak to Aleppo. Are
there any prior claims on that surplus?
7). Traffic arrangements for the Damascus Company to have all the traffic between
Damascus and the sea.
8). Concessions to French groups, under conditions favourable to the construction
and administration of ports at Ineboli, Heraclea, Tripoli, Haiffa, and Jaffa, and at
Samsun and Trebizond, if the contract between the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t and the
National Bank lapses.
Please telegraph your observations on these points in so far as you think it
necessary for us to make any reservations. Do any of the conditions conflict with
existing concessions or financial obligations of Turkey?
No. 89.
F.O. 21191/6463/13/4-4.
Urgent and Secret.
Sir :— Foreign Office, June 6, 1913.
W ith reference to previous correspondence, I am directed by S ec[reta r]v
Sir E. Grey to transmit to you, to be laid before the S ec[reta r]y of State for India/
the Board of Trade, the accom panying copy of a semi-official com m unication made by
the German Embassy on the 4th instant respecting the Bagdad Railway negotiations. ;
I am also to enclose the drafts of a memorandum and a declaration which, subject ,
to the concurrence of the S ec[reta r]y of State for India/the Board o f Trade, Sir E.
Grey proposes to communicate to the German Ambassador on the 10th instant.
Sir E. Grey considers that there is advantage in securing an undertaking from }
the German G ov [ern m en ]t with regard to the exclusion of differential treatment on j
the Bagdad Railway system, corresponding to the undertaking which that
G ov [ern m en ]t desire from H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] in regard to the river. 1
H e understands, from informal com m unication with the German Embassy, that i
the German G ov[ern m en ]t would be satisfied if, in the event of the Chairman of the ;
proposed Ottoman Navigation C o[m p any] being called upon to exercise his casting
vote, the suggested German director were excluded by the statutes of the Company k
0 ) [O n J u n e 9 b o th t h e I n d i a O ffic e a n d t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e c o n c u r r e d in t h e p r o p o s e d
m e m o r a n d u m a n d d r a f t a g r e e m e n t . ( F .O . 2 6 5 5 3 / 6 4 6 3 /1 3 / 4 4 ; 2 6 4 6 3 / 6 4 6 3 /1 3 / 4 4 . ) ]
137
from voting at all. This, it is suggested, would overcom e the risk of British control,
which is to be exercised by means of the chairm an’ s casting vote, being endangered.
(t h e f o l l o w in g to bo ar d o f t r a d e o n l y .)
Sir E. Grey would be glad to learn if, provided such a stipulation is embodied in
the statutes of the Company, it would be necessary to limit the powers of the German
representative on the Board to a “ voix consultative.”
(t h e f o l l o w in g to b o t h i [ n d ia ] o [ f f ic e ] a n d b [oard] o f t [ r a d e ] .)
Sir E. Grey would be glad if the Board of Trade would suggest the wording of
annex No. 1 to the draft declaration^2) laying down the conditions for the control of
the port of Bussorah. The conditions should, if possible, approximate to those
obtaining at Haidar Pasha.
[ I am, A c.]
L [O U IS ] M [A L L E T ].
Enclosure 1 in No. 89.
Notice.
London, June 4, 1913.
From previous conversations concerning details of the negotiations about the
. Bagdad Bailway it appears that there is a desire for British representation in the port
at Basra.
The directors of the Bagdad Bailwray Company have no objection in principle to
1 this. They intend to organise the Basra Harbour Company on lines practically
analogous to those of the Haidar Pasha H arbour Company, the details of which have
I been communicated to the Foreign Office. The directors of the Bagdad Bailway
| Company are inclined to give British Capital 30% of the total capital of the Basra
’ Harbour Company, and to elect on the Board of this Company, which would build
1 and run the Basra Harbour, the two English members sitting on the Bagdad Baihvay
I Company Board. These concessions are conditional upon German interests getting
a representation in the bodies superintending the water-ways from the Persian Gulf
1 to Bagdad. I f a representative of the Bagdad Bailway Company could sit in the
(*) [r. infra, p. 155, No. 98, encl.]
138
Turkish Commission, to which the conservancy of the Shat el Arab is going to be
entrusted, the German interests and the Im perial Government would prefer such a
solution. If, however, this should not be possible, it may be found feasible to create
a purely advisory Commission which might recomm end to the Ottoman conservancy
board alterations and improvements of the Shat-el-Arab waterway.
In the Board of the E u p h r a t e s ] and Tigris River Steamship Company, to which
practically a m onopoly shall be given, important German Shipping interests demand
one German representative to watch over the strict enforcement of our arrangements
for the exclusion of any differential treatment by the River Navigation Company.
The Imperial Government believes that in German shipping circles and public
opinion in general the idea of a m onopoly will not be popular, and that they could not
see their way to agree to a m onopoly unless the appointment of one representative of
the German interests to the Board provided a moral guarantee against possible
discrimination. Germany would claim no share in the capitalisation of the River
com pany.
( 3) [T h is m e m o r a n d u m , w ith t h e a n n e x e d d e c la r a t io n , w a s c o m m u n ic a t e d to t h e G e r m a n
A m b a s s a d o r o n J u n e 1 0 , 1 9 1 3 . ( F .O . 2 6 4 6 3 / 6 4 6 3 / 1 3 / 4 4 . ) F o r P r i n c e L i c h n o w s k y ’ s r e p o r t o f
J u n e 2 1 , e n c lo s in g t h e d r a ft A n g lo -G e r m a n D e c l a r a t i o n , t h e G e r m a n c o u n t e r - d r a f t (cp. infra,
p p . 1 7 4 - 9 , N o . 1 1 8 , a n d ends.) a n d t h e d r a f t A n n e x c o m m u n i c a t e d t o h i m o n J u n e 1 4 ( v . infra,
p . 1 5 5 , N o . 9 8 , a n d end.), v. O.P., X X X Y 1 I ( I ) , p p . 1 9 6 - 2 0 5 . ]
( 4 ) [y. supra, p p . 9 7 - 8 , N o . 6 6 . ]
( s ) [ v . supra, p p . 1 0 9 - 1 4 , N o . 6 8 , end. 4 . ]
( 6) [ v . Gooch & Temperley, V o l . X ( I ) , p . 7 2 0 , N o . 7 4 1 . ]
139
The draft of an agreement on the lines referred to above has been prepared, and
is submitted herewith for the consideration of the German Government.
L [O U IS ] M [A L L E T ].
1. H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will not oppose the
construction and management by the Bagdad Railway Company of the proposed
railway between Bagdad and Bussorah.
2. The Bagdad Railway Company, having agreed, in so far as they are concerned,
on the following arrangements with the Imperial Ottoman Governm ent, the Im perial
German Governm ent, so far as concerns themselves, hereby adhere to the said
arrangements and confirm them and guarantee their due execution :—
(a) The construction of a branch from Basra (Zubeir) to the Persian Gulf, referred
to in Article 1 of the Bagdad Railway Convention o f the 5th March, 1903,( 7) shall be
indefinitely postponed, and shall in no case be undertaken unless and until there is
complete agreement on the subject between H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, the
Imperial German Governm ent, and the Im perial Ottoman Government.
( b) In the event of the construction of the said branch being eventually under
taken, the Bagdad Railway Company, while desiring to participate in the construction,
forgoes all claim to participate in the m anagem ent; though adequate arrangements
shall be made to secure facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad Railway
Company’ s system.
(c) The terminus of the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra ; and
the Bagdad Railway Company shall renounce all claims, whether under Article 23 of
the Bagdad Railway Convention o f the 5th M arch, 1903, or in any other way derived,
to build a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf.
(d) The construction of the proposed port at Bussorah shallbe executed in a
manner to be mutually agreed upon, and so that British participation in the
undertaking shall amount to 5 0% of the whole.
The control of the port of Bussorah shall be exercised as provided in annex No. 1
attached to the present declaration. (8)
(e) Two British directors, selected from a list of candidates to be submitted by
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government, shall be admitted to the Board of the Bagdad
Railway Company ; and no discrimination direct or indirect shall be permitted on the
Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s system either as regards facilities or rates of charge for
j the conveyance of like articles between the same points on account of the ownership,
; origin, or destination of goods presented for transport, or in any other manner
‘ whatsoever.
3. The Imperial German Government declare that they will in no case them-
I selves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations whatsoever to
| establish, a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf, without the prior assent of
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent.
4. The Imperial German Government undertake that they will in no wise
I encourage or support claims on the part of German subjects to participate in any
enterprise of navigation on the rivers Tigris and Euphrates.
No. 90.
F.O. 2 59 4 2 /9 2 16 /1 3 /4 4 .
S ir :— Foreign Office, June 6, 1913.
W ith reference to previous correspondence I am directed by S ec[reta r]y
Sir E . Grey to state, for the inform ation of the S ec[reta r]y of State for India, that
Hakki Pasha intimated today that he had received authority from his G ov[ernm en]t
to sign the convention regarding the Persian Gulf, subject to the addition of a clause,
o f which he will submit a draft, (*) providing for the extradition o f criminals from
Koweit, which otherwise m ight becom e a haven of refuge for bad characters.
Hakki Pasha was inform ed that there would probably be no objection to such a
clause on the part o f H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [o v e rn m e n ]t; and I am to request that
Sir E . Grey may be furnished with the views of the S ec[reta r]y of State for India on
the subject as soon as possible.
I am, &c.
LO U IS M A L L E T .
0 ) [v. in fra , p . 1 4 4 , N o . 9 2 . ]
141
M IN U T E S .
T h i s E x t r a d i t i o n Q u e s t i o n w i l l r e q u i r e much c o n s i d e r a t i o n .
W e h a v e n o E x t r a d it io n T r e a t y w ith T u r k e y o r w ith a n y C o u n tr y w h e r e w e e x e r c is e
E x t r a -t e r r it o r i a l ju r is d ic t io n . W e g e t B r it is h s u b je c ts fr o m th e r e a n d v ic e v e r s a u n d e r t h e
fu g it iv e o ffe n d e r s A c t .
W e h a v e a lw a y s , so f a r , r e fu s e d t o m a k e a n y E x t r a d it io n T r e a t y w ith T u r k e y , t h o [ u g h ]
th e y h a v e s u g g e s te d it m o r e th a n o n ce.
W . M.
7 June.
M r. M ay cock : —
.M a n y t h a n k s f o r t h is m in u t e . B u t is n o t t h is a n e x c e p t i o n a l c a s e . K o w e i t is a n
“ a u t o n o m o u s c a z a ” o f t h e O t t o m a n E m p i r e i f o u r d r a f t C o n v e n t io n is r a ti fie d . I t is u n d e r
th e s u z e r a in ty o f t h e S u lt a n o f T u r k e y , b u t e n jo y s a b s o lu t e s e lf-g o v e r n m e n t. S u r e ly , t h e r e fo r e ,
t h e q u e s tio n o f w h e th e r o r n o t H [ i s ] M [ a je s t y ’s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] a r e p r e p a r e d t o c o n c lu d e a n
e x t r a d itio n t r e a t y w ith T u r k e y h a s n o d ir e c t b e a r in g o n t h e q u e s tio n .
A. P.
J u n e 9, 1913.
I e n tir e ly a g r e e , a s a t p r e s e n t a d v is e d a n d in t h e a b s e n c e o f fu r th e r e x p la n a tio n s a s t o
t h e s t a t u s o f K o w e i t , w ith M r . M a y c o c k . W e h a v e a lw a y s r e fu s e d t o c o n c lu d e E x t r a d it io n
T r e a tie s ( t h a t is t o s a y t o a p p ly t h e p r o v is io n s o f t h e E x t r a d it io n A c t s ) b e t w e e n t h is c o u n t r y
a n d p la c e s w h e r e t h e K i n g e x e r c is e s e x t r a t e r r it o r ia l ju r is d ic t io n o v e r B r it is h s u b je c ts — o f
w h ic h p la c e s T u r k e y is o n e . T h e r e a r e v e r y g o o d r e a s o n s f o r t h is , w h ic h a r e w e ll k n o w n . H o w
a r e w e to c o n c lu d e a n E x t r a d itio n T r e a ty w ith th e S h e ik h o f K o w e it w h e n w e r e fu s e (q u ite
p r o p e r ly ) t o d o so w ith t h e S u z e r a in o f w h o m h e is t h e v a s s a l? W h y s h o u ld w e c o n c lu d e , a n d
h o w c a n w e ju s t ify c o n c lu d in g , a n E x t r a d itio n T r e a ty w ith th e S h e ik h o f K o w e it w h e n w e
h a v e n o n e w ith t h e K h e d iv e o f E g y p t , o r t h e S u lt a n o f M u s c a t — fo r e x a m p le . I p r e s u m e w e
a r e n o t g o in g t o g iv e u p ju r is d ic t io n o v e r B [ r i t i s h ] S [ u b je c t ] s in t h e S h e ik h d o m o f K o w e it
w h ile r e t a in in g s u c h ju r is d ic t io n w ith in t h e S u lt a n a t e o f T u r k e y ? I f w e a r e p r o p o s in g t o d o
a n y t h in g o f t h e s o r t I t h in k t h a t w e s h o u ld c a r e fu lly c o n s id e r — o r r e -c o n s id e r — t h e m a t t e r
fu r th e r b e fo r e w e c o m m it o u r s e lv e s t o a c o u r s e w h ic h a s a p r e c e d e n t m a y h a v e su c h im p o r t a n t
a n d fa r -r e a c h in g c o n s e q u e n c e s .
W . E. D.
M r . M a lk in .
M r. P em ber. .
M r . M a l k i n r e fe r r e d t h i s t o m e a g a in . S o f a r a s I a m a w a r e t h e r e is n o q u e s t io n o f a n
e x t r a d it io n t r e a t y a ffe c t in g B r it is h s u b je c ts . A ll t h a t is c o n t e m p la t e d is a n a r r a n g e m e n t ,
I p r e s u m a b ly r e c ip r o c a l, b y w h ic h K o w e it , in p r o p e r c a s e s , w o u ld s u r r e n d e r O t to m a n s u b je c ts
i (a s d is t in c t fr o m K o w e i t is ) w h o w e n t t h e r e .
I t is n o t t h e c a s e t h a t t h e S u l t a n o f T u r k e y n o m i n a t e s t h e s u c c e s s o r t o t h e S h e i k h o f
K o w e i t u n d e r o u r d r a f t c o n v e n t io n w i t h T u r k e y . H e is t o b e d e b a r r e d e x p r e s s is v e r b is fr o m
■ d o in g s o , a s a ls o fr o m a ll i n t e r f e r e n c e w i t h t h e a ffa ir s , e x t e r n a l a n d i n t e r n a l, o f K o w e i t .
A. P.
J u n e 10, 1913.
I s e n t th is p a p e r b a c k to M r . P a r k e r b e c a u s e I h a d n o t h e a r d o f th is p o in t b e fo r e a n d
* w a s n o t q u i t e s u r e w h a t w a s c o n t e m p l a t e d . I t n o w a p p e a r s f r o m h i s m i n u t e t h a t t h e r e is n o
| q u e s tio n o f H [ i s ] M [ a je s t y ’ s ] G [o v e r n m e n t] c o n c lu d in g a n e x t r a d it io n t r e a t y , e ith e r w ith
K o w e it o r T u r k e y , o r s u b m it tin g B r it is h s u b je c ts t o t h e p r o v is io n s o f a n e x t r a d it io n a r r a n g e
m e n t ; a ll t h a t is p r o p o s e d is a n a r r a n g e m e n t b e t w e e n K o w e i t a n d T u r k e y b y w h ic h t h e y w i ll
I m u tu a lly s u r r e n d e r s u b je c ts o f t h e o th e r . T h i s g o e s a lo n g w a y in t h e d ir e c t io n o f t h e r e c o g
n it io n b y T u r k e y o f t h e p r a c t ic a l in d e p e n d e n c e o f K o w e i t , w h ic h is I im a g in e w e ll p le a s in g t o
H [is ] M [a je s ty ’s] G o v e r n m e n t].
142
I d o n o t t h in k H [ i s ] M f a j e s t y ’ s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] n e e d o b je c t t o s u c h a n a r r a n g e m e n t b e in g
m a d e b e t w e e n K o w e i t a n d T u r k e y , b u t it m ig h t b e w e ll t o e x p la in t h e p o s itio n a lit t l e m o r e
f u l ly t o t h e I [ n d i a l O F ffic e ],
H. W . M.
1 0 .6 .1 3 .
I a g re e a n d h a v e n o th in g to a d d .
F. W . P.
1 0 /6 /1 3 .
M y o p in io n w a s g iv e n o n t h e p o in t r a is e d b y t h e m in u t e (M r . M a y c o c k ’ s) im m e d ia t e ly
p r e c e d i n g i t , a n d o n t h e f a c t s a s g i v e n i n t h a t m i n u t e . I f t h e o n l y q u e s t i o n i n v o l v e d is a n
a g r e e m e n t b e tw e e n K o w e it o n th e o n e h a n d a n d T u r k e y o n th e o th e r fo r th e h a n d in g o v e r o f
c r im in a l K o w e itis a n d T u r k s r e s p e c tiv e ly e n tir e ly d iffe r e n t c o n s id e r a tio n s a p p ly . I m a y p o in t
o u t h o w e v e r t h a t t h e u s e o f t h e t e r m “ e x t r a d i t i o n ” in th e d r a f t w h ic h a p p a r e n t ly h a s n o w
b e e n s e n t o ff w a s in m y o p in io n u n f o r t u n a t e a n d lia b le t o m is le a d p e r s o n s w h o w e r e
a c c u s t o m e d t o e m p l o y t h a t w o r d i n t h e s t r i c t l y t e c h n i c a l s e n s e i n w h i c h i t is k n o w n a t a n y
r a t e to t h e T r e a ty D e p a r t m e n t a n d t o la w y e r s .
“ M u t u a l s u r r e n d e r ” o r “ r e n d it io n ” w o u ld b e a p t e r e x p r e s s io n s .
W . E. D.
1 1 .6 .1 3 .
No. 91.
M inute by Mr. Parker.(*)
( !) [C o p ie s o f th is M in u t e w e re s e n t to th e D ir e c to r o f M ilit a r y O p e r a t io n s : to th e
A d m ir a lty ; to th e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e I n d i a O f f ic e . T h e t e x t g i v e n a b o v e i s t a k e n f r o m
a p r in te d c o p y , a s t h e o r ig in a l d r a f t c a n n o t b e t r a c e d .]
( 2) [ v . supra, p p . 1 0 1 - 3 , N o . 6 8 , encl. 2.]
143
He then passed to the river, and he said that he had yesterday received a visit
from Mr. L yn ch, who had inform ed him that this was a most critical m oment in the
matter o f navigation, and that German interests and those of Mr. L yn ch called for
close co-operation and mutual confidence. Mr. Lynch had then referred to the existing
agreement with the Bagdad Railway Company for the conveyance of building material,
and H err Gwinner said it would be impossible for him to escape from his obligations
with Mr. L ynch under that contract, which was a very advantageous one for
Mr. L ynch who, besides the emoluments o f management, received a net profit of
12 per ce n t.(3)
I said that the contract in question only related to the conveyance of material
for the Bagdad Railway while in progress of construction, and that when construction
was com pleted both the need for conveying materials, and the navigation rights of the
Bagdad Railway Company under article 9 of their Convention, would cease to exist.
Herr Gwinner and Prince Lichnowsky then said that this brought them to a
further point : they understood that we and the Turks secured a virtual m onopoly
in regard to navigation on the Tigris, and that this would give rise to m uch criticism
in Germany, for it contrasted unfavourably with the German position respecting the
Bagdad Railway, where foreign participation was welcomed. They hoped we would
not object to the H am burg-A m eriea Line having, say, 5 per cent, or 10 per cent,
participation in the navigation com pany if they could arrange for holding part of the
Turkish share.
(As a matter of fact I understand that the Board of Trade are not altogether
opposed to this, but I thought it well to be reserved.)
I said that the navigation concession was in reality a fleeting possession; the
future of Mesopotamia depended on irrigation, and when irrigation came the rivers
would cease to be navigable. I therefore thought the Ilam burg-A m erica line would
find the enterprise a poor investment. But, apart from this, we had been intimately
connected with navigation of the Mesopotamian rivers since the reign o f Queen
Elizabeth, we had rendered great services on the rivers to Turkey in past centuries,
and we had a special and sentimental interest in this enterprize. Our arrangement
with Turkey really was a compromise, and if there was to be foreign participation it
would lose much of its value to us. W e had abandoned, or rather were prepared to
abandon, all claim to participate in and effectually control the B agdad-B asra section
of the Bagdad Railway, and therefore it was important for us to have the river
navigation in our hands.
Herr Gwinner said that all they wanted was a minor participation in the river
navigation, so as to prevent opposition from an influential quarter, the H am burg-
Ameriea line. I said that the settlement should surely be viewed as a whole, and the
Germans, so it appeared, gained far more than they gave.
The point was d rop p ed ; and then Prince Lichnowsky and H err Gwinner referred
to the proposed Shatt-el-Arab Conservancy C om m ission ." They said that as Germany
had such a large shipping interest that it was only fair that she should be represented
on the Commission.
I said that the Commission was an Ottoman one, and that we were asked to
appoint someone to act under the Ottoman Governm ent, just as the Ottoman Govern
ment asked other foreign Powers to appoint advisers to improve their institutions—
a German for instance to reform the army. The Shatt-el-Arab, although open to the
ships of all nations, was, as regards the whole waterway, a Turkish river. W e,
however, had long been associated with the river, both in regard to Buoying and
surveying, and putting down piracy, and we were closely concerned with the de facto
interests of the Sheikh of Mohammerah on the river. It was absolutely necessary for
( 3) [M a r g in a l co m m e n t b y M r . P a r k e r : “ I a m w r itin g a s e p a r a te m in u te o n th e d o in g s
o f M r . L y n c h , a s e lic ite d fr o m M r . G w in n e r . A . P .” T h is s e p a r a te m in u t e is n o t r e p r o d u c e d
a s it d e a ls o n ly w ith t h e c la im s o f M r . L y n c h f o r a s h a r e in t h e n a v i g a t i o n o f M e s o p o t a m i a n
r i v e :- s . I t w a s s e n t t o S i r E d w a r d G r e y o n J u n e 1 2 . ( F .O . 2 7 0 9 6 / 6 4 6 3 / 1 3 / 4 4 . ) ]
144
No. 92.
( D [ C o p i e s o f t h i s c o m m u n i c a t i o n w e r e s e n t t o t h e I n d i a O f f i c e .]
( 2) [u . im m e d ia t e ly s u c c e e d in g d o c u m e n t .]
( 3 ) [ u . B.F.S.P., V o l . 1 1 , p p . 8 3 6 - 9 ; C . U . A i t c h i s o n : Treaties, Engagements and Sanads
( 5 t h e d . ) , V o l . X I I I ( C a l c u t t a , 1 9 3 3 ) , p p . x i x - x x i i , App. V I . ]
115
I q u it e a g r e e . H a k k i P a s h a ’s p r o p o s e d d r a f t is o f c o u r s e q u i t e im p o s s ib le a s i t s t a n d s ,
fo r th e re a so n s (a m o n g s t o th e r s) a d d u c e d b y C a p ta in W ils o n . T h e m a t t e r se e m s to b e n o w
r ip e fo r fin a l d is c u s s io n .
W . E. D.
1 2 .6 .1 3 .
M r . P a r k e r a sk e d m e to ta k e C a p t [a in ] W ils o n ’s n o te o v e r to S ir A . H ir t z e l o f th e
I [ n d i a ] 0 [ f f i c e ] a n d d is c u s s t h e s it u a t io n w it h h im , a n d S ir E . D a v id s o n a g r e e d t h a t t h is
w o u ld b e a g o o d t h in g t o d o . W h i le I w a s t h e r e C a p t [ a i n ] W ils o n h a p p e n e d t o a r r iv e , so w e
a ll t h r e e d is c u s s e d t h e p o in t . S i r A . H i r t z e l c o n s id e r e d t h a t C a p t [ a i n ] W i l s o n h a d m a d e o u t
a v e r y s t r o n g c a s e , a n d t h a t t h e I [ n d i a ] 0 [ f f i c e ] c o u ld n o t a g r e e t o t h e in s e r tio n o f a n y c la u s e
p r o v id in g fo r th e s u r r e n d e r o f c r im in a ls w ith o u t c o n s u ltin g th e G o v [ e r n m e n ]t o f I n d ia a n d
S ir P . C o x . I s a id t h a t I u n d e r s to o d M r . P a r k e r ’s v ie w t o b e t h a t i f a fo r m u la c o u ld b e
d e v is e d w h ic h w a s h a r m le s s i t w o u ld b e w e ll t o a g r e e t o it s in c lu s io n in o r d e r t o g e t t h e
A g re e m e n t th ro u g h .
A f t e r d is c u s s io n it w a s s u g g e s te d t h a t s o m e su c h fo r m u la a s t h e fo llo w in g m ig h t m e e t th e
case : —
“ H [ i s ] M [ a j e s t y ’ s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] w i ll u s e t h e i r g o o d o ffic e s t o p r e v e n t K o w e i t
b e c o m in g a p la c e o f r e fu g e fo r c r im in a ls o f T u r k is h n a t i o n a lit y .”
C a p t [ a in ] W ils o n t h o u g h t t h a t t h is w o u ld b e u n o b je c tio n a b le .
I f t h i s is c o n s id e r e d s a t i s f a c t o r y w e m i g h t p r o p o s e i t t o t h e I [ n d i a ] 0 [ f f i c e ] , w h o w i ll t h e n
p r e s u m a b ly o b ta in t h e v ie w s o f t h e G o v [ e r n m e n ]t o f I n d ia a n d S ir P . C o x b y t e le g r a p h .
H. W . M.
1 3 .6 .1 3 .
I a g r e e t o t h e fo r m u la s u g g e s te d b u t u n f o r t u n a t e ly H a k k i w o u ld n o t.
A. P.
J u n e 13, 1913.
S ir E . D a v id s o n .
S ir L . M a lle t.
A. P.
I b e lie v e t h e r e is s o m e p r e c e d e n t , fo r w h a t H a k k i w a n t s , in r e g a r d t o t h e L e b a n o n .
A. P.
L e t u s fin d o u t w h a t t h e p r e c e d e n t o f t h e L e b a n o n is a n d h o w i t is w o r k e d in p r a c t ic e .
I a m a fr a id t h a t a ll I k n o w a b o u t t h e L e b a n o n a t p r e s e n t is t h a t t h e r e a r e c e d a r s a n d D r u s e »
th ere.
W . E. D.
T h e L e b a n o n i s a sandjak o r mutessariflik d e p e n d e n t d i r e c t l y o n t h e P o r t e , a c t i n g i n
c o n s u lt a tio n w ith t h e s ix g r e a t P o w e r s .
T h r e e C o u r t s o f F i r s t I n s t a n c e , s u p e r i o r t o t h e p e t t y c o u r t s o f mudirs a n d v i l l a g e sheikhs
a d m in is t e r ju s t ic e .
A r t i c l e X I I I o f t h e R è g l e m e n t O r g a l i i q u e o f S e p t e m b e r 6 , 1 8 6 4 ,(*) w h i c h g o v e r n s t h e
a d m in is t r [a tio ]n o f th e L e b a n o n , la y s d o w n —
“ A r t [ ic le ] X I I I . L e s h a b ita n ts d u L ib a n q u i a u r a ie n t c o m m is u n c r im e o u d é lit
d a n s u n a u t r e s a n d ja k s e r o n t ju s t ic i a b le s d e s a u t o r i t é s d e c e s a n d ja k , d e m ê m e q u e le s
h a b it a n t s d e s a u tr e s a r r o n d is s e m e n ts q u i a u r a ie n t c o m m is u n c r im e o u d é lit d a n s la
c ir c o n s c r ip tio n d u L i b a n , s e r o n t ju s t ic ia b le s d e s t r ib u n a u x d e la M o n t a g n e .
“ E n c o n s é q u e n c e , le s in d iv id u s in d ig è n e s o u n o n in d ig è n e s q u i se s e r a ie n t r e n d u s
c o u p a b le s d ’ u n c r im e o u d é lit s u r le L ib a n , e t q u i se s e r a ie n t é v a d é s d a n s u n a u t r e s a n d ja k ,
s e r o n t , s u r la d e m a n d e d e l ’ a u t o r it é d e la M o n t a g n e , a r r ê t é s p a r c e lle d u s a n d ja k o ù ils
se t r o u v e n t e t r e m is à l ’ a d m in is t r a t io n d u L i b a n . D e m ê m e le s in d ig è n e s d e la M o n t a g n e
o u le s h a b it a n t s d ’ a u tr e s d é p a r t e m e n t s q u i a u r o n t c o m m is u n c r im e o u d é lit d a n s u n
s a n d ja k q u e lc o n q u e e t a u t r e q u e le L ib a n , e t q u i s ’y s e r o n t r é fu g ié s , s e r o n t , s a n s r e t a r d ,
a r r ê t é s p a r l ’ a u t o r it é d e la M o n t a g n e s u r la d e m a n d e d e c e lle d u s a n d ja k in t é r e s s é , e t
s e r o n t r e m is à c e tte d e r n iè r e a u to r ité . L e s a g e n ts d e l ’ a u to r ité q u i a u r a ie n t a p p o r té u n e
n é g lig e n c e o u d e s r e ta r d s n o n ju s tifié s d a n s l ’e x é c u t io n d e s o r d r e s r e la t ifs a u r e n v o i d e s
c o u p a b l e s d e v a n t le s t r i b u n a u x c o m p é t e n t s , s e r o n t , c o m m e c e u x q u i c h e r c h e r a i e n t à
d é r o b e r c e s c o u p a b le s a u x p o u r s u it e s d e la p o lic e , p u n is c o n fo r m é m e n t a u x lo is .
“ E n fin , le s r a p p o r t s d e l ’ a d m i n i s t r a t i o n d u L i b a n a v e c l ’ a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e s p e c t iv e
d e s a u t r e s s a n d ja k s , s e r o n t e x a c t e m e n t le s m ê m e s q u e le s r e la t io n s q u i e x i s t e n t e t q u i
s e r o n t e n t r e t e n u e s e n t r e t o u s le s s a n d ja k s d e l ’ E m p i r e .”
T h e r e is n o in f o r m a t io n in t h e L i b r a r y t o s h o w h o w t h e p r o v is io n s o f t h is A r t ic le w o r k
in p r a c t ic e .
E. P.
J u n e 16, 1913.
H [v. B .F.S.P., V o l . 6 1 , p . 1 0 2 7 .]
[10900] L
146
M r . P a r k e r h a s a s k e d m e to p r e p a r e a n a lte r n a tiv e d r a ft fo r m u la , b a se d o n C a p t fa in ]
W ils o n ’s t h ir d a lte r n a tiv e (2 7 2 7 4 )(5) fo r s u b m is s io n to t h e I [ n d i a ] 0 [ f f ic e ] , a n d p r o v id in g fo r
r e c ip r o c ity .
P e r h a p s s o m e th in g lik e t h is w o u ld m e e t t h e s it u a tio n .
“ H [ i s ] M f a j e s t y ’ s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] w i ll u s e t h e i r g o o d o ffic e s t o e n s u r e t h a t T u r k is h
c r im in a ls a n d b a d c h a r a c t e r s s h a ll n o t b e r e c e iv e d in t h e t e r r it o r y o f K o w e i t , a n d if
fo u n d s h a ll b e e x p e lle d t h e r e fr o m .
S im ila r ly K o w e i t i c r im in a ls a n d b a d c h a r a c t e r s s h a ll n o t b e r e c e iv e d in T u r k is h
t e r r it o r y , a n d i f f o u n d s h a ll b e e x p e lle d t h e r e f r o m .”
I h a ve u sed th e w o rd “ e x p e lle d ” b e c a u s e t h e r e m a y b e o b je c tio n s t o s a y in g “ h a n d e d
, ,, T u r k is h , . . . ,,
o v e r t o t h e - - - - - - - - - - - - a u t h o r it ie s .”
K o w e iti
I u n d e r s t a n d t h a t i t is p r o p o s e d t o a s k t h e I [ n d i a ] 0 [ f f i c e ] w h e t h e r a s im ila r r e c ip r o c a l
a r r a n g e m e n t w o u ld b e a d v is a b le in t h e c a s e s o f B a h r e in a n d M u s c a t .
H. W . M.
1 6 .6 .1 3 .
( 5) [ v . im m e d i a t e ly s u c c e e d in g d o c u m e n t .]
No. 93.
N ote by Captain [S ir Arnold'] Wilson regarding the proposed provision for the
extradition from K oiceit of persons wanted by the Turks.
P .O . 2 7 2 7 4 /9 2 1 6 /1 3 /4 4 . Foreign Office, June 10, 1913.
N.B. The word “ extra d ition ” is used for convenience o n ly ; it is scarcely
applicable in its strict sense.
The following notes represent, I believe, generally speaking, the view of the
question that would be taken by Sir P. C ox; I have written without reference to
records however and subject to correction on all points.
I. Extradition has been refused by the Shaikh in the past to the Turkish
authorities, and cases are on record at Bushire where the demand has been made by
the authorities of Basrah, not com plied with by the Shaikh, and not pressed by the
Turks. The existing status quo certainly does not provide for it, and on this ground
I think we should resist any formal demand for it.
II. The Shaikh of Koweit could not possibly enforce extradition on his dependants
on the drastic scale provided for in Hakki Pasha’ s draft, and his personal prerogatives
in such a matter are strictly limited by immemorial Arab custom and local observance.
III. The indiscriminate extradition o f accused persons is contrary to well-known
and almost universally recognized Arab (and Mohamedan) cu stom : whether provided
for in our agreement or not, it cannot in practice be observed locally and can only
lead to friction and give local Turkish authorities occasion to pick quarrels with the
Shaikh.
A useful case to quote in support o f the above contention might be the murder
by Arabs in 1904 of a Bahrain notable whilst hunting on Turkish territory in Hasa.
M y recollection is that when we demanded the surrender of the guilty parties the
Turks pleaded that the malefactors had taken refuge with an Arab tribe who refused
to give them up, and that the Turkish authorities were not in a position to insist on
their surrender.
IV . Hakki Pasha’ s draft provides for extradition of any persons wanted by the
Turkish provincial authorities whether Turkish subjects or not, and whether accused
o f serious crim e or of petty civil misdemeanour : nor does it provide for any reciprocal
obligation on the part of the Turks. In all these respects it will certainly be
unacceptable and unworkable.
Turkey has refused “ extra d ition ” (the Capitulations notwithstanding) to Great
B rita in : she has also (vide Basrah case, 1910, and corre sp o n d e n ce ] with
147
Constantinople) generally in practice refused it to Persia, in spite of the specific
provisions of the Treaties of 1 7 4 6 H and 1823.(2) The fact is, the principle of
extradition is repugnant to Eastern ideas.
Y. M y impression is that Hakki Pasha’ s draft goes far beyond the provisions
of Ottoman law on the subject. No Arab chief in Turkish Arabia or Mesopotamia is
expected to hand over without question any person against whom proceedings are
pending in the Ottoman “ tribunals ” (by which the judicial tribunals are presumably
intended). In this connection I am under the impression that the papers regarding
the Glanville murder at Basrah in 1904 or 5 will show that the local authorities at
Basrah admitted their inability to obtain the surrender of accused persons who had
taken refuge with certain Arab tribes such as the Muntafik and A1 bu Mahammad.
V I. In support of the contention (para[graph] I I I supra) regarding Arab and
Mohamedan custom it may be m entioned that no arrangements for extradition
inter se exist between any Mohamedan principalities as far as m y own knowledge
go e s : e.g.
Muskat and Zanzibar,
Muskat and Bahrain,
Bahrain and Koweit,
and Persia and Turkey (in practice).
Each case is dealt wdth on its merits as it arises, the laws of hospitality and
sanctuary being jealously guarded. See Moirs Comm entary on the Koran, and
Doughty. The Koranic law has I believe explicit provisions on the subject.
W e ourselves, if I rem em ber right, do not extradite (see case of Bint Barghash
1902) Muskat subjects from India on principle, but I am not clear about this.
V II. There are some thousands of Persians, Bahrainis, and Trucial Coast Arabs
in Koweit and every year Arabs from Najd and elsewhere visit Kow eit. The
extradition of persons com ing under these categories, and of persons wrho are only
colourably Turkish subjects would raise very awkward questions.
[109001
148
N o. 94.
III.f1)
IV . Le G [ou vern em en ]t de S [a ] M [a jesté] Britannique déclare qu ’ il n ’ a pas
d ’ objection de principe à l ’ abolition de ses bureaux postaux en Turquie à la condition
que cette mesure s’ étende à tous les bureaux étrangers et que l ’ administration postale
ottomane offre pour la transmission des correspondances les garanties requises de la
sécurité et de la célérité. Le G [ou vern em en ]t R [o y a ]l n ’ a pas, non plus, d ’ objection
à la vente, dans ses bureaux en Turquie, de timbres-postes ottomans. Ceci exigeant
l ’ établissement d ’ une surcharge et certaines mesures d ’ ordre technique, il est prêt à
entamer des négociations à ce sujet si les autres États ayant des bureaux de poste en
Turquie, conviennent d ’ étudier ce changem ent de système.
V. Le G [ou vern em en ]t R [o y a ]l espère que le G [ou vern em en ]t I[m p é ria ]l
créera sous peu, avec les réformes sérieuses de sa législation et de son organisation
judiciaire, un état de choses susceptible de faire envisager la possibilité de l ’ abolition
des capitulations. E n attendant, et com m e le système actuel pourra être amélioré
dans beaucoup de ses détails, il se déclare prêt à nom m er ses délégués si tous les
G [ou vern em en ]ts int[ernationau]x se mettent d ’ accord pour l ’ institution d ’ une
com m ission d ’ études.
A n n e x .
ad referendum , in the course of the recent negotiations with Hakki P a sh a ; they have
also examined, writh close attention, the memorandum com m unicated by his H ighness
on the 1st M a y,(3) com prising a list of various concessions to which the Im perial
Ottoman Governm ent desire that His M a jesty’ s Governm ent should give their assent.
These documents m ay be dealt with under their several headings as follows :—
The points to which the assent of Plis M ajesty’ s Governm ent isdesired by the
Imperial Ottoman Governm ent are five :—
In their note of July 1912 His M ajesty’ s Governm ent expressed their readiness,
on stated conditions to agree—
‘ ‘ to the m aintenance, for a period of seven years, . . . . of the increase in the
general rate o f cnstoms duty leviable on British goods on importation into the
Ottoman Em pire from 8 per cent, to 11 per cent, ad valorem which was agreed to
in 1907, and also to the further increase of this general rate of customs duty
from 11 per cent, to 15 per cent, ad valorem for the same period.” ( 6)
The present request of the Ottoman Governm ent goes considerably beyond this
concession : nevertheless, on the successful conclusion of the negotiations which have
been proceeding with His Highness Hakki Pasha in London, H is M ajesty’ s Govern
ment are prepared to agree to the levy on British imports of 15 per cent, ad valorem
without stipulating for a limitation of the period during which such a rate shall be
enforced.
It must, however, be distinctly understood that this assent of H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent is subject to twro further conditions, firstly that the assent of other Powers
concerned is obtained to the levy o f a similar rate on their respective imports, and
secondly that a period o f notice, of not less than six months, is given before the
increased duties are levied.
2. The eventual substitution of a specific tariff, to be fixed by mutual agreem ent, for
the proposed 15 per cent, ad valorem rate.
Provided that such a change meets wTith the approval of other Powers, His
M ajesty’ s Governm ent would be prepared to agree to it in principle, subject to the
following conditions :—
(a) The details of the scheme o f conversion must be previously agreed between
Great Britain and Turkey.
( b) No such tariff, even when it has been agreed upon shall be put into operation
without a reasonable period of notice, which in any case shall not be less than twelve
months.
(c) The Im perial Ottoman Governm ent shall previously make a declaration that
the rights at present enjoyed by H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent, whether under or by
virtue of capitulations, treaties, notes, declarations, or otherwise, to veto any increase
in the duties leviable on British im ports into Turkey shall be fully reserved.
3. The im position of the “ tem ettu ” tax on British subjects on condition of its
im position on all foreigners in Turkey.
This question is the subject of active negotiation at the present time between the
Im perial Ottoman Governm ent and the Embassies at Constantinople, and H is
M ajesty’ s Governm ent would hesitate to institute collateral negotiations in London,
since to do so might lead to misunderstanding and misconstruction.
4. The abolition, in principle, of foreign post offices in T u rk ey; and, pending their
abolition, the sale of Ottoman stamps.
Though certain Powers have, H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent are well aware, given
a conditional assent to the abolition of their respective post offices in Turkey, the
question is one in which it is impossible for His M ajesty’ s Governm ent to dissociate
them selves from the collective action of the Powers. They are, however, prepared,
subject to the assent of other Powers to a similar step, to agree to the abolition of
British post offices in principle, on the understanding that no such abolition shall be
effected until they are satisfied that the Ottoman postal administration affords
adequate guarantees of security and promptitude in transmission of correspondence.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have no primâ facie objection to the sale o f Turkish
instead o f British stamps ; but it would be necessary to surcharge the stamps used in
the British post offices, or otherwise differentiate them from the stamps sold at
Ottoman Post Offices or the postal agencies o f other Powers, and the technical details
would have to be submitted to careful expert examination so as to avoid difficulties
of accountancy and interference with the British local administration. I f the other
Powers concerned agreed to a similar change in principle, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent
would be prepared to appoint a delegate to enquire whether the change is practicable.
No. 95.
10. ITakki Pasha then told me that the Bagdad Railway Company were
negotiating for a modification of the kilometric guarantees in so far as they are at
present, under article 35 of the Convention of 1903, opposed to the developm ent of
traffic.
A. P.
M IN U T E .
No. 96.
No. 97.
N o. 98.
A nnex.
(i) In the event of the Bagdad Railway Company desiring to exercise their rights
under Article 23 of the Bagdad Railway Convention o f 1903(2) in respect of the
establishment o f a port at Bussorah, they shall form for the purpose a special
Ottoman Company, to which all the said rights of the Bagdad Railway Company shall
be transferred.
The capital of the Port Company so form ed shall be held in equal proportions
by the Bagdad Railway Company and its nom inees and a group to be nom inated by
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government.
(ii) Contracts in respect of the construction, equipment and maintenance of the
port shall be allotted to British and German contractors as nearly as possible in equal
proportions.
(iii) No duties or charges of whatever nature or under whatever denom ination
shall be levied by the Port Company on any vessels or goods which shall not equally,
under the same conditions, be imposed in like cases on all vessels or goods, whatever
be the nationality o f the vessels or their owners, or the ownership or country of
origin or destination o f the goods, and whatever be the places from which the vessels
or goods arrive or to which they depart.
In all that relates to the stationing, loading, and unloading of vessels in the port
no privileges or facilities shall be granted to any vessel or vessels which shall not
equally and under like conditions be granted to all other vessels.
0 ) \v. su pra , p. 139, N o. 89, encl. 3. T his a nnex was d r a fte d b y th e B oa rd o f T ra de, at
Sir E d w a rd G re y ’ s request ( v . his le tte r o f J u n e 6, 1913, su pra, p. 137, N o. 89), an d forw a rd ed
to the F o re ig n Office on J u n e 12, 1913. (F .O . 2 6 9 8 4 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .)]
(2) [v . B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 8 40 -1 .]
No. 99.
F.O . 2 7 3 0 2 /2 6 1 /1 3 /3 4 .
Confidentielle. London, June 14, 1913.
Le Ministère Im périal des Affaires Etrangères a reçu copie du projet de
déclaration ad référendum , signé à Londres, le 6 Mai a [n n é e ] c [o u ra n te ].(1) D ’ après
ce projet la ligne frontière Turco-Persane à partir de Hafiz jusqu’ au golfe Persique
passerait en amont de l ’ embouchure du fleuve Karoun par le chenal qui divise le
Chatt-el-Arab en deux parties égales.
Cette ligne suivrait ensuite la rive Persane même de manière à laisser à la
: Turquie toute la surface fluviale.
I
156
No. 100.
F .O . 2 7 3 0 2 /2 6 1 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (N o. 458.) Foreign Office June 17, 1913, 5-45 p . m .
I have received a com m unication from the Russian E m bassy respecting the
Turco-Persian frontier from Hawizeh to the sea : following is an ex tra ct: . . . .(z)
I have been somewhat surprised by the receipt o f this com m unication, as, in
the absence o f any criticism b y the Russian Governm ent of the docum ent, com m uni
cated to them last July, and suggesting a definite line o f frontier along the Shatt-
el-Arab, I had assumed that Russian Governm ent did not dissent from that line. It
is true that the line allots the whole waterway o f the Shatt-el-Arab to Turkey, but
this was also so allotted by the M ediating Comm issioners’ line o f 1851, to which
Persia then acceded; and it would, I consider, be impossible to uphold any Persian
claim to the m id-channel boundary having regard to the terms o f the treaty of
Erzeroum . But -the present declaration in no way invalidates o r supersedes the
clause o f the Treaty o f Erzeroum , (3) which secures the right o f navigation to the
K arun via the Shatt-el-Arab.
I have com m unicated to the Russian Ambassador the draft o f our convention
with Turkey respecting the Shatt-el-Arab Riverain Comm ission, and I think the
Russian Governm ent will be satisfied that it contains adequate safeguards for inter
national navigation, and that those safeguards are in excess o f any which have
hitherto existed.
As to the declaration referred to in the last paragraph of the Russian com m uni
cation, as the line now provisionally agreed to by Turkey is m ore favourable to
Persia than that awarded by the M ediating Commissioners, which Persia was ready
to accept, I cannot understand how she could possibly object to it.
In Mr. O ’ B eirne’ s telegram No. 232 of June 3 0(4) I was led to believe that
Russia would support H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] in regard to the Moham m erah
line, in which they were particularly interested, and I undertook to support Russia
in regard to the northern part o f frontier. I earnestly trust that M in is te r for]
F [oreig n ]' A [flairs] will not now raise any difficulty in regard to the arrangements
for the Shatt-el-Arab.
(4) [M r. O ’ B e irn e ’ s teleg ram (N o. 232) o f J u n e 30, 1912, is n o t rep rod u ced , as th e con ten ts
are sufficiently in d ic a te d above. (F .O . 2 7 6 5 4 /5 2 /1 2 /3 4 .)]
No. 101.
(!) [N o t rep ro d u ced . A teleg ram from S ir P . C ox, the P o litica l R es id en t at B u sh ire in
the P ersian G u lf, was enclosed, in w hich he asked fo r in fo rm a tio n on th e subjects referred to
above. T he S ecreta ry o f S ta te fo r In d ia w a s 'a n x io u s to k now w h at answ er “ S ir E d w a rd G rey
w ould wish re tu r n e d to S ir P . C o x .” (F .O . 2 6 6 1 9 /9 2 1 6 /1 3 /4 4 .)]
No. 102.
Sir Edward G rey to M. Paul Cambon, Count B enckendorff and Prince L ich now sky.(')
F .O . 2 6 4 6 6 /2 5 5 3 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Confidential. Foreign Office, June 18, 1913.
Sir E . Grey presents his com plim ents to the F ren ch/G erm an/R ussian Ambassador
and has the honour to communicate to H [ i s ] E [x cellen cy ] certain conventions and
declarations which have been initialled, ad referendum , by Hakki Pasha and
representatives of H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [o v e rn m e n t].(2)
Sir E . Grey will be obliged if the F ren ch/R ussian/G erm an G ov [ern m e n ]t will
treat these docum ents as confidential for the present.
He hopes to communicate shortly to the French G ov [ern m en ]t a reply to the
com m unication made by the French Ambassador on the 2nd June(3) respecting the
conditions of F rench fiscal and financial assistance to Turkey.(4)
( 1) [C op ies o f th is le tte r and the enclosures w ere sent to P a r is ; to B e r lin ; to St. P e te rs-
b u r g h ; and t o th e B o a rd o f T ra d e.]
( 2) [T h e oth er enclosures w ere the “ C on v en tion con cern a n t les C hem ins de fe r en Asie
M in eu re,” and the “ D e cla r a tio n ,’ ’ b oth in itia lle d on M a y 6. T hey are p r in te d s v p ra , pp . 100-3,
N o. 68, encls. 1 and 2. F o r th e sim ilar com m u n ica tion o f the S h a tt-el-A ra b C on v en tion ,
v. supra, pp. 109-14, N o. 68, e n d . 4, and n ote ( 41) ; p. 156, N o. 100.]
(3) [v. su pra, pp. 134-5, N o 87.]
(4) [T h e final pa ra g ra p h w as sent to M . P a u l C am bon on ly .]
158
Enclosure in No. 102
D éclaration.( 5)
1. Le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an se déclare prêt à accorder une concession
pour la navigation à vapeur sur les fleuves Tigre et Euphrate. Les bâtiments
em ployés en vertu de cette concession auront, sauf les réserves ci-dessous spécifiées,
le droit exclusif de la navigation à vapeur sur lesdits fleuves pendant la durée de la
concession et la faculté de naviguer sans restriction de nombre sur eux jusqu’ à des
points à fixer ultérieurement— pourvu toutefois que les points désignés ne se trouvent
pas en aval de Mosoul sur le Tigre et de Meskéné sur l ’ Euphrate— et sur tous leurs
affluents et canaux navigables.
2. E n conform ité du droit général de navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab, lesdits
bâtiments auront la faculté de naviguer entre Kourna et la mer ou entre tous points
intermédiaires.
8. L a concession restera en vigueur pour une période de soixante ans au moins,
avec faculté de prolongement pour des périodes successives de dix ans, et elle sera
accordée à un concessionnaire qui s’ engagera à constituer, en vue de l ’opérer, une
société ottom ane. Le Gouvernem ent Im périal ottom an invite le Gouvernement de
Sa Majesté britannique à soumettre à son agrément un concessionnaire possédant
les qualités requises. L e capital de la société sera partagé à proportions approxi
m ativem ent égales entre la Turquie et la Grande-Bretagne.
4. Le président de la société sera de nationalité ottomane et présidera l ’ assemblée
générale des actionnaires. Le président du conseil d ’ administration sera de nationalité
britannique. Les présidents de la société et du conseil d ’ administration auront tous
les deux la voix prépondérante en dehors de leur vote ordinaire. L a proportion des
directeurs ottomans et britanniques sera égale. Les statuts de la société ainsi que
tous les détails concernant la concession et le service à maintenir seront arrêtés avec
le m oins de retard possible par le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an d ’ accord avec le
concessionnaire. ^^
5. Le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an est prêt à transférer à la nouvelle société
dans des conditions équitables tous ses intérêts à l ’ égard de la navigation à vapeur
dans les limites spécifiées par l ’ alinéa 1er de la présente déclaration.
6. Sont réservés les droits de la société du chemin de fer de Bagdad à l ’ égard
du transport de matériaux destinés à la construction de la ligne.
7. Le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an déclare en outre qu’ aucune clause de la
concession ne portera atteinte de quelque manière que ce soit au droit dont jouissent
actuellement les bâtiments britanniques à l ’ égard de la navigation à vapeur sur les
fleuves Tigre et Euphrate, lesquels droits sont pleinement réservés et resteront comme
par le passé tels qu ’ ils sont définis par le docum ent annexé. _ _ .
8. Après l ’ expiration de la concession, la société continuera à jouir du droit de
la navigation à vapeur dans les limites spécifiées mais sans posséder aucun m onopole.
9. Il est entendu que la présente déclaration et le docum ent annexé n ’ont trait
q u ’ à la seule navigation com m erciale. ,
10. A ux'fins de la présente déclaration et du document annexé la phrase “ navi
gation à v a p e u r” com prend la navigation à électricité ou à toute autre force motrice.
11. L e Gouvernement Im périal ottom an se déclare en outre prêt à admettre
que, en cas de contestation au sujet de l ’ interprétation ou de la mise à exécution
de la concession ou de la présente déclaration, la question en litige soit déférée,
sur la demande de l ’ une ou de l ’ autre des parties intéressées, au jugem ent du
tribunal international d ’ arbitrage de L a H aye.
Parafée ad référendum
le 20 mai, 1918.
I. H .
A. P.
(5) [T h e te x t here giv en is th a t p reserv ed in the F o re ig n Office sériés o f O rigin a l T reatie
(T u rk ey N o. 94).] •
159
A n n exe.
A. Deux bateaux à vapeur battant pavillon britannique continueront à naviguer
sur les fleuves Tigre et Euphrate et à profiter du droit général de la navigation sur le
Chatt-el-Arab.
B. Un bateau à vapeur battant pavillon britannique sera tenu en réserve en
vue de rem placer l ’ un ou l ’ autre des bateaux ci-dessus mentionnés pour le cas où
il serait hors de service.
C. Les deux bateaux faisant actuellement le service auront, comme par le passé,
la faculté de rem orquer chacun deux allèges.
D. Un bateau à vapeur placé sous la direction de MM . L yn ch ou d ’ autres
personnes désignées par eux, mais qui, une fois hors du port, bat pavillon ottom an,
aura la faculté de naviguer en m ême temps que les deux bateaux ci-dessus spécifiés
et, comme ces derniers, de rem orquer des allèges.
Parafée ad référendum,
le 20 mai, 1913.
I. H .
A. P.
No. 103.
On April 16th 1912(4) Sir G. Buchanan reported that he had seen the Russian
M inister for Foreign Affairs, that H [is ] E [x cellen cy ] concurred in the views of
H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t, and that he would instruct the Russian
Ambassador at Constantinople to support Sir G. Lowther in regard to the frontier
H [ is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overnm ent] had indicated to the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t from
Hawizeh to the sea.
As H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overn m en t] were careful to obtain the concurrence of
the Russian Government in the line suggested at an early stage o f the negotiations,
and as that line is more advantageous to Persia than the one allotted by the
m ediating commissioners in 1851, to which Persia then acceded, H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]'
G o v e r n m e n t] are at a loss to understand why any exception on the part of any
party should be raised to it at this late period, when it has been placed before the
Turkish Government for nearly ten months. The present declaration to be made
by Turkey in no way invalidates or supersedes that clause o f the Treaty o f Erzeroum
which secures the right o f navigation to the Karun via the Shatt-el-Arab, and
Sir E . Grey feels confident that the draft convention, already com m unicated to the
Russian Ambassador in its latest form , contains adequate guarantees, certainly in 1
excess of any which have hitherto existed, for international navigation on the Shatt-
el-Arab.
Sir E . Grey hopes that the Russian Government will not now raise any difficulty
in regard to the proposed arrangements for the Shatt-el-Arab. Those arrangements •
were communicated to the Russian Government several months a g o ; and Sir E . Grey
was under the distinct impression that the Russian Government would support H [is ]
M [a je s ty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] in regard to the southern frontier, in which, by reason
o f long-standing association, of services rendered to navigation in general, and of
the magnitude o f their com m ercial interests, they are particularly interested, and
he similarly undertook to afford the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t the full diplomatic
support of H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overnm ent] in regard to the northern part of the
frontier, which appears now to be on the eve o f settlement in accordance with
Russian views.
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 104.
(*) [C op ies o f this teleg ram w ere sent to the In d ia O ffice; to the G eneral P ost Office.]
( 2) [T h e referen ce is to th e letter from the G eneral P ost Office to th e F oreign Office, of
M a y 16, 1913, w hich is not rep rod u ced . I t expressed agreem en t in p r in c ip le to the suggested
a b olition o f the B ritish P osta l A g en cies in T u rk ey p rov id ed th a t an adeq u ate altern a tive
system cou ld be established and th a t, in the in terests o f B ritish Com m erce, agencies established
by F o re ig n P ow ers should be abolished con cu rren tly . (F .O . 2 2 6 3 8 /2 0 1 0 7 /1 3 /4 4 .)]
161
No. 105.
No. 106.
M IN U T E S .
No. 107.
about the Shatt-el-Arab would be accepted so far as Germany was concerned, 6ubject
only to one or two points of detail.
I then said that I had noticed in the Tim es o f July 2 (s) a telegram from Berlin
giving an answer of H err von Jagow to a parliam entary question about G erm any’ s
reported renunciation o f shipping rights o n the B iver Tigris. He said the answer
was a purely “ technical ” one intended to keep public opinion quiet while negotiations
were in progress. That the question was no doubt due to a mischievous article by
Herr Said Ruete, which had appeared in the “ Berliner Zeitung am M ittag,” and
which made out that Germ any was surrendering her birthright of navigation on the
Tigris. H e said the article bore a close resem blance to views which Mr. L yn ch
had often proclaim ed, and he asked me if I suspected it might have been inspired
from that quarter. I replied that I did not know, but that it was important to bear
in mind that Mr. L yn ch was a private individual, and that no statement he made in
regard to the Bagdad Railway negotiations represented any official view.
Herr von Kuehlm ann then said that he was very anxious to be able to furnish
replies which m ight be useful in Berlin in case o f criticism about the navigation of
the Tigris, and G erm any’ s attitude. He understood that we claimed special rights
by reason o f ancient firmans and long-established usage, and he said he would be
glad if I could give him any inform ation on the subject. I said we certainly had very
definite claims and rights, but he agreed that it would be better for him to speak
on the subject to Sir L . Mallet first. I f it would serve any useful purpose (which
I think perhaps it might) I could draw up a wide statement o f our claim s, showing
what they are based upon, and how the proposed new concession is really a com pro
mise, and the least we could accept.
He next referred to the oil question,(6) and said that the German G ov [e rn m e n ]t
were very anxious to reach a settlement o n this point as well as others; they had
induced H err Gwinner to moderate the German claims last year and to negotiate
with an English group, and now they found that they had got let in with the group
which did not enjoy support from H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ]. I said that
this was because the group he referred to was, as regards the Oil Company partici
pating in it, Dutch and not British in control. H [is ] M [a je s tv ’ s] G [ov ern m en t]
were com m itted to support the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (which had received
definite promises from the Turkish Governm ent) and unless the National Bank
arranged for adequate representation of that Company in the proposed amalgamation
no settlement seemed possible. The best thing H err von Gwinner could do would
be to urge conciliation upon the National Bank o f Turkey. Herr Kuehlm ann said
a hint to this effect would be given to H err von Gwinner, as the German Governm ent
were determ ined to get this difficulty out o f the way.
A. P [A R K E R ],
M IN U T E S .
M. Cam bon to ld m e y esterd ay (J u ly 2) th a t th e F ren ch w ere discu ssin g w ith G erm any
questions o f m u tu a l in terest in A s ia tic T u rk ey — an d th a t his G o v [e r n m e n ]t h op ed we should
not con clu d e w ith G erm any b efore th e F re n ch w ere rea dy t o d o likew ise. H e w ill send a
m em o[ra n d u m ] on th e su h ject.(7)
' A . N.
[10900] M 2
104
N o. 108.
F .O . 3 1 2 3 4 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 220.)
Sir, Foreign Office, July 3, 1913.
I told the German Ambassador to-d ay(2) that there was no question of our signing
the Conventions with Turkey this week or next week, but that we could not promise
to delay signing them till an arrangement with Germany was com pleted. W e must
take the opportunity o f signing when the Turks were ready. B ut, in any case, we
would not publish them, and would keep them secret, till an arrangement with
Germ any had been concluded. This, it seemed to m e, would avoid German
susceptibilities about the navigation in the region of the Persian Gulf being aroused,
as far as German public opinion was concerned, before the German Governm ent could
announce that they had made an arrangement with us. As a matter of fact, the
Turks could not carry out the arrangement about the Bagdad Railway with us until
they had come to an agreement with Germany.
The Ambassador said that he would let me have, as soon as possible, the
observations of the German Governm ent about the proposed arrangement with us.
[ I am, & c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 109.
No. 110.
F.O. 3 05 7 1 /2 5 53 3 /1 3 /4 4. J u ly 3, 1913.
R ésum é d ’ un télégram m e de M. Pichon.
No. 111.
F.O . 2 5 7 6 3 /2 5 7 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 211.) V ery Confidential.
Sir, Foreign Office, July 4, 1913.
W ith r e f e r e n c e ] to Sir G. Low ther’ s d esp [a tch ] No. 595 o f S ep t[em b er]: 21,
1908,0 relative to the reported desire of the German G ov [ern m en ]t to obtain the
right to land a cable at Basra, I tr[a n sm it] to you herewith copy of a m emorandum
handed to me by the German A m b [a ssa d o]r at this Court, expressing the wish of
his Governm ent to establish direct telegraphic com m unication between Germ any,
German East Africa, and China, by means o f a land-line across Turkey and a cable
which should be linked to it at some point on the shores of the Persian G ulf. The
German Governm ent ask for a declaration from His M ajesty’s Government that they
will not oppose in principle the landing o f a cable at such a point, and for a confiden
tial intimation whether they would prefer that the cable should be landed in Turkish
or in Persian territory.
Y [o u r ] E [x cellen cy ] should endeavour to ascertain by confidential enquiry
whether the German G ov [ern m en ]t have obtained from the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t
any concession conferring such a right since the date of Sir G. Low ther’ s despatch
above referred to, reporting that they had not then done so.
[ I am, & c.]
E . G [B E Y ].
No. 112.
F .O . 3 0 5 7 1 /2 5 5 3 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
My dear A m bassad or:— Foreign Office, July 4, 1913.
I have submitted the memorandum you left yesterday(2) about French and
German econom ic interests in Turkey to Sir E . Grey.
He asks me to say that negotiations respecting the Bagdad Bailway &c are in
progress between us and Germany on the lines already explained to you, and that
we have submitted the draft o f an agreem ent to the German Governm ent, but that
nothing definite has been signed as yet, and is not likely to be before July 15 at
the earliest. Sir E . Grey hopes b y that time that M onsieur Pichon will be able to
inform him o f the suggested basis of the Franco-G erm an agreem ent, and, subject
o f course to the examination o f details when the proposals are submitted to him ,
he will be prepared to support the French G ov [ern m en ]t.
W e are anxious to conclude our agreem ent with Germ any without undue delay,
and Sir E . G rey would suggest that M r. Parker, who has been dealing with these
questions, should discuss the subject with you in order to facilitate m atters.(3) Perhaps
you will say what time would be convenient for him to call at the Em bassy.
[I have, &c.
A. N ICO LSO N .]
No. 114.
I said that if importance were attached to this it m ight be well for the German
G ov [e rn m e n ]t to say so in their reply to us, and then they would get a written
answer. H err von Kuehlmann said that he was going to meet H err Ballin in a
day or two on the E m peror’ s yacht, and as H err Ballin would be able to say a good
deal to influence the E m peror it was very desirable that H err Kuehlm ann should
be in a position now to state definitely what was proposed. I said the Convention
with, or rather the Declaration to be made b y , Turkey(2) did not contain any express
stipulation on this point, but under our draft agreement with Germ any, article 7 ,( 3)
No. 115.
will be made on behalf o f French interests to prevent the final confirmation o f the
existing concession, with or without m odifications, in the event o f the option granted
being exercised.
No. 116.
t1) [A co p y o f this com m u n ica tion was sent to the B oa rd of T rade. I t is n ot p rin ted in
D .D .F .]
(2) [>. D .D .F ., 3me S ér., V ol. V I I , p. 351, N o. 316, A n n e x e .]
( 3) [c p . G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. V I , p. 329, N o. 2 1 2 ; p. 336, N o. 222.]
(4) [T h is le tte r is end orsed by S ir E. G r e y : “ I have ta lk ed th is ov er w ith M r. P a r k e r
and wish to see him a ga in w ith S ir A. N icolson and Sir L. M a llet tom orrow . E. G. 10.7.13.” ]
170
nécessaires à la garantie des emprunts de Bagdad. M. Helfferich a purement ei
simplement nié ce service. Il a soutenu que, si le groupe allemand est en effet
intéressé à la reconstitution intégrale des ressources de la Dette, à cause de la
garantie des emprunts Bagdad, les porteurs français n ’ y sont pas moins intéressés,
puisque les revenus de la Dette assurent le service des lots, de la rente unifiée et de
l ’ emprunt 1904, qui sont en majorité ou en totalité placés en France. Il s ’ est donc
refusé à voir un des éléments de la négociation dans la reconstitution des excédents
de là dette par la mise à la charge des Etats balkaniques d ’ une quote-part de cette
dette.
Or il n ’ est pas possible, et M . de Lamornaix l ’ a fait observer à M. Helfferich,
de prétendre qu’ en travaillant à reconstituer les revenus actuels de la dette ottomane
la France servirait l ’ intérêt français dans la même mesure que l ’ intérêt allemand.
En effet, d ’ après les comptes de l ’ exercice 1911-12, l ’ excédent des recettes nettes
de la dette atteint ¿9T. 1,969,000, dans lesquels la surtaxe douanière figure pour
¿9T. 950,000 et les revenus de Boum élie pour ¿0T. 970,000. La surtaxe douanière
n ’ étant pas applicable à la garantie des emprunts* Bagdad, les excédents qui pourront
être affectés à cette entreprise allemande seront nuls, si les revenus de Boum élie ne
sont pas reconstitués. Au contraire les recettes, même sans tenir compte de la
surtaxe douanière seraient encore suffisantes pour assurer le service intégral des lots
et de l ’ unifiée. Quant à l ’ emprunt 1904 ; le produit de la surtaxe douanière lui serait
applicable d ’ après la thèse soutenue dans le Conseil de la dette et par les représen
tants allemands et autrichiens.
Il suit de là que la France est justifiée à présenter com m e un service rendu à
l ’ entreprise de Bagdad la reconstitution des revenus de la B oum élie. M . H elfferich
à prétendu qu ’ elle avait déjà “ pris p o sitio n ” dans cette question en se prononçant
en faveur de la prise en charge par les Etats balkaniques d ’ une cote [quote] part
de dette ottomane. Il appartiendra aux délégués français dans la Commission de
Paris de lui prouver le contraire et ils n ’ y manqueront pas ; car, à défaut d ’ une entente
entre les groupes français et allemand, la France ne se prêtera pas aux mesures qui
tendraient à com bler, au delà des intérêts stricts de ses porteurs les déficits causés
dans la caisse de la dette par la perte de la B oum élie.
En supposant admis définitivement le principe de mettre une quote part de
dette ottom ane à la charge des Etats balkaniques, le montant de cette quote part
est susceptible d ’ évaluations très diverses. Certains calculs tendent à la fixer à 4 ou
500 millions. Bien n ’ empêcherait de la fixer à un chiffre inférieur, voire même à
un chiffre m inimum, uniquem ent pour en maintenir le principe. Dans cette
hypothèse la solution serait infiniment plus préjudiciable aux intérêts du chemin de
fer de Bagdad qu ’ à ceux des porteurs de rente ou de lots turcs, dont le service serait,
à strictement parler, suffisamment garanti par les ressources que la Dette ottomane
tire des vilayets d ’ Asie et qui, en outre, bénéficient d ’ une première hypothèque.
L e but de M. Helfferich, en contestant le point de vue français sur ce point, est
d ’ amener la France à prêter à l ’ entreprise de Bagdad, une assistance financière
directe. Il a indiqué qu ’ à son avis le règlement de la question de Bagdad devait
s ’ effectuer “ sur la base d ’ une co-opération complète et définitive du capital français,
que ce soit par l ’ admission des obligations à la cote de la Bourse de Paris ou par un
autre m oyen .”
Le Gouvernement français ne croit pas possible de consentir à l ’ admission à la
cote de la Bourse de Paris des titres de Bagdad. Dans l ’ état actuel des relations
entre les deux pays, ni l ’opinion publique ni l ’opinion parlementaire en France
n ’ accepteraient l ’ ouverture du marché français aux valeurs d ’ une entreprise allemande.
Elle ne comprendraient pas qu’on fît appel à l ’ épargne française pour alléger les
charges de la finance allemande dans une affaire dont l ’ Allemagne retirera le profit
matériel et moral.
C ’ est la raison qui a porté le Gouvernement français à chercher au contraire le
règlement de la question dans la liquidation des intérêts com m uns et dans la
renonciation du groupe français à sa participation de 3 0 % . Il estime qu’il rendrait
ni
à l ’ Allem agne un service effectif en lui prêtant son concours pour assurer à la Société
du Bagdad en dehors du marché français les ressources financières nécessaires au
service de ses emprunts et à la poursuite de son entreprise. C’ est précisément en
retour de ce service éventuel qu’ il demande à l ’ Allemagne de reconnaître, elle aussi,
à la France le droit de construire en Turquie d 'A sie certaines lignes de chem in de
fer et de s’ assurer également des ressources financières correspondantes.
M . Helfferich ne s ’ est pas refusé à exam iner, de concert avec M. de Lam ornaix,
le programm e des voies ferrées que désirent exécuter les deux groupes français et
allemand et l ’ évaluation approximative des ressources financières nécessaire [ s ] à ces
travaux. Il a déterminé le programme allemand de la manière suivante :—
urgence KilTomètres]
Samsoun, Sivas, Erzignian, Kharpout ... 945
Yerkein-Ermelik ... ... ... ... 165
Rayat-Ramleh ... ... ... ... 308
933
urgence
Alep Meskené ... ... ... ... 100
ÜT. 900,000 pour le premier groupe, 700,000 pour le deuxième et 27,000 pour le
troisième.
De la comparaison des programmes allemand et français il résulte d ’ abord que
deux lignes sont revendiquées des deux côtés; ce sont les lignes Diarbékir-Kharpout
et Sivas-Kharpout. Monsieur H elfferich a déclaré vouloir les réserver l ’ une et
l ’ autre à la Compagnie de Bagdad. Il a soutenu que le groupe Français ne saurait
posséder sur aucune ligne de droits qui fussent en opposition avec les droits antérieurs
de sociétés allemandes. Il a invoqué, notamment pour la ligne Sivas-Kharpout des
droits établis par la Convention d ’ Anglora [s ic ] Césaré en 1893 et consacrés par
l ’ accord Russo-Turc de 1900. D ’ une manière générale, il n ’ admet la construction de
voies ferrées par le groupe français qu’ à l ’ intérieur seulement de la zone délimitée par
l ’ accord russo-turc de 1900. Les prétentions des Allemands sur la ligne Sivas
Kharpout sont particulièrement exorbitantes. Les droits qu’ ils prétendent tenir des
dipositions de la concessions [sic] Angora Césaré sont périmés et le groupe allemand
ne saurait raisonnablement réclamer à la fois l ’ ancien et le nouveau tracé Bagdad. 11
n ’ a d ’ ailleurs pas ignoré les négociations suivies depuis trois ans à Constantinople
par l ’ Ambassade de France au sujet de la concession du réseau d ’ Arménie et jamais,
à aucun m oment, il n ’ a soulevé la moindre objection au sujet de la ligne Sivas
Kharpout.
E n ce qui concerne la ligne Ierkein-E rm elic, M. Helfferich a déclaré que la
Compagnie d ’ Anatolie s’opposerait de toutes ses forces à ce qu’ elle fût concédée au
groupe français, parce que cette com pagnie, dont le terminus actuel est Angora,
possède une Agence à Yosgad et draine actuellement le trafic de la contrée. Se
considérant comme en possession d ’ état, elle ne tolérera pas qu’ un concurrent vienne
lui enlever ce trafic.
E n ce qui concerne la ligne Alep M eskené, M. Helfferich a déclaré qu’ il
s’opposerait de la façon la plus formelle à ce qu’ elle fût concédée à la Compagnie
française de Dam as-IIam ah. Il a revendiqué pour la Société de Bagdad le droit de
construire tous les embranchements pouvant, d ’ un point quelconque de la ligne
principale aboutir à la côte entre Mersine et Tripoli. Or, le tronçon Alep Meskené
étant le passage forcé de tout em branchem ent sur le Golfe d ’ Alexandrette, vouloir
le réclam er pour une Compagnie française serait, d ’ après lui, faire revivre l ’ ancien
projet H om s-B agdad.
L es prétentions émises par M. Helfferich et l ’ accueil qu’ il a fait aux propositions
de M. de Lam ornaix attestent une intransigeance qui fait mal augurer de l ’issue des
négociations, à moins qu’ une pression exercée sur le Gouvernement Allemand ne
ramène le représentant de la Deutsche Bank à une plus saine appréciation des
intérêts de la France en Turquie.
M IN U T E .
I have told th e F ren ch Em bassv w e w ill aw a it a m ap, show ing th e lines desired b y F rance,
b e fo re w e reply.
A. P
July 9, 1913.
No. 117.
t 1) [C opies o f this m em orandum w ere sent to the A d m ira lty , to the B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
173
cognate questions.(2) As the counter-draft is to be sent officially to-m orrow, I will
defer reporting his remarks on those points until it is received.
He said that the German Ambassador had received our memorandum about the
Mesopotamian oil concession, and had referred the matter to Berlin for instructions.(3)
He asked me if I could give him any indication of the views of H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s]
G ov[ern m en ]t. I replied that I was not in a position to do this, but that what was
of great importance was that the Deutsche Bank should not commit themselves any
further to the Anglo-Saxon and National Bank group until further com m unication had
taken place between the British and German Governments. H e said he would at once
report in this sense to Berlin, asking that a hint might be given to H err von Gwinner
in confidence.
He then said that last year the German G ov [ern m en ]t, wishing to rem ove a
possible source of friction between the British and German Governm ents, had
suggested to H err von Gwinner that he should come to terms with the E n glish ; that
Herr von Gwinner, wishing to deal with a representative Englishm an, had approached
Sir E. Cassel, whose Bank at Constantinople was then looked upon as being in close
touch with H [is ] M [a jestv’ s] G o v [e rn m e n ]t; and that now, to his great annoyance,
Herr von Gwinner found him self in the wrong boat. It was Sir E. Cassel, so far as
Herr von Kuehlmann was aware, and not the Deutsche Bank, who had entered into
negotiation with the Anglo-Saxon Company. The German Governm ent, he thought,
did not wish to establish or favour m onopolies in oil where it was possible to avoid
them, and he thought, though he was of course only expressing his own personal view,
that, provided adequate arrangements were made for supplying the German Govern
ment with a fair share of oil-fuel, and for the sale on favourable terms of other oil
products to Germans, that the German Governm ent would have no objection to the
Anglo-Persian Oil Company being the technical Company in connection with the
Mesopotamian Oil Concession, though he could not be certain how far H err von
Gwinner was actually bound to the A nglo-Saxon Company. He then asked me why
Sir E. Cassel had entered into an agreement with a Company which did not enjoy the
support of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ], and I replied that he had better ask
Sir E. Cassel; that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overn m en t] had consistently supported the
Anglo-Persian Oil C om pany’ s application for the concession for years. He said that
if the National Bank went out then perhaps the Anglo-Persian Company could have
50% of the whole : I said that I could not say anything definite on this point, but I
asked him if the Germans had any particular affection for the A nglo-Saxon Company,
to which he replied in the negative. H e said H err von Gwinner was most anxious to
be accom m odating in the matter.
A copy o f this has been sent to the Admiralty and to the Board of Trade.
A. P.
July 16, 1913.
M IN U T E .
S a tisfactory .
A. N.
L. M.
E. G.
N o. 118.
F.O. 3 3 6 0 2 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Confidential. London, D. July 16. 1913.
Dear Sir Edward, R . July 21, 1913.
Concerning the new draft of an Anglo-G erm an Declaration ( 2) respecting the
Bagdad Eailways and other cognate questions I would like to explain shortly the
proposed alterations.
The undertaking similar to that contained in Article 3 of the Russo-German
Agreem ent of the 19th of August 1911 (3) which was Article 6 of the British draft has,
considering its general character, been made Article 1. I f the last sentence beginning
with ‘ ‘ under ’ ’ and ending with ‘ ‘ nature ’ ’ could be omitted we would propose to
strike it out, as having no practical importance. If however His M ajesty’ s Government
prefers to have it inserted we would agree.
The second clause of Article 1 corresponds to Article 1 of the English draft. W e
would prefer our wording which does not materially alter the obligations of the British
Governm ent. _
Clause 3 of the same Article is new and intended to give to the Bagdad Railway a
reasonable security against com peting lines. Schemes for such com peting lines which
would considerably reduce, if not entirely annihilate, the econom ic value of the Bagdad
Railway have been publicly discussed in the past, and it seems desirable to have some
form al undertaking that such com peting lines will not enjoy the support of His
M ajesty’ s Governm ent in the future.
Article 2 covers the same ground as Article 2 of the English draft but takes into
account the fact that the proposed agreements with the Turkish Governm ent are not
yet concluded. Section a of Article 2 corresponds to Section c of the British draft.
Section b reproduces verbatim the second part of Section e o f the British draft.
Section c is analogous to Section b of the British draft. It provides for
through-traffic and protection against discrimination. The Bagdad Railway
C o[m p a n y ] would after careful consideration not lay great stress on the right to
participate in the construction of that line, but an undertaking ^of H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent would seem desirable that, in case the line should be built, German capital
would participate in it and be represented on the board of this line under exactly the
same conditions and in the same proportion as British capital shall be represented on
the board of the Bagdad Railway. These questions would be dealt with in a draft-note
which is here annexed. <
Section d corresponds to Section d of the English draft. At first it was only
contem plated to give British capital a participation in the port of Basra but the Bagdad
Railway C o[m p a n y] have been induced to grant the same participation for the port
at Bagdad, this being considered an important concession which it is hoped will
facilitate an agreement about the share of the Bagdad Railway interests in the River
Navigation C o[m p a n y ]. The draft fixes the amount of British participation to not
less than 2 0% of the whole share capital in order to establish a parallel with
Section 4b of our draft. The Bagdad Railway interests are however prepared to let
British capital have 4 0% in the Basra and Bagdad Port C o[m p a n y ].
Article 3 corresponds to Section a of Article 2 of the British draft. As it is not
an obligation of the Bagdad Railway C o[m p a n y ], but of the Im perial Governm ent, it
seemed better to put it in a separate Article.
Article 4a deals with the proposed concession for river-navigation on the Tigris
and Euphrates. In the declaration initialled 20th o f M ay 1913(4) two changes would
seem desirable from the German point of view. The word ‘ ‘ exclusif ” in : “ le droit
exclusif de la navigation à vapeur ” may perhaps be omitted and replaced by a
stipulation that in the lifetim e of this concession no further shipping concessions on
the Mesopotamian rivers should be granted without a previous agreement o f the
Ottoman with H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent.
The same the words “ Mais sans posséder aucun monopole ” in Article 8 might
perhaps be left out.
Article 4b deals with the interest to be allotted to the Bagdad Railway in the
new Shipping C o[m p a n y ]. It has been found that the share o f 2 0% o f the whole is
the m inimum which would make it possible for the Im perial Governm ent to agree to
the present understanding. The idea of a m onopoly for river transport is extrem ely
unpopular with the shipping interests in Germany, and it is only with the greatest
difficulty that the opposition of this large and powerful interest can be overcom e, if
they get a more than nominal share in the new River Navigation C o[m p a n y ]. This
point is very essential, as the question has been already raised in Germany, both in
the Press and Parliament and signs are not wanting that German public opinion looks
very unfavourably upon the contem plated transport m onopoly. It must, however, be
understood that the Im perial Governm ent, by asking for 2 0% o f the share capital, is
not aiming at any com bination, which could endanger the effective British Control
of the Navigation C o[m p a n y ], W e would, therefore, be prepared to receive favourably
any proposals about voting agreements which would seem to the British Governm ent
desirable in order to assure the effective British Control of the River Navigation
C o[m p a n y].
Section 4c corresponds to Article 7 of the British draft. W e added the
prohibition o f rebates as a special case of discrimination and also a stipulation against
through-rates if they were not permitted for all lines regularly trading with Basra. In
case His M ajesty’ s Governm ent does not sign the declaration for concession of river
navigation, this declaration being signed by Turkey only, the words “ as signatory of
the aforesaid declaration ” m ay be left out.
Section d corresponds to Section 2 Article 4 of the British draft. Provisions
concerning a ferry service between the railway terminus at Bagdad and the town have
been added as well as provisions concerning small craft to be used by the Railway and
Port C o[m p an ie]s. W e would not oppose a reasonable limitation in tonnage of such
craft or a stipulation that their service should be limited to strictly local purposes.
The last part of 4d is similar to the last part of Article 4 of the original English
draft. I f instead of the words “ through British or Ottoman a g e n c y ’ ’ it would be
said: “ by the aforesaid river navigation C o[m p a n y ] ” this would not be opposed.
Article 5 corresponds to Article 5 o f the British draft.
Article 6 deals with a “ Comité de surveillance ” for the interests of the nations
not represented in the Shat-el-Arab Commission.
Article 7 defines conditions under which this declaration shall becom e operative.
Clause a would disappear after conclusion of arrangements with the Ottoman Govern
ment in case the declaration was initialled in its present form , and definitely signed
after the conclusion of satisfactory arrangements between the Im perial and the
Ottoman Governments.
The clauses b and c relate to financial arrangements and have been previously
discussed with His Majesty’s Government.
Clause d tries to establish some guarantee for the carrying out of the necessary
works in the Shat-el-Arab. In the opinion of our experts an average depth of 20 feet
for the navigable channel up to the port of Basra ought to be attained by the time the
railway between Basra and Bagdad is completed. Some stipulation of that sort seems
to be quite as much in the interest of British as of German Shipping. In giving up all
(4) [ v . supra, p. 158, N o. lOli, encl.]
176
right to an outlet on the Persian Gulf the Im perial Government must be able to point
to some reasonably definite undertaking concerning the navigable channel between the
Persian Gulf and Basra.
Article 8 gives an arbitration clause which in the opinion of the Imperial
Governm ent, is highly desirable.
The question of British directors dealt with in Section c Article 2 of the British
Draft is dealt with in the draft of the explanatory note.
Believe me, Ac.
LICHNOWSKY.
E n clos u re 2 in N o. 118.
Draft N ote.
B erlin,
As shareholders o f the Bagdad Railway Company and head o f a syndicate
owning a m ajority o f the shares of said Company, we hereby undertake to vote from
time to time in favour o f and elect two candidates which you as shareholders o f the
Bagdad Railway Company will from time to time name us to occupy two seats on the
Board of Directors (Conseil d ’ Administration) of the Bagdad Railway Company.
Respectfully yours,
D E U TSC H E B AN K .
Enclosure 3 in No. 118.
Memorandum .
Die Kaiserliche Regierung hat das M em orandum Sir Edward Greys vom 10. Juni
1913(5) sowie den diesem M emorandum beigegebenen Entwurf zu einer deutsch
englischen Deklaration eingehend geprüft und ist damit einverstanden, dass über
die in dem M emorandum bezeichneten Gegenstände ein Ü bereinkom men zwischen der
Kaiserlichen Regierung und der Königlich Grossbritannischen Regierung abgeschlos
sen werde. E in neuer E ntwurf für die geplante Deklaration ist beigefügt.
London, den 16. Juli 1913.
A n n ex to Memorandum.
1.) R ecognizing the general importance o f the com pletion of the Bagdad Railway
for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent undertake not to
encourage any measures likely to impede the construction o f the Bagdad Railway, or
to prevent the participation o f capital in this railway under the express condition that
this should not cause for Great Britain any prejudice o f a financial or economical
nature.
Regarding the proposed railway between Bagdad and Basra, His Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare that they will use their best endeavours to support
the construction and management o f the said line by the Bagdad Railway Company.
H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government undertake not to encourage or support
the construction o f railways in or to Mesopotamia fit to create a com petition to the
Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s lines, unless and until there is complete agreement on
the subject between H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Imperial German
Government.
2.) The Bagdad Railway Company being in négociation with the Im perial
Ottoman Governm ent for an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German
Government and H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare, so far as concerns
themselves, to adhere hereby to the said arrangem ent[s] and confirm them :
a.) The terminus o f the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra and
the Bagdad Railway Company shall renounce all claims to construct a
branch line from Basra (Zubiir) to the Persian Gulf, referred to in
article 1 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1903,(6)
and to build a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf, whether
under article 23 o f the said Bagdad Railway Convention or in any other
way derived.
b.) No discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the Bagdad
Railway Company’s system, either as regards facilities or rates of charge
for the conveyance of like articles between the same points on account
of the ownership, origin, or destination of goods presented by transport,
or in any other manner whatever.
( 5 ) [ u . supra, pp. 138-40, No. 89, encls. 2 and 3, and note ( 3 ) . ]
( 6) [v . B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 8 3 3 -4 .]
[10900] N
178
c.) In the event of the construction o f the said branch line from Basra (Zubiir)
to the Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be
made to secure facilities for through-traffic from and to the Bagdad Railway
Com pany’is system , and there shall be com plete protection against
discrimination, direct or indirect.
d .) The construction o f the proposed ports at Basra and Bagdad shall be executed
by a separate Ottoman com pany wherein British participation shall
amount to not less than 2 0 % of the whole. The statutes and cahiers
des charges of the ports of Basra and Bagdad com pany and concession
shall be form ed on the model o f the Haidar-Pascha Port Company.
3.) The Im perial German Governm ent and H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
declare that they will in no case support the construction of the branch from Basra
(Zubiir) or any other point of the main line to the Persian G ulf, unless and until
there is complete agreement on the subject between His Britannic M ajesty’ s Govern
m ent, the Im perial German Governm ent and the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent.
4.) a.) The Im perial German Governm ent having cognizance of the declaration
initialled on the 20th May 1913(7) between the representatives of H is Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent, concerning the
navigation on the Tigris and E u p h ra te[s], declare that they will not oppose the
execution nor support any action directed against the execution of this declaration.
No further concession for river navigation on the Tigris and Euphrates except
that now existing shall he encouraged or supported by either of the two Governments
unless and until a prior agreement has been established on the subject between
the Im perial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent.
b .) His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent will not oppose the Bagdad Railway
interests acquiring not less than 2 0 % of the whole share capital out o f the shares
allotted to Turkish interests in the Ottoman Company for river navigation and
becom ing represented by one director in the board of the aforesaid Company.
c.) His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial German Government
agree that no discrimination shall be permitted by the concessionnaires for navigation
o n the aforesaid rivers either as regards facilities or rates of charge for the conveyance
o f like articles between the same points on account of the ownership, origin or
destination o f goods presented for transport or in any other manner whatsoever.
The granting o f rebates in any form whatsoever by the river navigation company
shall expressly be forbidden. The granting of through-bills of lading is equally
forbidden unless there is a previous agreement about this matter between the River
Navigation C o[m p a n y] and the steamship lines of the countries represented in the
com ité de surveillance mentioned in article 6. H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
as signatory o f the aforesaid declaration will use their best endeavours to secure
the strict execution o f these stipulations.
d .) It is nevertheless understood that this article in no wise affects the rights
conceded by article 9 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1903,(8)
relative to the importation of materials exclusively destined for the construction of
the Bagdad Railway, except in so far that it is hereby expressly agreed that the said
rights shall not continue to be exercised after the com pletion o f the construction
o f the Bagdad Railway to Basra and o f its branches to Khanikin and H it.
The right of establishing a ferry service between the railway station, port and
town of Bagdad and o f using small craft for the local requirements of the Bagdad
Railway or Basra (and Bagdad) port Companies will at all times he free.
It is further agreed that if an arrangement, to the satisfaction of the parties
concerned, can be made for the conveyance by river o f the said materials through
British or Ottoman agency, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Imperial
German Governm ent will lend their best endeavours to the conclusion o f such an
arrangement.
5.) His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial German Governm ent
agree that the navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab shall perm anently be kept open for
seagoing vessels and be carried on on terms of absolute equality for the vessels of all
nations without regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
6.) A Comité de surveillance shall be established com posed of those foreign
consuls resident at Basra whose flag is represented by steamship lines regularly
trading with that port. The Comité shall correspond directly with the river com m is
sion to be established by the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent on all matters affecting
the conservancy of the Shatt-el-Arab and the dues to be levied on that river, it is
however understood that the functions of the Comité shall be advisory and not
executive. The Comité will see that the Shatt-el-Arab shall be perm anently kept
In a satisfactory state of conservancy in order that sea-going vessels m ay always
be assured o f free and easy access to the port o f Basra, and that dues shall be
imposed not for the mere fact of navigation, but only for repaying sums actually
spent on improvem ents in the navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab and harbour facilities.
They shall in no case exceed 1 fr [a n ]c per r e g is t e r e d ] ton (the dues to cover the
com ing in and going out o f the same vessel) ; any dues shall he levied on a basis
of absolute equality without regard to the nationality o f sea-going vessels or their
cargoes.
7.) The preceding arrangements for the final settlement of all questions connected
with the Bagdad Bailway shall becom e operative only under the express condition,
a.) that the arrangement referred to in article 2 between the Bagdad Bailway
Company and the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent has been concluded and
entered into force,
b.) that all losses which the Bagdad Bailway Company and holders o f Bagdad
Bailway loans may suffer through the loss to Turkey o f her European
provinces shall be duly com pensated by assigning other sources o f revenue
of equal value,
c.) that the Turkish Governm ent shall assign as guarantees sufficient sources
o f revenue for the building and working of the whole line from Konia
to Bassorah including such branch lines as under the concession are
entitled to guarantees, and
d.) that the Shatt-el-Arab has been brought into a satisfactory state o f conser
vancy in order that sea-going vessels may always be assured o f free and
easy access to the port of Basra.
8.) Any difference of opinion arising out o f this declaration shall be submitted
to arbitration. I f the two Governm ents fail to agree about a special court or arbiter,
the case shall be submitted to the Hague Tribunal.
No. 119.
P.S.— Hakki Pasha told me that he had asked Sir H. B abington-Sm ith for a
statement showing the m inimum acceptable (a) to Mr. D ’ Arcy, and (b) to the National
Bank group respecting oil, but he had not been able to secure it, though it would have
been useful as a basis for discussion and possible agreement.— A. P.
No. 120.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward G r ey .{1)
t 1) [T h is telegrain w as sent to C on sta n tin op le (as N o. 357) ; to T ehran (as N o. 328). Copies
w ere sent to the In d ia Office ; to th e B oa rd o f T ra d e ; to the D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O peration s.]
( 2) [S ir G. B u ch a n a n ’ s telegram (N o. 274) o f J u ly 23, 1913, D . 7-1 p . m ., R . 10-30 p . m ., is
n ot rep rod u ced . In it he sta ted th a t he had “ pressed M in ister fo r F o re ig n A ffairs for
im m ed ia te answ er ” to S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s m em orandum o f J u n e 19, 1913 ( v . supra, pp. 159-60,
N o. 103). (F.O . 3 3 9 9 1 /2 6 1 /1 3 /3 4 .)]
( 3) [v. supra, pp. 100-1, N o. 68, encl. 1.]
181
No. 121.
F.O. 3 45 4 4 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /4 4.
Tel. (No. 558.) F oreign Office, July 28, 1913, 7 -3 0 p . m .
Please express to Russian G ov [ern m en ]t m y thanks for com m unication reported
in your telegram No. 280.(2)
Y [o u r ] E [x cellen cy ] should point out, however, that we have only been able to
induce Turkey to agree to the Commission on the understanding that it should be
Ottoman and not international, and that the only reason we are asked to participate,
without in any way detracting from the Ottoman character of the Commission, is that
we have rendered services to navigation for centuries in the river. But full provision
would be made for consuls to have direct relations with Commission on all matters
affecting their shipping, and the draft convention contains full guarantees for equality
of treatment o f ships of all nations and for no dues to be imposed by the mere fact of
navigation, but merely for services rendered; reports of the proceedings and expendi
ture of com m ission will be regularly com m unicated to foreign consuls and to Ottoman
G overnm ent; and it is only proposed to impose dues on ocean-going steamers, but
if the suggestion as to freedom from dues made in last paragraph of your telegram
were carried out practically no ships would be subject to dues which can now pass the
bar. As British ships represent about 7 5% of the steam tonnage entered at present
at Bussorah I trust Russian Government will not press this objection, which would
render nugatory and impossible the work of the commission.
I propose to sign the draft convention about the Shatt-el-Arab on July 29 ;(3) you
should inform M [inister for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] of this and ask him to treat the
matter as confidential for the p resen t; you should add that I shall do m y best to meet
him as far as practicable in regard to the last paragraph of your telegram, but explain
that the admission of Russian subjects to serve on the com m ission would, I fear, alter
the entire character of that body, and make it international. I earnestly trust,
therefore, that he will not press it.
t1) [T h is teleg ram was rep ea ted to C on sta n tin op le (N o. 3 5 8 ); to T ehra n (N o. 329).]
(2) [ v . im m ed ia tely p reced in g docu m en t.]
(3) [v. in fra , pp. 183-7, N o. 124 (1 ).]
182
N o. 122.
Sir Edward G rey to Lord Granville.0 )
F.O. 3 53 3 5 /6 4 63 /1 3 /4 4 .
(No. 240.)
M y Lord, F oreign Office, July 28, 1913.
The German Ambassador said to-day that it had been understood, he thought
perhaps from an interview between Herr von Iviihlmann and some one in the Foreign
Office, that I had offered to do what I could, if the German Governm ent desired it, to
help an agreement between them and France about railways in Asiatic Turkey. Such
mediation was not necessary at present, but the German Governm ent were grateful
for the offer, and he gave me the following Memorandum of the points at issue :—
The Imperial Government is very anxious to bring about, together with the
Anglo-Germ an agreement, a settlement between the German and the French interests
in Turkish railway questions.
The French aims are, as far as it is known in Berlin, directed towards the
following railway concessions :—
(a) In Eastern A n a tolia :
1. Sam sun-Siwas
2. Siw as-Karput-D iarbekir
3. B itlis-V an
4. from a point of the line Siwas-Karput to E rzindjan and later to
Erzerum
( b) In S yria :
1. Aleppo-M eskene
2. R ayak-R am le and later to the Egyptian frontier.
The French Governm ent furthermore wishes to secure for the French capital
a decisive influence in the Hedjas railway, which until now was a State-railway, and,
if circumstances permit, to take over the management of a part of the Hedjas railway
line.
These far-reaching wishes collide with German rights and interests, as far as the
lines A leppo-M eskene and Siw as-K arput-D iarbekir are concerned. A line A leppo-
Meskene must be regarded as a direct rival line to the section of the Bagdad railway
Company from Aleppo to the Euphrates and it is therefore unacceptable from the
German standpoint. As to the line Siwas-Karput on which the Bagdad railway
possesses a conventional prior claim, the interested German group is ready to make
large concessions, provided that the position of the French group concerned in the
Bagdad railway com pany to the extent o f 30% will be regulated so as to enable this
group to take an active part corresponding to their share in the com pany in the work
of financing the Bagdad railway. That has been rendered extrem ely difficult by the
0 ) [C op ies o f this despatch w ere sent to the In d ia O ffice; to the B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
183
attitude taken by the French Governm ent with regard to the Bagdad railway loans.
The French Governm ent hold that, while fully recognising the expediency of the
Bagdad enterprise, they are prevented from admitting Bagdad loans to the Paris Stock
Exchange by the necessity o f considering public opinion. There are actually
negotiations going on between the German group and the French party concerned
about a com bination tending to set aside these difficulties. Other wishes which could
be contrary to French rights and interests are not entertained by the German group.
German Embassy, London, July 28th, 1913.
No. 1*23.
Sir Edu-ard G rey to Mr. Marling.C)
F.O. 3 5 5 9 4 /3 2 30 4 /1 3 /4 4.
(No. 232.)
Sir, Foreign Office, July 29, 1913.
After signing various agreements with Hakki Pasha to-d ay,(2) 1 observed that I
had not liked to postpone the signature of these agreements and thereby throw away
all the good work that had been done, and I was still anxious that France and Germ any
should come to an agreement about the Bagdad Railway, in order that the Powers,
having rem oved the difficulties between themselves, m ight be in a position to support
Turkey in her Asiatic provinces. In this way I had hoped that the agreements that
we were now making would be the beginning of a policy by which we could give
support to Turkey. But the action that the Turks had taken in upsetting the
boundary fixed by the Treaty o f London had made me very apprehensive as to the
effect on other Powers. Though I had proceeded with the signature of these agree
ments, I could not help pointing out that the action of Turkey might com plicate
matters with other Powers, and thereby upset the policy of which I had hoped that
these agreements were a beginning.
Hakki Pasha expatiated on the unfairness of the Powrers resenting the action of
Turkey in taking advantage of the situation in Thrace, when they had not resented
the action of Roumania in taking advantage of the situation in Bulgaria after her
agreement in St. Petersburg. H e expressed great distrust of Russian policy towards
Turkey in Asia.
[I am, A c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
(!) [A c o p y o f this despa tch was sent to th e D ir e c to r o f M ilita r y O p era tion s.]
(2) [v. im m ed ia tely su cceed in g docu m en t.]
No. 124.
A n g l o - T u r k is h A greem en t.
( 1 .)
Convention concernant l'établissem ent d'une Commission pour am éliorer les
Conditions de la Navigation du C halt-el-A rabJ1)
Sa Majesté le R oi du Royaum e-U ni de la Grande-Bretagne et d ’ Irlande et des
Territoires britanniques au delà des Mers, Em pereur des Indes, d ’ une part; et
Sa Majesté l ’ Empereur des Ottomans, d ’ autre part ;
( ') [T he te x ts o f this con v en tion and o f th e d e cla ra tion follow in g it ha ve been ta k en from
the originals w h ich a re preserved in the F o re ig n Office series o f O rigin a l T rea ties (T u rk ey
No. 86).]
184
A r t ic le 1er.
La navigation du Chatt-el-Arab demeurera ouverte aux navires de toutes les
nationalités.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 4.
A r t ic l e 5.
La com m ission aura qualité pour nom m er tels agents qt em ployés qu’ elle jugera
nécessaires, mais le Gouvernement Im périal, désirant que l ’ ingénieur en chef et
l ’ inspecteur des services fluviaux soient de nationalité britannique invitera le Gouverne
m ent de Sa Majesté britannique à lui proposer des candidats.parm i lesquels il choisira
ces fonctionnaires. La com m ission nommera un ingénieur-adjoint et un inspecteur-
adjoint de nationalité ottom ane. L e traitement de ces agents et employés sera fixé
et versé par la commission.
A r t ic l e 6.
A r t ic l e 7.
La com m ission aura qualité pour fixer, par les règlements édictés par elle en
vertu de l ’ article 6 (c) de cette convention, les amendes qui seront imposées en cas
de leur contravention. Telles contraventions seront justiciables exclusivement par la
commission qui sera revêtue pour des cas semblables de l ’ autorité, analogue à celle
dont jouissent les m unicipalités, d ’ infliger aux délinquants des amendes et, à défaut
de payement de telles amendes, le terme de réclusion équivalent prescrit par la loi
ottomane.
A r t ic l e 8.
Pour toute autre affaire pénale du ressort de la com m ission, la police de celle-ci
aura seule le droit d ’opérer des arrestations. Les prévenus seront ensuite remis aux
autorités com pétentes; la commission aura le droit de se faire représenter au procès
en qualité de plaignant.
A r t ic l e 9.
A r t ic l e 10.
_ Aucun droit, taxe ou charge basé sur le fait seul de la navigation ne sera prélevé,
soit par la Sublime Porte, soit par la com m ission, sur les bâtiments ou marchandises
dans le Chatt-el-Arab à moins d ’ être perçu en rém unération de services rendus.
A r t ic l e 11.
La com m ission aura seule le droit de prélever les droits ou charges qui seront
jugés nécessaires pour couvrir les dépenses des travaux et services administrés par
elle. L e produit de tels droits ne dépassera pas la somme nécessaire pour atteindre
186
A r t ic l e 12.
A r t ic l e 13.
A r t ic l e 14.
A r tic le 15.
La commission publiera tous les ans un relevé complet et exact de ses comptes,
qui montrera les sommes perçues et déboursées par elle. Ce relevé sera soumis a
l’examen de la cour des comptes.
A r t ic l e 16.
A r t ic l e 17.
Les autorités locales ne s’immisceront en aucune façon dans des questions ayant
trait ni aux immeubles, constructions, terrains ou autre propriété de la commission,
187
ni à ses fonds, ni à l'exercice de leurs fonctions par les agents chargés de la police,
du pilotage ou des autres services établis par elle, ni aux débarcadères, jetées, docks
ou quais situés dans ou sur les bords du fleuve et appartenant à des particuliers.
Le personnel de la police qui sera employée par la commission sera choisi parmi
les sujets ottomans et de préférence parmi ceux qui ont déjà été au service du
Gouvernement Impérial. La commission aura qualité pour engager des officiers
supérieurs de nationalité étrangère pour exercer des fonctions d’organisation et de
commandement.
A r t ic l e 20.
Cet arrangement restera en vigueur pour une période de soixante ans à partir
du jour de sa signature. Dans la cas où aucune des deux Hautes Parties Contrac
tantes n’aurait fait connaître à l’autre douze mois avant l’expiration de ladite période
de soixante ans son intention de mettre fin à l’arrangement, il restera en vigueur
jusqu’à l ’expiration d’un an à partir du jour où l’une des deux Hautes Parties
Contractantes l’aura dénoncé.
En foi de quoi, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs ont signé la présente convention
et y ont apposé leurs cachets.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le 29 juillet, 1913.
[L .S .] E. GREY.
[L .S .] I. HAKKY.
A nnexe.
N ature des Phares, &c. P rop riéta ire actuel. P osition . D escription
No.
sur Carte.*
1 Vaisseau-phare ... G ouvernem ent ottom an ... Barre e x térieu re... Lt. Fl. ev. 5 sec.
56 f e et, vis.
10 m .
2 Bouée à gaz acétylène „ b ritan n iqu e... >) )) '• ' Lt. F.
3 Bouée non éclairée . . . >5 ••• » >) *•• Old bar buoy.
4 » » ■•• ,, ottom an ... » » ••• No. 1.
5 >> v ••• britan niqu e... „ 2.
6 >J ••• î» ♦ » jj „ 3.
i »} ••• ’1 5) .•• Chenal ... ... » fi
8 » ••• „ ottom an ... jj ... . .. » 5.
9
10
•J •••
,, b ritan n iqu e... „ . .. . ..
„ G.
,,
11 ,, ottom an ... „ 5.
12 Barre in térieu re ... „ 9.
13 n »J ••• ,, britan niqu e... >> ••• Inner bar buoy.
14 Phare ... ... ,, ottom an ... Fao ... ... Lt. F. red 25
fe et, vis. 6 m.
* A dm iralty Chart No. 1235 “ M outh of the Euphrates, Shatt-el-A rab, and Barm ishir
R iver ” (corrected to February 1913).
188
( 2 .)
Déclaration.
(3.)
Déclaration. (2)
Le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an, ayant examiné la question de la frontière
qui sépare les territoires ottom an et persan depuis la région de H aouizé jusqu’ à la
m er, déclare que la ligne frontière doit être fixée com m e suit :
( 2) [T h e te x t o f this décla ra tion has becn ta ken from th e orig in a l w hich is preserved iu
th e F o re ig n Office sériés o f O rigin a l T rea ties (T u rk ey N o. 76).]
189
(d.) La juridiction ottomane ne pourra pas s’ étendre sur les parties de la côte
persane qui pourront être temporairem ent couvertes d ’ eau par la marée
ou par d ’ autres causes accidentelles. L a juridiction persane de son côté
ne pourra pas s’ exercer sur des terres qui seront temporairem ent et
accidentellement découvertes en excédant le niveau normal des eaux
basses.
(e.) L e cheikh de Mouhammera continuera à jouir en conform ité des lois
ottom anes de ses droits de propriété existant en territoire ottom an.
La ligne frontière établie dans cette déclaration est indiquée en rouge sur la carte
ci-annexée.
L e Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique s ’ engage à inviter le Gouvernement
Impérial persan à agréer, com m e tracé définitif de ses frontières méridionales avec le
Gouvernement Im périal ottom an la ligne indiquée ci-dessus et sur la carte annexée.
L e Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique se charge également d ’ inviter le
Gouvernement Im périal persan à se mettre d ’ accord avec le Gouvernement Im périal
ottoman pour nom m er dans le plus bref délai des commissaires qui auront à appliquer
sur le terrain les limites établies par cette déclaration. Si au cours de la délim itation
il est constaté par le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et par le Gouvernement
Impérial ottom an que les territoires sur le canal de Khaïyin ci-dessus indiqués étaient
effectivement occupés et administrés par les autorités ottomanes à la date du
1er janvier écoulé (nouveau style), le tracé pourra être rectifié.
E n foi de quoi les soussignés, dûment autorisés à cet effet, ont signé la présente
Déclaration.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le 29 juillet, 1913.
[L .S .] E. G E E Y .
[L .S .] I. H A K K Y .
(4.)
Déclaration. (3)
(3) [T h e t e x t o f this décla ra tion has beeu taken from th e o rig in a l w hich is p reserv ed in
the F o re ig n Office sériés o f O rigin a l T rea ties (T u rk ey N o. 86).]
190
complet, certaines questions touchant leurs intérêts respectifs dans le Golfe Persique
et dans les territoires environnants, ont résolu de conclure une convention spéciale en
vue de prévenir toute cause éventuelle de m alentendu entre leurs Gouvernements en
ce qui concerne ces questions.
E n conséquence, ils ont nom m é pour leurs Plénipotentiaires, savoir :
Sa Majesté le Roi du Royaum e-U ni de la Grande-Bretagne et d ’ Irlande et des
Territoires britanniques au delà des Mers, Em pereur des Indes : Le Très H onorable
Sir Edward Grev, Baronnet du R oyaum e-U ni, Chevalier du Très Noble Ordre de la
Jarretière, Membre du Parlem ent, Principal Secrétaire d ’ Ëtat de Sa Majesté au
Département des Affaires É trangères;
Sa Majesté l ’ Empereur des Ottomans : Son Altesse Hakki Pacha, ancien Grand
Yézir, décoré des Grands Cordons des Ordres Im périaux de l ’ Osmanié et du Medjidié
en brillants;
Lesquels, s’ étant com m uniqué leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouvés en bonne et due
forme, sont convenus de ce qui suit :
I.— K oueii.
A r t ic l e 1 er.
A r t ic l e 2.
L e cheikh de Koueit arborera com m e par le passé le drapeau ottom an, avec, s ’ il
le désire, le mot “ Koueit ” inscrit au coin, et il jouira d ’ une autonomie administrative
complète dans la zone territoriale définie à l ’ article 5 de cette convention. Le
Gouvernement Im périal ottom an s ’ abstiendra de toute imm ixtion dans les affaires de
Koueit, y com pris la question de la succession, et de tout acte d ’administration ainsi
que de toute occupation et tout acte militaire, dans les territoires qui en font partie.
E n cas de vacance, le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an nom m era kaïmakam, par
firman Im périal, le successeur du cheikh défunt. Il aura aussi la faculté de nom m er
auprès du cheikh un commissaire pour protéger les intérêts et les indigènes des autres
parties de l ’ Empire.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 4.
E n vue de confirmer l ’ entente déjà établie entre les deux Gouvernements par les
assurances échangées le 6 septembre 1 9 0 1 , (5) entre l ’ ambassade de Sa Majesté
britannique à Constantinople et le Ministère Im périal des affaires étrangères, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique déclare qu’ en tant qu’ aucun changem ent ne
sera apporté par le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an au statu quo de Koueit, tel q u ’il
se trouve défini par la présente convention, il ne changera en rien la nature de ses
relations avec le Gouvernement de Koueit et n ’ établira pas de protectorat sur le
(5) [cp . su pra, p. 4 9, E d . N o t e .]
192
territoire qui lui est attribué. Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman prend acte de cette
déclaration.
A r t ic l e 5.
L ’ autonomie du cheikh de Koueit est exercée par lui dans les territoires dont la
limite form e un dem i-cercle avec la ville de Koueit au centre, le Khor-Zoubair à
l ’ extrémité septentrionale et Kraïne à l ’ extrémité méridionale. Cette ligne est indiquée
en rouge sur la carte annexée à la présente convention (annexe V). Les îles de
Ouarba, Boubiane, Machiane, Faïlaka, Anha, Koubbar, Karou, Makta et
Oumm-el-Maradine, avec les îlots et les eaux adjacents, sont com pris dans cette zone
A r t ic l e 6.
Les tribus qui se trouvent dans les limites indiquées à l ’ article suivant sont
reconnues com m e dépendant du cheikh de Koueit, qui percevra leurs dîmes comme par
le passé et exercera à leur égard les attributions administratives qui lui reviennent en
sa qualité de kaïmakam ottoman. L e Gouvernement Impérial ottoman n ’ exercera
dans cette zone aucun acte d ’ administration indépendamment du cheikh de Koueit et
s’ abstiendra d ’y établir des garnisons ou d ’y exercer une action militaire quelconque
sans s ’ être préalablement entendu avec le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique.
A r t ic l e 7.
Les limites du territoire dont il est parlé à l ’ article précédent sont fixées comme
suit :
La ligne de démarcation part de la côte à l ’ embouchure du Khor-Zoubair vers le
nord-ouest et passe immédiatement au sud d ’ Oumm-Kasr, de Safouan et de Djebel -
Sanam, de façon à laisser ces endroits et leurs puits au vilavet de B asra; arrivée au
Batine, elle le suit vers le sud-ouest jusqu’ à H afr-el-Batine qu’ elle laisse du côté de
Koueit ; de ce point ladite ligne va au sud-est en laissant à Koueit les puits d ’ Es-Safa
et d ’ El-Garaa, d ’ E l-H aba, Ouabra et Antaa pour aboutir à la mer près de Djebel-
M ounifa. Cette ligne est marquée en vert sur la carte annexée à la présente
convention (annexe Y).
A r t ic l e 8.
A r t ic l e 9.
Le cheikh de Koueit jouira en pleine sécurité des droits de propriété privée qu’il
possède dans le territoire du vilayet de Basra. Ces droits de propriété privée devront
s ’exercer en conform ité de la loi ottomane et les biens immobiliers qu’ils concernent
seront soumis aux impôts et charges, au mode de conservation et de transmission et à
la juridiction établis par les lois ottomanes.
A r t ic l e 10.
Les criminels des provinces voisines ne seront pas reçus dans le territoire de
Koueit et seront repoussés si on les y trouve; également les criminels de Koueit ne
seront pas reçus dans les provinces voisines et seront repoussés si on les y trouve.
193
Il est entendu que cette disposition ne servira pas aux autorités ottomanes de
prétexte d ’ im m ixtion dans les affaires de K ou eit; elle ne servira pas non plus au
cheikh de Koueit de prétexte d ’ immixtion dans les affaires des provinces voisines.
I I .— E l-K atr.
A r t ic l e 11.
A r t ic l e 12.
I I I .— B ahreine.
A r t ic l e 13.
A r t ic l e 14.
A r t ic l e 15.
Les sujets du cheikh de Bahreine seront considérés com m e étrangers dans les
territoires ottomans et pourront être protégés par les consuls de Sa Majesté
britannique. Toutefois, cette protection devra s’ exercer en conform ité des règles
générales du droit international européen, les sujets de Bahreine n ’ ayant pas le droit
de jouir des privilèges accordés par les capitulations aux sujets de certaines Puissances.
I V .— Golfe Persique.
A r t ic l e 16.
des me’s ures de police maritime dans les eaux libres du Golfe Persique aussi bien que
sur le littoral appartenant aux cheikhs indépendants de la côte au sud d ’ E l-K atr
jusqu’ à l ’ Océan Indien, le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman apprécie l ’ importance
de ces efforts déjà séculaires et déclare ne pas s’opposer à ce que le Gouvernement
de Sa Majesté britannique exerce com m e par le passé dans le Golfe Persique les
mesures suivantes :
(a.) Sondages, allumage des phares, mise des bouées, pilotage.
( h.) Police maritime.
(c.) Mesures quarantenaires.
L e Gouvernement Impérial ottom an réserve à cette occasion tous les droits qui
lui reviennent comme Puissance territoriale sur les côtes ainsi que sur les eaux,
territoriales ottomanes.
V .— Commission de Délimitation.
A r t ic l e 17.
Les deux Gouvernements sont d ’ accord pour nom m er, dans le plus bref délai,
des commissaires qui auront à appliquer sur le terrain les limites établies par les
articles 5, 7 et 10(6) de cette convention en en dressant un plan détaillé et un procès-
verbal explicatif. Le plan et le procès-verbal susénoncés, une fois dûment dressés
et signés par les commissaires respectifs, seront considérés com m e partie intégrante
de la présente convention.
A r t ic l e 18.
A nnexe I.
A greem ent of January 23, 1899, with Sheikh of K ow eit.( 7)
(Translation.)
P ra ise be to G od alone (lit. in the nam e o f G od A lm ig h ty ) ( “ Bissim Illah T a ’ alah S hanuho ” ).
The object o f writing this lawful and honourable bond is, that it is hereby
covenanted and agreed between Lieutenant-Colonel Malcolm John Meade, I.S .C .,
H er Britannic M ajesty’ s Political Resident, on behalf o f the British Governm ent,
on the one part, and Sheikh M ubarak-bin-Sheikh Subah, Sheikh of Koweit, on the
other p art; that the said Sheikh Mubarak-bin-Sheikh Subah, o f his own free will
and desire, does hereby pledge and bind him self, his heirs and successors, not to
receive the agent or representative o f any Power or Government at Koweit, or at
any other place within the limits of his territory, without the previous sanction of
the British Governm ent; and he further binds him self, his heirs and successors,
not to cede, sell, lease, mortgage, or give for occupation or for any other purpose,
any portion of his territory to the Governm ent or subjects o f any other Power without
the previous consent o f H er M ajesty’ s Government for these purposes. This engage-
(6) [I n the sign ed cop y o f this a greem ent, 10 has been a ltered to 11. The correction is
in itia lle d “ E. G. I. H .” ]
( 7) [cp. su p ra , p. 107, N o. 68, encl. 3, and n o te (5).]
195
raent also to extend to any portion of the territory of the said Sheikh Mubarak which
may now be in possession of the subjects o f any other Governm ent.
In token o f the conclusion o f this lawful and honourable bond, Lieutenant
Colonel M alcolm John Meade, I .S .C ., H er Britannic M ajesty’ s Political Besident in
the Persian Gulf, and Sheikh M ubarak-bin-Sheikh Subah, the form er on behalf of
the British Governm ent, and the latter on behalf o f him self, his heirs and successors,
do each, in the presence o f witnesses, affix their signatures, on this the 10th day o f
Ramazan, 1316, corresponding with the 23rd day of January, 1899.
(L .S .) M. J. M E A D E ,
Political Resident in the
Persian Gulf.
(L .S .) M U B A R A K -E L -S U B A H .
Witnesses :
(L .S .) E. W ic k h a m H ore, Captain, I.M .S .
(L .S .) J. Calcott G a s k in .
(L .S .) M uham m ad R a h im - b in - A b d u l N e b i Saffer.
A nnexe II.
A nnexe I II.
Postal A greem ent o f February 28, 1904, with the Sheikh of K o w e it.(*)
(Translation.)
As the British Governm ent has agreed, in accordance with m y desire and for
the benefit of traders, to establish a post-office at Koweit, I, on m y part, agree not
to allow the establishment here of a post-office by any other G overnm ent. I
accordingly write this undertaking on behalf o f m yself and m y successors.
(Seal of Sheikh M ubarek-el-Subah.)
K ow eit, the 11th Zil Haj, 1321
(February 28, 1904).
A nnexe IV .
( 8) [cp. supra, p. 108, N o. 68, encl. 3, and n otes ( 6), ( 7) and ( 8).]
( 9) \cp. supra, p. 108, No. 68, e n d . 3, n ote ( 9).]
( 10) [ cp . supra, p. 108, N o. 68, encl. 3, n o te ( 10).]
[10900] O 2
W ith respect to these agreements His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have the following
observations to make :—
As regards No. 1, His M ajesty’ s Government have inform ed the Sheikh of
Koweit that so long as he and his heirs and successors act up to their obligations
under the agreement, His M ajesty’ s Government undertake to support them and
accord them their good offices. His M ajesty’ s Government reserve to themselves the
right to interpret that term at their discretion.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent hold, m oreover, a lease of land from the Sheikh of
KowTeit.
As regards No. 4, His M ajesty’ s Governm ent take occasion to remind the Sublime
Porte that British rights in the Persian Gulf and on the coast rest not merely on the
agreements concluded, and transmitted herewith to the Ottoman Governm ent, but
on the custom, consent, and long-established relations between the local chiefs and
the Government of India.
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent hope that in the communication of these agreements,
together with the supplementary declarations which are hereby brought to the notice
of the Ottoman Governm ent, the Sublime Porte will see proof of His M ajesty’ s
G overnm ent’ s goodwill and desire to facilitate the conclusion of the negotiations set
forth in their above-mentioned m emorandum.
I have. &c.
E. GEEY.
Déclaration secrete.
Déclaration.f11)
(iii.) L ’ application du “ témettu ” aux sujets britanniques ayant fait l ’ objet d ’ une
correspondance entre la Sublime Porte et l ’ Ambassade de Sa Majesté
britannique à Constantinople, le soussigné déclare que le Gouvernement
de Sa Majesté britannique consent à ladite application, sous réserve des
conditions déjà posées.
(iv.) Le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique déclare qu ’ il n ’ a pas d ’objection
de principe à l ’ abolition de ses bureaux postaux en Turquie à la condition
que cette mesure s ’ éte n d e , à tous les bureaux étrangers, et qu’ il ait
l ’ assurance que l ’ administration postale ottomane oifre pour la transmis
sion des correspondances les garanties requises de sécurité et de célérité.
E n attendant que l ’ abolition desdits bureaux puisse se réaliser, le
Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique n ’ a pas d ’ objection à l ’ emploi,
dans ses bureaux en Turquie, de timbres-poste ottom ans. Cette mesure
exigerait, cependant, l ’ établissement d ’ une surcharge et certaines
réglementations d ’ ordre technique. Le Gouvernement de Sa 'Majesté
britannique est donc prêt à entamer des négociations à ce sujet, si les
autres États ayant des bureaux de poste en Turquie conviennent
d ’ étudier ce changem ent de système.
(v.) E n attendant l ’introduction de réform es dans l ’ administration judiciaire
ottom ane, le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique estime que le
moment n ’ est pas venu d ’ envisager la suppression des capitulations.
Toutefois, dans le cas où les autres Puissances se mettraient d ’ accord sur
une telle procédure, le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique serait
prêt à désigner des représentants en vue de déterminer jusqu’ à quel point
le régime actuel des capitulations est susceptible d ’ amélioration.
(7.)
(8 .)
Déclaration.
Au moment de signer les conventions relatives au Golfe Persique et les Territoires
environnants et au Chatt-el-Arab, et la Déclaration relative à une concession de
navigation fluviale sur le Tigre et l ’ Euphrate, le soussigné constate que ces instru
ments n ’ entreront pas en vigueur tant que le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique
maintiendra les réserves, formulées par Son Excellence .S ir Edward Grey dans sa
note du 29 Juillet 1913, relative à la Déclaration dudit Gouvernement en date de ce
jour.
L ’ exécution des susdits instruments aura lieu du moment que le Gouvernement
de Sa Ylajesté britannique sera en mesure de retirer les réserves spécifiées dans
ladite note.
I. H AK K Y .
Londres, le 29 Juillet, 1913.
C H A P TE R XCIII.
THE BAGDAD R A IL W A Y , A U G U ST TO DECEM BER,
1913.
No. 125.
F.O. 3 5 2 6 6 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 366.) Foreign Office, August 1, 1913, 12-55 p . m .
I am fully aware that we shall have to obtain the consent of the Powers concerned
to articles 7, 8, 11, and 12 of Shatt-el-Arab Convention, and it was precisely with this
object that I com m unicated to Russian, German, and French G ov [ern m en ]ts the text
of the Convention when initialled.(2) I even com m unicated a draft to the Russian
G ov [ern m en ]t a year ago, and they raised no objection then.(3) I am negotiating
with the German G ov [ern m en ]t on this matter, and I do not expect any insuperable
difficulty from either the German or the French s id e ; and, as Russian com m erce is
so small and as the arrangements we propose are designed equally in the interests of
all nations, I trust Russian objections may be met or overcom e. But if they persist
in appointment of Russian subjects to administrative posts on Commission the whole
thing will, owing to Turkish objections, fall to the ground,whereas the proposal
contained in the last paragraph of Sir G. B uchanan’ s telegram No.280(4) would, if
adopted, render the conduct of the necessary works financially impracticable.
You should urge upon your Russian colleague such of the above considerations,
and of those contained in m y telegram No. 558(5) to St. Petersburg, as you properly
can, as it is most important to overcome such objections as we cannot admit, and
Russian Ambassador at Constantinople appears to be the source of Russian objections.
t1) [T h is teleg ra m w as rep eated to St. P etersb u rg h (N o. 563). C op ies w ere sent to
the In d ia O ffice; to th e D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O p era tion s.]
( 2) [t>. supra, p. 109, N o. 68, encl. 4, n o te ( l l )-]
(3) [cp. sup ra , p. 76, N o. 55, n o te 0 ) . ]
(4) [t>. supra, pp. 180-1, N o. 120.]
( 5) [ v . supra, p. 181, N o. 121.]
No. 126.
F.O. 3 5 2 6 6 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 564.) Foreign Office, August 1, 1913, 2 p . m .
My tel[eg ra m ] No. 558(2) : Shatt-el-Arab.
You should make such use as you can of the following arguments in your
representations to Russian M [inister for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs].
B y article 1 of convention Turkey admits, as she has never done hitherto, that
the whole Shatt-el-Arab is open to all ships, even up to Kurna.
H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] have supported Russia energetically and
successfully in regard to northern part of Turco-Persian frontier, and they have even
gone so far as to intimate to Hakki Pasha that the acceptance of Russian proposals
i 1) [T h is teleg ram was rep eated to C on sta n tin op le (N o. 367). A co p y w as sent to the
Board o f T ra d e.]
(2) [u. supra, p. 181, N o. 121.]
200
of last year was virtually a condition of British assent to the Turkish customs increase.
I have reason to believe that this intimation was a decisive factor in bringing about
Turkish acceptance.
In view of these and other considerations already explained I feel confident that
Russian M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A[fEairs] will not oppose our convention respecting
Shatt-el-Arab or insist upon claim for admission of Russians to posts under
commission.
No. 127.
F.O. 35266/1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 372.) Foreign Office, August 2, 1913.
M y telegram No. 366 of 1st A ugust(2) : Riverain Commission.
Articles 7 and 8 were drafted by Hakki Pasha and Mr. Malkin with the intention
that any privileges conferred by the Capitulations should continue to be enjoyed under
them. Under article 7, if a foreigner were fined and did not pay, he would be tried,
as in a municipal court, with a dragoman present, or whatever the ordinary procedure
in municipal courts is.
In what respect do you consider that these articles violate capitulatory rights?
O [T h e t e x t g iven above is ta ken from th e cop y in the C onfid en tial P r in t, as the orig in a l
d r a ft ca n n ot be tra ced . T he teleg ram was rep eated to St. P etersb u rg h (N o. 570).]
(2) [a. supra, p. 199, N o. 125.]
No. 128.
0 ) [T his teleg ram was sent to C on stan tin op le (as N o. 381). C opies w ere sent to the
In d ia O ffice; to th e D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O peration s.]
(2) [v. supra, p. 181, N o. 121.]
( 3) [v. supra, pp. 199-200, No. 126.]
201
N o. 129.
No. 130.
0 ) [T h is teleg ram was sent to C on stan tin op le (as N o. 386). C op ies w ere sen t to the
India O ffice; t o the D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O p e r a tio n s ; to the B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
(2) [ v. supra, p. 200, N o. 128 ]
202
Governm ent on commission, and would only like to have right to recomm end R ussian'
subjects for some of the responsible posts in Administration should subjects of any of
the other Powers be em ployed on it.
Imperial Government note writh satisfaction statement that Anglo-Turkish
Convention guarantees equality of treatment to ships of all nations, but would like to
know what is meant by phrase ‘ ‘ no dues will be imposed by mere fact of navigation,
but m erely for services rendered.”
Imperial Government raise no objection to imposition of dues prescribed by
convention in conform ity with stipulations of the said convention, and will not insist
on freedom from all dues of ships of small tonnage of all nations.
No. 131.
F.O. 3 63 7 2 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 1.
Tel. (No. 579.) Foreign Office, August 8, 1913, 4 p . m .
You should inform Russian M [inister for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] of substance of
Mr. M arling’ s telegram No. 393,(2) om itting first sentence. You should add that I
cannot accept reasoning advanced by M. Minorski, since, so far from situation on
Shatt-el-Arab being modified in our favour, we are actually surrendering to Turkey
participation in conservancy rights which we have hitherto exercised alone for a very
long time. It seems to me that M. Minorski is inclined to overrate the importance of
this matter altog eth er: the duties of the Commission are limited to a small
geographical area and are strictly defined so as to ensure equality of treatment for
ships of all nations, and, as the Sheikh of Mohammerah has certain de facto interests
on the river (of which the whole waterw’ay is Turkish) it seems absolutely necessary
to provide for them in such a way as is done in the declaration annexed to the con
vention, but if the Russian Government prefer we need not publish the declaration
about Mohammerah.
I do not think it can be urged that our action would form ally m odify the political
status at the head of the Persian Gulf in our favour, since, far from making any claim
to treat Mesopotamia as a British sphere, we are giving up all claim to control over
any part of the Bagdad Railway. Such being the case, the only wray in which wre can
now safeguard our great interests in Mesopotamia is by making without delay (and
before the com pletion of the Bagdad Railway which is now7 inevitable) a settlement
recognising our de facto position in the Persian Gulf and on the Shatt-el-Arab.
I regard it as quite impracticable to obtain admission of Russian subject in some
technical capacity on the Commission : even Germany, whose shipping is six times as
great as that of Russia, has not made such a claim, and it would be impossible to
overcom e Turkish objections; but I will endeavour to meet Russian wishes by
arranging that consuls shall have right of addressing representations and advice
direct to the Commission on all matters affecting foreign shipping.
Following arguments are for your guidance and for such use as you can
advantageously make of them. As we are not securing any control over the" Bagdad
Railway, which is to traverse a region where British commercial interests have long
been paramount, public opinion will not be satisfied unless we obtain recognition of
the status quo in the Shatt-el-Arab and Persian Gulf, and on latter point please refer
(*) [T h is teleg ram was rep eated to C on stan tin op le (N o. 388). A paraph ra se was sent to
the B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
( 2) [-u. supra, p. 201, N o. 129.]
203
to my published despatch of August 29, 1907,(3) to Sir A. Nicolson. I consider it very
important that it should be seen that Russian G ov [ern m en ]t is at one with us in a
matter so greatly affecting our interests, and I earnestly trust that they will express
their concurrence at an early date. I am anxious to avoid admitting contention of
Russian Embassy at Constantinople that if Russia agrees to this arrangement it will
entitle her to ‘ ‘ similar complaisance on our part ’ ’ in other regions. It would be as
well however to avoid anything which might lead to an argument on this subject and
confine yourself to pointing out the self-denying character of our agreement.
No. 132.
F.O. 3 65 4 1 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 583.) Foreign Office, August 9, 1913, 1 p . m .
Your telegram No. 289.( 2)
Please convey m y thanks to M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffa irs ]. In view of
Russian reply I leave it to your discretion how far you act upon m y telegram No. 579
of yesterday.(3) It will perhaps be better to say nothing.
The phrase “ no dues will be imposed by mere fact of navigation but m erely for
services rendered ” is intended to limit amount of dues to actual disbursements of
Commission upon such works as dredging, buoying, lighting, landing facilities, and
administrative expenditure, but to preclude any toll consequent upon mere navigation
of the river and in excess o f expenditure actually incurred by and upon Commission.
Our wish was to guard against any attempt on the part of Turkey to impose dues in
excess of such expenditure, thereby securing a fresh source of revenue to the
detriment of foreign shipping.
W ith regard to first paragraph of your telegram, if by “ other Powers ” is meant
“ Powers other than Great Britain ” there is no objection so far as H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] are con cerned; but you need not m ention this unless M [inister for]
F [o re ig n ] A [flairs] recurs to the point.
No. 133.
Lesquels, s’ étant com m uniqué leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouvés en bonne et due
form e, sont convenus de ce qui suit :
A r t ic le 1.
L e Gouvernement Impérial ottoman s’ engage à veiller à ce que la société du
chemin de fer de Bagdad applique à toutes les marchandises d ’ une catégorie identique
qui pourront lui être présentées en vue d ’ être transportées par chemin de fer, entre
les mêmes stations et dans les mêmes conditions, un régime parfaitement égal, tant
pour le tarif en vigueur qui leur sera imposé que pour les facilités dont elles jouiront,
quels que soient respectivement :
A r t ic le 2.
L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman s’ engage à veiller à ce que la société du
chem in de fer de Bagdad ne conclue avec une société de navigation ou avec un
armateur dont les bâtiments desservent un ou plusieurs ports, soit maritimes, soit
fluviaux, de son réseau, d ’ arrangement particulier relatif à certaines catégories de
marchandises importées ou exportées par ces ports sans que cet arrangement soit de
plein droit applicable, dans les mêmes conditions, à toute autre société de navigation
ou à tout autre armateur dont les bâtiments importent ou exportent des marchandises
de la m ême catégorie par les mêmes ports. Il est toutefois entendu que cet article ne
porte nullement atteinte aux droits concédés par l ’ article 9 de la convention du 5 mars,
1903,( 2) relative à l ’ importation de matériaux destinés à la construction du chemin de
fer de Bagdad.
A r t ic le 3.
Aux fins de la présente convention la phrase “ les mêmes conditions ” signifie les
mêmes conditions de poids, d ’ emballage et de vitesse (grande, petite ou autre), la
m ême catégorie de marchandises, et les mêmes stations de départ et d ’ arrivée.
A r t ic le 4.
Dans le cas où le com m erce britannique serait soumis, sur quelqu’ un des chemins
de fer auxquels s’ applique la présente convention, à un régime d ’ exception en quelque
relation non spécifiée par les articles précédents, telle, par exemple, que l ’insuffisance
des facilités accordées en matière de transport com m un ou la pose des conditions
spéciales au transport effectué par une voie déterminée, le Gouvernement de Sa
Majesté britannique se réserve le droit de faire à ce sujet des représentations auprès
du Gouvernement Impérial ottoman, qui prendra les dispositions nécessaires pour
rem édier au grief.
A rticle 5.
Les dispositions de la présente convention ne s ’ appliquent ni au transport des
militaires, des marins ou des fonctionnaires ottomans, ni à celui des munitions
militaires, navales ou civiles pour le com pte du Gouvernement Im périal ottom an, ni
aux transports afférents aux services publics de l ’ État ottom an, ni au transport du
matériel et des matériaux destinés à la construction ou à l ’ exploitation des travaux
publics existants ou à créer dans l ’ Em pire ottoman.
A r t ic le 6.
Aucune disposition de la présente convention ne sera interprétée com m e une
défense de l ’ établissement d ’ une distinction entre les tarifs à appliquer
respectivement :
(a) Au trafic local.
(b) Au trafic d ’ importation.
(c) Au trafic d ’ exportation.
(d) Au trafic de transit.
A r t ic le 7.
Les dispositions de la présente convention s’ étendront, dans la mesure où elles
y sont applicables, au régime appliqué par la société du chemin de fer au transport
des voyageurs entrant dans l ’ Em pire ottom an, le quittant ou traversant son territoire,
et de leur bagage. Toutefois, elles ne s ’ appliqueront pas au transport des ém igrés et
des indigents et de leur bagage.
Aux fins du présent article, le terme “ ém igrés ” se rapporte aux personnes venues
s’ établir dans les limites de l ’ Em pire ottom an qui sont transportées par les soins de la
commission des émigrés.
A r t ic le 8.
L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman s ’ engage à veiller à ce que les dispositions
des articles précédents soient appliquées à tout chemin de fer (soit actuellement
existant, soit à construire à l ’ avenir) en Turquie d ’ Asie qui se raccorderait avec le
chemin de fer de Bagdad.
A r t ic le 9.
L e Gouvernement Im périal ottoman s’ engage à veiller à ce que la société du
chemin de fer de Bagdad admette à son conseil d ’ administration deux m embres de
nationalité britannique. Avant la nom ination de ces membres, le Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman prendra les dispositions nécessaires pour s ’ assurer qu ’ elle a
l’ agrément du Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique. Dans le cas où, en vertu
d’ un arrangement quelconque, le tronçon B agdad-B asra serait construit par une autre
société, les dispositions du présent article s’ appliqueront égalem ent à celle-ci.
A r t ic le 10 .
Aucun prolongem ent de voie ferrée au delà de Basra vers la mer ne pourra avoir
lieu qu’ après accord préalable entre le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et le
Gouvernement Impérial ottom an et dans les conditions agréées par eux.
A r t ic le 11.
E n cas de contestation au sujet de l ’ interprétation ou de la mise à exécution de
la présente convention, la question en litige, à moins d ’ être réglée dans un délai de
trois m ois à la satisfaction des deux Gouvernements, sera déférée, sur la demande
de l ’ un ou de l ’ autre Gouvernement, au jugem ent du tribunal international d ’ arbitrage
de La H aye.
206
A r t ic l e 12.
Déclaration.
No. 134.
I said 1 knew Sir E . G rey’ s view was that it would be preferable if France and
Germany could com e to a direct understanding, and that we did not wish to offer,
far less to press, our mediation if the two countries could com e to a direct agreement,
but we were anxious that such an agreement should be come to in order that our
agreements should com e into force.
A. P [A R K E R ].
August 13, 1913.
No. 135.
Communication to M. de Fleuriau.( ‘ )
O') [C op ies of this com m u n ica tion w ere sent t o the B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to the In d ia Office. F or
I b rie f sum m ary, rp. D D . F . . 3me S\er., V ol. VITT, p. 55, N o. 49, n otes 0 ) and (2).]
(2) \v. sup ra , pp. 169-72, N o. 116, and en cl.]
208
increase without making the enforcement of that increase conditional upon the
assent o f the other Powers to such a measure in regard to their respective imports
into Turkey.
As regards the second point, an explicit reservation has recently been made to
the Ottoman Government in writing.
It will thus be recognised that the practical effect of the present negotiations,
between Turkey and Great Britain as also between Germany and Great Britain, will
so far be principally negative; and, pending a general adjustment in which France
is largely concerned, any positive and operative result is, to some extent at any rate,
suspended.
His M ajesty’ s Government attach very great importance to their agreements being
carried fully into effect without undue delay— a consummation which is, amongst
other cogent reasons, rendered the more urgent in view of the undoubted ultimate
com pletion of the Bagdad Bailway, and o f the far-reaching influence which that
enterprise is likely to exercise upon British interests in M esopotamia, where British
trade has hitherto been paramount.
Apart altogether, however, from this consideration, His M ajesty’ s Government
are anxious to co-operate, so far as is in their power, in reaching a settlement
satisfactory to France.
It would seem that the position has now becom e, as between France and
Germ any, a much wider one than a mere settlement of the Bagdad Bailway q uestion;
but His M ajesty’s Government have already expressed the hope at Berlin that there
m ay be an agreement with France at the same time as with Great B ritain(3) (and
that such a wish is entertained by the German Governm ent themselves has already
been confidentially intimated to His M ajesty’ s Governm ent), and they have pointed
out how desirable it is in the general interest that all railway questions in Turkey,
as well as the necessary financial settlements, should be decided in principle now.
H is M ajesty’ s Government trust that, in these circum stances, complete agree
ment m ay be reached by direct negotiation between the French and German
G overnm ents; they are willing, so far as the object in view may be furthered by such
a course, to use their further good offices if necessary to promote this agreement.
In consenting to adopt this attitude in the interests of a general settlement,
and if necessary to delay for a little the final conclusion of their own agreement with
Germ any, His M ajesty’s Governm ent feel confident that the French Government
will, on their part, agree to certain points in which British interests are, either
directly or indirectly, vitally concerned.
T hey would ask :—
(i.) That there should be no differential treatment o f British goods on any
railway, present or future, under French management in Turkey, and
that the French Government should signify their assent to the annexed
draft agreement with Turkey excluding such treatment on all railways
in Asiatic Turkey.(4)
(ii.) That the French Governm ent should agree to lend their support, if
necessary, to the agreements between His M ajesty’ s Government and
Turkey, which were com m unicated confidentially to M . Cambon on the
17th and 18th June, 1913.(5)
have for over a century claimed that Great Britain is entitled to exceptional rights
of navigation on these two rivers. In view of the exclusion of Great Britain from
important railway enterprises in Turkey, and in view of her special rights and great
commercial interests in the rivers, Ilis M ajesty’ s Government have felt it to be
indispensable that this arrangement concerning the navigation should be con cluded.(6)
They wish, m oreover, to bring two further points to the attention of the French
G overn m en t: the concession will contain a stringent clause prohibiting all
discrimination in rates and traffic facilities; it may also be necessary to admit the
Bagdad Kailway Company to a very m inor participation in the shares o f the new
navigation com pany, in order that the latter, or some other British interest, may
participate to some extent in the concession held by the form er, under article 23 of
the Convention of March 1903,( 7) for ports at Bagdad and B asra.(8)
(iii.) That, so far as is possible, the conclusion of the Franco-Germ an agreem ent
would [sic : ? should] be hastened.
(iv.) That, if necessary, a com prom ise in regard to certain French claims for
railways, and the assignment of prior guarantees, should not be excluded
from consideration, if, on exam ination, H is M ajesty’s Governm ent should
be able to place before the French Governm ent reasons which appear to
render such a course equitable and expedient.(9)
No. 136.
H . N.
L. M.
E . G.
P
210
No. 137.
M inute by M r. Parker.
M IN U T E .
N o. 138.
Cette opération offrirait pour les Allem ands les avantages suivants :
L e 19 août, 1913.
No. 139.
0 ) [C opies o f this m in u te and the annex w ere sent to the A d m ir a lty , to the B oa rd of
T ra d e.]
( 2) [I n the p rin ted cop y of this m in u te th e follow in g unsign ed n ote a p p e a rs : “ R eshid
S n fv er B ey told M. de F leu ria u th a t he had seen th e letter con v ey in g this in v ita tio n .” ]
2 13
penetrating beyond the Maritza questions o f prestige would arise, and very unpleasant
developments might ensue.
We then passed to the Bagdad Bailway. He said Herr von Kuehlm ann had had
a reply from Herr von Gwinner respecting the proposal that he should com e to
London and he said that this would he impossible, but had suggested that Hakki
Pasha should go to Zurich from August 22 to August 25 in order to meet H err von
Gwinner and Herr Helferrich [sic] there : this would help matters forward a good
deal as between the Turks and the Bagdad Bailwav Company, and Hakki Pasha was in
favour of going. I said I thought it would be an excellent thing, only I hoped it
would really get things ahead a bit.
He is therefore going on August 22, and he expects to be hack on September 1,
after visiting the Hague. He then hopes to complete our negotiations very rapidly.
This will give Mr. W eakley and me time to discuss the outstanding questions
fully with the Board of Trade. I told Hakki Pasha that we should probably ask for
petroleum concessions in Syria and Farsan and he said he would ask for instructions.
I also said we should probably ask for an extension of the S m vrna-A idin Bailway
concession and line, and he said he anticipated no difficulty on this account if our
wishes did not run counter to those o f the Germans, which he did not think likely
to prove [to b e ] the case.
I then said that if he spoke to H err von Gwinner as to the oil concession in
Mesopotamia (which he told me he intended to do) it might be well for him (Hakki)
to know that H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] did not consider, and knew that the
Ottoman G o v [e rn m e n ]t’ s legal advisers did not consider, the German claims under
the Anatolian Bail way agreement of 1904(3) to be very strong, although the Germans
had certain limited though not exclusive claims under the Bagdad Bailway concession
of 1904. The two original claimants therefore were, in order o f priority, the Anglo-
Persian Company (Mr. d ’ Arcv) and the Bagdad Bailway Company. W h y was it
necessary to introduce fresh elements, like the Shell and the National Bank of
Turkey? H err von Gwinner had already said he was willing to accept a minor
share, and it seemed far simpler not to introduce additional parties. Hakki Pasha
said that he was not sure how far H err von Gwinner was bound to the National
Bank and the Shell (A nglo-Saxon) group, hut as he understood the National Bank
was, if necessary, prepared to go out voluntarily, he thought it might he possible to
arrange for some combination between the Anglo-Persian Company and the Germans.
I said that of course H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] would have to he consulted
about the details of any such arrangement. H e agreed, and said he would discuss
the whole question with Herr von Gwinner.
A. P [A B K E B ].
A n n ex .
Déclaration. (4)
Le soussigné, dûment autorisé à cet effet, déclare que si le concessionnaire soumis
à l’ agrément du Gouvernement Im périal ottoman par le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté
britannique, en vertu de l ’ article 3 de la déclaration ottomane en date du 29 juillet,
1913, relative à la navigation sur les fleuves Tigre et Euphrate, serait rendu incapable,
par suite de maladie ou par toute autre cause, de procéder à la constitution d ’ une
société pour exploiter la concession dont il est question, le Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman s’ oblige à transférer le bénéfice de la présente concession à un successeur
nommé par le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et accepté par le Gouverne
ment Im périal ottom an; et le soussigné déclare que le terme “ con cessionnaire”
No. 140.
M inute by Mr. Parker.(*)
F .O . 3 8 7 3 8 /1 6 /1 3 /4 4 . Foreign Office, August 20, 1913.
Flerr von Kuehlmann called to-d ay (2) to speak to me about the Mesopotamian oil
concession.
H e said that he had heard from Herr von Gwinner, who said he feared it
would be impossible for him to free him self from his contractual obligations to the
Shell Company. Personally H err von Gwinner had no marked preference for the
Shell Company, but what had happened was this :—
H err von Gwinner, in the desire of reaching an agreement with the English,
had approached Sir E . Cassel (the National Bank of Turkey). Someone in the
National Bank o f Turkey had first brought forward the idea of an arrangement with
the Shell Company, and an arrangement had subsequently been form ally concluded,
by which, so it appeared, the National Bank received 50 per cent, in the New
Company, the Shell Company 25 per cent., and the Deutsche Bank 25 per cent.
Under clause 36a of the articles of association it was laid down that, if one of
the three parties withdrew, the shares o f that party should be offered first to the other
two parties : if, therefore, Herr von Gwinner had pointed out, the National Bank
withdrew, the effect would be to increase the holding of the Shell Company. It
was accordingly undesirable that the National Bank should go out.
I said to Ilerr von Kuehlm ann that this was based on the assumption that the
New Company held a valid and undisputed title to what it claimed. He was already
aware that His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, just as much as the German Governm ent,
were anxious to avoid dealing with this question in a contentious spirit, and to reach
an acceptable arrangement for the future rather than to waste time on an examination
o f the past. But if it became a question of whether or not the Shell could be ousted,
assuming such a consum m ation, for the sake o f argument, to be desirable, then
there was some advantage in exam ining how far the title of the New Company, or
the trio, was valid and undisputed.
That title consisted in (a) certain rights, limited by the fact that they were
expressly stated not to constitute “ a privilege or a m on op oly,” and by the fact that
they only extended for 20 kilom. on each side o f the Bagdad Railway in so far as
that railway might pass through petroliferous districts, and ( b) certain claims.
The rights were derived under article 22 o f the Bagdad Railway Convention of
March 1903.(3) The claims rested upon the convention concluded by the Anatolian
R ailway Company with the Civil List in 1904. That convention, both in the view
of the legal advisers of the Sublime Porte, and in the opinion o f the legal advisers
o f the Foreign Office, had lapsed, and it appeared clear that no claim under it would
lie in a Court o f Law.
H err von Kuehlmann admitted that the rights o f the New Company rested upon
these two instruments, hut he said that the Company had, he understood, taken
( 0 [C op ies o f th is m in u te w ere sent to th e B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to th e A d m ir a lty ; to the
I n d ia Office.]
( 2) [cp. C,.P ., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 2 2 9 -3 0 .]
( 0 [v. B .F .S .P ., V o l. 102, p. 8 4 0 .J
215
legal advice which tended to support the view that the convention o f 1904 was still
valid.
I said that at any rate the validity was disputed, and the prospects were that,
in the absence o f an agreement acceptable both to Germ any and to Great Britain,
there would be no satisfactory settlement and a good deal of ill-feeling which it was
most desirable to avoid. If, therefore, the presence o f the Shell Company had the
practical effect of blocking the concession, except in so far as any rights o f the
Bagdad Bailway Company under the convention o f 1903 were concerned, it would do
itself no good by adopting a dog-in-the-m anger attitude, and. refusing either to be
easily bought out or to accept reasonable terms.
I made it clear that I was not pressing that the Shell Company should go out,
but the point I did want to make was that the Shell Company did not really dominate
the situation, for it could hardly persist in its claims under any agreem ent made
with H err von Gwinner, if such persistence rendered the New Company paralytic.
Such being the logic o f the situation, H err von Gwinner seemed to be in a position
of vantage for exercising suasion upon the Shell Company.
I then referred to the position o f the A nglo-Persian Oil Company, as representing
Mr. d ’ Arcy. I said that his Company had applied for, and been prom ised, the
diplomatic support o f H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent m any years ago, and long before
the National Bank or the Shell Company had appeared on the scene. This com pany,
in the person o f Mr. d ’ A rcy, had received the most definite promises from two Grand
Viziers that the oil concession for the vilayets o f Mosul and Bagdad would be granted
to them ; it had been encouraged to keep an agent for m any years in Constantinople,
and His M ajesty’ s G overnm ent, while they might perhaps induce the A nglo-Persian
Company to forgo its well-founded claim to the whole concession, if satisfactory terms
were arranged, could not equitably, and did not desire to, abandon those who had
first obtained their support.
Herr von Kuehlm ann asked me what arrangement I thought would be satisfactory
to His M ajesty’ s Governm ent. I said that this depended to some extent upon
whether or not the Shell Company was to remain in the com bination, and if so what
percentage it was to hold. The principal objects o f His M ajesty’ s Governm ent were
(a) to maintain the independence of the A nglo-Persian Oil Company, as they were
opposed to the creation of large trusts, (h) to secure satisfactory m arketing arrange
ments, (c) to secure an abundant supply o f oil at a reasonable price, and (d) to
support the Anglo-Persian Oil Company in what they considered to be a just and
well-established claim to the concession.
It was difficult to discuss percentages, control, and marketing arrangements
without expert knowledge, but I felt confident that anything short o f fiO per cent,
would not be regarded as adequate for the Anglo-Persian Company. I f that were
conceded, I thought that an arrangement which made fair allowance for the interests
of all concerned in the products ought to be p racticable; but I thought it would be
difficult to advance towards agreement until the Shell Company came to a proper
sense o f its own weak position in regard to M esopotamia. I urged that H err von
Gwinner should be asked to put forward, through H err von Kuehlm ann, proposals
which would be acceptable to him , and then a discussion could begin to some purpose.
I gave H err von Kuehlm ann a copy o f this memorandum for his confidential
use, and he said he would com m unicate further with H err von Gwinner. He left
with me the attached papers.(4)
A. P [A B K E R ].
(4) [T h e a tta ch ed papers are cop ies o f the agreem en t m ade b y th e T urkish P etroleu m
Com pany w ith th e D eu tsch e B ank, the M em oran d u m of A ssociation of the sam e co m p a n y and
an e x tra ct from its A rticles of A ssociation , d a ted respectiv ely O ctob er 23, 1912, and J a n u a ry 30,
1911.]
216
N o. 141.
0 ) [T h is telegram was sent to T ehran (as N o. 386) ; to C on stan tin op le (as N o. 428). Copies
w ere sent to the D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O p e r a tio n s; to the In d ia Office.]
(2) [S ir E. G rey ’ s despatch (N o. 230) o f J u n e 18, 1913, enclosed a cop y o f th e d r a ft o f t
S h a tt-el-A ra b C on v en tion and the a n n exed D ecla ra tion in itia lled ad re fer en d u m on J u n e 11
1913. (F .O . 2 6 9 3 1 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .) cp. sup ra , p. 109, N o. 68, encl. 4, n o te («»).]
(3) [cp . supra, pp. 81-3, N o. 55, en cl.]
(4) [S ir G. B u ch a n a n ’ s despatch (N o. 233), D . J u ly 26, It. J u ly 31, 1913, is not rep rod u ced .
I t enclosed an a id e-m ém oire from th e R ussian G overnm ent, d a ted J u ly 1 3 /2 6 , 1913. T his
re fe rre d to th e S h a tt-el-A ra b D e cla ra tio n in itia lled ad re fer en d u m on M a y 6, 1913 (cp. supra,
pp. 109-14, N o. 68, encl. 4), and sta ted th a t th e R ussian G overn m en t d id not ob ject to the
a rra n g em en t foresh a dow ed th ere re g a rd in g th e T u rco-P ersia n fr o n t ie r ; it fu rth e r signified
a p p rov a l o f th e p roposed C om m ission o f N a v ig a tio n , su g g estin g certain am endm ents in its
con s titu tion . (F .O . 3 5 4 2 2 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .)]
217
N o. 142.
F.O. 3 90 0 8 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /4 4.
Tel. (No. 628.) Foreign Office, August 26, 1913, 1 2-20 p . m .
Your telegram No. 312.(2)
I will furnish the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t with full explanations respecting first
three paragraphs of Russian aide-m ém oire shortly.
As regards Mohammera, no position of independence is claimed for the Sheikh,
who is m ainly concerned, and is actually m entioned, because he is the m an whose
commerce and shipping, owing to his geographical and territorial position, is chiefly
involved. It was in order to avoid any appearance o f setting him up as independent
that the expression ‘ ‘ persans ’ ’ instead of “ de Mouhammera ’ ’ was used. Moreover,
when the Persian G ov [ern m en ]t wished to introduce the Belgian customs adm inis
tration into Arabistan they did so by means of an agreement with the Sheikh,
recognising his special position, which includes that of an hereditary ruler.
The Russian G ov [ern m en ]t are aware that H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ]1
have for m any years past had very close relations with the Sheikh of M ohammera,
whose interests touch theirs in m any important points : but so far are they from being
conscious that there is anything in their policy “ hardly consistent with principle of
Persian integrity,” that they have always, in writing to the Sheikh, made loyalty to
the Central Governm ent one of the conditions on which their support o f him has
depended.
No. 143.
According to the broad lines o f the negotiations the Ottoman Bank gives back to
the Germans, that is the Deutsche Bank, its financial participation in the Baghdad
Bailway, that is to say the bonds which, in the absence of a quotation on the French
B ourse which would make them negotiable, are a dead weight. The Germans buy
back these bonds and renounce, in favour of the French, other railway concessions on
the Black Sea Coast and in Syria.
The terms of the agreement give Germany freedom of action in the Baghdad
railway without foreign control, even of a mild character, and they free France in
turn from German com petition in the districts where it might be encountered. They
rem ove m oreover a source o f friction and rivalry between the two countries in Asia
M inor.
It is necessary to add that these arrangements will only becom e final if there be
a com plete understanding between Paris, St. Petersburgh and London, and that the
signatures will not be exchanged'until a complete and reciprocal agreem ent has been
reached between the three Powers and Turkey.
I beg leave to enclose herein a leading article, extracted from this evening’ s issue
of the “ Teinps,” com m enting on this statem ent./2) The article briefly reviews the
attitude of France in the matter of the Baghdad Railway from the beginning. It is
pointed out that France at the early stages had excellent cards in her hand for securing
a share in the undertaking. Thirteen years ago Germany stood in greater need of i
French financial support than now, but only sub-participation was offered to France h
which Monsieur Delcasse, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, was com pelled to refuse
in circum stances which were not o f his creation.
France therefore remained inactive and meanwhile the great industrial and
econom ic development in Germ any made her less dependent on outside financial
assistance. The T rip oli-H om s-B agh d ad-P ersian Gulf railway scheme fell through ‘
owing to the adverse attitude of the French Embassy at Constantinople, and that was j
the only weapon with which France and E ngland could have negotiated successfully ]
with Germany.
Russia had settled up with Germany, and Great Britain was on the point of doing
so. France could but do likewise. The terms announced were the best that could be
got in the circumstances.
Germany, the article concludes, will have succeeded in m aking the Baghdad
railway a purely German concern. She will draw therefrom political influence and
econom ic gains, but she cannot make of it an instrument of domination. Germany
could only seize the region traversed by the line if she emerged as victor from a
general war.
France gets a free hand in respect of German com petition on the Syrian and
Arm enian railway systems, from which a more far-seeing policy than in the past may
secure important advantages.
I have, &c.
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
( 2) [N o t re p ro d u ce d .]
No. 144.
railway interests in Turkey had returned, and that they had reached an agreement
with the Germans, which appeared to be com pletely satisfactory on both points.
M. de Fleuriau had been instructed by M. Pichon to convey to H [is ] M [a je sty ’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t] the thanks o f the French Governm ent, as they felt sure that the
adoption of a more conciliatory attitude by the Germans was due to the influence we
had, unofficially, brought to bear upon them. H e is going to send us a statement of
the agreement arrived at, and he says that the French G ov [ern m en ]t will probably
wish to confirm it by an agreement between themselves and the German
G ov [ern m en ]t. H e hopes that the Franco-Germ an agreement may be concluded at
the same time as the Anglo-G erm an one.
This is extrem ely satisfactory, as it means that the ‘ ‘ conditional ’ ’ clauses which
the Germans wanted in their agreem ent with us will probably now be superfluous, as
if there is agreement between France, G [r e a ]t Britain, and Germany, there will
probably be no difficulty about getting adequate guarantees for the Bagdad Railway
at the Financial Commission in Paris. M. de Fleuriau told me that he had inform ed
Count Benckendorff of what had been settled in Berlin. H e said he assumed that
the project for the M eskene-A leppo line would be dropped now.
H e said he was asking for authority to discuss the guarantee question with
Herr von Kuehlm ann in London. M. de Fleuriau then said that the arrangement
come to had entailed a certain financial loss to the Im perial Ottoman B a n k ; and he
hoped in consequence that both the French and British G ov [ern m en ]ts would be able
to give that institution greater support in future.
I said to him that we should be willing to support the Im perial Ottoman Bank
if it took a more active part in the prom otion of British financial and industrial
enterprise in Turkey, and he said that the best way to get it to do this was to
strengthen the British directorate.
A. P A R K E R .
August 27, 1913.
M IN U T E S .
M . de F le u r ia u m ade m e th e sam e com m u n ica tion .
C o l[o n e l] L aw ren ce had been w ith m e ju st b efore his a rriv a l and to ld m e th a t the
I m p [e r ia ]l O ttom an B ank w ere p a rtin g w ith th e ir h o ld in g (1 /3 ) in th e B a g d a d R [ a i ] l [ w a ] y
to the D eu tsch e Bank.
A n a rra n g em en t was b ein g com e to, a cco r d in g to w hich th e B a n k w ou ld g et so m eth in g in
exchange.
T he F ren ch G [o v e r n m e n ]t fa v o u re d th is b u t it m ust n ot he sup posed th a t th e B a n k was
g oin g to m ake a fin an cia l sacrifice tc. please th e F re n ch G [o v e r n m e n ]t. I said th a t w e h a d no
ob jection.
' L . M.
A u g [u s t ] 27.
I am v ery gla d the F ren ch and G erm ans h a ve com e to an a rra n g em en t— now le t us finish
w ith the G erm ans as soon as we can.
E. G.
No. 145.
M ém orandum .(")
Sam soun-Sivas avec em branchem ent de Soulou Serai jusqu’ à la crête ouest de la
vallée de Yéchil Irmak.
Sivas-Tchalta, E rzinghian-Pékeridje.
No. 146.
(!) [C op ies o f this M in u te and the d r a ft a tta ch ed w ere sent t o the B o a rd o f T r a d e ; t o the
In d ia Office.]
(2) [H e r r v on K iih lm a n n ’ s re p o rt o f th is d a te refers m a in ly t o A r ticle 4 o f th e A n g lo-
G erm an d r a ft con v en tion , v. G .P., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 231-2. cp. im m ed ia tely su cceed in g
docu m en t.]
(3) [T h e t e x t a n n exed t o M r. P a r k e r ’ s m in u te con ta in ed b oth th e G erm an com m u n ica tion
o f J u ly 16, 1913 (v . supra, pp. 174-9, N o. 118, an d en d s.), and th e B ritish d r a ft o f S eptem ber
1913 ( v . in fra , pp . 238-41, N o. 154, encl.). A r ticle 6 was o m itted and m a rked “ reserved fo r th e
presen t.” cp. in fra , p. 226, N o. 148, A n n e x .]
I
2*22
sure if the limitation “ within the provinces of Bagdad and M o s u l” was sufficiently
wide to give the Bagdad Bailway Company adequate protection. I urged that it was
in point of fact a very large concession on our part when it wasrecollected that our
trade in the twro provinces was some 60 per cent, or more of the whole.
Parenthetically I may m ention that M . de Fleuriau told me yesterday that he
thought the French had dropped the A leppo-M eskene project, and that he did not
think the French Governm ent would object to our giving the Germans an assurance
of the nature in question with regard to more westerly provinces as well as Bagdad
and Mosul if we so desired.I do not think, however, that the Germans are likely
to press this extension : but I feel that if they want to get the assurance we offer in
article 3 (c) it will afford us a good lever for getting them to concede article 3 (b),
which is important.
As to article (51 he told me that the Bagdad Bailway wanted to have the right
o f using launches in the ports as well as ferries, and that these would of course be
smaller than the ferries. I said in that case it would be necessary to obtain, by an
additional convention (which will in any case be required) a further modification of
L ord Inchcape’ s concession. The launches he said would be solely for the use of the
port and railway officials.
Article 6. about the Shatt-el-Arab Commission, we agreed to reserve. He read
me some observations, very much to the point, about the desiderata of the Hamburg -
Amerika Line regarding the r iv e r ; but, after some discussion, we decided to postpone
detailed consideration of this point till next Tuesday, and in the interval he is going
to write me a private letter explaining in greater detail his own views as to the
Shatt-el-Arab difficulty, and his suggestions for overcom ing it. H e will also send a
copy o f the observations of the H am burg-A m erika Line.
I asked him if he thought it would not be well to begin the article about this by
some clause such as the following :—
H e said he thought this clause might possibly come in if the Bagdad Railway
could- get some reasonable guarantee that access to Bussorah would be improved and
maintained, and that failing such a result the Germans should have some effective
means of -redress. I said I did not wish to suggest the above clause definitely, but
only tentatively.
H e said our Admiralty seemed to have the idea that the Commission was to do
no dredging and to sit down and watch the river pass along assisted by training
works : the idea of the German shipping companies on the other hand was that a
substantial amount of dredging should be done. I asked him about fu n d s ; and I said
that although pessimists— who made no allowance for future expansion of trade— had
pointed out that, on an average of past years, the tonnage dues would only yield about
11,OOOL a-year, it did seem difficult to see how the Commission could spend say
75,OOOL on a dredger straight off. He replied that in his view we should press the
Turks in this matter to provide the funds and to earmark, over and above the shipping
dues, a certain proportion of the customs duties of Basra as security for a loan to be
raised by the Commission, and for other purposes of river con serv a n cy .. It must not
be overlooked that the improvem ent of the port and river would lead to an immense
developm ent of Mesopotamia, and it was only fair that the Turks should contribute
something to this result.
I handed him the annexed memorandum, which he said he would consider.
A. P [A R K E R ].
223
Annex.
It is observed that under article 21 of the “ cahier des charges ” of the Bagdad
Railway one m onth’ s notice must be given o f any increase o f rates (within the
prescribed m axima), but only three days’ notice of any reduction. His M ajesty’ s
Government are o f opinion, however, that these periods are much too short having
regard to the conditions under which European trade with Asiatic Turkey is carried
on, and the fact that contracts in respect of both imports and exports are as a rule
made a considerable time before the goods are actually imported or exported. M ore
over, in order to afford effective protection against discrimination it seems necessary
to His M ajesty’ s Governm ent to prescribe as long a period o f notice for reductions
as for increases o f rates, and also to ensure ample publication of rates and conditions
and proposals to vary them.
H is M ajesty’ s Government Would therefore value an assurance, which might
either be embodied in the convention now under discussion with the Im perial German
Government o r given in such other way as m ay be most convenient (e .g ., by an
exchange o f notes), that there shall be effective publication o f all rates and conditions
on the Bagdad Bailway and o f all intended changes therein, and that the notice to
be given o f such changes shall not be less than two months in the case o f both
increases and decreases.
No. 147.
F.O . 4 0 2 4 6 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .
Confidential. London, D. A ugust 30, 1913.
My dear Parker, R . Septem ber 1, 1913.
As you asked me to give you a written statement about m y views— they are only
my personal views— concerning the Shat-el-Arab, I will do so with pleasure.
It seems to me, that article 4 of the protocol of May 7th (2/ is a very accurate
summary o f our views particularly if the words ‘ ‘ always ’ ’ and ‘ ‘ easy access ’ ’ are
emphasised. I have been in correspondence with the H am burg-A m erica L ine and
beg to include a short statement from them , showing what is the size o f sea
going vessels now trading with Basra, and what they consider would be a satisfactory
condition o f the navigable channel. It is quite obvious that from our point o f view
Basra must be made a very good port with very easy access, otherwise we could never
justify the giving up o f direct access to the Gulf at Koweit or K hor-A bdullah. The
questions, which would be the best way to make the navigable channel and which
would be the best way of keeping it open is [s ic ] highly technical. D on ’ t you think,
that an inform al meeting o f a british and german expert could help us materially
in getting nearer to the solution o f the following questions : W hich would be the best
method to do the work, how long is it likely to take, what is going to be the
A nnex.
British C ounter-Draft.
A r t ic l e 6.
The Im perial German Governm ent having taken note of the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913,(5) under which the free navigation of the Shatt-
el-Arab is assured to the shipping of all nations and a com m ission is established
for the execution o f such works as may be necessary for the improvem ent of its
channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes set out therein, and
being of opinion that the provisions of the convention are conducive to the best
interests of international com m erce, will, so long as the duties imposed upon the
com m ission by the said convention are satisfactorily carried out, uphold the conven
tion, and will undertake that German subjects and German shipping shall com ply
therewith, and with all regulations issued by the com m ission, and . . . . shall duly
discharge all dues, fines, or other pecuniary obligations properly imposed upon them.
If at any time the Imperial German Governm ent are of opinion that the duties
imposed upon the com m ission are not satisfactorily carried out, or that the reasonable
requirements of the com m erce of the river in matters within the competence o f the
com m ission are not adequately m et, and if the com m ission has not seen its way to
give effect to important recomm endations laid before it in the interests o f German
shipping, H is M ajesty’ s Government will use their good offices with the Im perial
Turkish Government to ensure the reference to a commission o f enquiry, appointed
in accordance with article o f the Convention of 1907 for the Pacific Settlement
of International Disputes,(6) of the questions whether in any particular respects the
duties o f the commission have not been satisfactorily carried out, and whether there
is good ground for thinking that the com m ission, if maintained, will not be able to
provide for the reasonable requirements of the com m erce o f the river.
No. 149.
( ') [C op ies o f this teleg ram w ere sent t o the D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O p e r a tio n s; to the In d ia
Office.]
(2) [S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s teleg ram (N o. 435) o f A u gu st 28, 1913, D. 2-40 p . m ., is not rep ro
du ced. (F.O . 3 8 0 5 3 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .) In it he stated th a t “ ex a ct in form a tion is req u ired as to
presen t ex ercise o f ju risd ictio n ov er foreig n ers com m ittin g breaches o f p ort reg u la tion s or other
a n alog ou s reg u lation s issued by O ttom an authorities.
1) Is arrest by O ttom an p olice perm issible w ith ou t consular s a n ctio n ?
2) I f not, is consular san ction necessary even in cases o f u rg e n c y ?
3) Can an O ttom an C ou rt exercise ju ris d ictio n ?
4) I f so, un d er w hat co n d itio n s?
5) W h a t, fo r instance, h appens at Sm yrna if a foreig n ship d isrega rd s ord ers o f port
a u th ority as to h er p lace o f a n ch ora g e? ” ]
227
1. Missions claim, and Porte still recognises in practice, that Ottoman authorities
cannot arrest a foreigner except in flagrante delicto. Most Powers claim
that in all cases consular authority alone can detain accused person pending
trial. Even in case o f arrest in flagrante delicto they maintain that accused
should be surrendered. Porte contests this. In practice His M ajesty’ s
Governm ent allows detention in Turkish prison provided that consular
authorities acquiesce in necessity for it.
2. Yes, unless case comes within definition in flagrante delicto.
3. All Powers except United States and one or two m inor Powers wrould admit
Ottoman courts’ jurisdiction subject to capitulatory rights, but prosecutions
o f foreigners under regulations o f the kind referred to are rare. Exercise
o f jurisdiction does not im ply right to execute sentence. Some Powers
claim that this right belongs exclusively to consular authorities. Others,
including Great Britain, admit right o f Ottoman authorities to execute
with consular assistance.
4. See previous answer. Principal requirement o f Capitulations is that consular
delegate should attend proceedings. Powers maintain that his assent is
necessary to validity o f sentence. Porte asserts that his presence alone
is necessary.
5. Turkish authorities would apply to consular authority, which would order ship
to com ply with their requirements if reasonable. I f ship defied consular
authority also, Turkish authorities might take legal proceedings or hamper
s h ip ’ s freedom b y withholding p a p ers; but such a case would hardly ever
arise.
His M ajesty’ s consul at Basra, whom I have consulted, agrees with foregoing.
He says, further, with reference to question 5, that in Basra ships anchor where
they ca n ; that Turks, in practice, rarely interfere with foreign ships unless invited ;
that, in case o f difficulty, local authorities would invite consul to arrange it ; and
that he has always settled such cases amicably.
(3) [M r. M a r lin g ’ s despa tch (N o. 701), D . A u g u st 4, R . A u g u st 18, 1913, is n ot rep rod u ced ,
as it is tech n ica l in cha ra cter. I t was a d eta iled answ er to S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s teleg ra m
(N o. 372) o f A u g u st 2, 1913, v. supra, p. 200, N o. 127. (F .O . 3 8 0 5 3 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .)] '
[10900]
228
N o. 150.
t 1) [T h is com m u n ica tion is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g . C opies w ere sent
to the B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to the In d ia O ffice.]
( 2) [v. supra, pp. 207-9, N o. 135.]
(3) [cp . supra, p. 208, N o. 135, and n o te (*).]
229
No. 151.
[E D . N O T E .— A con feren ce betw een G erm an an d B ritish e x p erts was held a t the F oreig n
Office on S eptem ber 9, 1913, to discuss m easures desirable for the im p rov em en t o f n a v ig a tio n
in the S h a tt-el-A ra b. The rep ort, w hich is v ery d eta iled , is n ot rep rod u ced here (F .O . 41628/
1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 ), b u t th e recom m en da tion s draw n up at the con feren ce are p rin ted in fr a , pp. 253-4
N o. 161, A n n e x N o. 1. cp. also G .E., X X X V I I (I ), pp . 2 37 -9 .]
23 0
N o. 152.
Communication to M . de Fleuriau.C)
N o. 153.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 5.
0 ) [C op ies (C on fid en tia l) o f this a greem en t w ere sent to th e D ir e cto r o f M ilita r y O péra
tio n s ; to the B o a rd o f T r a d e ; to the A d m ira lty .]
232
A r t ic l e 6.
A r t ic l e 7.
A r t ic l e 8.
A r t ic l e 9.
A r t ic l e 10.
A r t ic l e 11.
A r t ic l e 13.
A r t ic l e 14.
M IN U T E S .
In com m u n ica tin g t o m e th is agreem ent, fo r S ir E. G rey ’ s con fid en tia l in fo rm a tio n ,
M. de F leu ria u said it w ould n ot becom e o p e r a tiv e u n til the sign a tu re o f a n other a greem en t
which was* still un d er n eg otia tion at C on sta n tin op le resp ectin g a num ber o f sm all b u t in
p ractice very im p o rta n t reform s in th e a d m in istra tiv e m a ch in ery and oth er details.
Y et a n oth er con v en tion had been sign ed, b u t he ha d n ot y et received a cop y. H e w ou ld
let m e see it as soon as received. This dealt w ith th e custom s in crease, th e ta riff, a p p li
ca tion o f new taxes, m onopolies, prom ise to stu d y q uestion of ca p itu la tion s, octr o i etc. etc., in
fa ct all the m a tters on w hich we also are n e g o tia tin g w ith th e P o r t e .(2)
T he presen t con v en tion cov ers a la rg e num b er o f concessions fo r the co n s tru c tio n o f
railw ays and ports, p a rtly new, and p a rtly confirm ed afresh.
T he m ost in terestin g item fo r us at th e m om ent is th e u n d e rta k in g g iv en b y T u rk ey in
the last a rtic le (14) n ot to g iv e a concession fo r th e A le p p o -M e s k e n é lin e w ith ou t th e consent
of the F ren ch ra ilw ay com p an y w hich has itself a p p lied fo r th a t concession.
M r. P a r k e r to see.
E. A. C.
S ept [em b er] 20.
E. G.
S ir E. Crowe.
M ig h t we not, in confidence, show a rtic le 6 to S ir H . B a b in g ton -S m ith , w ith referen ce to
previous corresp on d en ce?
A . P.
• S ep t [em b er] 27,1913.
I a gree.(3)
E. A. C.
O c t [o b e r ] 1.
N o. 154.
Communication to H err von Kühlm ann.(l)
Article 1, Clause (a).— The German Government suggest that the words “ under I
the express condition that this should not cause any prejudice of a financial or
economical nature ’ ’ might be om itted. His M ajesty’ s Government consider, however,
that without such words the clause might be interpreted as com m itting them,
unconditionally and indefinitely, to liability not to oppose any increases of the •
Turkish customs duties which might be proposed, or any allocations o f specific I
revenues which might be claimed, if such increases or allocations wTere ever deemed
desirable, either to provide further guarantees for, or in any other interest of, the
Bagdad Railway Company.
Article 1, Clause ( b).— His M ajesty’ s Governm ent note that the German Govern
ment w’ould prefer the drafting o f this clause to be in a positive rather than a negative ''
form , though such a modification would not materially alter the nature of the obligation
concurred [ s ic : incurred]. His M ajesty’ s Government have given this point careful
consideration, but, on the whole, it appeal’s to them expedient to retain the wording
o f the British counter-draft ; this wording corresponds, m oreover, with the under- I
taking the German Government propose to give in article 4 (a) as regards the ’
navigation of the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates.
Article 1, Clause (c).— His M ajesty’ s Governm ent attach importance to the i
insertion of this provision. The undertaking to be given by the German Government
under the proposed wording is m erely that they will “ use their best endeavou rs’ ’
for the purpose stated ; but H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent appreciate the technical
difficulty that the German Government cannot theoretically ensure the election o f the
directors in question without the co-operation o f the Bagdad Railway Company ; and
they are accordingly prepared to agree that if and when a British group is formed,
the arrangements suggested in Prince Lichnow sky’ s note would be satisfactory to
them. The question, howrever, whether a British group can be successfully formed
must necessarily depend on the financial conditions o f participation. His M ajesty’ s
G overnm ent accordingly rely upon the German Government using their powerful
influence to prevent the imposition of such conditions by the Bagdad Railway
Company as would make participation unattractive to British financiers, and so
frustrate the object o f the clause under discussion, viz., British representation on the
directorate. The)' do not believe that the prospects laid by H err von Gwinner before
and article 3, clause (a), are illusory, and m ight, if it were so desired, be rendered
nugatory. Inasmuch as a principal object o f His M ajesty’ s Governm ent in concluding
the present convention is to guard against such a port or railway terminus on the
Persian G ulf, except on conditions subject to their approval, they trust the German
Governm ent, who by reajson o f the railway interests o f German subjects are specially
concerned,(5) will not take exception to this clause.
It may be said without exaggeration that the attitude o f His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment throughout the present negotiations has been largely determined by the belief
that they were effectively providing against the contingency under discussion.
Article 3, Clause (c).— His M ajesty’ s Government recognise, however, that the
German Government may feel some disinclination to agree to the provisions of
article 3 of the British draft of the 10th June, 1913,( 6) if that article stands alone.
They have accordingly redrafted article 3 in such a manner that clause (a) is a
mutual undertaking, clause ( b) is a German undertaking, and clause (c) is a British
undertaking. Clause (c) m ay, in some measure, be regarded as a set-off against
clause ( b).
Clause (c) is, m oreover, designed to meet the object, under a more precise
definition, o f clause (c) o f article 1 o f the German counter-draft. Clause (c) of
article 3 does not compare unfavourably with clause (b) of the same article, when
it is borne in mind that British trade in Mesopotamia amounts to some 60 per cent,
o f the whole. H aving regard to this com m ercial predom inance, His M ajesty’ s
Governm ent have felt compelled to limit their inaction to “ railway undertakings in
direct com petition with the Bagdad Com pany’ s lin e s ’ ’ (as projected, o f course, under I
the existing concessions), and they wrould have hesitated to agree even to this
stipulation, had they not entertained com plete confidence in the German assurances I
as to equality o f treatment on that railway.
They trust, however, that the concession offered under clause (c), in the interests
of the Bagdad Bailway Company, will induce that Company, and the affiliated
Anatolian Bailway Company, to adopt a conciliatory and favourable attitude towards
certain desiderata o f the Sm yrna-Aidiri Bailway Company. These desiderata, which
have been placed before the Ottoman G overnm ent, include an option for an eventual
junction o f that Com pany’ s line with the Anatolian Com pany’ s system , on conditions
to be mutually agreed between the two companies. Inasm uch as the Anatolian
Bailway Company is already connected with Smyrna by the Smyrna-Cassaba
C om pany’ s line, it would seem that there can be no objection o f principle to such
a junction as that proposed with the Smyrna^-Aidin Com pany’ s system, and to the
establishment o f facilities for through traffic. His M ajesty’ s Government feel that
they can, with the more assurance, claim the co-operation of the German Govern
ment in bringing about such a settlement, as the S m yrna-A idin line is the only ’
rem aining railway under British management in Turkey. They are further persuaded
that, in considering this very moderate request, the German Governm ent will not
overlook the fact that, in the recent adjustment o f certain railway claims in Turkey,
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent have not only refrained for the present from claiming :
fresh railway concessions in favour o f British subjects, but have even furthered, to
the best of their ability, the adjustment in question.
Article 4 .— His M ajesty’ s Governm ent appreciate the German objection to the
idea o f a m onopoly, but it must not be overlooked that the Bagdad Bailway is itself
o f the nature o f a m onopoly, a fact which is emphasised by article 3, clause (c).
Moreover, a m onopoly of navigation exists already, and it appears to His M ajesty’ s
Governm ent that Germany, who now has no rights on the Bivers Tigris and
Euphrates beyond the carriage of railway material during the period o f construction,
i
288
A r t ic l e 1.
Clause (a). B ecognizing the general importance of the com pletion of the Bagdad j
Bailway for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction of the Bagdad
Bailway, or to prevent the participation of capital in this railway, under the express
condition that no prejudice of an econom ic or financial nature is caused to Great
Britain in pursuance of this clause.
Clause ( b). H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will not
oppose the construction and management o f the proposed railway from Bagdad to
Basra by the Bagdad Bailway Company.
Clause (c). The Im perial German Governm ent declare that they will use their
best endeavours to secure that two British directors, agreeable to His Britannic
M ajesty’ s G overnm ent, shall be admitted to the board o f the Bagdad Bailway
C om pany.( 10)
A r t ic l e 2.
The Bagdad Bailway Company, having concluded with the Im perial Ottoman
Governm ent an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German Government
and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare, so far as concerns themselves,
that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best endeavours to secure
its due execution :•—
Clause (a). The terminus o f the Bagdad Bailwav Com pany’ s line shall he at
Basra, and the Bagdad Bailway Company has renounced all claims to construct a
branch line from Basra (Zobeir) to the Persian G ulf, referred to in article 1 o f the
Bagdad Bailway Convention of the 5th March, 1903,( n ) and to build a port or railway
terminus on the Persian Gulf, whether under article 2 3 (12i of the said Bagdad Bailway
Convention or in any other way derived.
Clause (b). No discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the
Bagdad Bail way Com pany’ s system , either as regards facilities or rates o f charge
for the conveyance of like articles between the same points on account of the owner-
( 8) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e b y M r . P a r k e r : “ I h a v e i n s e r t e d t h i s i n c o n s e q u e n c e o f t h e d e s i r e o f
t h e G o v e r n m e n t o f I n d ia a n d L o r d C r e w e t h a t s o m e d e c la r a t io n o f t h e fu t u r e p o lic y o f H is
M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s T u r k e y s h o u ld h e m a d e ; a n d t h is p a s s a g e w ill p e r h a p s b e
a p p r o v e d a s a n in d ic a tio n o f t h a t p o lic y . A . P .” ]
( 9) [ I n t h e o r i g i n a l t h e G e r m a n C o u n t e r - d r a f t o f J u l y 1 6 , 1 9 1 3 ( v . supra , p p . 1 7 7 - 9 , N o . 1 1 8 ,
encl. ( 3 ) , A n n e x ) , i s g i v e n i n p a r a l l e l c o l u m n s w i t h t h i s B r i t i s h C o u n t e r - d r a f t . A num ber of
c o m m e n t s in t h e o r i g i n a l m a k i n g r e fe r e n c e s fr o m o n e d r a f t t o t h e o t h e r a r e p r in t e d h e r e a s
notes ( i ° ) , ( 13) , 0 « ) , ( 15) , ( 16) , ( 17) , a n d ( 1 9 ) . ]
( 10) [ A c r o s s - r e f e r e n c e : “ ( S e e a r t i c l e 3 , c l a u s e ( c ) , o f B r i t i s h d r a f t ) ” a p p e a r s i n t h e o r i g i n a l
a s a c o m m e n t o n A r t i c le 1 , c la u s e (c ) o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t .]
(> > ) [v. B.F.S.P., V o l . 1 0 2 , p p . 8 3 3 - 4 . ]
( 1 2 ) [v. ibid., p p . 8 4 0 - 1 . ]
239
ship, origin, or destination o f goods presented for transport, or in any other manner
whatever.
Clause (c). In the event of the construction of the said branch line from Basra
(Zobeir) to the Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be made
to secure facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad Railway C om pany’ s
system, and there shall be com plete protection against discrimination, direct or
indirect.
Clause (d). The construction of the proposed port at Basra, authorised by
article 2 3 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1 9 0 3 , shall be
executed by a separate Ottoman com pany, wherein British participation, both in the
capital and directorate of the port com pany and in the contracts for construction and
maintenance, shall amount to 5 0 per cent, o f the whole. No duties or charges of
whatever nature or under whatever denom ination shall be levied by the Port Company
on any vessels or goods which shall not equally, under the same conditions, be
imposed in like cases on all vessels or goods, whatever be the nationality of the
vessels or their owners, or the ownership or country of origin or destination of the
goods, and whatever be the places from which the vessels or goods arrive or to which
they depart.
In all that relates to the stationing, loading, and unloading of vessels in the port,
no privileges or facilities shall be granted to any vessel or vessels which shall not
equally and under like conditions be granted to all other vessels.
A ny control over the port appertaining to the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent shall
be exercised through the proposed Ottoman R iver Conservancy Commission.
A r t ic l e 3.
Clause (a). The Im perial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government declare that they will in no case support the construction o f a branch
from Basra (Zobeir), or from any point of the main line o f the Bagdad Railway, to
the Persian G ulf unless and until there is com plete agreement on the subject between
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, the Im perial German G overnm ent, and the
Imperial Ottoman Governm ent.
Clause (6). The Im perial German Governm ent declare that they will in no case
themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations whatsoever
to establish, a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf unless and until there
is complete agreem ent on the subject between His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent
and the Im perial German Governm ent.
Clause (c). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare that they will in no
case them selves establish or support any claim by any persons or corporations what
soever to establish, within the provinces of Mosul and Bagdad, railway undertakings
in direct com petition with the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s lines, unless and until
there is com plete agreement on the subject between the Im perial German Governm ent
and His Britannic M ajesty’ s G overnm ent.(13)
A r t ic l e 4 .
Clause (a). The Im perial German Governm ent, having cognisance o f the
declaration signed on 1 9 1 3 , on behalf of the Imperial Ottoman
G overnm ent, concerning navigation on the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, declare that
they will not oppose the execution, nor support any action directed against the
execution, o f such declaration, so long as the navigation on the said rivers is m ain
tained in substantial accordance with the provisions thereof.
Clause ( b). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare that they will not
oppose the acquisition by the Bagdad Railway interests o f not more than one-third
of the share capital allotted to Turkish interests in the Ottoman Company for river
( 13) [ A c r o s s -r e fe r e n c e : “ (S e e a r tic le 1 , c la u s e (r ), o f G e r m a n d r a ft ) a p p e a r s in t h e o r ig in a l
a s a c o m m e n t o n t h i s c l a u s e .!
240
navigation and their representation on the board of the aforesaid com pany, by one
director out of the share of the directorate allotted to Turkish interests^11)
Clause (c). It is, nevertheless, understood that nothing in this article shall be
held to affect the rights conceded by article 9 o f the Bagdad Railway Convention of
the 5th March, 1903, relative to the conveyance of materials exclusively destined
for the construction o f the Bagdad Railway, except in so far that it is hereby expressly
agreed that the said rights shall not continue to be exercised for more than five years
from the date of signature of the present agreement, unless it is shown that no other
satisfactory means are available for the conveyance of the said materials and that in
any case they shall cease on the com pletion of the •construction of the Bagdad
Railway to B asra.(15)
It is further agreed that if an arrangement to the satisfaction of the parties
concerned can he made for the conveyance by river o f the aforesaid materials through
British or Ottoman agency, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Imperial
German Government will use their best endeavours to secure the conclusion of such
an arrangement.
A r t ic l e 5.
The concessionnaire, nominated in pursuance of article 3 o f the aforesaid
declaration of 1913, having concluded with the Im perial Ottoman Government
an arrangement on the following basis, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the
Im perial German Government declare, so far as concerns themselves, that they
adhere to the said arrangement and* will use their best endeavours to secure its due
execution :—
Clause (a). No discrimination shall be permitted by the Ottoman Company for
river navigation, either as regards facilities or rates o f charge for the conveyance
of like articles between the same points on account of the ownership, origin, or
destination of goods presented for transport, or in any other manner whatsoever.
The Company shall grant no through bills o f lading, rebates, or other privileges of
any description in respect of goods carried by any ship between any place served by
the com pany’ s vessels and any place oversea, unless the. same privileges are accorded
in respect o f similar goods carried under the same conditions and in the same
direction between the same places by all ships regularly trading between those places,
irrespective of nationalitv.(16) ■
Clause (b). The Bagdad Railway Company shall have the right to use, within
the limits of the ports o f Bagdad and Basra and exclusively fpr the service of the
railway and the said ports, small launches, as well as ferries for the transport of
passengers and goods from one bank to the other. Such launches shall not exceed
tons British m easurem ent^17) •
A r t ic l e 6.
The Im perial German Governm ent having taken note of the Anglo-Turkish
Convention o f under which the free navigation of the
Shatt-el-Arab is assured to the shipping of all nations and a com m ission is established
for the execution of such works as may be necessary for the improvement of its
channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes set out therein, and
being o f opinion that the provisions of the Convention are conducive to the best
interests of international com m erce, will, so long as the duties imposed upon the
Commission by the said Convention are satisfactorily carried out, uphold the Conven-
( 14) [ A c r o s s -r e fe r e n c e : “ ( S e e a r t i c le 5 , c la u s e l a ) , o f B r it is h d r a f t ) ” a p p e a r s in t h e o r ig in a l
a s a c o m m e n t o n A r t ic le 4 , c la u s e (c ), o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t .] _
( 1 5 ) [ A c r o s s - r e f e r e n c e : “ ( S e e a r t i c l e 5 , c l a u s e (b), o f B r i t i s h d r a f t ) ” a p p e a r s i n t h e o r ig in a l
a s a c o m m e n t o n t h e s e c o n d p a r a g r a p h o f A r t i c l e 4 , c la u s e ( d ) , o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t .]
( 16) [ A c r o s s -r e f e r e n c e : “ ( S e e a r t i c le 4 , c la u s e (c ), o f G e r m a n d r a f t ) ” a p p e a r s in t h e o r ig in a l
a s a c o m m e n t o n t h i s c l a u s e .]
( 17) [ A c r o s s -r e f e r e n c e : “ (S e e a r t i c le 4 , c la u s e ( d ) , s e c o n d p a r a g r a p h , o f G e r m a n d r a ft) ”
a p p e a r s i n t h e o r i g i n a l a s a c o m m e n t o n t h i s c l a u s e .]
241
tion, and will undertake that German subjects and German shipping shall com ply
therewith, and with all regulations issued by the Commission, and shall duly discharge
all obligations properly imposed upon them in pursuance of the provisions o f the said
Convention.
If at any time the Im perial German Governm ent are o f opinion that the duties
imposed upon the Commission are not satisfactorily carried out, or that the reasonable
requirements of the com m erce o f the river in matters within the com petence of the
Commission are not adequately met, and if the Commission in such case has not seen
its way to give effect to important recomm endations laid before it in the interests of
German shipping, with the object o f rem oving the above-m entioned causes of
com plaint, H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent will use their good offices with the
Im perial Ottoman Government to ensure the reference to a Commission of E nquiry,
appointed in accordance with article 12 of the Convention of 1907 for the Pacific
Settlement of International Disputes,(18) of the questions whether in any particular
respects the duties of the Commission have not been satisfactorily carried out, and
whether there is good ground for thinking that the Comm ission, if maintained, will
not be able to provide for the reasonable requirem ents o f the com m erce of the river.
A r t i c l e 7 . ( 19)
A r t ic l e 8 .
A ny difference o f opinion arising out o f this declaration shall be submitted to
arbitration. If the two Governm ents fail to agree about a special Court or arbiter,
the case shall be submitted to The Hague Tribunal.
( 1 8 ) [ cp. Gooch & Temperley, V o l . V I I T , p p . 3 0 3 - 4 , N o s . 2 6 1 - 2 . R e f e r e n c e is g i v e n t h e r e t o
A. & P., (1 9 0 8 ) , C X X I V , [C d . 4 1 7 4 ] , p p . 7 6 6 - 7 .]
( 1 9 ) [ T h e f o l l o w i n g a p p e a r s i n t h e o r i g i n a l a s a c o m m e n t o n A r t i c l e 7, c l a u s e s ( a ) , ( b) a n d ( c ) ,
o f th e G e r m a n d r a ft : —
I t i s h o p e d t h a t t h e n e c e s s i t y f o r c l a u s e (a) o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t w i l l n o l o n g e r e x i s t ,
a s H i s B r i t a n n i c M a j e s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t c o u l d o n l y c o n c l u d e t h e p r e s e n t a g r e e m e n t after
su c h a n a r r a n g e m e n t h a d b e e n m a d e b y th e B a g d a d R a ilw a y C o m p a n y .
H i s B r it a n n i c M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t t r u s t t h a t it m a y b e p o s s ib le t o e lim in a t e t h e
c o n d i t i o n a l c l a u s e s ( b) a n d ( c ) o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t , r e s p e c t i n g f r e s h g u a r a n t e e s f o r t h e
B a g d a d R a i lw a y C o m p a n y , b e f o r e t h e p r e s e n t c o n v e n t io n is s ig n e d .
A c r o s s -r e fe r e n c e : “ (S e e a r tic le 6 o f B r it is h d r a ft ) ” a p p e a r s in t h e o r ig in a l a s a c o m m e n t o n
A r t i c l e 7 , c l a u s e ( d) , o f t h e G e r m a n d r a f t . ]
No. 155.
Anglo-Turkish C onvention.^)
C onvention Supplém entaire.
[ED . N O T E .— T h e f o l l o w i n g d e c l a r a t i o n w a s a l s o s i g n e d o n t h i s d a t e . T h e t e x t i s t a k e n
f r o m t h a t p r e s e r v e d in t h e F o r e i g n O ffic e s e r ie s o f O r i g i n a l T r e a t i e s ( T u r k e y N o . 8 8 ). C o p i e s
w e r e s e n t o n O c t o b e r 2 4 t o t h e A d m i r a l t y ; t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e . T h e r e is a c o p y a ls o in
F . O . 4 8 2 9 9 /15063 /1 3 / 3 4 . ) : —
Shatt-el-Arab Biverain Commission.
Déclaration.
Foreign Office, October 2 1 , 1 9 1 3 .
L e s S o u s s ig n é s , d û m e n t a u to r is é s à c e t e ffe t p a r le u r s G o u v e r n e m e n ts r e s p e c t ifs ,
d é c la r e n t a in s i q u ’ il s u i t : —
I l e s t b ie n e n t e n d u q u e le s c la u s e s d e s a r t i c le s 7 e t 8 d e la C o n v e n t io n r e la t i v e à
l ’ E t a b l i s s e m e n t d ’ u n e C o m m i s s i o n p o u r a m é l i o r e r l e s C o n d i t i o n s d e la N a v i g a t i o n d u
C h a t t -e l -A r a b , c o n c lu e le 2 9 j u i l l e t , 1 9 1 3 , n e m o d i fie n t e n r ie n le s d r o it s d o n t jo u is s e n t
a c t u e lle m e n t e n T u r q u i e le s r e s s o r t is s a n t s d e c e r t a in e s P u is s a n c e s e n v e r t u d e s t r a i t é s
e x is ta n ts .
E n fo i d e q u o i le s S o u s s ig n é s o n t s ig n é la p r é s e n t e D é c la r a t io n .
F a i t à L o n d r e s , e n d o u b le o r ig in a l, le 2 1 o c t o b r e , 1 9 1 3 .
E. GREY.
I. H A K K Y .
F o r t h e t e x t o f t h e S h a t t - e l - A r a b C o n v e n t i o n , v. supra , p p . 1 8 3 - 7 , N o . 1 2 4 ( 1 ) . ]
No. 156.
F.O. 5 0 6 4 3 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Confidential. Germ an Embassy, L ond on, D. N ovem ber 3, 1913.
Dear Sir Edward, R. N ovem ber 7, 1913.
The counter-draft to the British draft of September 18th, 1913,(2) which I had
the honour to submit to-day, might require some confidential explanations which I
shall attempt to give in the following :
0) [T h e t e x t s o f t h is d o c u m e n t a n d it s e n c lo s u r e s a r e t a k e n fr o m t h e o r ig in a l t y p e s c r ip t
c o m m u n ic a te d b y H e r r v o n K iih lm a n n . T h e m a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . P a r k e r a n d S ir E y r e C r o w e
w e re e n te r e d o n a p r in te d c o p y . C o p ie s o f th e c o m m u n ic a tio n w e r e s e n t, o n N o v e m b e r 17 , to
th e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e I n d i a O ffic e . H e r r Z i m m e r m a n n ’ s i n s t r u c t io n s , d a t e d O c t o b e r 2 7 ,
1 9 1 3 , a r e g i v e n i n G.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 2 5 2 - 6 1 . F o r H e r r v o n K i i h l m a n n ’ s r e p o r t o f h i s
a c t i o n o n t h e m v. ibid., p p . 2 6 1 - 2 . ]
( 2 ) [v. supra, p p . 2 3 8 - 4 1 , N o . 1 5 4 , encll]
243
In Article 1 Clause a we would prefer to say in the seventh line “ construction of
the Bagdad Bailway system ” because that would cover the main line and the branch
lines granted by the concession, as they shall be finally settled between the German
and Turkish Governments. The word “ Bail way ” at the beginning of the 9th line
of the English counter-draft to be replaced by “ Undertaking.” (3)
W e would like the last part of Article 1 beginning with “ u n d e r ” and ending
with “ this cla u s e ” to be transferred to the note explicative. Our legal advisers do
not hold the opinion that by accepting this clause E ngland would bind herself to
support any future increase of Turkish customs, because an increase might seem
desirable in the interest of the Bagdad Bailway, but we consider at the same time
that it would, as would the spirit of this convention, prevent E ngland from opposing
existing revenue or increases o f the customs, in principle already accepted by the
Powers, being in part used for the Bagdad Bailway.
In Clause b “ declare that they will not oppose ” might be replaced by “ agree
to.” (4) _ . . . . . .
Clause c. The Im perial Governm ent is quite willing to use its influence to see
that British capital should be admitted to the Bagdad Bailway C o[m p a n y ] under
fair and reasonable terms. The Clause would then read as follows :
“ The Im perial German Governm ent declare that they will use their best
endeavours to secure that two British directors agreeable to His Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent shall be admitted as representatives of a group of British
shareholders to the Board of the Bagdad Bailway C o [m p a n y ].”
The Im perial Government is o f opinion that this clause might be left out
altogether if a group of British shareholders can be form ed before the signature of
this agreement. As for the election of the British directors I am glad to see that the
arrangements suggested in Prince L ichn ow sky’ s note are satisfactory to His M ajesty’ s
Government.
The German Governm ent considers that clause c article 1 in its amended form
should better be left out of the convention and put in the note explicative. If
however H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent could not agree to this but insisted on retaining
this clause in the convention the Im perial Governm ent would agree to this provided
the second section of clause c article 2 which according to Prince Lichn ow sky’ s note
( 3) [ M a r g i n a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ P r o v id e d i t is e x p r e s s ly a g r e e d ,
p e r h a p s i n t h e note explicative r e f e r r e d t o b y H e r r v o n K i i h l m a n n , t h a t t h e d r a f t i n g o f
a r t i c l e 1 , c l a u s e (a), d o e s n o t i n a d v a n c e p r e c l u d e H i s M a j e s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t f r o m o p p o s i n g
fu t u r e v a r ia t io n s o f t h e c o n c e s s io n , a n d p r o v id e d H is M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t a r e fu r n is h e d w ith
a u th e n t ic c o p ie s o f a ll e x is t in g a g r e e m e n ts b e t w e e n t h e O t t o m a n G o v e r n m e n t a n d t h e G e r m a n s ,
in c lu d in g t h e m o d ific a t io n s n o w u n d e r d is c u s s io n w ith D ja v i d B e y , 1 d o n o t t h in k e x c e p tio n
n e e d b e t a k e n t o t h e w o r d s ‘ s y s te m ’ a n d ‘ u n d e r t a k in g .’ I t is , h o w e v e r , e s s e n t ia l t h a t H i s
M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t s h o u ld k n o w p r e c is e ly w h a t t h e y a r e a s k e d t o a g r e e t o .
T h e r e d o e s n o t se e m t h e s a m e o b je c t io n t o le a v in g o u t th e s e w o r d s fr o m t h e c o n v e n t io n if
t h e y a r e i n s e r t e d i n t h e note explicative, w h i c h m i g h t a d v a n t a g e o u s l y d e f i n e t h e i r s o m e w h a t
a m b i g u o u s m e a n in g . [ A . P .]
I d o n o t lik e t h e id e a o f a n e x p la n a t o r y n o te . T h e c o n v e n t io n it s e lf o u g h t t o b e so c le a r
a n d p r e c is e a s to r e q u ir e n o e x p la n a tio n . S u c h a n o te w [ o u l ] d o n ly h a v e s e n s e i f it w a s in
t h e n a t u r e o f further s t i p u l a t i o n s , n o t t o b e p u b l i s h e d . B u t t h e r e a r e s t r o n g o b j e c t i o n s t o a n y
s e c r e t s t ip u la t io n s . I w o u ld p u t in t h e c o n v e n t io n it s e lf e x a c t ly w h a t w e m e a n (s e e o u r
M e m o r a n d u m ] o f S e p t e m b e r ] 1 8 , a n d A r t [ i c l e ] 1 , c la u s e ( a ) ) . E . A . C .” ]
(4) [M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ I th in k th is is a n im p r o v e d
w o r d in g in w h ic h H i s M a je s t y ’s G o v e r n m e n t m ig h t c e r t a in ly c o n c u r . [ A . P .]
I t h in k o u r o r ig in a l w o r d in g m o r e c o r r e c t ly c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h e fa c t s o f t h e s it u a t io n , b u t
t h e p o i n t is n o t p e r h a p s o f s u ff ic ie n t im p o r t a n c e t o j u s t i f y a f o r m a l o b je c t io n . E . A . C .” ]
[1 0 9 0 0 ] R 2
244
of July 16th, 1913, was to be put in the note explicative would he restored to the text
o f the convention^5)
The prospects laid by Herr von Gwinner before Sir H . Babington-Sm ith on the
14th June 1913 were, to use a financial expression, ground-floor terms as favourable
as could be offered at that period. The Bagdad Bailway C o[m p a n y] will try to obtain
from the Turkish Government m ore favourable terms. A ny concession which they
might be able to secure will be offered as a matter o f course to the British group.(6)
In Article 2 Clause d the words “ fifty per cen t.’ ’ should be replaced by “ not
less than twenty per cen t.’ ’
W hat Prince Lichnowsky said about our willingness to agree to a British
participation of forty per cent, is entirely maintained, but the Imperial Government
attaches the greatest importance to this particular wording and I would strongly
recom m end its acceptance.(7)
The last paragraph beginning with ‘ ‘ any ’ ’ and ending with ‘ ‘ commission ’ ’
could be left out. It is contained in the Anglo-Turkish Convention and will be
confirmed in the agreement between the Bagdad Railway C o[m p any] and the Turkish
Governm ent.(8)
( 5) [ M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ T h e o r ig in a l id e a o f s e c u r in g
t h e a p p o in tm e n t o f tw o B r it is h d ir e c t o r s w a s t o g u a r d a g a in s t d is c r im in a tio n in r a t e s ; s u b s e
q u e n t ly t h e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t p o in t e d o u t t h a t in p r a c t ic e t h is c o u ld o n ly b e a r r a n g e d b y
su c h d ir e c t o r s r e p r e s e n tin g B r it is h s h a r e h o ld e r s , a n d t o t h is H is M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t a g r e e d .
I a m , h o w e v e r , d o u b t f u l a s t o w h e th e r t h is t e x t s h o u ld b e a d o p t e d . T h e w o r d s ‘ a s r e p r e
s e n ta tiv e s o f a g r o u p o f B r it is h s h a r e h o ld e r s ’ a p p e a r in g in th e b o d y o f t h e c o n v e n t io n a p p e a r
t o le n d t h e o ffic ia l s u p p o r t o f H i s M a j e s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t t o a c t iv e B r i t i s h p a r t i c i p a t i o n in t h e
B a g d a d R a ilw a y — a n d s u c h a n a t t it u d e m ig h t , in v ie w o f t h e p a s t h is t o r y o f t h e q u e s t io n , b e
d iffic u lt t o d e fe n d .
I t is in d e e d m a t t e r fo r c o n s id e r a t io n w h e t h e r , a s t h e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t s u g g e s t , c la u s e (c )
o f a r t i c l e 1 s h o u l d n o t b e l e f t o u t o f t h e c o n v e n t i o n a n d p u t i n t h e n o te ex p lic a tiv e. A s v e r y
g r e a t im p o r t a n c e is n o t, I b e lie v e , a t t a c h e d b y t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e t o t h e a p p o in t m e n t o f
B r i t i s h d i r e c t o r s a t a l l ( s o f a r a s d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t B r i t i s h t r a d e is c o n c e r n e d ) i t m i g h t
b e b e s t t o o m i t a l l m e n t i o n o f s u c h a p p o i n t m e n t s e v e n i n t h e n o te e x p lic a tiv e, t h u s l e a v i n g i t
o p e n t o B r it is h fin a n c ie r s to p a r t ic ip a t e o n t h e ir o w n t e r m s a s r e g a r d s r e p r e s e n ta t io n o n th e
b o a r d . T h i s w o u ld e n a b le u s t o r e s is t t h e G e r m a n c la im a s e m b o d ie d in t h e la s t p a r a g r a p h o f
a r t i c l e 2 , c l a u s e ( c ) , a n d i t s i n s e r t i o n c i t h e r i n t h e c o n v e n t i o n o r i n t h e n o te e x p lic a tiv e ; t h a t
c l a i m is o n e w h i c h t h e I n d i a O f f i c e a r e a n x i o u s s h o u l d b e r e s i s t e d . [ A . P . ]
I n t h e s e c i r c [ u m s t a n c e ] s , I a g r e e 1 (c ) m i g h t b e s t r u c k o u t , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e s e c o n d
p a r a g r a p h o f 2 (c ). E . A . C .” ]
( 6) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ T h e e x p r e s s i o n ‘ g r o u n d - f l o o r
t e r m s ’ c a n s e ld o m h a v e b e e n so fla g r a n tly m is a p p lie d . H e r r v o n G w in n e r p r o p o s e d to S ir H .
B a b i n g t o n - S m i t h , a s r e g a r d s B r i t i s h p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t e r m s f a r le s s f a v o u r a b l e t h a n t h o s e
c o n c e d e d to th e B a g d a d R a ilw a y C o m p a n y b y th e ir c o n v e n tio n o f 1 9 0 3 . I t w a s th is w h ic h
p r o m p t e d th e r e m a r k s in t h e B r it is h n o te o f 1 8 th S e p t e m b e r , a n d in t h e r e p ly th e s e c o n s id e r a
t io n s s h o u ld b e e m p h a s is e d . A t t h e s a m e t im e i t is t r u e t h a t , o w in g t o t h e w a r a n d o th e r c a u s e s ,
t h e 1 9 0 3 c o n c e s s i o n i s f i n a n c i a l l y l e s s a t t r a c t i v e t h a n i t w a s a t t h e d a t e o f s i g n a t u r e . [ A . P .]
I a g r e e . E . A . C .” ]
( 7) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ I n s t e a d o f 5 0 p e r c e n t , i n t h e
p o r t o f B a s r a , w e a r e o ffe r e d ‘ n o t le s s t h a n 2 0 p e r c e n t .,” w h ic h in c lu d e s p a r t i c ip a t i o n in t h e
c o n s t r u c t io n c o n t r a c ts ‘ if a n y .’ T h e e x p r e s s io n ‘ n o t le s s t h a n 2 0 p e r c e n t .’ is r e t a in e d m e r e ly
t o c o n f u s e t h e G e r m a n p u b l i c i n t o b e l i e v i n g t h a t t h e r e i s a p a r a l l e l b e t w e e n a r t i c l e 2 , c l a u s e (d),
a n d a r t i c l e 4 , c l a u s e ( b) , b u t i t is e x p l a i n e d t h a t G e r m a n y i s s t i l l w i l l i n g i n p o i n t o f f a c t t o l e t
u s h a v e 4 0 p e r c e n t. H is M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t g a v e g o o d r e a so n s fo r a s k in g fo r a 5 0 p e r c e n t,
p a r t ic ip a t io n in t h e ir n o te o f th e 1 8 th S e p t e m b e r . I f n o w H is M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t a g r e e
t o 4 0 p e r c e n t, t h e y m ig h t w e ll o n ly d o so o n c o n d it io n o f B r it is h p a r t i c ip a t i o n in t h e p o r t o f
B a g d a d a s w e ll a s in t h a t o f B a s r a . L o r d I n c h c a p e c o n s id e r e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n in B a g d a d v a lu e
le s s ; b u t t h e p o in t m e r it s fr e s h c o n s id e r a tio n a s o p p o r t u n it y fo r s u c h p a r t i c ip a t i o n n o w a r is e s
a g a in , a n d in a n y c a s e H i s M a je s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t s h o u ld s t ip u la t e a g a in s t d is c r im in a tio n a s
b e t w e e n v e s s e l s o f d i f f e r e n t n a t i o n a l i t y a t t h e r a i l w a y p o r t o f B a g d a d . [ A . P .]
I a g r e e . E . A . C .” ] _
( 8) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ I t i s t r u e t h a t t h i s i s n o t
p r i m a r i ly a m a t t e r f o r a n A n g lo -G e r m a n c o n v e n t io n ; b u t t h e r e is , n e v e r t h e le s s , s o m e a d v a n t a g e
in s e c u r in g th e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t’ s a s s e n t to su c h a s tip u la tio n a n d fo r th is re a so n it see m s
w e ll t o r e t a i n it . [ A . P .]
A t th e b e g in n in g o f a r t[ic le ] 2 , H [ i s ] M fa je s t y ’s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] ‘ a d h e r e ’ to th e T u r c o -
G e r m a n a g r e e m e n t . G e r m a n y m a y w e ll, in r e t u r n , a d h e r e t o t h e a r r a n g e m e n t in t h e la s t
p a r a [ g r a p h ] o f 2 ( d) . E . A . C . ” ]
245
In Article 3 Clause c the Im perial Governm ent would like to see the words
“ within the provinces of Mosul and Bagdad ” replaced by “ in Ottoman territory East
of A le p p o ’ ’ and after “ Bagdad Railway C o [m p a n y ]’ s lin e s ” interpolated “ or in
contradiction with that Com pany’ s existing rights.”
The first alteration is based on the belief that the wording proposed in the British
counter-draft would not sufficiently protect the Bagdad Railway interests against the
possibility o f a com peting line from some point of the Mediterranean to Lower
Mesopotamia being supported by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent. It is hoped that the
plan of constructing a line from A leppo to Meskene can be successfully dealt with
during the Franco-Germ an negotiations about railways in Asia M inor.(9)
Article 4 Clause b asks for a twenty per cent, participation in the shares o f the
River Navigation C o[m p a n y ]. This is the irreducible m inimum we must ask for, and
nothing less but this participation could in the opinion of the Im perial Government
lead to a successful conclusion of this agreement. The German Governm ent lays
great stress on the wording proposed which establishes some sort of parallelism with
clause d, article 2, but it is at the same tim e understood that tfie wording does not
mean to establish any claim beyond the twenty per cent, share we ask for. This
twenty per cent, share is meant to represent a permanent proportion of the share
capital so th a t. in case of future changes in the capitalisation this proportion shall
always be m aintained.(10)
In Article 4 Clause c we propose to strike out the words beginning with ‘ ‘ not
continue ” till “ case they shall.”
The Bagdad Railway interests are quite willing to let their transport privileges on
the river lapse after the com pletion of the main line to Basra, but do not see their
way to agree to a fixed time limit, as proposed in the British counter-draft. It is
hoped, however, that some arrangement, as contemplated in the last section of
clause c, might be concluded before the signature of this Convention, rendering the
proposed time limit altogether unnecessary.(n )
In Article 5 Clause b it is proposed to insert after ‘ ‘ to use ’ ’ the words ‘ ‘ at their
stations on the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates and . . . .” ( 12)
( 9) [M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ I d o n o t t h in k w e c a n sa fe ly
a g r e e t o t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l d e f in it io n , e v e n i f t h e A le p p o -M e s k e n e q u e s t io n is s e t t le d . W e c o u ld
h a r d ly m o r t g a g e t h e f u t u r e a s r e g a r d s a n y lin e fr o m t h e M e d i t e r r a n e a n t o L o w e r M e s o p o t a m i a ;
a n d , a s i t is , 1 t h i n k w e s h o u ld a t t a c h t o t h e c o n v e n t io n a m a p s h o w in g t h e li m i t s o f B a g d a d
a n d M o s u l. A s r e g a r d s t h e w o r d s ‘ o r in c o n t r a d i c t io n w i t h t h a t c o m p a n y ’ s e x i s t i n g r ig h t s ,’
T t h in k w e m ig h t a g r e e t o t h e m s u b je c t t o a s a t is f a c t o r y s e t t le m e n t o f t h e M e s o p o t a m ia n o il
q u e s tio n [ A . P .] , a n d p r o v id e d t h e r e is a fu ll a n d p r e c is e d is c lo s u r e o f w h a t t h e ‘ e x is t in g
r ig h ts ’ a r e . E . A . C .” ]
( l0 ) [M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a i d S ir E . C r o w e : “ A s 2 0 p e r c e n t, is t h e m a x im u m
w e c o u l d a g r e e t o a s r e g a r d s G e r m a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e r i v e r n a v i g a t i o n ( a r t i c l e 4 , c l a u s e ( b) )
it s e e m s u n d e s ir a b le a n d in d e e d d e c e itfu l t o a d o p t t h e w o r d in g ‘ n o t le s s t h a n ’ w it h r e g a r d
to s u c h p a r t i c ip a t i o n . I t w o u ld u lt im a t e ly h a v e t o b e e x p la in e d in P a r li a m e n t w h a t t h e r e a l
u n d e r s t a n d in g w a s , a n d i t t h u s s e e m s u s e le s s t o a d o p t a w o r d in g w h ic h is n o t s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d
in t h e c o n v e n t io n . H e r r Z i m m e r m a n n is , I u n d e r s t a n d , t h e d e v o t e d p a r e n t o f t h i s r i d i c u lo u s
‘ p a r a l le lis m .’ [ A . P .]
W e s h o u ld in s i s t o n w o r d s w h ic h c o n v e y p r e c is e ly w h a t is in t e n d e d . E . A . C .” ]
( n ) [M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ I t is o f g r e a t im p o r t a n c e t h a t
w e s h o u ld s e c u r e a t im e l i m i t ; b u t it s e e m s t h a t w e s h o u ld n o w fir s t a im a t a n a r r a n g e m e n t
a s c o n t e m p la te d in t h e la s t p a r a g r a p h o f a r tic le 4 (c ), a n d t h a t n e g o t ia t io n s t o t h is e n d s h o u ld
b e h a s te n e d . [ A . P .]
I a g r e e . E . A . C .” ]
( 12) [M a r g in a l n o te s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S ir E . C r o w e : “ T h is p ro p o se d a d d itio n g oe s
b e y o n d a n y t h in g c o n c e d e d in t h e B a g d a d R a ilw a y C o n v e n tio n o f 1 9 0 3 , a n d , fr o m t h e w o r d in g
(a s r e a d t o m e b y H a k k i P a s h a ) o f a d r a ft a g r e e m e n t b e tw e e n t h e C o m p a n y a n d t h e O t to m a n
G o v e r n m e n t , i t is e v id e n t ly t h e a im o f t h e C o m p a n y t o s e c u r e t h e r e b y r a t h e r e x t e n s iv e r ig h t s
o f n a v i g a t i o n . I t h in k t h e lim it s o f su c h n a v i g a t i o n r ig h t s , i f c o n c e d e d , s h o u ld b e c a r e fu lly
r e s tr ic te d , a n d p o s s ib ly t h e s e r v ic e s in q u e s t io n m ig h t b e p e r fo r m e d b y L o r d I n c h c a p e ’ s
C o m p a n y in w h ic h t h e G e r m a n s a r e t o p a r ti c ip a te . [ A . P .] E . A . C .” ]
246
( 13) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ H i s M a j e s t y ’ s G o v e r n m e n t
m i g h t p o s s ib ly u n d e r t a k e t o u s e t h e i r b e s t e n d e a v o u r s t o t h i s e n d , b u t i t is c o n s id e r e d
o b je c t io n a b le t o a d m it t h e G e r m a n G o v e r n m e n t to a n y s h a r e o f r e s p o n s ib ilit y .
T h e ‘ r e c o m m e n d a tio n s ’ m a d e a t t h e in fo r m a l c o n fe r e n c e o f th e 9 t h S e p te m b e r , 1 9 1 3 ,
m ig h t b e t h e in t e r p r e t a t io n o f t h is a r tic le , a n d m ig h t b e e m b o d ie d in a n a n n e x t o t h is
c o n v e n t io n . [ A . P .] E . A . C .” ]
( 14) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ T h i s m a y , s u b j e c t t o a n y
o b s e r v a t io n s o f t h e L e g a l A d v is e r , b e a g r e e d t o a s i t is c o v e r e d b y t h e a d d it i o n a l c o n v e n t io n
s ig n e d b y H a k k i P a s h a o n th e 2 1 s t O c to b e r .
P o s s i b l y t h e w o r d s ‘ in no other respects ’ s h o u l d b e s u b s t i t u t e d f o r ‘ i n n o w i s e . ’ [ A . P . ]
T h is r e s e r v a t io n is im p o r t a n t . E . A . C .’ ’ ]
( 15) [ F o r t h e S e c o n d H a g u e P e a c e C o n f e r e n c e v. Gooch & Temperley, V o l . V I I I , p p . 1 8 5 - 3 0 5 ,
C h a p t e r L X V . T h e t e x t o f t h e F i n a l A c t i s p r i n t e d i n A . & P., ( 1 9 0 8 ) , C X X I V , ( Cd. 4 1 7 5 ) ,
p p . 7 6 9 -9 2 0 .]
( 16) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ F r o m o r a l e x p la n a t i o n s o f
H e r r v o n K ü h l m a n n i t is u n d e r s t o o d t h a t h e p e r s o n a lly is s t r o n g ly o p p o s e d t o a ‘ c o m it é d e
s u r v e i lla n c e ,’ w h ic h , h e r e c o g n is e s , w o u ld b e u n s a t i s f a c t o r y in p r a c t ic e . I t s e e m s t h e r e fo r e
a d v is a b le to c o n c e n t r a t e o n t h e im p r o v e m e n t o f a r tic le 6 o f t h e B r it is h d r a ft so a s to m e e t th e
G e r m a n c r itic is m s a s h e r e e x p r e s s e d . P e r h a p s M r . H u r s t w o u ld s u g g e s t a n a m e n d e d w o r d in g .
[ A . P .] ^
I t h in k w e s h o u ld fir m ly r e s is t a ll r e fe r e n c e t o a ‘ c o m it é d e s u r v e i lla n c e .’ E . A . C .” ]
( 1 7 ) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e b y M r . A . P a r k e r : “ T h i s s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d i n t h e l i g h t o f a r t i c l e s 11
a n d 1 6 o f th e A n g lo -T u r k is h S h a tt -e l-A r a b C o n v e n tio n o f th e 2 9 th J u ly , 1 9 1 3 . [A . P .] ’’
( v . supra, p p . 1 8 5 - 6 , N o . 1 2 4 ( 1 ) . ) ]
247
In Article 7 the Im perial Governm ent agree to the proposal o f the British
counter-draft, but would like to see Clause d retained in a form given in our
counter-draft. ( 18)
Article 8 is agreed to .(19)
Believe me, &c.
KÜHLM ANN.
Memorandum.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung hat das vertrauliche M emorandum vom 18. September
1913 über die Bagdadbahn und verwandte Fragen sowie den diesem Schriftstücke
beigegebenen E ntwurf zu einer deutsch-englischen Konvention aufs Genaueste
geprüft. Das Ergebnis dieser Prüfung in Form eines neuen Entwurfes zu dieser
Konvention mit den entsprechenden Abänderungsvorschlägen beehrt sich der
Kaiserliche Geschäftsträger erhaltenem Aufträge gemäss Sir Edward Grey anliegend
ergebenst zu übermitteln.
Kaiserlich Deutsche Botschaft,
London, am 4. November 1913.
A r t ic l e 1.
Clause (a). R ecognising the general importance o f the com pletion of the Bagdad
Railway for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction o f the
Bagdad Railway System , or to prevent the participation of capital in this undertaking.
Clause ( b). His Britannic M ajesty’ s G overnm ent agree to the construction and
management of the proposed railway from Bagdad to Basra b y the Bagdad Railway
Company.
Clause (c). The Im perial German Governm ent declare that they will use their
best endeavours to secure that two British directors, agreeable to H is Britannic
Majesty’ s Governm ent, shall be admitted as representatives o f a group o f British
shareholders to the board of the Bagdad Railway C om pany.(20)
A r t ic l e 2 .
( 18) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e s b y M r . A . P a r k e r a n d S i r E . C r o w e : “ A r t i c l e 7 s e e m s v e r y o b j e c
t io n a b le . [ A . P .]
I t g iv e s G e r m a n y t h e r ig h t t o d e c la r e h e r s e lf n o t b o u n d b y t h e C o n v e n t io n b y m e r e ly
d e c la r in g s h e is n o t s a tis fie d . I t is q u it e in a c c e p t a b le . E . A . C .” ]
( 19) [ M a r g i n a l n o t e b y M r . A . P a r k e r : “ ( H e r r v o n K ü h l m a n n s t a t e d t h a t o u r r e q u e s t
(s e e n o t e c o v e r in g o u r d r a f t o f 1 8 t h S e p t e m b e r ) c o n c e r n in g t h e S m y r n a - A i d i n R a i lw a y w a s
u n d e r c o n s id e r a t io n a t B e r li n a n d i t w a s h o p e d a f a v o u r a b le s e t t le m e n t w o u ld b e r e a c h e d .)
I v e n t u r e to s u g g e s t t h a t t h e m o s t e x p e d itio u s w a y o f d e a lin g w ith t h e G e r m a n p r o p o s a ls
w o u ld b e f o r t h e m t o b e s e n t , w i t h t h is m i n u t e , t o t h e I n d i a O ffic e a n d B o a r d o f T r a d e w i t h
t h e s u g g e s t io n t h a t a c o n fe r e n c e s h o u ld m e e t e a r ly n e x t w e e k t o d is c u s s t h e n a t u r e o f t h e
r e p l y . I t i s i m p o r t a n t t o c o n c l u d e t h e a g r e e m e n t a s s o o n a s p o s s i b l e . A . P . Foreign Office,
November 1 1 , 1 9 1 3 . ” ]
( 20) [ U n s i g n e d m a r g in a l n o te o n t h e o r ig in a l t y p e s c r i p t : “ S e e c la u s e C , a r t i c le 2 .” ]
‘2 48
to secure facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s
system, and there shall be com plete protection against discrimination, direct or
indirect.
In this event German capital would participate in it and would be represented
on the board o f this line under exactly the same conditions and in the same proportion
as British capital shall be represented on the Board of the Bagdad Railway.( 21)
Clause (d). The construction of the proposed port at Basra, authorised .by
article 23 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th M arch, 1903, shall be
executed by a separate Ottoman com pany, wherein British participation, both in the
capital and directorate of the port com pany and in the contracts, if any, for construc
tion and maintenance, shall amount to not less than 20 per cent, of the whole. No
duties or charges of whatever nature or under whatever denomination shall be levied
by the Port Company on any vessels or goods which shall not equally, under the same
conditions, be imposed in like cases on all vessels or goods, whatever be the nationality
o f the vessels or their owners, or the ownership or country o f origin or destination
o f the goods, and whatever he the places from which the vessels or goods arrive or
to which they depart.
In all that relates to the stationing, loading, and unloading o f vessels in the
port, no privileges or facilities shall he granted to any vessel or vessels which shall
not equally and under like conditions be granted to all other vessels.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 5.
( 21) [T y p e d m a r g i n a l n o t e o n t h e o r i g i n a l t y p e s c r i p t : “ T h i s c la u s e w o u ld b e in s e r t e d in
t h e n o te e x p lic a t iv e i f H [ i s ] M [ a j e s t y ’s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] a g r e e d t o h a v e c la u s e C , A r t ic le 2 .
e m b o d ie d in t h is n o t e .” ]
249
Bagdad exclusively for the service of the railway and the said port, small launches,
as well as ferries for the transport o f passengers and goods from one bank to the
other. Such launches shall not exceed tons British measurement.
A r t ic l e 5a .
(Paragraph 1 unchanged.)
It is, nevertheless, understood that this stipulation in no wise affects the
privileges and immunities granted to the German Em pire by the Capitulations.
A “ comité de surveillance’ ’ shall be established, composed of those foreign
consuls, resident at Basra, whose flag is represented by steamship lines regularly
trading with that port. The “ c o m ité ’ ’ shall correspond directly with the river
commission, to be established by the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent, on all matters
affecting the conservancy of the Shatt-el-Arab and the dues to be levied on that
river; it is. however, understood that the functions o f the “ c o m ité ” ehall be
advisory and not executive. The “ co m ité ” will see that dues shall be im posed,
not for the m ere fact of navigation, but only for repaying sums actually spent on
improvements in the navigation o f the Shatt-el-Arab and harbour facilities. They
shall in no case exceed 1 fr [a n c] per registered ton (the dues to cover the com ing
in and going out of the same vessel) ; any dues shall be levied on a basis of absolute
equality without regard to the nationality of sea-going vessels or their cargoes.
A r t ic l e 7.
The preceding arrangements for the final settlement of all questions connected
with the Bagdad Railway shall cease to be operative if the Shatt-el-Arab after a
reasonable time has not been brought into a satisfactory state of conservancy in
order that sea-going vessels may always be assured of free and easy access to the
port of Basra.
( A r t ic l e 8 a g r e e d t o .)
No. 157.
t 1) [ T h i s d e s p a t c h i s e n d o r s e d a s h a v i n g b e e n s e n t t o t h e K i n g a n d t o t h e C a b i n e t . I t
is a ls o e n d o r s e d b y S i r E d w a r d G r e y : “ L o r d C r e w e w ill n o d o u b t s e n d a c o p y t o t h e V i c e r o y .” ]
250
econom ic expansion, or spheres o f economic interest, in Asia M inor, Italy also wished
to have econom ic expansion. She was now asking for a concession for a port at
Adalia, and other things connected therewith. H e could not see that it conflicted
with the concession of the S m yrna-A idin Railway, and he hoped that we would not
oppose it.
I said that, if it did not conflict with the legitimate interests o f the S m yrna-
Aidin Railway, we would certainly not oppose i t ; but this Railway was the only
British Railway in Asia M in o r : it wTas so to say our ewe lam b, and we must see
that its rights were protected.
I went on to say to the Ambassador that we had no other Railway in prospect,
unless the Bagdad Railway wTas continued beyond Basra to the Persian Gulf. It
was there that we especially wished to safeguard our interests, and I took the occasion
to m ention that, if any Power touched Arabia, we should be concerned, because of
the strong feeling in India about Mahom m edan holy places. But neither the Persian
G ulf nor Arabia were relevant to the question o f the present Italian concession.
[ I am, & c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 158.
p ) [C o p ie s o f t h is n o t e w e r e s e n t t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e I n d i a O ffic e o n N o v e m b e r 1 0 .
I t w a s s e n t t o C o n s t a n t i n o p l e i n S i r E d w a r d G r e y ’ s d e s p a t c h ( N o . 3 7 8 ) o f N o v e m b e r 1 0 , 1 9 1 3 .]
( 2 ) [ f . supra, p p . 1 8 3 - 7 , N o . 1 2 4 ( 1 ) . ]
( 3 ) [ r . supra, p . 2 2 9 , Ed. N o te . ]
( 4 ) [ T h e r e p l y s e n t t o H e r r v o n K ü h l m a n n b y S i r E y r e C r o w e is p r i n t e d i n G.l\,
X X X V I I ( I ) , p . 2 7 3 .]
251
N o. 159.
t 1) [ C o p i e s o f t h i s n o t e w e r e s e n t o n N o v e m b e r 1 0 t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e I n d i a
O f f i c e .]
( 2) [ v . supra, p . 2 2 3 , N o . 1 4 6 , Annex.]
No. 160.
F.O . 5 0 6 3 2 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Immediate. F oreign Office, N ovem ber 7, 1913.
Sir E . Grey presents his com plim ents to the German Charge d ’ Affaires and
has the honour to state, for the confidential inform ation of the German G ov [ern -
m en ]t, that Hakki Pasha has recently com m unicated to the F oreign Office a telegram
which H [is ] H [igh n ess] had received from Djavid B ey, at present in B erlin, asking
for the full text o f the declarations which, in the opinion o f His H ighness, should
be signed by the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t and the Bagdad Railway Company with
reference to the terminus o f the line and cognate matters.
Hakki Pasha, wishing to expedite the negotiation and to preclude all possibility
of misunderstanding, has requested H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t to assist him
in the preparation o f a draft, and Sir E . G rey, with similar objects, has, as H err von
Kuehlmann is aware, authorised his Department to enter into inform al, and mutually
non-com m ittal, com m unication with the German Embassy on the subject.
0 ) [A c o p y o f th is c o m m u n ic a tio n w a s s e n t to th e B o a r d o f T r a d e . I t w a s s e n t to
C o n s t a n t i n o p l e ( a s N o . 3 7 6 ) . F o r H e r r v o n K ü h l m a n n ’ s r e p o r t , v. O.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 2 6 3 - 4 . ]
252
H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] now propose to inform Ilakki Pasha forthwith
that the following text appears to meet the case :—
( 2) [ v . B .F.S.P., V o l . 1 0 2 , p . 8 3 4 . ]
( 3) [ r . svpra, p p . 2 0 3 - 6 , N o . 1 3 3 . ]
(■*) [ U n s i g n e d n o t e : “ A n n e x N u m b e r 1 w o u l d c o n t a i n r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s d r a w n u p a t
t h e c o n f e r e n c e h e l d a t t h e F o r e i g n O f f i c e o n S e p t e m b e r 9 , 1 9 1 3 . ” v. supra , p . 2 2 9 , Ed. Note.
T h e t e x t is g iv e n in t h e im m e d ia t e ly s u c c e e d in g d o c u m e n t , A n n e x N o . 1 .]
No. 161.
Draft com m unicated by Mr. Parker to Iiakki Pasha, N ovem ber 7, 1913.
A r t ic l e I er.
0 ) [ T h e t e x t g i v e n a b o v e i s t a k e n f r o m t h e Confidential Print, a s t h e o r i g i n a l c a n n o t b e
t r a c e d . C o p i e s w e r e s e n t o n N o v e m b e r 1 4 t o t h e B o a r d o f T r a d e ; t o t h e I n d i a O f f i c e .]
253
autre point de la ligne et aboutissant à un point du Golfe Persique (article 1er, No. 4,
de la convention du 20 février (5 mars), 1903'«, ainsi qu ’ au droit de construire et
exploiter un port à un point situé au Golfe Persique (article 23 de cette même
convention).
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 4.
Annex No. 1.
Liste de Recom m andations à faire à la Commission fluviale du Chatt-el-Arab.
C h a p it r e I.
C h a p it r e II.
1. Etant donné que les droits seront perçus à raison du tonnage et sans
distinction sur tout bâtiment à force m otrice qui passerait la barre à l ’ embouchure du
fleuve, il serait à recommander que :
(a) Un droit réduit (inférieur au maximum de 1 fr. par ton à prélever éventuelle
ment) serait à percevoir afin de satisfaire au service d ’ un emprunt suffisant
à couvrir les dépenses du personnel et de l ’ étude préliminaire susmentionné
ainsi que les autres débours indispensables. Ledit droit suffirait à faire
face au paiement des intérêts et de l ’ amortisation de l ’ emprunt dans un
délai de trente ans.
(2) [v . supra, pp. 2 0 3 -6 , N o. 1 33 .]
254
(b) Le cas échéant, il serait émis des emprunts ultérieurs, destinés à couvrir les
frais des travaux que la Commission se déciderait à entreprendre.
2. Il est d ’ ailleurs à recomm ander que des revenus spécifiques tels que l
recettes douanières de Bassora, ou leur excédent, soient assignés au service des
emprunts mentionnés sous les catégories (a) et ( b), et que, en tant que les droits de
tonnage à percevoir n ’ v suffiraient pas, tout déficit soit com blé au m oyen des revenus
spécifiques, qui seraient à réserver éventuellement aux fins requises.
(N ote.— The following addition was suggested to Mr. Parker by Hakki Pasha on
November 9 :— )
“ Le droit de tonnage spécifié à l ’ article 1er (a) devra être, en tout cas,
éventuellement porté au m aximum de 1 fr. par tonne en tant que les frais de la
Commission et le service d ’ intérêt et d ’ amortissement des emprunts contractés
le rendront nécessaire à l ’ achèvement des travaux pour lesquels les emprunts
auraient été contractés. La garantie par les recettes douanières ne sera
maintenue que pour parfaire l ’ insuffisance de ce droit maximum et jusqu’ à ce que
l ’ accord ultérieur prévu par l ’ article 16 de la convention signée le 29 juillet, 1913,
soit intervenu.”
(No. 2.)
I.
Bassora est fixé com m e point terminus de la ligne du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad renonce à tous ses droits de construire
et d ’ exploiter l ’ embranchement partant de Bassora (Zobéir) et aboutissant au Golfe
Persique, m entionné au chiffre 4 de l ’ article 1er de la Convention du Chemin de Fer
de Bagdad, du 5 mars, 1903.
Elle renonce également à la construction et à l ’ exploitation, soit en conformité
de l ’ article 23 de cette même convention, soit en vertu de toute autre stipulation, d ’un
port ou d ’ un terminus maritime du chem in de fer sur le Golfe Persique.
II.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad confirme qu ’aucune tarification
différentielle ne sera appliquée sur son réseau, et que les articles de m ême nature à
transporter entre les mêmes points seront traités sur le même pied d ’une parfaite
égalité, quels qu ’ en soient leur propriétaire, leur origine ou leur destination.
Elle consent en outre à ce que les délais fixés par l ’ article 21 de son cahier des
charges, touchant les avis préalables à donner en cas de modification des conditions
ou des prix des tarifs soient uniform ém ent portés à deux mois.
Ces avis seront insérés dans le Journal officiel du Gouvernement Impérial
ottom an, le Journal de la Chambre de Commerce ottomane et dans un autre journal
publié en langue européenne.
III.
IV.
Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman s’ engage à exécuter les travaux nécessaires
pour l ’ amélioration des conditions de la navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab, com m e aussi
de maintenir le chenal du fleuve libre de tout espèces d ’ obstacles, de manière que les
navires de mer d ’ un tirant de pieds puissent passer sans encombre au moins
jusqu’ au port de Bassora.
V.
La construction et l ’ exploitation du port de Bassora, prévues à l ’ article 23 de la
Convention du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad du 5 mars, 1903, seront assurés par une
société anonym e ottomane à form er dans ce but, et dont les actes de concession et les
statuts seront arrêtés d ’ un com m un accord entre le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
et la Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
Le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman se réserve le droit de conférer ses droits de
contrôle sur le port de Bassora à la com m ission qu’ il se propose de charger de
l’ amélioration et du maintien de la navigabilité du Chatt-el-Arab.
VI.
V IL
Aucuns frais généralement quelconques, n ’ importe sous quel titre, ne seront
imposés dans les ports de Bassora et de Bagdad aux navires et aux marchandises,
quels que soient la nationalité, le propriétaire, le pays d ’origine ou dé destination des
marchandises, et quels que soient les lieux de provenance ou de destination des navires
et des marchandises, en tant qu ’ il ne s’ agira pas d ’ une mesure générale applicable
indistinctement et uniformém ent à tout le m onde, sans exception et sans privilège
spécial d ’ aucune sorte en faveur de qui que ce soit.
Pour tout ce qui concerne le stationnement, l ’ embarquement et le débarquement
des navires dans ces deux ports, aucuns privilèges ou facilités ne sauraient être
accordés à des navires généralement quelconques, en tant qu ’ ils ne seront pas
accordés également et dans les mêmes conditions, à tous les autres navires.
V III.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad aura le droit d ’ assurer les com m uni
cations avec ses stations, partout que de besoin, par l ’ établissement de services de
transbordement entre les deux rives des fleuves, au m oyen de remorqueurs, de
barcasses ou de toutes autres embarcations à vapeur ou à moteur, chalands, &c., de
80 tonnes registrées anglaises au maximum. La Société aura également le droit
d ’ affecter à ces m êmes services des ferry-boats d ’un tonnage supérieur.
Ce matériel fluvial jouira de toutes les exemptions de droits d ’ entrée et autres
. dont jouit le matériel roulant du chem in de fer, et il sera de m ême exonéré de tous
1 impôts, redevances ou taxes généralement quelconques de navigation et autres.
Les combustibles nécessaires pour ces services jouiront de la franchise douanière
au m ême titre que ceux consom m és par le chem in de fer, et celui-ci aura le droit d ’ en
opérer le transport dans les mêmes conditions que ceux destinés à son exploitation.
Les recettes des services susvisés restent acquises à la Société du Chemin de Fer
de Bagdad.
I
256
(N o. 3.)
Official German Draft com m nnicated by H err von Kühlmann, N ovem ber 14, 1913.(')
I.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad renonce à la concession de la construc
tion et l ’ exploitation de l ’ em branchem ent partant de Bassora (Zobéir) ou de tout
autre point de la ligne et aboutissant à un point du Golfe Persique (article 1er, No. 4,
de la Convention du 20 février (5 mars), 1903), ainsi qu ’ au droit de construire et
exploiter un port à un point situé au Golfe Persique (article 23 de cette même
Convention).
II.
C op ies o f this com m u n ica tion w ere sent on N ovem ber 22 w ith S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s rep ly (v. infra,
pp. 262-3, N o. 169) to the In d ia O ffice; to the B oa rd o f Trade.
257
III.
IV.
Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman s ’ engage à exécuter les travaux nécessaires
pour l ’ amélioration des conditions de la navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab, com m e aussi
de maintenir le chenal du fleuve libre de toutes espèces d ’obstacles, de manière que les
navires de m er d ’ un tirant de 24 pieds puissent passer sans encombre, au moins
jusqu’ au port de Bassora.
V.
VI.
V II.
Aucuns frais généralement quelconques, n ’ importe sous quel titre, ne seront
imposés dans les ports de Bassora et de Bagdad aux navires et aux marchandises, quels
que soient la nationalité, le propriétaire, le pays d ’ origine ou de destination des
marchandises, et quels que soient les lieux de provenance ou de destination des
navires et des marchandises, en tant qu’ il ne s’ agira pas d ’ une mesure générale
applicable indistinctement et uniformém ent à tout le monde, sans exception et sans
privilège spécial d ’ aucune sorte, en faveur de qui que ce soit.
[10900] S
258
V III.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad aura le droit d ’ assurer les com m unica
tions avec ses stations, partout que de besoin, par l ’ établissement de services de
transbordement entre les deux rives des fleuves, au moyen de remorqueurs, de bareasses
ou de toutes autres embarcations à vapeur ou à moteur, chalands, &c., de 80 tonnes
registre anglais au maximum. La Société aura également le droit d ’ affecter à ces
mêmes services des ferrv-boats d ’ un tonnage supérieur.
Ce matériel fluvial jouira de toutes les exemptions de droits d ’entrée et autres,
dont jouit le matériel roulant du chemin de fer, et il sera de même exonéré de tous
impôts, redevances ou taxes généralement quelconques, de navigation et autres.
Les combustibles nécessaires pour ces services jouiront de la franchise douanière
au même titre que ceux consommés par le chemin de fer, et celui-ci aura le droit d ’ en
opérer le transport dans les mêmes conditions que ceux destinés à son exploitation.
Les recettes des services susvisés restent acquises à la Société du Chemin de Fer
de Bagdad.
No. 162.
F .O . 5 2 0 2 4 /6 1 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 541.) Foreign Office, N ovem ber 18, 1913, 5 -45 p . m .
Your telegrams Nos. 572 and 5 7 3 .(2)
ITakki Pasha was informed in J u ly(3) that the Germans had asked for participa
tion in the navigation company and consulted as to what participation might be
allotted to them out of the Turkish share, so that there should be no suspicion of
(4) [v. supra, pp. 189-90. N o. 124 (4). F o r L o rd In ch c a p e ’ s concession v. in lra, pp . 283-98,
No. 188.]
No. 163.
A lternative.
This Commission shall consist o f five members to be drawn from the Powers
most interested by reason o f the magnitude of their shipping in the Shatt-el-Arab ;
the Ottoman m ember of this Commission shall be the President.
The procedure to be followed in the investigation of the questions referred to
the Commission shall he determined by the Commission itself, but, subject thereto,
shall be in general accordance with that followed by Commissions of E nquiry appointed
under the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Disputes.
The Commission of Enquiry shall, unless the time is extended with the consent
o f all parties, publish its report within six months o f its appointment. The Govern
ment of His Britannic Majesty will use their good offices with the Imperial Ottoman
Government to ensure that the proposals contained in such Report are carried out.
No. 164.
F .O . 5 26 0 9 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (N o. 580.) Constantinople, N ovem ber 19, 1913.
Your telegram No. 539 of 17th N ovem ber(2) : Shatt-el-Arab Declaration.
I have spoken to m y Russian colleague, who telegraphed his views to his
Governm ent three days ago.
He was reassured on learning that Turkey was a party to declaration of
21st October,(3) which he thought was between us and Russia, as he said that Russian
rights could not be made dependent on declaration from us. But he maintained that
greater precision was necessary. It must be stated in article 7 that foreign consuls,
or dragomans, must be present on occasions when foreigners are brought up, and in
article 8 there must be provision for consular sanction in arrests (except perhaps in
cases of flagrante delicto) and for detention by consular authorities.
I pointed out that declaration amply safeguarded these rights, but he was rather
insistent, saying that these were only his personal views and he was not authorised
to discuss them.
Perhaps some additional declaration might be suggested which would satisfy
Russian Government if they do not accept it as it stands.
F.O . 5 2 7 7 8 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 584.) Constantinople, N ovem ber 20, 1913.
I com m unicated to Grand Vizier contents o f your telegram No. 541 of
18th N ovem ber(2) : Tigris and Euphrates navigation.
He had not yet had an answer from Djavid B ey.
No. 166.
F.O . 5 2 7 7 8 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 550.) Foreign Office, N ovem ber 21, 1913, 7 -45 p . m .
Your telegram No. 5 84 .(2)
It is hardly necessary for Grand Vizier to await reply from Berlin before
intimating to us views of Turkish G overnm ent. The Germans ask that we shall not
oppose German interests in acquiring “ not less t h a n ” 2 0% of the whole share
capital to be allotted out o f the Turkish shares. So far as we are concerned we
would agree to 20% of the Turkish shares being held by Germans but wre consider
that the maximum amount and should stipulate accordingly.
No. 167.
t1) [T h is teleg ram was rep eated to R om e (N o. 353). C opies w ere sent, in para ph ra se, to
the B oa rd o f T ra d e and to H a k k i P ash a.]
262
infraction of the letter o f British com pany’ s right under article two of Convention
o f 1906.(2) H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] are not prepared to admit validity of
such a technical subterfuge. At the lowest, an Italian claim based on such a
technicality would be a most unfriendly proceeding. Nor can it be admitted that the
British com pany’ s preferential option for a line debouching at Adalia would be
compatible with an Italian concession for control of that port.
According to report from H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] Chargé d ’ Affaires at Borne, it seems
probable that Italian embassy at Constantinople is engaged in negotiating some
settlement with the Porte without allowing British interests to be heard. Should
this be the case, it might be well if A’ [ou r] E [xcellen cy ] could find an opportunity
to point out to the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t that an awkward situation would arise if
they were to commit themselves definitely to schemes which H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t] would be constrained vigorously to oppose as inconsistent with British
rights. W e have no political aims in the district in question and therefore no desire
to exclude other parties ; our sole object is to safeguard the property of a British
com pany and if Italians desire concessions which conflict with Sm yrna-A idin Bailway
concessions they ought at least to come to terms with the Company which will protect
its shareholders.
( 2) [A rtic le 2 o f th e C on v en tion o f O ctob er 6, 1906, is as follow s : —
“ L e G ouvernem ent Im p éria l s’ in terd it d ’ accorder, sans le consentem ent de la C om
pagnie, à to u te a u tre personne ou S ociété.
L a concession de la con s tru ction de tou tes lignes de chem in de fer, p ou va n t fa ire
con cu rren ce aux lignes concédées à la C om p ag n ie dans 1111 rayon de 40 kilom ètres, c ’ est-à-
dire 25 m illes en tou s sens des d eu x lignes in diquées à l ’ a rticle 1er de la présente con v en tion ,
ainsi que la concession de la con stru ction d ’ une ligne p a rta n t d ’ A d a lia et a boutissant soit
a ux lignes de la C om p ag n ie d ’ A id in , soit à celles d ’ A n a tolie ou de B a g d a d .”
(F.O . 371 /14 5. 2 6 2 9 2 /3 7 0 7 /0 6 /4 4 .)]
No. 168.
Sir L. Mallet to Sir Edward G r e y .(l)
F .O . 5 3 0 5 3 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 588.) C onstantinople, N ovem ber 22, 1918.
Your telegram No. 550 of 21st N ovem ber./2)
Grand Vizier was strongly opposed to admitting German participation when I
spoke to him on W ednesday, but I did not think it worth while to report this pending
receipt of D javid’ s reply, which I hope will make him say something definite as to
Turkish attitude.
( !) [T h e te x t g iven above is ta ken from th e C onfidential P rin t, as the o rig in a l d ecypher
ca n n o t be tra ce d .]
(2) [v. supra, p. 261, N o. 166.]
No. 169.
Sir Edward G rey to H err von Kiihlma7i7i.( l)
F .O . 5 2 5 4 9 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Confidential.
S ir :—- Foreig7i Office, N ovem ber 22, 1913.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note o f the 14th instant/2'
in which you state that, as the negotiations between Germ any, Great Britain and
Turkey relative to the Bagdad Bailway are to form one whole, and as it appears
0 ) [C opies o f this com m u n ica tion w ere sent to th e In d ia O ffice; to the B oa rd o f T rade.
F o r H e r r von K iih lm a n n ’ s rep ort, v. G .P., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 2 74-6 ]
( 2) [v. supra, p. 256, N o. 161, n ote ( ') . ]
2G3
highly desirable that the arrangements incorporated in the different treaties and
conventions should exactly correspond, it seems expedient for the present merely
to initial the agreements with the Turkish Governm ent, in order that it may be
easier to insert any necessary alterations in order to bring about complete conform ity.
You add that, for this reason, the German G ov [ern m en ]t will for the present only
initial the agreements to be concluded with Djavid B ey at Berlin.
In conveying to you the thanks o f H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] for this
com m unication, I have to inform you that the agreement between H [is ] M [a je s ty ’ s]
G ov [ern m en ]t and the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t relating to railways in Asiatic
Turkey will not be signed yet ; but the agreements relating to the Euphrates and
Tigris Navigation Concession and to the Shatt-el-Arab Conservancy Commission were,
as I have already inform ed His Highness the German Ambassador privately, signed
some months ago.
In accordance, however, with the semi-official statement which I I [is ] II[ig h n e ss]
made some time ago. that the German G ov [ern m en ]t would regard it as very
conciliatory if I I [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t did not publish their agreements
with Turkey pending the conclusion of the Anglo-German agreem ent, I I [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] will defer such publication for some weeks, though they
desire to lay papers before Parliament reassembles, and they therefore trust that all
the agreements may be concluded before December 31, 1913.
I have to state further that I I [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G [overnm ent] are in full agree
ment with the German G ov [ern m en ]t as to the importance of complete concordance,
and they are also of opinion that any agreements now under discussion with Djavid
Bey or Hakki Pasha in which the three Powers, Germ any, Turkey, and Great Britain,
are interested, should be m erely initialled pending direct discussion between Germany
and Great Britain.
In conclusion, I have to add that I hope to furnish you at an early date with the
observations of H [is ] M [a jestv ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] on the German counter-draft, which
you were good enough to com m unicate to this Department, of the proposed agreement
between the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t and the Bagdad Railway Company.
[ I have, Ac.
E . G R E Y .]
No. 170.
P .O . 5 33 3 0 /3 9 4 8 4 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 591.) Constantinople, N ovem ber 24, 1913.
Your telegram No. 551 of 22nd Novem ber(2) : Italians at Adalia.
I asked Grand Vizier to-day whether negotiations of any kind with Italian
Charge d ’ Affaires were on foot. He emphatically denied their existence.
I said I was glad to hear this, as it would be a serious matter if the Ottoman
Government committed themselves to any scheme which would in any way affect
British interests without consulting us. I asked his H ighness to let me know if
the Italian Embassy made any proposals, and he promised to do so.
I will endeavour to get this confirmed by enquiry at Ministry of Public W orks.
(*) [T h e te x t given above is ta ken from the C onfidential I ’ r in t, asthe orig in a l deeyp h er
can n ot be tra ced . T his teleg ram was sent to R om e (as N o. 25)3) on N ov em b er ‘26 |
(2) [r . sup ra , pp. 261-2, No. 167.]
‘2 64
N o. 171.
Sir L . Mallet to Sir Edward G r e y .I 1)
F .O . 5 3 3 3 1 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 592.) Constantinople, N ovem ber 24, 1913.
My telegram No. 588 of 22nd N ovem ber./2)
Grand Vizier tells me that he has had a telegram from Djavid Bey m erely stating
that Germans have broached question of participation in Turkish share, but have
not specified amount.
In accordance with your instructions, I said I hoped Ottoman Government would
not object, but that participation should not exceed 20 per cent, o f the whole.
Grand Vizier (group om itted : ? said) that he much disliked giving Germans
any share, but that if it was necessary he would do so, but would give as little as he
possibly could.
On leaving his Highness I happened to meet Talaat, to wffiom I repeated what
I had said to the Grand Vizier.
Minister of Interior asked me pointedly whether you really wanted him to give
a share to Germans, and I replied that you saw no objection provided that it did not
exceed 20 per cent, o f the whole.
Both Grand Vizier and Minister o f Interior seem a littlesuspicious of our interest
in the matter in spite of explanations which I made on receiving your telegram
No. 541 of 18th N ovem ber,/3) and now that I have made your views clear it would
seem better to let Germans negotiate for themselves.
No. 172.
F .O . 5 26 2 1 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .
Private.
My dear Kuhlmann :— F oreign Office, N ovem ber 24, 1913.
You will remember that our official note of September 18th(2) contained a para
graph about the desiderata of the Sm yrna-A idin Railway, and that we gave reasons
which we felt sure.w’ould enable us to count upon the co-operation o f the German
Governm ent in bringing about a favourable settlement. For the sake of convenience
I enclose a copy of the p aragraph./3)
Your note of November 3 rd /4) to Sir E . Grey contained no reference to this
subject, but you explained privately to me that Herr von Gwinner was discussing
the subject with Djavid B ey at Berlin, and that though nothing definite could be
said for the moment, the German Government hoped that negotiations were tending
towards a favourable conclusion.
This news was particularly gratifying, for the Sm yrna-A idin line being the sole
rem aining line under British management in Turkey, we are particularly desirous
( 1) [T h is letter was sent to C on sta n tin op le (as N o. 401). A cop y was sent to the B oa rd of
T rade, cp. G .P., X X X V I I (I), p. 276.]
(2) [r . supra, pp. 234-8, No. 154.]
(3) [T h e referen ce is to A rticle 3, clause ( r ) ; v. supra, p. 236, No. 154.]
(4) [p. su p ra, pp. 242-7, N o. 156.]
265
that it should not be barred from developm ent in its own region o f natural though
limited expansion, and we felt sure that the arguments advanced in our official note
of September 18th would appeal to the German Governm ent. W e have, notwith
standing the large proportion o f British trade in relation to that of other countries
in Asiatic Turkey, taken a back seat in regard to the large schemes o f railway
development recently under discussion, and we have done our best to promote a
settlement satisfactory to others.
Such being the case, we do consider that our requests with regard to the S m yrna-
Aidin Railway Company are very m od erate; and it is because a hitch has apparently
occurred at Berlin with regard to the desiderata of that Company that I am writing
this private letter to you. I am most anxious that the difficulty should be overcom e
as I know what an unfavourable impression a breakdown of this Sm yrna-A idin
negotiation would create here.
Hakki Pasha tells me privately that he learns from Djavid B ey that the German
Company is only willing to agree to a junction o f the S m yrna-A idin and Anatolian
systems on terms which would impose a very heavy and even prohibitive financial
sacrifice upon the Ottoman Governm ent and that as regards the other desiderata of
the Sm yrna-A idin Company the attitude o f the German Company, except in m inor
details, is one o f non-possnm us. This attitude, before which the Ottoman Governm ent
may very well be helpless, would if persisted in not only paralyse the extension of
the S m yrna-A idin lines in their legitimate sphere, but it would debar the com pany
from navigating on certain lakes even though this could be done without any
substantial prejudice to German irrigation projects, and it would condem n large tracts
of country to remain without the benefits o f railway com m unication.
What we do feel especially is that at the very moment when we are asked by
the German Governm ent to enter into a form al engagement in no way to oppose the
successful execution of a great trunk railway system by German interests, the modest,
legitimate, and indeed necessary natural developm ent o f our one little rem aining
railway in Turkey should be blocked by those very German interests, and by those
interests alone. I f you could place yourself for a moment in our position, I think
you would see the inequity o f this.
I feel sure that the representation, as here explained, o f how we regard the whole
question has only to be made in the right quarter in Berlin for a speedy settlement
to be reached, and I am also convinced that you will understand how much
importance we attach to the inclusion o f this matter amongst those others in regard
to which we are reaching a complete understanding.
[Yours, A c.]
A LW Y N P A R K E R .
No. 173.
KO. 5 33 3 1 /6 1 63 /1 3 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 554.) F oreign Office, N ovem ber 25, 1913, 9 -3 0 p . m .
River Concession.
Your telegram No. 592.(2)
Please refer to Asiatic lu r k e y print May 7 section 1(3) and September 18
section l . ( 3)
No. 174.
( x) [A co p y o f this com m u n ica tion was sent to the B oa rd of Trade. F o r H e r r von K iih l-
m a n n ’ s rep orts, r. G.P., X X X V I I (I), p. 277, pp. 278-83.]
( 2) [r . supra, pp. 256-8, No. ]61 (3 ).]
(3) [N o t rep rod u ced , as the m em orandum ca n n ot be tra ced .]
267
positive or unqualified wording than that contained in the British counter-draft were
adopted.
A paragraph has been added to article Y in order to avoid a conflict of jurisdiction
which might otherwise arise.
There is no change in article VI.
A paragraph has been added to article Y II so as to render it more complete.
Article V III has been modified so as to be more in accord with the British counter
draft of September 18 of the Anglo-G erm an agreem en t: (4) the final paragraph has
been added after consultation with Lord Inchcape, the concessionnaire for the Biver
Navigation Company under the Turkish declaration of the *29th July, 1913.C) His
Lordship is fully prepared to provide, on terms to be mutually agreed, all reasonable
facilities to the Bagdad Bailwav C om pany; but I I [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [ov ern m en t],
having regard especially to section 3 of the proposals made on May 7, 1913,(6) would
be unable to assent to the grant outside Bagdad of such rights as are contem plated in
article V III of the German counter-draft com m unicated on November 14.( 7)
Official British Draft of proposed A greem erit betw een Bagdad Railway Company and
Ottoman G overnm ent, N ovem ber 25, 1913.
I.
Bassora est fixé com m e point terminus de la ligne du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad renonce à la concession de la construc
tion et l ’ exploitation de l ’ em branchem ent partant de Bassora (Zobéir) ou de tout autre
point de la ligne et aboutissant à un point du Golfe Persique (article 1er, No. 4, de la
Convention du 20 février (5 mars), 1903),(8) ainsi qu’ au droit de construire et exploiter
un port à un point situé au Golfe Persique (article 23 de cette même Convention).(9)
II.
L a Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad confirme qu ’ elle continuera com m e par
le passé à appliquer à toutes les marchandises d ’ une catégorie identique qui pourront
lui être présentées en vue d ’ être transportées par chemin de fer, entre, les mêmes
stations et dans les mêmes conditions, un régime parfaitement égal, tant pour le tarif
en vigueur qui leur sera imposé que pour les facilités dont elles jouiront, quels que
soient respectivement :
(a) Le pays d ’ origine des marchandises importées dans l ’ Em pire ottom an;
(h) L e pays de destination des marchandises exportées de l ’ Em pire ottom an:
(c) Les pays d ’ origine et de destination des marchandises en transit par l ’ Empire
ottom an; et
(d) Le pavillon et l ’ armateur des bâtiments sur lesquels les marchandises sont
importées ou exportées par les ports ottomans.
en cas de modification des conditions ou des prix des tarifs, soient uniformément
portés à deux mois.
Ces avis seront insérés dans le Journal officiel du Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman et dans le Journal de la Chambre de Commerce ottomane de Constantinople.
Les mots “ les mêmes con d ition s’ ’ em ployés dans le présent article signifient
les mêmes conditions de poids, d ’ emballage et de vitesse (grande, petite ou autre), la
même catégorie de marchandises et les mêmes stations de départ et d ’ arrivée.
Ces dispositions s’ étendront dans la mesure où elles y sont applicables au régime
appliqué par la Société du Chemin de Fer au transport des voyageurs entrant dans
l ’ Em pire ottoman, le quittant ou traversant son territoire, et de leurs bagages.
Toutefois, elles ne s’ appliqueront pas au transport des émigrés et des indigents et
de leurs bagages. Aux fins du présent alinéa, le terme “ ém ig ré s ” se rapporte aux
personnes venues s’ établir dans les limites de l ’ Empire ottom an qui sont transportées
par les soins de la Commission des Emigrés.
III.
IV.
Le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman s’ engage à faire exécuter, par la commission
mentionnée à l ’ article V des présentes, les travaux nécessaires pour l ’ amélioration
des conditions de la navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab, afin de maintenir, dans la mesure
du possible, le chenal du fleuve libre de toutes espèces d ’ obstacles, et ladite com m is
sion viserait de prime abord, au moins jusqu’ au port de Bassora, une profondeur de
24 pieds au-dessous du niveau de la pleine mer de la grande marée.
V.
La construction et l ’ exploitation du port de Bassora, prévues à l ’ article 23 de la
Convention du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad du 5 mars, 1903, seront assurées par une
Société anonyme ottomane à form er dans ce but et dont les actes de concessions et
les statuts seront arrêtés d ’un com m un accord entre le Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman et la Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman se réserve le droit de conférer ses droits de
contrôle sur le port de Bassora à la commission qu’ il se propose de charger de
l ’ amélioration et du maintien de la navigabilité du Chatt-el-Arab.
Les conventions relatives à ce port et les statuts de la société à constituer
contiendront des dispositions sauvegardant expressément les droits de la commission
fluviale à établir pour l ’ amélioration des conditions de navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab.
VI.
En ce qui concerne le port de Bagdad, la Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad
aura le droit, soit de le construire et de l ’ exploiter elle-même, soit de conférer la
construction et l ’ exploitation à une société à constituer ad hoc, dont la concession et
les statuts seront analogues à ceux de la société à form er pour la construction et
l ’ exploitation du port à Bassora.
VII.
Aucuns frais, n ’ importe sous quel titre, ne seront imposés dans les ports de
Bassora et de Bagdad aux navires et aux marchandises, quels que soient la nationalité,
26 9
VIII.
La Société du Chemin de fer de Bagdad aura la faculté d ’ em ployer à Bagdad,
pour le seul service du chemin de fer, des bateaux à vapeur, ou à toute autre force
motrice, de 80 tonnes registre anglais au m aximum et des bacs ('ferry-boats'i d ’ un
tonnage supérieur.
Ladite société, ou la Société du port de Bagdad si telle société est constituée en
vertu de l ’ article G des présentes, aura la faculté d ’ em ployer à Bagdad des bateaux
à vapeur, ou à toute autre force motrice, de 80 tonnes registre anglais au maximum,
pour le seul transport de son personnel, de ses ouvriers et de son matériel.
Ce matériel fluvial jouira de toutes les exemptions de droits d ’ entrée et autres,
dont jouit le matériel roulant du chemin de fer, et il sera de m ême exonéré de tous
impôts, redevances ou taxes, de navigation et autres.
Les combustibles nécessaires pour ce service jouiront de la franchise douanière
au même titre que ceux consom m és par le chem in de fer, et celui-ci aura le droit d ’ en
opérer le transport dans les mêmes conditions que ceux destinés à son exploitation.
Les recettes du service susvisé restent acquises à la Société du Chemin de Fer
de Bagdad.
E n dehors dudit port de Bagdad, et partout où le besoin s’ en ferait sentir sur le
Tigre ou l ’ Euphrate, le Gouvernement Im périal Ottoman s ’ engage à obtenir de la
Société Ottomane de Navigation Fluviale à constituer qu ’ elle se charge de tout service
de navigation, y compris celui des bacs, à établir pour les fins du chemin de fer, selon
des conditions, et aux endroits, à déterminer de temps en temps par contrat spécial
entre les susdites Sociétés.
No. 175.
F.O. 5 40 7 8 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 396.) St. P etersburgh, N ovem ber 29, 1913.
Your telegram No. 764 of 26th N ovember : ( 2) Shatt-el-Arab Riverain Commission.
I pressed the Minister for Foreign Affairs for a reply.
He said that the Russian Government had not the least desire to make difficulties
for the Commission, but that the provisions of article 7 and article 8 of the Anglo-
Turkish Convention were not consistent with the additional declaration. Russia could
not agree to the diminution of her rights under the Capitulation, which would be
involved by the enforcement of the above-mentioned articles. H e would, however,
gladly accept any suggestion which would enable her to escape this difficulty without
“ loss of face ” as regards treaty rights.
If no such arrangement as suggested by the Russian Ambassador (Constantinople
telegram No. 580){3) can be considered by His M ajesty’ s Government, I might
endeavour to induce the Russian Government to enter into an arrangement with us
by which they would delegate the functions of the Russian consul ad hoc to the British
com m issioner, who would keep Russian consulate fully informed of matters affecting
Russian subjects. I could argue that this involves no diminution of treaty rights.
No. 176.
0) [T h is teleg ram was rep eated to C on stan tin op le (N o. 555). C opies w ere sent to the
B oa rd of T r a d e ; to the In d ia O ffice.]
(2) [ v. im m ed iately p reced in g d ocu m en t.]
(3) [v. supra, p. 260, No. 164.]
( ') [r . supra, p. 242, Ed. N o te.]
•271
N o. 177.
Mr. O ’Beirue to Sir Edward G rey.(')
F.O. 54364/15068/18^84.
Tel. (No. 397.) St. Petersburgh, D ecem ber 1. 1913.
Your telegram No.7G9 of 29th N ovember : ( 2) S hatt-el-A rab: Riverain
Commission.
Before I could arrange for discussion with Minister for Foreign Affairs I received
from him an aide-m ém oire to the following effect :—
Additional declaration is in contradiction to articles 7 and 8 of the convention,
because, under the Capitulations, all taxes on Russian subjects require sanction of
em bassy; fines can be inflicted only with knowledge of, and levied through inter
mediacy of. consul, and detention must be in the consulate.
Russian Government cannot surrender above privileges, but to meet wishes of
His M ajesty’ s Government propose the following compromise
(a) Since British officials are members of the Commission, the latter may be
empowered by “ delega tion s” to enquire into cases affecting Russian
subjects and to impose fines, but only in the presence of Russian dragom an.
(b) L evy of fines imposed and detention to take place in the consulate.
(c) Consul to be entitled to acquaint himself with the case and with the
Commission before the hearing.
(d) Consul to be entitled to ask Commission for explanation regarding amount o f
dues imposed on shipping and necessity o f expenditure incurred by
Commission.
(e) Consul must continue to have right to arrest Russian subjects and maintain
order on Russian ships in Shatt-el-Arab, also on shore, and Commission
will be bound to render consul assistance.
No. 178.
No. 179.
Aide-M ém oire.
Ayant pris connaissance de l ’ Aide-M emoire de l ’ Ambassade Britannique du
23 Octobre 5 Novembre a [n n ée] c [o u ra n te ](2) le Gouvernement Impérial n ’ a pas
manqué de soumettre à un nouvel examen la question de concéder à la Commission de
Navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arabe des droits exceptionnels en matière de police et de
juridiction à l ’ égard de ceux qui commettraient des infractions à son règlement,
conformém ent aux Articles 7 et 8 du projet de Convention à ce sujet entre la Grande
Bretagne et la Turquie./3)
Le Gouvernement Impérial ne peut s ’ em pêcher de faire observer que le projet de
stipulations complémentaires à ladite Convention mentionné dans l ’ Aide-Memoire
précité se trouverait être en contradiction avec le texte des deux Articles en question.
Conformément aux droits de Capitulations existant en Turquie, ainsi qu’ à l’ usage
établi, tous les impôts et droits ne sauraient être obligatoires pour les sujets russes que
s’ ils sont sanctionnés par l ’ Ambassade Im périale à Constantinople. Ensuite, quoique
les autorités municipales turques se mettent en relations directes avec les sujets russes
en vue d ’ éviter les complications et les retards inutiles, elles n ’ ont néanmoins pas le
droit de leur infliger des peines ou des amendes à l ’ insu des Consulats, ni de mettre à
exécution leurs décisions autrement que par l ’ intermédiaire de ces derniers; un sujet
russe ne saurait aussi être mis aux arrêts autre part que dans le Consulat.
Vu cet ordre de choses, les droits qui seraient reconnus à la Commission en vertu
des Articles 7 et 8 de la Convention se trouveraient être de fait sans objet. D ’ autre
part le Gouvernement Impérial ne saurait consentir à renoncer aux privilèges
mentionnés plus haut dont jouissent ses ressortissants en Turquie.
Voulant tout de même aller au devant des désirs du Gouvernement Britannique,
le Gouvernement Impérial est prêt à proposer, de son côté le compromis suivant :
considérant que des fonctionnaires anglais participeront à la Commission, celle-ci
pourrait être investie du droit d ’ examiner les affaires dans lesquelles les accusés
appartiendraient à la sujétion russe et d ’ infliger des amendes à ces derniers pour ainsi
dire par délégation, mais seulement en présence du drogman du Consulat de Russie.
La perception des amendes sur les sujets rnsses et la mise à exécution des ordonnances
de la Commission à leur égard ainsi que leur détention préventive ne pourront avoir
lieu que dans le Consulat. E n même temps le Consul doit avoir le droit de prendre
connaissance des affaires et de se mettre en rapports avec la Commission préalablement
au jugem ent de l ’ affaire par le Tribunal de la Commission.
En prenant acte de ce que le montant des droits de navigation sur le Chatt-el-
Arabe sera calculé dans le but exclusif de couvrir les frais effectifs de la Commission,
le Gouvernement Im périal considère néanmoins indispensable de reconnaître aux
Consuls de Russie le droit de demander des explications à la Commission au sujet du
montant de ces droits ainsi que sur la question de savoir à quel point telle ou autre
dépense faite par la Commission se trouvait être effectivement nécessaire.
En outre le Gouvernement Im périal trouve indispensable que le Consul de Rnssie
continue de jouir du droit d ’ arrêter en cas de nécessité tout snjet russe et de maintenir
Tordre tant sur les vaisseaux russes sur le Chatt-el-Arabe que sur le territoire riverain
de la Commission qni sera obligée pour sa part de lui prêter aide et assistance en tant
que cela dépendra d ’ elle.
L e Gouvernement Im périal se flatte de l ’ espoir que le Gouvernement Britannique
voudra bien reconnaître le bien-fondé de ces desiderata et introduire des changements
respectifs dans le texte du projet de sa Convention avec la Turouie. De son côté le
Gouvernement Im périal se déclare prêt à reconnaître à ces conditions le droit de la
Commission de percevoir sur les vaisseaux russes les taxes réglementaires : il est prêt
aussi à charger ses Consuls de veiller à ce que ses vaisseaux ne se soustraient pas au
payement de ces taxes.'
|m P étersb ou rg , ce 17/3 0 N ovem bre, 1913.
No. 180.
F.O. 5 43 6 6 /1 5 0 6 3 /1 3 /3 4 .
Tel. (No. 779.) Foreign Office, D ecem ber 2, 1913, 6 -15 p . m .
Your tel[eg ra m ]s Nos. 397(2) and 399.( 3)
The stipulations of the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t appear to me reasonable, and I
am willing to adopt procedure proposed on the understanding that (d) will give the
Russian consul no right to veto works considered necessary by commission.
You should draw up texts of proposed com m unications to and from Russian
G ov [ern m en ]t in consultation with M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffa irs], and then
submit them to me by telegraph for approval.(4) I will then, before ratifying conven
tion of July 2 9 (5) and additional declaration of October 2 1,( 6j address anote to Hakki
Pasha inform ing him of exchange of notes with Russia and stating that H [is ]
M [a je sty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] consider that proposals of Russian G ov [ern m en ]t must be
regarded as covered by Anglo-Turkish declaration of October 21.
No. 181.
Aide-M ém oire.
L ’ Ambassadeur de Sa Majesté Britannique est chargé par son Gouvernement de
rappeler à l ’ attention de Son Altesse le Grand Vizir que, selon les provisions de
l ’ article 2 de la convention annexe conclue en 1906(2) entre le Gouvernement Impérial
et la Compagnie de Chemin de Fer Aidin, le Gouvernement Im périal s’ interdit
d ’ accorder, sans le consentement de la Compagnie, à toute autre personne ou société,
la concession de la construction de toutes lignes de chemin de fer pouvant faire
concurrence aux lignes concédées à la Compagnie dans un rayon de 40 kilomètres,
c ’ est-à-dire 25 milles, en tous sens des deux lignes indiquées à l ’ article 1 de la
convention, 1. la ligne principale et prolongements, 2. embranchement partant d ’ un
point de la ligne qui sera ainsi prolongée et aboutissant au lac de Bourdour, ainsi que
la construction d ’ une ligne partant d ’ Adalia et aboutissant soit aux lignes de la
Compagnie d ’ Aidin soit à celles d ’ Anatolie ou de Bagdad.
Ainsi toute ligne partant d ’ Adalia dans la direction des deux lignes susmentionnées
ou de l ’ embranchement,— même si elle n ’ aboutisse pas à ces lignes entre, par ce fait,
dans le zone réservé, et par suite ne pourrait que porter préjudice aux droits de la
Compagnie. Les mêmes objections seraient applicables à l ’ institution d ’ un service
d ’ automobiles.
L a Grande Bretagne n ’ a aucune ambition politique dans ces régions ni aucun désir
d ’ entraver leur exploitation économique par d ’ autres. Il est, pourtant de son devoir
de protéger les intérêts de la Compagnie anglaise,— qui est, du reste, la seule Compagnie
de Chemin de Fer Britannique dans l ’ Em pire Ottoman.
Dans ces circonstances l ’ Ambassadeur de Sa Majesté Britannique est chargé
d ’ exprimer au Gouvernement Ottoman son vif espoir qu’ il n ’ accordera pas de
concessions dans ces régions sans des consultations préalables avec le Gouvernement
Britannique, ni prendra aucun engagement envers d ’ autres concessionnaires, auquel
le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté Britannique serait forcé d ’ offrir une opposition
résolue.
No. 183.
t1) [C op ies o f this m in u te w ere sent to C on stan tin ople (as N o. 4 2 8 ); to the B oa rd o f T ra de.]
(2) [O n N ov em b er 21, 1913, S ir E d w a rd G rey sent a telegram to S ir L. M a llet (N o. 54
g iv in g the te x t o f a telegram w hich H a k k i P asha w as sending to C on stan tin ople th a t night.
It referred to a m eetin g w ith L ord In ch ca p e and M r. P a r k e r at w hich certa in poin ts had been
agreed, and con ta in ed the follow in g s en ten ce: “ J e me b orne à d ire que la form e que j ’ aurai
à sou m ettre rep résen tera to u t ce q u ’ on peu t fa ir e sans rom p re les n é g ocia tion s.” (F.O . 53504/
6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 .)]
277
4). The Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t wished the Company to convey the mails free
of cost, and to debar the Company from carrying foreign mails, from which they
might derive a large profit, at all.
As regards point 1) Lord Inchcape absolutely refused to adopt any wording
except a slight modification of that agreed to in the revise o f November 29, 1913
(annexed).(3) After a good deal of discussion Ilakki Pasha and bassoon Effendi
admitted that this attitude was reasonable, and I think they will recom m end the
adoption of the proposed wording at Constantinople, (see article 10.)
2). Sassoon Effendi urged that it was impossible to grant more favourable terms
as regards customs exemption on fuel to the Navigation Company than to the
Bagdad Railway Company, as to do so would at once give rise to a claim for equal
treatment from the railway com pany. I replied that it would be perfectly easy to
decline such a demand from the railway com pany, as there was no analogy whatever
between the two concerns. The Bagdad Railway was an upstart concession dating
from 190 3 ; the British rights of navigation dated from the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
and it was owing to the action and support of British ships that Turkish powTer in
Mesopotamia existed to -d a y ; the vessels o f the Indian Marine had repeatedly
assisted the Pashas o f Bagdad in suppressing disorder at their request, and British
vessels had navigated on those rivers for centuries. In 1846 Sir Stratford Canning
had made an arrangement with the Porte b y which it was solem nly agreed that only
certain restricted dues should be paid on British vessels,(4) but the Turkish G ov[ern-
m en]t had in 1860 sought to restrict the privileges granted in 1846, and they had
even imposed customs duty on the fuel imported by Messrs. L yn ch, a most arbitrary
and illegal proceeding^5) Still we were not now concerned with Messrs. L y n ch ; but
as regards the new Company I must point out that the declaration of July 29,
1913,( 6) was a compromise between the British view of unrestricted British rights
of navigation free of all but certain specified dues, and the Turkish view of restricted
British rights o f navigation which could on ly be exercised subject to the exaction of
dues varying according to the exigencies of the m om ent. W e had, in July and
August, carefully gone over the ground with regard to dues and custom s, and the
concession initialled on August 12,(7) represented what both Hakki Pasha and H [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t considered a fair settlement. If, however, the naviga
tion com pany was to be penalised by the exaction o f customs dues m erely to avoid
requests for exemption from the Bagdad Railway Company it was clear that we
had reached no acceptable com prom ise respecting the navigation question, and I
felt confident that H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t would not agree to the increase
of the Turkish customs duties from 11% to 15% in the absence o f such a com prom ise.
Already criticisms were being made in the press in this country that H [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t had apparently been too facile in agreeing to the customs
increase, and our agreement could not be defended if this longstanding controversy
of the river navigation were not settled.
Moreover, apart altogether from the historical aspect of the question, the Bagdad
Railway Company had a guarantee; this guarantee was, up to a point, a valuable
asset: wTould the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t give the Navigation Company a guarantee
of 5% on the capital involved, making the guarantee a first charge on the proposed
customs increase? I f so, there might be closer analogy between the two enterprises.
Hakki Pasha said that as soon as the gross receipts of the railway reached 4,500 francs
per kilometre the exemption from customs on the railway would cease, and I retorted
that unless the working expenses guarantee were modified the Railway Company
would take good care that the gross receipts did not exceed 4,500 per kilometre.
(3.) [T h is revise is not. rep rod u ced from con sid era tion s o f space. T he final tex t of
D ecem ber 12, 1913, is g iv en in fra , pp. 283-98, N o. 188.]
(4) [cp. supra, p. 91, N o. 60, encl. and n o te (* ) ; pp . 9 2-3, Ed. ATo fe .]
( 5) [M a te r ia l rela tin g to this sub ject can be fo u n d in F.O . 7 8 /3 9 8 8 .]
(«) [» . sup ra , pp. 183-7, N o. 124 (1 ).]
( 7) [v. supra, p. 206, E d. Note.~[
Hakki Pasha and Sassoon Effendi said that the utmost they could do would be,
while granting customs imm unity on everything else for 99 years, to say that it should
be granted for fuel until the Company paid 9 % on its ordinary shares. L ord Inchcape
said that if this was so the negotiations must be regarded as being at an end, and
matters appeared to have reached a deadlock.
I thereupon asked him and his solicitors to come to another room, and I went
back to Hakki Pasha and Sassoon Effendi and pointed out how serious it would be if
negotiations broke down, as not only the navigation agreement, but the whole Anglo-
Turkish settlement would be jeopardised. I asked him if we could not devise some
com prom ise, and after a good deal of discussion he accepted the following arrange
ment, which I then took to Lord Inchcape and w7hich he agreed to as a great
con cession :—
‘ ‘ The exemption from customs duties on all fuel of every description is granted
for a period of 20 years from the date of the signature of these presents and at the
expiration of such period the Company shall be exempt from all customs duties on
fuel in any year in which the aggregate profits of the Company distributed as dividend
since the date of its incorporation are not more than sufficient to have paid an average
dividend of 9 % per annum on the whole of the ordinary capital of the Company in
each year which has then elapsed since the date of its incorporation.
‘ ‘ But save a6 hereinbefore expressly provided to the contrary all the exemptions
granted in this article are granted in perpetuity.”
3). As regards article 14, it was agreed that the statutes of the new Company
should be subject to the approval of the Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t and conform as far
as possible to the model type of statutes for Ottoman joint stock com panies; but it
was provided that the statutes should em body provisions consistent with all the
stipulations of article 14, which, I understand, is exhaustive as regards matters of
real importance.
Lord Inchcape only agreed to this on condition that the concession should be
signed by Thursday December 11 at latest, and that the Ottoman G ov[ernm en]t
would not raise difficulties in regard to the statutes, of which a copy wa6 given to
Sassoon E ffendi, and that the statutes should be approved before Christmas.
4). Lord Inchcape positively declined to convey the Ottoman mails free of c o s t :
he said it meant putting at least ¿£8,000 a year from the pockets of the Company
into those of the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t, and it would be quite impracticable to supply
a cabin gratis on every steamer. Ilakki Pasha and Sassoon Effendi were very bitter
about this and said it would create a most unfavourable impression at Constantinople.
L ord Inchcape said he had made such a valuable concession with regard to customs
duties for 40 out of 60 years that he could make no further concession. As it was,
Sassoon Effendi wonld return to Constantinople with not less than £200.000 of customs
dues, and he could net have £8,0 00 a year for mails as well. I rather think, however,
that Lord Inchcape may agree to convey up to one ton a month of mail matter at a
reduction of 50% on the ordinary cargo rates if everything else goes through without
a hitch, including the statutes.
As to the right to convey foreign mails, it was agreed that it should be stipulated
in the concession that such conveyance should not take place without the assent of
the Ottoman Governm ent, hut that Hakki Pasha should address a note to Sir E . Grey
saying that the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t would agree to the British mails heing conveyed
on Lord Inchcape’ s steamers if H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] so desired. This
note would not be published.
The interview, which had lasted nearly five hours, then term inated; and it is
agreed that Hakki Pasha, Sassoon Effendi, Sir H . Johnson, Mr. H otblack and I are
to meet again at noon to-morrow in order to settle the drafting, and that Sassoon
Effendi will leave for Constantinople on Saturday with Hakki Pasha’ s report and
strong recommendation to the Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t to accept the draft concession
as it stands. He will request telegraphic instructions.
279
I really think we have now impressed both Hakki Pasha and Sassoon Effendi with
the seriousness o f the p osition; but I think a copy of this minute should be sent
by post to Sir L . M allet(8) with the amended concession and that he should be asked
to exercise pressure at Constantinople with a view to a signature next week. I am
positive that Lord Inchcape will throw up the whole thing if the concession is not
signed without delay, and I had the greatest difficulty in preventing him from
breaking off negotiations to-day.
A. P [A R K E R ]. D ecem ber 3, 1913.
M IN U T E S .
M r. P a r k e r deserves praise.
A. N.
M r. P a r k e r ’ s w ork in th is and th e k in d red q u estion s is in valuable
E . G.
(8) \v. supra, p. 276, n o te (*).]
No. 184.
toutes explications utiles quant au montant des droits prélevés par la Commission et
quant aux travaux qui ont nécessité ces droits. Le consul n ’ aura pas, toutefois,
le droit d ’opposer son veto à des travaux jugés nécessaires par la Comm ission.”
No. 185.
[B y Post.]
F.O. 5 4 3 6 6 /1 5 06 3 /1 3 /3 4.
(No. 430.)
Sir, ^ Foreign Office, D ecem ber 5, 1913.
As Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] is aware from my tel[eg ra m ] No. 769 to St. Petersburgh
of N ov[em b er] 29 last,(x) I instructed H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] Minister there to discuss
fully with the M finister for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] the Russian objections to
A rt[ic le ]s 7 and 8 of the Shatt-el-Arab Convention.
I have now received from Mr. O ’ Beirne a report of the result of that discussion,
to the following effect :—
The Russian G ov[ernm enJt will not ask for any alteration of the Convention or
for any new declaration upon condition :—
(a) that IT [is] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] give an assurance that they under
stand by the declaration o f O ct[ob er] 21 (2) that the dragoman of the Russian
Consulate is entitled to be present at the hearing of cases affecting Russian subjects.
W ith this proviso, the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t agree to the Commission being
empowered by ‘ ‘ delegations ’ ’ to enquire into such cases and to impose fines, since
British officials are to be members of that body.
(b) that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overnm ent] agree to the amount of any fines
imposed being levied, and to detention taking place, in the Russian Consulate, provided
that such amount is remitted to the Commission.
_ (c) that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] agree to the Russian Consul being
entitled to acquaint him self with the case and with the Commission (sic) before the
hearing.
(d) that in addition to the accounts which have to be published under
A rt[ic le ] 15 of the Convention, the Commission will furnish the Russian Consul, if
No. 186.
( 1)
Déclaration.( x)
D ecem ber 10, 1913.
Les soussignés, dûment autorisés par leurs Gouvernements, ayant examiné de
nouveau la portée de l ’ article 6 de la déclaration du Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
du 29 juillet, 1913,(2) sont d ’ accord pour déclarer que, cet article ayant pour but de
réserver intacts les droits découlant pour la Société Impériale ottomane du Chemin de
Fer de Bagdad de l ’ article 9 de sa convention, la réserve y contenue s ’ étend aussi aux
matériaux nécessaires à l ’ exploitation de la ligne et de ses embranchements, ainsi
qu’ aux agents et ouvriers que ladite Société aura à transporter, seulement pendant la
durée de la construction.
E n foi de quoi les soussignés ont signé la présente déclaration.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le 10 décembre, 1913. g GREY
i . 'h akkÿ .
( 2)
Déclaration. (3)
D ecem ber 10, 1913.
L e soussigné, dûment autorisé à cet effet, déclare que si le concessionnaire,
soumis à l ’ agrément du Gouvernement Im périal ottoman par le Gouvernement de Sa
0 ) [T h e t e x t here g iv en is ta k en from th a t preserved in th e F o re ig n Office series o f O rigin a l
T rea ties (T u rk ey N o. 89). T here is a co p y also in F.O . 5 6 6 2 0 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 . A co p y w as sent to
H a k k i P asha on D ecem b er 15, 1913.]
(2) [r . sup ra , p. 190, N o. 124 (4 ).]
(3) [T h e t e x t here g iv en is ta k en from th a t preserved in the F oreig n Office series o f O rigin a l
T rea ties (T u rk ey N o. 89). T here is a co p y also in F.O . 5 6 6 2 1 /6 4 6 3 /1 3 /4 4 . A co p y w as sen t to
H a k k i P asha on D ecem b er 15, 1913.]
Majesté britannique, en vertu de l ’ article 3 de la déclaration ottom ane en date du
29 juillet, 1913, relative à la navigation sur les fleuves Tigre et Euphrate, serait rendu
incapable, par suite de maladie ou par toute autre cause, de procéder à la constitution
d ’ une société pour exploiter la concession dont il est question, le Gouvernement
Im périal ottoman s ’ oblige à transférer le bénéfice de ladite concession à un
successeur désigné par le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et accepté par le
Gouvernement Im périal ottoman ; et le soussigné déclare que le terme ‘ ‘ con
cessionnaire,” dans l ’ acte de concession à accorder, sera interprété comme
comprenant tout successeur auquel le bénéfice de ladite concession pourra être ainsi
transféré.
E n foi de quoi le soussigné a signé la présente déclaration.
Fait à Londres, en double original, le 10 décembre, 1913.
I. HAKKY.
No. 187.
de la navigabilité des eaux pour les navires de la société qui seront employés sur
lesdites eaux à la date de la terminaison desdits autorités et droits. '
Les droits, facultés, autorités et exemptions accordés par les présentes (autres que
ledit droit exclusif défini par les articles 4, 5, 6 des présentes, la franchise des droits
de douane accordée par l ’ article 13 des présentes, et les autorités et droits définis par
les articles 10 et 11 des présentes) sont accordés à perpétuité.
13. Le concessionnaire et la société seront libres de toute espèce de taxe, charge
impôt, droit, redevance ou répartition, imposé, prélevé, ou chargé actuellement, ou
devant l ’ être dans la suite à un m oment quelconque, par le Gouvernement Impérial
ottom an, les autorités locales, les municipalités, les commissions fluviales, ou les autres
corps constitués quelconques, tant sur l ’ exercice des droits, facultés et autorités
accordés par les présentes que sur le sol, les édifices, les navires, le matériel, les fonds
et les autres biens et les revenus, à l ’ exception (1) des droits revenant aux vacoufs,
(2) des taxes municipales imposées en rémunération des services rendus, (3) des taxes
établies pour les frais d ’ amélioration du cours du Chatt-el-Arab, en tant que les navires
de la société en profiteraient directement et se trouveraient ainsi dans le cas de les
payer, eu égard, bien entendu, au tarif réduit qui sera appliqué impartialement par la
com m ission ad hoc à tous les navires exclusivement affectés à la navigation fluviale;
(4) les^ impôts afférents à tout imm euble de rapport que la société aura dans sa
possession en dehors des exigences de son service.
Les matériaux, fers, bois, houille, machines, voitures, wagons, et autres appro
visionnements et munitions, nécessaires au premier établissement, ainsi qu ’ au bon
entretien et à l ’ augmentation éventuelle du service fluvial, que le concessionnaire ou
la société achètera dans l ’ Empire ottoman ou qu ’ il fera venir de l ’ étranger, seront
toujours exempts de tous impôts intérieurs et de tous droits de douane. Les navires
et embarcations de toute nature nécessaires de temps en temps au service fluvial
seront également exempts de tous impôts intérieurs et de tous droits de douane.
L a franchise des droits de douane est expressément limitée à une période de
quatre-vingt dix neuf ans à partir de la date de la signature des présentes, à moins
qu ’ elle ne soit renouvelée par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman en considération des
services rendus par la société.
La franchise des droits de douane sur les combustibles est accordée pour une
période de vingt ans à partir de la signature des présentes, et à l ’ expiration de cette
période la Société sera exempte de tout droit de douane sur les combustibles pour
toute année où le bénéfice net de la Société (abstraction faite de tous frais, y compris
ceux d ’ administration, d ’exploitation, de dépréciation, et les dividendes à payer sur
les actions de priorité et sur les obligations) n ’ aura pas dépassé une somme suffisant
à payer un dividende m oyen de 9 pour cent par an sur le montant effectivement versé
des actions ordinaires pour toute année écoulée depuis la date de sa constitution. Il
est toutefois entendu que lesdits droits de douane ne seront prélevés que sous la
réserve que le bénéfice à distribuer n ’ en soit réduit à un taux inférieur à 9 pour cent.
Il ne sera perçu aucun droit de timbre sur le présent contrat ni sur les statuts de
la société ni sur les conventions additionnelles ni sur les actes subséquents. Le
concessionnaire ou la société sera soumis au droit de timbre pour toutes les actions, les
actions de priorité, les obligations, ou sur les autres titres de n ’ importe quelle espèce;
le concessionnaire ou la société sera aussi soumis au droit de timbre pour toutes ses
opérations autres que celles pour lesquelles la franchise lui est accordée par les
présentes.
Il ne sera imposé, prélevé, ou établi, par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman ou
par aucune autorité locale, municipalité, com m ission fluviale, ou autre corps constitué
quelconque, aucune taxe, ou autre charge quelconque, sur les voyageurs, le bétail ou
les marchandises, ou à leur égard, à l ’ occasion de leur transport par les bâtiments, ou
de leur passage par les établissements, de la société, soit à leur entrée, soit à leur sortie,
à moins que lesdites taxes et charges ne soient également perçues sur, ou à l ’ égard
de, tous les voyageurs, marchandises ou bétail transportés par tous autres m oyens de
transport ‘
287
14. Les statuts de la société seront soumis à l ’ approbation du Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman. Les statuts ainsi que la constitution de la société s’ accorderont,
autant que possible, avec le type modèle prescrit pour les Sociétés anonymes
ottomanes, lequel type modèle sera com biné (sous réserve de tout contrat entre le
Gouvernement Im périal ottoman et le concessionnaire ou la société à l ’ effet du
contraire) avec les dispositions spéciales ci-dessous énoncées et numérotées (a)-(fc),
ainsi qu ’ avec les autres dispositions spéciales de ces présentes :—
(a) Il y aura un président de la société, qui devra être un sujet ottom an nom m é
par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman.
(b) Le président, ou en son absence le président du conseil d ’ administration,
devra présider toutes les assemblées générales des actionnaires, et en cas d ’ égalité de
voix il aura une voix prépondérante en addition à la voix ou aux voix auxquelles il
pourra avoir droit en qualité d ’ actionnaire.
(c) Tout actionnaire (sous réserve de toutes conditions spéciales, approuvées et
par le président du conseil d ’ administration et par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman,
relativement au vote auxquelles un nouveau capital pourra être émis) aura une voix
en raison de chaque action détenue par lui à toute assemblée générale des actionnaires,
en tant que le président de la société n ’aura pas décidé que les actionnaires voteront
par unités. Dans le sens du présent article, les actionnaires britanniques constitueront
une unité, et les autres actionnaires constitueront l ’ autre unité. Chaque unité ainsi
constituée aura une voix, qui sera donnée conform ém ent au désir de la m ajorité des
membres de cette unité présents à cette assemblée générale ; et, dans le cas où ces
membres seraient également divisés, le président du conseil d ’ administration ou, en
son absence, le vice-président du conseil d ’ administration, dans le cas des actionnaires
britanniques, et le président de la société, dans le cas des autres actionnaires, auront
respectivement droit à une voix prépondérante pour déterminer le sens du vote de
cette unité.
E n cas d ’ égalité de voix à toute assemblée générale des actionnaires à laquelle les
actionnaires votent par unités, le président de la société aura une voix prépondérante
en addition à la voix de son unité.
(d) Le Gouvernement Impérial ottom an nommera la m oitié des premiers
administrateurs de la société. L ’ autre m oitié des premiers administrateurs de la
société seront nommés par le concessionnaire. Après la première nom ination, toute
place vacante qui viendrait à se produire parmi les administrateurs nom m és par le
Gouvernement Im périal ottoman sera remplie par un nouveau directeur à nom m er
par ledit Gouvernement, et toute place vacante parmi les autres administrateurs
sera remplie par un nouveau directeur à nom m er par le président du conseil
d ’ administration.
A la condition que rien dans les présentes n ’ empêche le conseil d ’ administration
(ci-après dénom m é “ le co n s e il” ) de fonctionner à un moment quelconque durant
lequel la constitution du conseil ne sera pas conform e à la disposition m entionnée en
dernier lieu.
Chaque administrateur aura une voix à toute assemblée du conseil en tant que le
président du conseil, ou, en son absence, le vice-président du conseil, n ’ aura pas
décidé que les administrateurs voteront par unités. Dans le sens du présent article,
les administrateurs nommés par le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an constitueront
une unité, et les autres administrateurs constitueront l ’ autre unité.
Chaque unité ainsi constituée aura une voix, qui sera donnée conform ém ent au
désir de la majorité des membres de cette unité présents à cette assemblée ; et, dans
le cas où ces membres seraient également divisés, le président de la société dans le
cas des administrateurs nommés par le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an et le
président du conseil d ’ administration ou, en son absence, le vice-président du conseil
d ’ administration, dans le cas des autres administrateurs, auront respectivement
droit à une voix prépondérante pour déterm iner le sens du vote de cette unité.
E n cas d ’ égalité de voix à toute assemblée du conseil à laquelle les administra
teurs votent par unités, le président du conseil d ’ administration, ou en son absence,
288
le vice-président du conseil d ’ administration, aura une voix prépondérante en addition
à la voix de son unité.
Le conseil pourra déterminer le quorum nécessaire pour constituer une
assemblée du conseil, à la condition que la présence de deux des administrateurs
nommés par le concessionnaire ou par le président du conseil d ’ administration soient
toujours requis pour constituer un quorum.
(c) Le président du conseil d ’ administration et le vice-président du conseil
d ’ administration devront toujours être sujets britanniques. A chaque séance du
conseil le président, s’ il est présent, ou, en son absence, le vice-président, présidera;
et aura, en cas d ’ égalité de voix, à toute séance du conseil, une voix prépondérante
en addition à sa voix ordinaire en qualité d ’ administrateur. Le premier président
du conseil d ’ administration sera le concessionnaire, qui conservera cette fonction à
son gré. A la mort ou à la démission de tout président du conseil le vice-président
succédera à sa place, et, dans le cas où il n ’ y aura pas de vice-président, le président
du conseil d ’ administration sera élu par les voix des administrateurs nommés par le
concessionnaire ou le président du conseil. Le premier vice-président sera nommé
par le concessionnaire, qui aura qualité pour le révoquer à sa discrétion, et tout vice-
président ultérieur sera nom m é par le président du conseil d ’ administration, qui aura
qualité pour le révoquer à sa discrétion.
(/) La société adoptera tous contrats ou toutes conventions provisoires pour la
nom ination de directeurs, gérants ou agents faits par le concessionnaire au nom de
la société avant son incorporation.
(g) Sous réserve des dispositions contenues dans les présentes, l ’ entière conduite
et l ’ entière direction des affaires de la société seront confiées au conseil.
(h) Les pouvoirs du conseil ne pourront être contrôlés, limités ou étendus que
par une délibération passée par une majorité non inférieure aux trois quarts des
m embres de la société ayant le droit de voter présents en personne ou par procuration
à une assemblée générale de la société, et les statuts de la société ne pourront être
modifiés que par une telle délibération. Toutefois en tant que les statuts à modifier
seront relatifs aux clauses de ces présentes, ils ne seront pas susceptibles de modifica
tions qu ’ à la suite d ’ un accord intervenu entre la société, le président du conseil
d ’ administration et le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman.
(?) Le bureau central de la société sera à Constantinople : celle-ci pourra établir
des sièges dans d ’ autres villes de l ’ Empire ottoman ou à l ’ étranger. L e conseil
d ’ administration se réunira, selon sa propre décision, dans un des sièges de la société,
et le lieu de réunion de l ’ assemblée générale des actionnaires devra être déterminé
chaque fois par le conseil d ’ administration.
(j) Aucun transfert d ’ actions de la société ne sera valable avant d ’ avoir été
approuvé par le conseil, et si le cédant est un sujet britannique, également par le
président du conseil. Toute approbation de cette nature pourra être donnée ou
refusée à la discrétion absolue du conseil ou du président du conseil, suivant le cas,
et sans qu’ ils soient tenus de déclarer la raison d ’ un tel refus.
A la condition que, dans le cas où le cédant n ’ est pas un sujet ottom an, aucun
transfert ne puisse être approuvé jusqu’ à ce que les actions en question aient été
d ’ abord offertes à et refusées par un ou plusieurs sujets britanniques approuvés par
le président du conseil d ’ administration, et dans la suite offertes à un ou plusieurs
sujets ottomans approuvés par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman et dans le cas où
le cédant est un sujet ottom an, aucun transfert ne puisse avoir lieu que 6Í l ’ acheteur
est un sujet ottoman approuvé par le Gouvernement Impérial ottom an.
Toute action offerte doit être libre de toute charge ou obligation quelconque ;
la vente ne doit comporter aucune condition ou restriction autre que celles afférentes
aux actions en vertu des statuts de la société ; et l ’ offre doit se faire à un cours
convenable, ou s ’ il n ’ y a pas de cote, au prix que le conseil fixera comme étant la
valeur convenable de ces actions.
Toute offre de cette nature sera censée avoir été refusée si elle n ’ est pas acceptée
dans un délai d ’ un mois à partir de sa communication au Gouvernement Impérial
289
ottoman ou au concessionnaire ou au président du conseil d ’ administration, suivant
le cas.
Il ne sera pas émis d ’ actions ou de titres d ’ actions déclarant que le porteur de
ceux-ci a droit aux actions y spécifiées, ni de certificats d ’ actions comprenant ou
portant au dos un acte de transfert. Aucune action ne sera transférable autrement
que par un acte de transfert enregistré dans les livres de la société.
(k) Les statuts pourront contenir les dispositions que le concessionnaire jugera
appropriées à l ’ égard des objets suivants, à savoir :—
(1) Pour déterminer les conditions auxquelles (s’ il y en a) toute corporation sera
autorisée à devenir actionnaire de la société.
(2) Pour assurer qu’ aucune action de la société ne sera tenue par le détenteur
de cette action, directement ou indirectem ent, en qualité de dépositaire
au nom, pour le bénéfice, pour le compte ou sous le contrôle de toute
autre personne ou autres personnes ou corporations quelconques non
approuvées expressément par le conseil, et aussi pour permettre au conseil
de prévenir toute infraction à cette disposition en ordonnant le transfert
obligatoire des actions par le détenteur, ou autrement com m e le conseil
le jugera convenable.
15. Les statuts contiendront en outre des dispositions pour assurer que le nombre
d ’ actions émises par la société lors de la première répartition sera partagé en propor
tions égales, parmi des sujets ottomans et britanniques. Dans le but de fixer le
montant du capital-actions initial à libérer, de manière à suffire aux besoins de la
société, le conseil pourra établir à l ’ égard du montant à payer sur les actions émises
à des sujets britanniques les dispositions qu ’ il jugera appropriées, et pourra dans la
suite établir relativement à des appels de nouveaux payements sur ces actions les
dispositions qu’ il jugera convenables le cas échéant.
Il est bien entendu que tout dividende à payer doit être en proportion des
sommes effectivement versées par' les actionnaires et que toutes actions nouvelles à
émettre doivent être proposées tout d ’ abord pour souscription aux anciens actionnaires
en proportion des actions détenues par eux. La société peut émettre, sur la demande
du conseil d ’ administration et par décision de l ’ assemblée générale, des actions de
priorité à intérêt fixe et sans participation aux bénéfices ou des obligations. Mais
aucune émission de nouvelles actions ordinaires n ’ aura lieu tant que le montant
intégral des actions ordinaires originales n ’ ait été effectivement versé.
16. A une date (ci-après dénommée date du transfert) qui sera fixée dans la
suite par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman et le concessionnaire, et qui ne sera
pas, sauf avec le consentement du concessionnaire, postérieure de plus de deux mois
solaires à la date de la constitution de la société, le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
(ou le concessionnaire si le transfert mentionné à l ’ article 31 a déjà eu lieu) trans
férera à la société, libres de toutes hypothèques, charges, retenues ou autres
obligations :—
(a) Les biens sur lesquels le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman possède tout droit
ou intérêt énuméré dans la première partie de la seconde annexe aux
présentes.
( b) Les autres biens que le concessionnaire choisira conform ém ent à l ’ article 17
des présentes.
(c) Le bénéfice de ceux d ’ entre le6 contrats énumérés dans la seconde partie de la
seconde annexe aux présentes que le concessionnaire choisira pour être
transférés.
Tous les biens devant être transférés par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
à la Société seront aux risques et périls du Gouvernement Impérial ottoman jusqu’ à
ce qu’ ils soient effectivement transférés à la société.
[109001 ü
290
17. Immédiatement après la signature de la présente concession le Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman et le concessionnaire nommeront chacun un agent, et les agents ainsi
nommés prépareront conjointement une liste détaillée (ci-après dénommée Liste (A ))
des biens compris dans la première partie de la seconde annexe, ainsi qu’ une liste
(ci-après dénommée Liste (B) ) des autres biens du Gouvernement Impérial ottoman
employés dans les affaires de navigation sur les eaux définies à l ’ article 9, que le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman est disposé à transférer, mais qui ne sont pas
compris dans la première partie de ladite annexe, et également, autant qu’il sera
possible, considérant le fait que la date du transfert pourra ne pas être déterminée, une
liste (ci-après dénommée Liste (C) ) des contrats com pris dans la deuxième partie de
ladite annexe, avec des indications détaillées en ce qui concerne le6 termes desdits
contrats. Toutes corrections dans la liste mentionnée en dernier lieu seront, le cas
échéant, communiquées à l ’ agent du concessionnaire. Au moins un mois avant la date
fixée comme date du transfert, le concessionnaire communiquera au Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman le détail des biens compris dans la Liste (B) dont il désire le
transfert à la société et des contrats compris dans la Liste (C). dont il désire que le
bénéfice soit transféré à la société.
18. L ’ équivalent qui devra être donné au Gouvernement Im périal ottoman pour
le transfert des biens de la Liste (A) et des biens de la Liste (B), que le concessionnaire
choisira pour être transférés comme il est dit ci-dessus, en sera la valeur convenable,
qui sera payée ainsi qu’ il est prévu dans l ’ article 19. Cette valeur ne comprendra
aucune augmentation de valeur qui pourrait être attribuée à ee6 biens en raison de
l ’ existence de tout achalandage en relation avec les affaires de navigation conduites
actuellement par le Gouvernement Impérial ottom an, ou en raison de tous droits
exclusifs accordés à la société ou de toutes obligations imposées à celle-ci. Dans le
cas où ladite valeur ne pourrait pas être convenue, elle sera déterminée conformém ent
à l ’ article 21.
19. Ledit équivalent sera payé par l ’ attribution à un ou plusieurs ayants droit du
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman d ’ actions de la société émises comme entièrement
libérées, dont la valeur nominale sera égale à la valeur déterminée conformément aux
dispositions de l ’ article 18, et le montant de cet équivalent constituera la moitié
ottomane du capital-actions à laquelle il est fait allusion à l ’ article 15.
20. L ’ équivalent pour le transfert du bénéfice des contrats compris dans la
Liste (C), que le concessionnaire choisira pour être transférés sera l ’ engagement par
la société de remplir les obligations réciproques qui autrement devraient être remplies
à ce sujet par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman, cette obligation étant proportionnée
quand cela sera nécessaire, de sorte que le rapport de l ’ obligation à entreprendre par la
société à l ’obligation totale entreprise à l ’ origine par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman
sera égal au rapport du bénéfice transféré à la société au bénéfice total assuré à
l ’origine au Gouvernement Impérial ottoman conformém ent aux termes du contrat.
21. Au cas où l ’ on ne s ’ entendrait pas en ce qui concerne la répartition de ces
contrats, ou la valeur des biens à être transférés comme il est dit ci-dessus, tout
différend sera tranché par un arbitre qui sera désigné par convention mutuelle entre la
société et le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman, et au cas où une telle convention
n’ aboutirait pas, cet arbitre sera choisi par le président de la Cour de Cassation à Paris.
22. Le fait qu’ un tel différend n ’ ait pas été tranché à la date du transfert ne
2onstituera pas une raison de différer le transfert, et l ’ équivalent pour le transfert sera
assuré par l’ émission d ’ actions ou par l’ émission d ’ actions et le dépôt, dans une banque
qui sera désignée par convention mutuelle, d ’ espèces ou de valeurs représentant le
montant désigné comme représentant la valeur des biens transférés par le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman, et le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman s’ engagera,
dans le ca6 où la valeur telle qu’elle sera déterminée par l ’ arbitre serait inférieure à la
valeur nominale des actions ainsi émises, à souscrire en espèces pour l ’ excès d ’ actions
attribuées.
23. lia société pourra, autant qu’ elle le jugera nécessaire ou souhaitable pour les
objets de son entreprise, construire et ouvrir sur des terrains dont elle aura besoin,
291
des docks, quais, jetées, débarcadères, plans inclinée, fanaux, magasins, ateliers, dépôts
et autres, qui pourront être d ’ accès privé ou ouvert au public aux conditions que la
société pourra déterminer.
A la condition que rien dans les présentes ne portera atteinte aux droits conférés
à la Compagnie de Chemins de Fer de Bagdad en vertu de l ’ article 23 de la Convention
du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad du 5 mars, 1903 (20 février, 1318), lesquels droits sont
entièrement réservés.
24. L ’ entreprise étant d ’ utilité publique, le terrain requis le cas échéant par la
société pour la construction de docks, quais, jetées, débarcadères, plans inclinés, fanaux,
magasins, ateliers, dépôts et autres, ou les terrains requis de toute autre manière pour
les objets de l ’ entreprise de la société, appartenant à des particuliers (la nécessité de ces
constructions et objets étant reconnue, en tant qu ’il s ’ agit d ’ expropriations, par le
Gouvernement Impérial sur la demande de la société) seront pris conform ém ent à la loi
concernant l ’ expropriation, dans les cas où il n ’ aura pas été possible d ’arriver à une
entente entre la société et les propriétaires pour l ’ achat de ces terrains.
L e Gouvernement Impérial ottoman expropriera et remettra à la société le terrain
ainsi requis et tout ce qui y appartient. Si dans lesdits terrains il se trouve des
terrains dits Arazii-Em iriei-Halié (terrains domaniaux vacants) ils seront remis
gratuitement à la société.
Le terrain nécessaire pour l ’occupation temporaire au cours des travaux de
construction seront remis à la société par les autorités locales à la condition que la
société indemnisera les propriétaires.
25. Le bois nécessaire pour la construction et l ’ exploitation du service de navigation
pourra être coupé dans les forêts des districts avoisinants appartenant à l ’ Etat,
conformém ent aux règlements relatifs à ce sujet.
26. Sous réserve de toutes dispositions expresses contenues dans les présentes,
la société sera soumise à toutes les lois de l ’ Em pire ottoman auxquelles sont soumis
actuellement et le seront dans la suite le6 personnes et corporations ottomanes en
général, mais aucune loi ne sera passée faisant distinction au détriment de la société.
27. Dans le cas où le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman accordera à des tiers la
concession de l ’ exploitation des sources pétrolifères, et en tant que les exploitants
desdites sources auront recours au transport fluvial, le concessionnaire s ’ engage à leur
offrir des bateaux-citernes et autres facilités requises pour de tels transports aux
conditions à déterminer par accord mutuel.
28. Aucune distinction quelconque ne sera faite par la société ou requise par le
Gouvernement Im périal ottoman à l ’ égard de marchandises sur la base du domicile,
de l ’ emplacement des affaires, ou de la nationalité du propriétaire, consignateur
ou consignataire de ces marchandises, ou du pays d ’ origine ou de la destination de ces
marchandises ou à l’ égard de la nationalité ou de la propriété du navire dans lequel
les marchandises sont transportés vers ou depuis les ports ottomans.
A la condition que rien de ce qui est contenu aux présentes n ’ empêchera la société
de prendre les mesures qui seront jugées à propos par le Gouvernement Im périal
ottoman à l ’ égard des marchandises dont le propriétaire, expéditeur ou consignataire
est domicilié ou exerce les affaires dans le territoire d ’ un Etat qui sera au temps en
cours en guerre avec la Sublime Porte.
Toute distinction de ce genre à l ’ égard du remorquage de vaisseaux et de
bâtiments est de même prohibée, et sous la m ême réserve.
La société ne conclura avec aucune com pagnie de navigation maritime
d ’ arrangements en vue d ’ appliquer un tarif spécial et de faveur aux marchandises
transportées par telle compagnie d ’ un port étranger jusqu’ à Bassora ou jusqu’ à quelque
autre port desservi par les bâtiments de la société, et transportées de ce point par les
bâtiments de la société jusqu’ à Bagdad ou jusqu’ à quelque autre point desservi par les
bâtiments de la société, sans admettre immédiatement au bénéfice d ’ un tel arrangement
(en tant que cela dépendra de ladite société) toute autre compagnie de navigation
maritime qui transporterait des marchandises analogues dans les mêmes conditions
entre les mêmes points.
[10900] U 2
292
29. Aussitôt que le transfert prévu aux articles 16 et 31 des présentes aura lieu,
le concessionnaire assurera sur le fleuve un service de navigation au moins égal à celui
existant au moment de ce transfert. Dès qu’ elle aura disposé d ’ une période raisonnable
pour acquérir de l ’ expérience dans l ’ exploitation de cette concession, mais pas
plus de six mois après 6a form ation, la société soumettra à l ’ approbation du Gouverne
ment Impérial ottoman un tableau indicatif du service m inimum qu’ elle fournira
normalement, ainsi que du tarif maximum normal qu’ elle imposera pour le transport
de6 marchandises et des voyageurs entre les points compris dans ledit service et en
attendant que lesdits tableau et tarif soient soumis par la Société au Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman, le tarif maximum normal à imposer par la Société ne dépassera
pas le maximum existant à la date du transfert desdites propriétés selon les dispositions
de6 articles 16 et 31 des présentes.
Si, dans les trois mois de la soumission de ce tableau, aucune objection n ’ y est
notifiée à la société par le Gouvernement Impérial ottom an, ledit tableau sera alors
censé avoir été approuvé par le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman. Si le Gouverne
ment Impérial ottoman soulève quelque objection contre ledit tableau et que celle-ci
ne soit pas acceptée, la question sera soumise à l ’ arbitrage (de la manière prévue par
l ’ article 21b
A la condition que la société pourra exiger du Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
que le service minimum indiqué dans le tableau soit diminué si à une époque quel
conque les bénéfices de la société ne suffisent pas au payement d ’ un dividende d ’au
moins 5 pour cent (abstraction faite des dépenses de dépréciation) aux actions
ordinaires.
A l ’ expiration de cinq années à partir de sa fixation par accord mutuel ou autre
ment, tout tableau de ce genre ou toute révision de celui-ci seront, à la requête de
la société, sujets à révision quand il y aura lieu, et toute contestation surgissant à
propos d ’ une requête à cet effet sera tranchée de la même manière et sous la même
réserve.
A la condition que rien de ce qui est contenu aux présentes ni aucun défaut par
la société de se conform er à un tableau par lequel elle sera liée au temps en cours
ne pourra en aucune manière donner lieu à la réduction ni à la limitation d ’ aucun
des droits, libertés, facultés ou avantages accordés par cette concession, si ce n ’ est
au droit pour le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman d ’ exiger l ’ amende prévue à
l ’ article 30.
En ce qui concerne les voyages de service, le transport des agents de l ’ État, et
des militaires des armées de terre et de m er, voyageant en corps ou isolément, tant
en temps de guerre qu’ en temps de paix, sera effectué 6elon le tarif actuellement en
vigueur réduit de 50 pour cent.
Le transport des prisonniers et condamnés sera effectué à une pareille réduction.
L e transport du matériel et des approvisionnements de guerre sera effectué selon
le tarif actuellement en vigueur réduit de 15 pour cent.
En considération de ce tarif réduit, et sans porter préjudice au paragraphe 2 de
l ’ article 11, le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman se servira exclusivement des navires
et des embarcations de la société pour lesdits transports, sauf dans le cas où soit
pour cause d ’ urgence, soit pour tout autre m otif, la société ne sera pas à même de
pourvoir au service qui lui sera demandé d ’ avance par notification des autorités
locales, civiles ou militaires.
30. En cas de défaut par la société de se conform er au tableau (le cas échéant)
fixé aux termes de l ’ article 29 et par lequel elle sera liée au temps en cours, le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman aura le droit de donner à la société un avis par écrit
exposant les circonstances détaillées du défaut allégué et requérant la société de se
conform er audit tableau. Si, après la réception de cet avis, la société persiste
volontairement dans ledit défaut pendant une période de non moins de six mois, le
Gouvernement Impérial ottoman aura le droit d ’ exiger une amende, qui n ’ excédera
pas 10 pour cent des bénéfices nets gagnés par la société pendant toute année dans
laquelle se prolongera le défaut après l ’ expiration desdits six mois. En aucun cas
293
il ne pourra être exigé plus d ’ une amende à l'égard d ’ une année quelconque. Si le
droit d ’ exiger cette amende est contesté par la société, le point sera tranché par un
arbitre de la manière prévue à l ’ article 21, et cet arbitre déterminera absolument à
son gré le montant de l ’ amende à infliger, sous réserve de la limite prévue au présent
article.
31. Nonobstant toute disposition précédente et à titre de mesure préliminaire à
la formation de la société et au transfert à elle de cette concession, le concessionnaire,
m oyennant la fourniture de la garantie ci-après mentionnée et un préavis d ’ un mois,
aura à toute époque le droit de demander au Gouvernement Im périal ottoman de lui
transférer la totalité ou une partie quelconque des différentes propriétés comprises
dans la première partie de la seconde annexe, ainsi que le bénéfice de ceux des
contrats énumérés dans la deuxième partie de la même annexe que le concessionnaire
élira de se faire transférer, comme aussi tous les intérêts du Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman dans les droits de navigation et autres formant l'objet de cette concession,
et d ’ exercer par lui-même ou par ses agents tous les droits, libertés et facultés concédés
par les présentes, et généralement d'exploiter ladite navigation et de faire tous les
actes s 'y rapportant qu’ il jugera à propos dans son absolue discrétion en conformité
de l ’ article 29 des présentes, sauf les réserves ci-dessus faites pour la protection de
Messrs. L yn ch et de la Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad, et le Gouvernement
Impérial ottoman sera tenu de transférer au concessionnaire lesdits droits et propriétés
à l ’ expiration dudit avis ou auparavant.
La garantie ci-dessus m entionnée sera celle de l ’ Agence de Londres de la Banque
Impériale ottomane, et sera en la forme du projet de garantie qui forme la troisième
annexe des présentes.
Il est bien entendu qu'au cas où le concessionnaire exercerait le droit de prendre
à son com pte lesdits droits et propriétés avant l ’ incorporation de la société, celle-ci
sera tenue, aussitôt que possible après son incorporation (en outre d ’ avoir à se
conform er aux dispositions de l ’ article 3 des présentes : (a d'adopter et prendre
à son compte tous les contrats, conventions et arrangements faits par le concession
naire ou par ses agents, et de ratifier et adopter tous les actes faits par lui ou par
eux dans l ’ exercice réel ou présumé des pouvoirs accordés par les présentes; (b de
garantir le concessionnaire et ses agents contre tous aetioos. poursuites, jugem ents,
pertes, réclamations, demandes et frais quelconques que lui ou eux anrcnt pu souffrir,
éprouver ou encourir à toute époque précédente ou pourront souffrir, éprouver ou
encourir à toute époque ultérieure, dans l ’ exercice réel ou présumé par lui ou par
eux des droits, libertés et facultés accordés par h s présentes et généralement dans
l ’ exploitation de la navigation, et le concessionnaire sera alors tenu de rendre compte
à la société de tout bénéfice qui aura pu être réalisé par l'exploitation de ladite
navigation com m e il est dit ci-dessus.
32. Les employés et agents de la société porteront la tenue qui sera fixée et
adoptée par le Gouvernement Im périal ottom an ; sauf les fonctionnaires et les
employés supérieurs, ils st ront, autant que possible, choisis parmi les sujets ottomans.
33. Les objets d'art et d ’ antiquité découverts pendant les travaux de la société
seront soumis aux règlem. r.ts régissant la matière.
34. L e Gouvernement Im périal ottom an pourra faire élever, à ses frais, des
retranchements et travaux de défense sur les bords des fleuves.
35. La société pourra établir, à ses frais, des poteaux et des fils télégraphiques
et téléphoniques; elle pourra de même établir des communications souterraines, soit
télégraphiques, soit téléphoniques. Ces fils suivront le cours des fleuves, ou ils
passeront en ligne directe d ’ une embarcadère à l ’ autre, au gré de la société; ils ne
pourront pas servir aux correspondances privées n ’ ayant pas trait au service fluvial.
Le Gouvernement Im périal se réserve le droit de faire contrôler à tout moment
par des inspecteurs délégués par le Ministre des Postes et Télégraphes, toute la
correspondance télégraphique passant par les fils de la société.
L e Gouvernement pourra faire usage des poteaux de la société pour l ’ établisse
ment d ’ un et, au besoin, de deux fils télégraphiques, et les poteaux de la société
294
seront établis de façon à pouvoir supporter ces deux fils supplémentaires, ainsi que
ceux de la société. E n cas de besoin le Gouvernement aura le droit d ’installer, en
cas de rupture et de dérangement de ses lignes, des télégraphistes dans les stations
pour la transmission par les lignes télégraphiques de la société des dépêches officielles
importantes et urgentes, à la condition, toutefois, de n ’ apporter aucune entrave au
service fluvial.
36. A aucun moment de son exploitation la Société ne pourra entreprendre
aucun service postal étranger sans permission préalable du Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman.
37.Nonobstant toute disposition précédente de ces présentes, il est expressé
ment entendu que, aprèsl ’ expiration de lapériode exclusive définie à l ’ article 6, la
Société ne sera soumise à aucune disposition ou condition restrictive, à moins que
les autres services de navigation commerciale sur les eaux définies à l ’ article 9 des
présentes n ’ y soient également soumis.
38. Toute contestation qui pourra surgir, soit entre le Gouvernement Impérial
ottoman et le concessionnaire ou la société, soit entre le concessionnaire et la société,
à propos de l ’ interprétation ou de l ’ exécution de la présente concession sera, sous
réserve des dispositions expresses contenues aux présentes, et à la requête de Tune
ou l ’ autre des parties intéressées, soumise au Tribunal international ¿ ’ Arbitrage de
La Haye.
Fait à Londres le 12 décem bre, 1913.
[L .S .] I. H A K K Y.
[L .S .] IN CH CAPE.
P r e m iè r e A n nexe.
D e u x iè m e A nnexe.
D euxièm e Partie.
Contrats non expirés à la date du transfert et relatifs :
(a A la location ou à l ’ usage de terrains et d ’ édifices;
(b Aux services d ’ em ployés;
(c) A la fourniture de combustible et d ’ approvisionnements :
(d Au remorquage de chalands et au transfort de voyageurs et de
marchandises ;
(e) A la construction d ’ ouvrages d ’ art ou d ’ édifices.
Fait à Londres le 12 décembre, 1913.
I. H A K K Y .
IN CH CAPE.
T r o is iè m e A nnexe.
D eclaration,(3)
Déclaration secrete.(*)
No. 189.
0 ) [C opies o f this com m u n ica tion w ere sent to the B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to the In d ia Office. F o r
th e enclosures v. in fra , pp. 304-10, Nos. 1 9 0 -1 ; supra, p. 242, Ed. N o te. T he te x t is p rin ted in
fu ll in G .F., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 3 08 -1 4.]
(2) [r . supra, pp. 242-9, No. 156, and en d s.]
(s) [17. immediately succeeding document.]
299
proposals which thev put forward, as a basis of negotiation, on the 7th May, 1913,(4)
and from which each successive counter-draft seems to have constituted a further
departure. So wide indeed has been the departure that even such important conditions
as those contained in section 2 ( b) and the first and third sentences of section 3 of the
memorandum of that date,— which went far to constitute the credit side of the
transaction from the British standpoint,— have now, by the wording of the German
counter-draft of the 3rd November, 1913 (article 2, clause (ci, last paragraph, article 4,
clauses ( b) and (c), and article 5, clause b) ),(s' been substantially whittled away.
His M ajesty’ s Government recognise that the proposals made on the 7th May,
1913,(4) were to some extent tentative and non-com mittal, and they have accordingly
not been unwilling, as the German Government are aware, to concede certain important
points in the course of negotiation in the interests o f a general settlem ent; but they
are persuaded that they cannot go further in this direction without so weakening
the conditions secured in British interests as to expose the whole Convention to
unanswerable criticism and therefore to insuperable objection. This will be the more
apparent when attention is drawn to the following considerations, a course which
Has M ajesty’ s Government adopt in no controversial spirit.
The principal desiderata of His M ajesty’ s Government have from the first been,
and, as indicated in the present British counter-draft, still are, confined to two
p oin ts:—
(a) That there should be no change detrimental to British interests in what His
M ajesty’ s Government regard as the political status quo at the head of
the Persian Gulf.
(b) That there should be n o sort of discrimination against British trade on the
Bagdad Bailway.
These points are largely covered by section 2 of the memorandum of the 7th M ay,
1913,(4) and by the proposal, confidentially explained to Herr von E uhlm ann on the
same date, for the institution of a Riverain Commission on the Shatt-el-Arab.(6)
On the other hand, the desiderata of the German Governm ent, as conceded in
the present counter-draft, are relatively not inconsiderable :—
(a) His M ajesty’ s Government agree to an increase in the Turkish customs
duties, an increase which must be borne largely by British trade, which
represents some 30 per cent, of the total foreign imports into T u rk e y ; this
increase is virtually a si7ie qua. non to the successful com pletion of the
Bagdad Railway.
(b) His M ajesty’ s Government undertake not to oppose the construction and
management o f the proposed railway right down to Basra, the on ly natural
commercial terminus o f such a line, by the Bagdad Railway Company.
T hey thereby abandon all claim to British control in the Bagdad-Basra
section : it will be recollected that the satisfaction of this claim was at one
time a principal condition of British assent to the customs increase.
(c) H is M ajesty’ s Government agree that, in the important provinces o f Bagdad
and Mosul, where British trade has long been predominant, they will
support no railway undertakings either in direct competition with the
Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s lines or with that Com pany’ s existing rights.
(d) His M ajesty’ s Government agree not to oppose the acquisition b y German
interests of 40 per cent, of the share capital allotted to Turkey in the
proposed Ottoman River Navigation Company.
(e) His M ajesty’ s Government acquiesce in certain facilities being granted to
the Bagdad Railway Company on the R iver Tigris at Bagdad.
W hile His M ajesty’ s Government have no desire to exaggerate the disparity
between these respective desiderata, they are confident that the German Governm ent
( 4) [r. supra, p p . 97-8, N o. 66 ]
(5) [r . supra, pp. 243-9, N o. 156, encl. 2 .]
( 6) [N o record o f th is e x p la n a tio n can be tra ce d .]
300
will appreciate their attitude in regarding the proposals put forward in the revised
counter-draft now enclosed as representing the utmost limit o f concession to which
they can properly agree.
Sir E . Grey will now proceed to deal seriatim with the points raised by Herr von
Kiihlmann in his covering note of the 3rd November,( 7) and to refer when necessary
to the corresponding clauses of the counter-draft.
His M ajesty’ s Government are in principle opposed to explanatory notes, holding
that a convention itself should be so clear and precise as to require no explanation;
nevertheless, they recognise that, in the present instance, many points of detail are
involved and that their inclusion in the text of the convention might prove somewhat
cumbrous and inconvenient, and they are accordingly prepared to defer to the wish
of the German Government, on the distinct understanding that the explanatory note
is ratified and published at the same time as the convention.
His M ajesty’ s Government agree to the adoption of the words “ s y s te m ” and
“ un dertaking” as proposed in article 1, clause (a), provided they are first furnished
with authentic copies of all agreements between the Ottoman Government and the
Bagdad Bailway Company, and provided they find no occasion for objection in the
final text of the supplementary agreements nowr under discussion at Berlin, as it is
clearly essential that they should know precisely what they are asked to agree to ;
provided also that it is expressly agreed in the explanatory note that their freedom
of action with regard to future variations of the concession is not impaired by this
wording.
His M ajesty’ s Government would also agree to the inclusion in the explanatory
note of the words “ under the express condition that no prejudice of an economic or
financial nature is caused to Great Britain in pursuance of this clause.” They consider
further that the obligations of Great Britain under this clause should be defined in
the same docum ent. In the view of His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, Great Britain would
be bound, after the signature of this convention and the conclusion of all pending
negotiations with Turkey, not to oppose the increase of the Turkish customs duties
up to 15 per cent, ad valorem, and not to oppose the allocation of a portion of this
increase or of existing Turkish revenues for the purposes specified in article 35 of
the Bagdad Bailway Convention of March 1 9 0 3 0 : such an obligation would not,
however, commit His M ajesty’ s Government in advance to support the allocation of
any particular revenues, but m erely that of adequate revenues, to such purposes.
H is M ajesty’ s Government prefer the words “ declare that they will not oppose ”
to those suggested in article 1, clause (b ), of the German counter-draft; this under
taking corresponds, m oreover, to that which the German Government assume in
article 4, clause (a).
The addition suggested bv the German Government of the words “ as represen
tatives of a group of British shareholders” in article 1, clause (cl. does not commend
itself to His M ajesty’ s Government. It is essential that there should be British
representatives on the board of the Bagdad Bailway, and H is M ajesty’ s Government
attach importance to an assurance from the German Government that they will use
their best endeavours to this e n d ; but it appears to them otiose to enter in the
Convention into the technical formalities which the admission of such representatives
may entail. Herr von Gwinner explained to Mr. Parker at the German Embassy
on the 7th June, 1913,( 9) that their admission could only take place in a manner
such as is suggested in Prince Lichnow skv’ s note of the 16th July, 1913,( 10) and,
subject to the successful formation of a British group. His M ajesty’ s Government
intimated that the arrangements indicated would be satisfactory. W hile they adhere
to this position, they w’ould point out that they have since taken legal advice respecting
the bearing of the statutes of the Bagdad Railway Company and of the provisions of
Turkish com pany law on the question and they are advised that it would not in fact
be contrary either to the one or to the other for British representatives with a
qualifying holding to be admitted to the Board independently of the votes o f the
shareholders.
In this connexion it must be remarked that the terms outlined by Herr von
Gwinner to Sir H . B abington-Smith on the 14th June. 1913,( n ) are not such as are
likely, in the opinion of His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, to encourage British financial
participation in the undertaking. The British subscribers are to be required to pay for
their shares in full at par. whereas the original shareholders paid actually only one-half
of the nominal value of their shares, the remainder being credited to them out of the
profits on the construction of the first section of the railway— a course which seems
open to criticism on purely financial grounds. W hilst as regards participation in the
profits arising from the construction and working of the railway, British shareholders
would thus be in a less favourable position than the original subscribers, they are
to be required to put themselves in the same position as original subscribers as regards
the very onerous obligations of the syndicate for realising the Government b> nds.
If substantial British financial participation in the enterprise is desired. H is M ajesty’ s
Government trust that the German Government will use their influence with the
Bagdad Railway Company to secure an appreciable modification of the terms
suggested.!12)
As regards article 2 certain changes have been made, with a view to greater
clearness, in the lettering and numbering of the several clauses and sub-clauses : it
will be observed that no alteration of wording is made in clause (a), sub-sections i)
and (ii), or in the first paragraph of sub-section 'n il: but His M ajesty’s Government
are unable to concur in the proposal that German capital should be represented by
directors on the board o f any railway which might be built from Basra Zobeir to
the Persian Gulf. S ic h a proposal, as has already been pointed out. is in direct
conflict with section 2 (b'\ of the memorandum of the 7th M ay, 1 9 3 3 ',3>; it also appears
to His M ajesty’ s Government misleading and inequitable to stipulate that German
representation on such a line should be similar as regards conditions and proportion
to any British participation on the board of the Bagdad R ailw ay: the counterpart of
any such British participation as may be arranged is rather to be found in German
participation in the proposed River Navigation Company.
H is M ajesty’ s Government attach great importance to all the stipulations which
now appear in italics in article 2. clause (a i. section (ivl of the British counter-draft
being “ adhered t o ’ ’ by the German Governm ent in the present A nd o-G erm an
Convention, even though they may in the first place be the subject o f agreement
between the Ottoman Government and the Bagdad Railway Company.
Clauses b) and (c) of article 2 provide for a British participation, both in the
capital and directorate of the com pany or com panies of the ports o f Basra and Bagdad,
and in the contracts for construction and maintenance, of 40 per cent, o f the whole.
Such a percentage is, according to Prince Lichnow sky’ s note o f 16th July,C 4) what the
Bagdad Railway Company are prepared to concede to British interests: as British
participation in the port o f Basra up to 50 per cent, is not conceded, as suggested
in the British note o f the 18th September, 1913,( 15) His M ajesty’ s Government now
revert to the proposal for British participation in both ports.
Clause di o f article 2 appears very desirable in order to ensure com plete equality
o f treatment.
Clauses (a) and (b) of article 3 have not been altered.
The German Government express a wish that two changes should be made in
clause (c) of article 3, viz., that the words “ in Ottoman territory east of Aleppo”
should be substituted for “ in the provinces of Mosul and Bagdad,” and that the
words “ or in contradiction with that Company’s existing rights” should be inserted
after the words “ the Bagdad Railway Company’s lines.”
His Majesty’s Government regret that they cannot possibly agree to an extension
of the geographical area under this clause ; they have had very great hesitation in
agreeing even to the area originally suggested, having regard to the established
position of British trade and influence in the provinces specified, but they certainly
could not agree to mortgage the future as regards any line which might, at some
distant date and under wholly altered conditions, possibly when the Bagdad Railway
system is fully developed, be projected from the Mediterranean to Lower
Mesopotamia.
His Majesty’s Government understand that no project for a competing line with
the Bagdad Railway from any point on the Mediterranean is at present under con
templation, and that, as regards the Aleppo-Meskene project, nothing beyond a purely
negative obligation has been assumed by the Ottoman Government.
As regards the second alteration of wording suggested in this clause, His Majesty’s
Government are prepared to adopt it subject to the insertion of the word “ either”
after “ railway undertakings,” and provided a satisfactory settlement respecting the
oil concessions in Mosul and Bagdad is reached, as they trust may be the case, before
the signature of this Convention.
His Majesty’s Government do not consider that there is any parallel in fact
between German participation in the River Navigation Company and British participa
tion in the ports of Bagdad and Basra ; if it is desired to establish a parallel it should
be sought, due regard being had to the relative magnitude of the two concerns, between
German representation in the River Navigation Company and British representation
in the Bagdad Railway Company, which, under the convention of 1903, includes
concessions for the ports of Bagdad and Basra.
His Majesty’s Government could in no case agree to the wording of article 4,
clause (b) of the German counter-draft of the 3rd November, any more than they
could to that of article 2, clause (d) of the same document : they consider it
absolutely indispensable that British participation in the ports should be fixed in
precise terms in the convention itself at 40 per cent, of the whole, and that German
participation in the navigation should be expressly limited in the convention itself lo
a stated maximum; they are further of opinion that the real facts of the agreement
would have to be revealed eventually in Parliament and that no object would therefore
be gained by their temporary obscuration. If, however, the German Government are
anxious to maintain a spectacular parallel, perhaps the wording of article 4, clause (b)
of the counter-draft now enclosed might serve the purpose in view. In agreeing not
to oppose German participation, to the extent indicated, in the River Navigation
Company, His Majesty’s Government take formal note of the assurances contained
in the German Ambassador’s communication of the 16th July, 1913, to theeffect that
the German Government does not aim at any combination which could endanger
effective British control of the navigation, and that the German Government would
therefore be prepared to receive favourably any proposals about voting arrangements
which would seem to His Majesty’s Government desirable in order to assure the
effective British control of the River Navigation Company.
It will be observed that clause (c) (i) of article 4 has been amended in form, and
that the time limit of five years is re-inserted. His Majesty’s Government attach
cardinal importance to a specific limitation in the duration of the rights of the Bagdad
Railway Company under article 9 of the convention of 1903(16); they must in
pursuance of section 3 of the memorandum of the 7th May, 1913, continue to press
for such a limitation, which is not moreover inconsistent with the terms of agreement
between the Bagdad Railway Company and either the *’ Société de Transports
fluviaux ’ ’ or Messrs. Lynch Brothers.
Sir E. Grey would add that he understands that Messrs. Lynch Brothers are
prepared., so far as they are concerned, to conclude an arrangement such as that
contemplated under article 4 clause (c) (ii).
The changes in article 5 ( b ) have already been explained in substance in
Sir E. Grey’s memorandum of the 25th November, 1913(17 : slight verbal changes
have since been made with the object of greater precision.
His Majesty’s Government, after the most careful consideration, are not able to
agree to stipulations such as are contained in articles 5 a and 7 of the German
counter-draft of the 3rd November; but they would be willing to agree that article 6
of the British counter-draft should be interpreted, so far as possible, in the light of
the recommendations of the 9th September, 1913,(18> and that these recommendations
should be embodied in the explanatory note : they understand, however, from Hakki
Pasha that the specific revenues named in section II of those recommendations have,
already been earmarked by anticipation for another purpose— a subject upon which
Djavid Bey may possibly be able to throw more light.
While resolutely opposed, for the practical reasons explained in Sir E. Grey’s
memorandum of the 18th September, 1913,(19) to the system of dual control which a
“ comité de surveillance ” would entail, His Majesty’s Government have made a
considerable modification in the wording of article 6 in order to meet the criticisms
of the German Government, and they earnestly trust that the draft in its present form
will be acceptable. A copy of the Anglo-Turkish declaration, respecting the rights
enjoyed by the nationals of the Treaty Powers in Turkey, is enclosed.(20)
In order that the document which formed the enclosure in Sir E. Grey’s
memorandum of the 25th November, 1913, may exactly correspond with the present
British counter-draft, a revised version is transmitted herewith.(21)
In conclusion, and while expressing the hope that these negotiations may be
completed and the Anglo-German Convention signed in the course of next month, His
Majesty s Government would again draw the attention of the German Government
to the desiderata of the Smyrna-Aidin Railway Company, which, if dealt with on a
svmpathetic and broad basis would, they confidently believe, contribute to the ultimate
benefit both of the Smyrna-Aidin and the Anatolian Railway systems.
M IN U TE .
This is an excellent draft and embodies clearly a piece of excellent w ork.(22) I hare
explained it to Sir E. Grev who shares this view and entirelv approves.
' E. A. C.
D ec[em ber] 12.
A. N
A r t ic l e 1.
Clause (a). Recognising the general importance of the com pletion of the Bagdad
Railway for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction of the Bagdad
R ailway system or to prevent the participation of capital in this undertaking.
Clause ( b). H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that th ey udll not
oppose the construction and management of the proposed railway from Bagdad to
Basra by the Bagdad Railway Company.
Clause (c). The Im perial German Government declare that they will use their
best endeavours to secure that two British directors, agreeable to H is Britannic
M ajesty’ s Government, shall be admitted to the board of the Bagdad Railway
Company.
A r t ic l e 2.
Clause (a). The Bagdad Railway Company having concluded with the Im perial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German
Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best
endeavours to secure its due execution :—
(i) The terminus of the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra, and
the Bagdad Railway Company has renounced all claims to construct a branch line
from Basra (Zobeir) to the Persian Gulf, referred to in article 1 of the Bagdad
Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1903, and to build a port or railway terminus
on the Persian Gulf, whether under article 23 of the said Bagdad Railway Convention
or in any other way derived.(2)
(ii) No discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the Bagdad
Railway Com pany’ s system, either as regards facilities or rates o f charge for the
conveyance of like articles between the same points on account of the ownership,
origin, or destination of goods presented for transport, or in any other manner
whatever.
(in) In the event of the construction of the said branch line from Basra (Zobeir)
to the Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be made to secure
facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s system, and
there shall be complete protection against discrimination direct or indirect.
(iv) The construction and exploitation of the proposed port at Basra, authorised
by article 23 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1903, shall be
carried out by a separate Ottoman com pany.
( ') [cp. G .P., X X X V I I (I), pp. 302-7. T he use o f ita lics in th e te x t g iv en above in d icates
v a ria tion s from the G erm an draft, of N ovem b er 3, 1913. cp. supra, pp. 247-9, No. 156, encl. 2 .]
(*) [v. B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 833-4 (A rt. 1 ); pp. 840-1 (A rt. 2 3).]
305
In all that relates to the stationing, loading, and unloading of vessels in the
port, no privileges or facilities shall be granted to any vessel or vessels which shall
not equally and under like conditions be granted to all other vessels.
The Imperial Ottoman Governm ent reserves to itself the right to con fer upon
the Commission, which it proposes to entrust with the im provem ent and m aintenance
of the navigability of the Shatt-el-Arab, its rights of control over the port of Basra.
The conventions relating to this port, and the statutes of the com pany to be
form ed, shall contain provisions expressly preserving the rights of the aforesaid
Commission.
Clause fbh The Imperial German G overnm ent and His Britannic M ajesty's
Governm ent agree that they will use th eir best endeavours to secure that in the
separate Ottoman Company for the construction and exploitation of the port o f Basra,
mentioned in sub-clause (iv11 above, British participation, both in the capital and
directorate of the port com pany, and in the contracts for construction and main
tenance, shall amount to 40 per cent, of the whole.
Clause (c). The Im perial German G overnm ent and His Britannic M ajesty's
G overnm ent agree that th ey will use th eir best ejideavours to secure that in any
Ottoman Company for the construction and exploitation of the port of Bagdad, to be
form ed under article 6 of the agreem ent betw een the Bagdad Railway Company and
the Im perial Ottoman G overnm ent, m entioned in clause (a) of the present article,
British participation, both in the capital and directorate of the port com pany, and
in the contracts fo r construction and m aintenance, shall amount to 4 0 p er cent, of
the whole.
Clause (d . In all that relates to the dues and charges of w hatever nature to
be levied, and to the facilities to be accorded, in the ports of Basra and Bagdad,
goods arriving or to be forwarded by icater shall receive identic treatm ent to those
arriving or to be forwarded by rail.
A r t ic l e 3.
Clause (a). The Imperial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government declare that they will in no case support the construction o f a branch
from Basra (Zobeir), or from any point o f the main line o f the Bagdad Bailway,
to the Persian Gulf unless and until there is com plete agreement on the subject
between H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, the Im perial German Governm ent,
and the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent.
Clause (b). The Im perial German Government declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations
whatsoever to estai lish, a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf unless and
until there is complete agreement on the subject between His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government and the Im perial German Governm ent.
Clause H|i His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations
whatsoever to establish, in the provinces o f Mosul and Bagdad, railway undertakings
either in direct com petition with the Bagdad Bailway Com pany’ s lines, or in
contradiction with that com pany’ s existing rights, unless and until there is complete
agreement on the subject between the Im perial German Governm ent and His
Britannic M ajesty's Governm ent.
A r t ic l e 4.
Clause (a). The Im perial German Governm ent, having cognisance o f the
declaration signed on 29th July, 1913.0) on behalf o f the Im perial Ottoman Govern
ment, concerning navigation on the Bivers Tigris and Euphrates, declare that they
will not oppose the execution, nor support any action directed against the execution,
(3) [r . supra, pp. 189-90, X o . 124 (4 ).]
[10900] X
30G
o f such declaration, so long as the navigation on the said rivers is maintained m
substantial accordance with the provisions thereof.
Clause ( b). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will not
oppose the acquisition by the Bagdad Bailway interests o f 40 per cent, of the share
capital to be allotted to Turkish interests at the first allotm ent and the right in respect
th ereof to subscribe for a rateable proportion of further issues of capital of the
Ottoman Company for river navigation, and their representation on the board o f the
aforesaid com pany by one director out of the share o f the directorate allotted to
Turkish interests.
Clause (c) (t). It is, nevertheless, understood that nothing in this article shall
be held to affect the rights conceded by article 9 o f the Bagdad Railway Convention
of the 5th March, 1903, except in so far that His Britannic M a jesty’ s Governm ent
and the Im perial German G overnm ent hereby agree and declare, so fa r as concerns
them selves, that they adhere to, and will use their best endeavours to secure the due
execution of, the following provisions of the arrangem ent referred to in article 2 of
the present convention :—
The Bagdad Railwray C om pany’ s rights under article 9 of the aforesaid C onven
tion of the 5th March, 1903, shall not continue to be exercised after the 31st January,
1919, unless it is shown that no other satisfactory means are available fo r the purposes
specified in the said article 9, and in any case they shall cease on the completion of
the construction of the Bagdad Railway to Basra.
(ii) It is further agreed that if an arrangement to the satisfaction of the partie
concerned can be made for the conveyance by river of the aforesaid materials through
British or Ottoman agency, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the Imperial
German Government will use their best endeavours to secure the conclusion of such
an arrangement.
A r t ic l e 5.
A r t ic l e 6.
(a) The Im perial German Governm ent haring taken note of the A nglo-Turkish
Convention of under which the free navigation of the Shatt-
el-Arab is assured to the shipping of all nations and a commission is established for
the execution of such works as may be necessary for the improvement of its channel
and for its maintenance and for other like purposes set out therein, and being of
opinion that the provisions o f the Convention are conducive to the best interests of
international com m erce, will, so long as the duties imposed upon the Commission
by the said Convention are satisfactorily carried out, uphold the Convention, and
will undertake that German subjects and German shipping shall com ply therewith,
and with all regulations issued by the Comm ission, and shall duly discharge all
obligations properly imposed upon them in pursuance o f the provisions o f the said
Convention.
The Im perial German Governm ent take note in this connection of the declaration,
signed on the and attached to the said Convention,
to the effect that articles 7 and 8 of the above Convention do not affect the rights
enjoyed in the Ottoman E m pire hy the nationals of the Treaty Powers.
His Britannic M a jesty’ s Governm ent on their part undertake that th ey will not,
without a prelim inary agreem ent with the Imperial Germ an G overnm ent, consent to
the imposition of dues exceeding 1 franc p er registered ton.
(b) If at any tim e any of th e Governm ents m ost interested by reason of the
magnitude o f their shipping on the Shatt-el-Arab are of opinion that the duties itnposed
upon the Commission are not satisfactorily carried out, or that the reasonable require
ments of the com m erce of the river in m atters tcithin the com petence of the Commission
are not adequately m et, and if the Commission in such case has not seen its way
to give effect to im portant recom m endations laid before it in the interests o f shipping,
with the object of removing the above-m entioned causes of complaint, H is Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent will use their good offices with the Imperial Ottoman Govern
m ent to ensure the referen ce to a Board of Enquiry o f the questions w h ether in any
particular respects the duties of the Commission have not been satisfactorily carried
out, and w hether there is good ground for thinking that the Commission, if m aintained.
icill not be able to provide for the reasonable requirem ents of the com m erce of the
river.
This Board shall consist of five m em bers to be drawn from the Powers most
interested by reason of the magnitude of their shipping in the S hatt-el-A rab; the
Ottoman m em ber of this Commission shall be the President.
The Board of Enquiry shall, unless the time is extended with the consent of all
parties, publish its report within four months of its appointm ent. The G overnm ent
of His Britannic M ajesty will use their good offices with the Im perial Ottoman G overn
m ent to ensure that the proposals contained in such R eport are carried out.
A r t ic l e 7.
[10900]
808
N o. 191.
R evised Official British Draft of proposed A greem ent betw een Bagdad Railuay
Company and Ottoman Governm ent.
F.O. 5 0 6 4 3 /6 4 63 /1 3 /4 4 . D eccm ber 15, 1913.
I.
Baesora est fixé com m e point terminus de la ligne du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad renonce à la concession de la construction
et l ’ exploitation de l ’ embranchement partant de Baesora (Zobéir) ou de tout autre point
de la ligne et aboutissant à un point du Golfe Persique (article 1er, No. 4, de la
Convention du 20 février (5 mars), 1903), ainsi qu’ au droit de construire et exploiter
un port à un point situé au Golfe Persique (article 23 de cette m ême C onvention)^1)
II.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad confirme qu ’ elle continuera comme
par le passé à appliquer à toutes les marchandises d ’ une catégorie identique qui
pourront lui être présentées en vue d ’ être transportées par chem in de fer, entre les
mêmes stations et dans les mêmes conditions, un régime parfaitement égal, tant pour
le tarif en vigueur qui leur sera imposé que pour les facilités dont elles jouiront, quels
que soient respectivement :
(a) Le pays d ’origine des marchandises importées dans l ’ Em pire ottom an:
(b) Le pays de destination des marchandises exportées de l ’ Em pire ottom an;
(c) Les pays d ’ origine et de destination des marchandises en transit par l ’ Empire
ottoman ; et
(d) Le pavillon et l ’ armateur des bâtiments sur lesquels les marchandises sont
importées ou exportées par les ports ottomans.
La Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad consent, en outre, à ce que les délais
fixés par l ’ article 21 de son Cahier des Charges, touchant les avis préalables à donner
en cas de modification des conditions on des prix des tarifs, soient uniformément portés
à deux mois.
Ces avis seront insérés dans le Journal Officiel du Gouvernement Impérial ottoman
et dans le Journal de la Chambre de Commerce Ottomane de Constantinople.
L es mots “ les mêmes con d ition s’ ’ employés dans le présent article signifient
les mêmes conditions de poids, d ’ emballage et de vitesse (grande, petite ou autre),
la même catégorie de marchandises et les mêmes stations de départ et d ’ arrivée.
Ces dispositions s ’ étendront dans la mesure où elles y sont applicables au régime
appliqué par la Société du Chemin de Fer au transport des voyageurs entrant dans
l’ Em pire ottoman, le quittant ou traversant son territoire, et de leurs bagages.
Toutefois, elles ne s’ appliqueront pas au transport des émigrés et des indigents et de
leurs bagages. Aux fins du présent alinéa, le terme “ é m ig ré s ” se rapporte aux
personnes venues s’ établir dans les limites de l ’ Em pire ottoman qui sont transportées
par les soins de la Commission des Emigrés.
III.
En cas d ’ exécution d ’ un embranchement de Bassora ou de tout autre point de la
ligne principale, au Golfe Persique, des arrangements seront conclus en vue de faciliter
le trafic direct, 6ans rupture de charge, de et vers le réseau du Chemin de Fer de
Bagdad, et il y aura sur cet embranchem ent une protection com plète contre toute
tarification différentielle, soit directe ou indirecte, comme cela est prévu à l ’ article 2
pour le Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
IV .
Le Gouvernement Impérial ottoman s ’ engage à faire exécuter, par la commission
mentionnée à l ’ article V des présentes, les travaux nécessaires pour l ’ amélioration des
C ) [v . B.F.S.P., V ol. 102, p. 834 (A rt. 1, N o. 4) ; pp. 840-1 (A rt. 2 3).]
309
conditions de la navigation sur le Chatt-el-Arab, afin de maintenir, dans la mesure du
possible, le chenal du fleuve libre de toutes espèces d ’obstacles, et ladite commission
viserait de prime abord, au moins jusqu'au port de Bassora, une profondeur de 24 pieds
au-dessous du niveau de la pleine mer de la grande marée.
y.
La construction et l ’ exploitation du port de Bassora, prévues à l ’ article 23 de la
Convention du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad du 5 mars, 1903, seront assurées par une
Société anonyme ottomane à form er dans ce but et dont les actes de concessions et
les statuts seront arrêtés d ’ un com m un accord entre le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman
et la Société du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad.
Le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman se réserve le droit de conférer ses droits
de contrôle sur le port de Bassora à la com m ission qu ’ il se propose de charger de
l ’ amélioration et du maintien de la navigiibilité du Chatt-el-Arab.
Les conventions relatives à ce port et les statuts de la société à constituer
contiendront des dispositions sauvegardant expressément lts droits de ladite
commission.
V I.
La construction et l ’ exploitation du port de Bagdad, prévues à l ’ article 23 de la
Convention du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad du 5 mars. 1903. seront assurées par ls
Société prévue à l ’ article 5 des présentes ou par une Sc ciété anonyme ottomane à
former dans ce but et dont les actes de concessions et les statuts seront arrêtés d ’ un
commun accord entre le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman et la Société du Chemin de
Fer de Bagdad.
V II.
Aucuns frais, n ’ importe sous quel titre, ne seront imposés dans les ports de
Bassora et de Bagdad aux navires et aux marchandises, quels que soient la nationalité,
le propriétaire, le pays d ’ origine ou de destination des marchandises, et quels que
soient les lieux de provenance ou de destination des navires et des marchandises, en
tant qu’ il ne s’ agira pas d ’ une mesure générale applicable indistinctem ent et
uniformément à tout le monde, sans exception et sans privilège spécial d ’ aucune sorte,
en faveur de qui que ce soit.
Pour tout ce qui a rapport aux frais quelconques à imposer dans lesdits ports, et
aux facilités à accorder, un traitement identique sera assuré aux marchandises
transportées ou à transporter par voie d ’ eau et à celles transportées ou à transporter
par chem in de fer.
Pour tout ce qui concerne le stationnement, l ’ embarquement et le débarquement
des navires dans ces deux ports, aucuns privilèges ou facilités ne sauraient être
accordés à des navires quelconques, en tant que lesdits privilèges et facilités ne
seront pas accordés également et dans les mêmes conditions, à tous les autres navires.
vin.
La Société du Chemin de F er de Bagdad aura la faculté d ’ em ployer à Bagdad,
pour le seul service du chem in de fer, des bateaux à vapeur, ou à toute autre force
motrice, de 80 tonnes registre anglais au maximum et des bacs (ferry-boats) d ’ un
tonnage supérieur.
Les recettes du service susvisé restent acquises à la Société du Chemin de Fer
de Bagdad.
La Société constituée en vertu de l ’ article 6 des présentes, aura la faculté
'd ’ em ployer à Bagdad des £>ateaux à vapeur, ou a toute autre force motrice, de 80 tonnes
registre anglais au maximum, pour le seul transport de son personnel, de ses ouvriers
et de son matériel.
310
Le matériel fluvial susmentionné jouira de toutes les exemptions de droits
d ’ entrée et autres, dont jouit le matériel roulant du chem in de fer, et il sera de même
exonéré de tous impôts, redevances ou taxes, de navigation et autres.
Les combustibles nécessaires pour ce service jouiront de la franchise douanière
au même titre que ceux consom m és par le chemin de fer, et celui-ci aura le droit d ’ en
opérer le transport dans les m êmes conditions que ceux destinés à son exploitation.
Partout ailleurs où le besoin s’ en ferait sentir, soit sur le Tigre, soit sur
l ’ Euphrate, le Gouvernement Im périal Ottoman s’ engage à obtenir de la Société
Ottomane de Navigation Fluviale à constituer qu’ elle se charge de tout service de bacs,
à établir pour les fins du chemin de fer, selon des conditions, et aux endroits, à
déterminer de temps en temps par contrat spécial entre les susdites Sociétés.
IX .
Les droits de la Société du Chemin d-e Fer de Bagdad, découlant de l ’ article 9 de
la Convention du 20 février (5 mars), 1903,(2) ne resteront plus en vigueur à partir du
31 décembre ( n . s .ï , 1918, sauf le cas où il serait démontré qu’ il n ’ existe pas d ’ autre
m oyen satisfaisant aux besoins spécifiés audit article 9, et, en tous les cas, lesdits
droits seront déterminés dès que la construction du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad aura
été complétée jusqu’ à Bassora.
( 2) [ v . B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, p. 837.]
No. 192.
CHAPTER XCIV.
No. 194.
t1) [op. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp. 333-423, C h a pter L X X X V I I , passim..]
No. 195.
F.O. 3 2 2 3 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .
(No. 33.)
Sir, Foreign Office, January 20, 1914.
M. Cambon said to-d ay f1) that the French discussions with Germ any about railways
in Asia Minor had progressed. There was now only one point unsettled, and it was
not one of the most important points. M. Doumergue was most anxious that we
should not sign our agreement with Germ any before the French signed theirs. As
regards the arrangements with Turkey, France had initialled those, but it was
desirable that the British and Russian and French agreements with Turkey should all
be signed simultaneously.
I told M. Cambon that I had heard nothing of these agreements for some three
weeks. M y impression was that we had actually signed most of our agreements with
P ) [cp. im m ed ia tely su cceed in g docum ent. F o r M . P a u l C a m bon ’ s rep ort v. D .D .F ., 3me Ser.,
V ol. I X , pp. 241-3, No'. 194.]
814
T urkey; but the one about the Bagdad Railway still remained to be signed, because
Turkey must first make an agreement with Germany on that point. I would enquire
in the Department how things stood with regard to this and our pending agreement
with G erm any.(2)
I am, Ac.,
E. G [R E Y ].
( 2) [N o te by S ir E d w a rd G r e y : “ I should like to see M r. P a rk er a b ou t this. E. G .” ]
No. 196.
Communication to M. Paul Cambon.
F.O. 32*23/2390/14/44. Foreign Office, January 29, 1914.
On January 2 0th (1) the French Ambassador informed Sir E. Grey of the progress
then being made in the French negotiations with Germany respecting railways in
Asia Minor. H [is ] E [xcellen cy ] at the same time expressed the hope that the
agreement between G [rea ]t Britain and Germany would not be signed until the
French agreement with Germany was ready for signature, and that the British,
French, and Russian agreements with Turkey should all be signed simultaneously.
Sir E. Grey replied that the Anglo-Turkish agreements connected with the
proposed customs increase, as distinct from the monopolies, had already been signed
some months previously, with the single exception of that relating to railways in
Asiatic Turkey, which the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t were not in a position to sign
pending the com pletion of negotiations now approaching conclusion between the
Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t and the Bagdad Railway Company.
As regards the Anglo-German negotiations, Sir E. Grey would recall to M. Cambon
that as early as July 4th last the desire of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t to
conclude the agreement with Germany as soon as possible was alluded to in a note
from Sir A. N icolson(2) ; and on August 14th, a memorandum was communicated to
the French Embassy in which it wras explained that while H [is ] 'M [a je s ty ’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] were willing, if necessary, to delay for a little the conclusion of their
own agreement with Germany, they felt confident that the French G ov[ern m en ]t
would, so far as possible, hasten the conclusion of their own agreement with the
German G ov [ern m en ]t(3) ; in a letter dated August 29 M. de Fleuriau explained in
outline how matters stood at that time, and again laid emphasis on the desire of the
French G ov [ern m en ]t that the British and French agreements with Germany should
be concluded at the same tim ef4): and on September 17 H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] agreed not to precipitate their agreement with G erm any.(5) Finally, in
December, M. Cambon discussed with Sir A. Nicolson the subject again and
January 15 was suggested as a suitable date, which M. Cambon thought would quite
meet the requirements of the French G o v [ern m en ]t.(6)
In these circumstances PI [is] M [a jesty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t earnestly trust that the
French G ov [ern m en ]t will be satisfied if a date not later than February 14 is now
appointed for the signature of the agreements since that is the latest date fixed for the
ratification of an agreement between Great Britain and Turkey respecting the Persian
Gulf and of other agreements.
The Anglo-German draft agreement has in substance been settled, and it is hoped
that in the course of next week all outstanding points of detail will be arranged.
No. 198.
(*) [H e r r v on J a g o w ’ s in stru ction s fo r this com m u n ica tion are g iv en in G .P., X X X V I I (I),
pp. 3 22 -4 3.]
( 2) \y. supra, pp. 295-307, X os. 189-90.]
(3) [v. supra, pp. 9 7-8, X o. 66.]
816
draft of May 7th 1913, it contains on the other hand important German concessions
not stipulated in this draft, as for instance the very important Article 3 clause b, or
the participation with 4 0% of British capital in the construction and management of
the port at Bagdad. It is not proposed to deal here with the points raised in this
connection in the memorandum (article 2 clause c, article 4 clauses b and c and
article 5 clause b as they have to be examined in detail later on) but it can be stated
that none of these points if agreed to by H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] Government would in
any appreciable or essential way interfere with the objects which H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
Government was aiming at.
The two points put forward in the memorandum as being the most important
desiderata of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] Government have from the beginning o f the
negotiations been in principle accepted by the Imperial Government.
It is open to considerable doubt if a speedy solution of the questions still under
discussion would be advanced by -examining in a sort of historical retrospect at length
every concession made by both sides in the course of the negotiations and by covering a
good deal of ground where agreement has already been practically obtained; the
Im perial Government therefore while entirely reserving their attitude towards the
arguments adduced in the British memorandum prefer to confine their remarks to
the details of the convention actually still under discussion.
The Imperial Government hope that His M ajesty’ s Government will examine the
proposals of the counter-draft here included in a spirit o f fairness and conciliation, so
that a speedy and satisfactory solution o f all outstanding points may be attained.
Prince Lichnowskv will now proceed to discuss seriatim the points raised by the British
counter-draft of December 15th 1913.
A r t ic l e 1.
A r t ic l e 2.
Clause a 1.— It is proposed to strike out “ or in any other way d e riv e d ” as the
convention to be concluded between the Turkish Government and the Bagdad Railway
only mentions article 23 of the Bagdad Railway Concession. There seems to be no
necessity to retain those words as there exists absolutely no agreement between Turkey
and the Bagdad Railway from which 6uch a right could be derived.
The Imperial Government cannot accept the statement that the stipulation[s] in
clause c concerning German representatives on the board of the Zobeir Gulf section
are misleading and inequitable, the same reasons which have prompted H is M ajesty’ s
Government to ask for two members on the Conseil d ’ Administration of the Bagdad
Railway, viz. to provide against any possible discrimination on that system has led to
demand a German representative on the board of the Zobeir line to safeguard the
important rights conceded in article 2 clause a III. They nevertheless agree to leave
out the second part of clause c beginning with “ in this event ” to “ Bagdad Railway ”
provided that this is not taken to prejudice in any way the position the Im perial
Government might take up should the line from Zobeir to the Gulf ever be undertaken,
and provided a complete agreement is reached in all other outstanding points o f the
present convention.
IV. A6 British interests now demand a 40°,'> participation both at Basra and
Basdad it is proposed to have only one Company for both harbours. The text is
modified accordingly.
The Imperial Government agree to section 4 of IV but do not see their way to
accept section 5 for which there seems to be no necessity as being entirely covered by
section 4.
Clauses b and c are accepted in principle, but we propose to say at the beginning
of clause b “ The Imperial Government declare that they will not op p ose.” to make
it exactly sim ilar to article 4 clause b. Instead of “ Directorate ” it is proposed to say
|>p. supra, d o . 234-5, N o. 154, and n ote (4) ; p. 301, X o . 1S9, an d n o te R 1). cp. also G.P.,
X X X V I I (I), pp. 196-7.]
818
“ Conseil d ’ Administration ” to bring it in accordance with the wording of the
agreements with Turkey we would like to see the words “ if a n y ’ ’ maintained for
the reasons given before.
Clause d is agreed to.
A r t i c l e 3.
Clauses a and b are accepted, but it is suggested that at the end of article 3 the
Im perial Ottoman Government being the Sovereign of the country shall be named
first of the three Governments.
In article 3 clause c it is proposed to strike out the words “ in the provinces of
Mosul and B agdad.” It seems an essential condition of an agreement like the one
which is under discussion that one party should not interfere with acquired rights
and important interests of the other. A limitation to the provinces of Mosul and
Bagdad m ight be interpreted as if the Bagdad Bailway interests agreed in all other
provinces to the construction of railway lines either in direct com petition with the
com pany’s lines or in contradiction with that com pany’ s rights.
The Imperial Government would like to have fuller inform ation about plans to
build at some distant date a line from the Mediterranean to Lower Mesopotamia as
m entioned on page 7 of the British Memorandum.
A r t ic l e 4.
Clause a is agreed provided that the Im perial Government are furnished with
authentic copies of all agreements between the British Government and the Ottoman
Governm ent, and provided there i6 no occasion for objection in the final texts of these
agreements. The questions raised by the concession of December 12th(6) for the
navigation on the Mesopotamian rivers are still under examination and are better
reserved for future discussion.
Clause b i6 agreed with slight verbal alterations. W e propose to insert “ i.e .,
2 0 % of the whole 6hare capital,” to make it quite clear that this shall be a permanent
proportion and further they would prefer instead of “ by one director ” “ their rateable
participation in the B oard ,” to make it clear that if any change in the number of
directors occurred the German shares should always be assured of a proportional
representation on the Board.
If His M ajesty’s Government should insist that no alteration takes place in
clause b article 2 it is proposed to say in article 3 clause b “ His M ajesty’ s Government
and Im perial Government agree that they will use their best endeavours to secure & c.”
The same if stress should be laid on retaining in article 1 clause c the words “ agreeable
to H is M ajesty’ s G overnm ent” it would be claimed that the words “ agreeable to
the Im perial Government ’ ’ should be interpolated in this article after the word
“ director.”
Clause c is agreed to except the time limit for the conveyance of the building
material on the rivers till the com pletion of the line to Basra.
The Bagdad Bailway interests are quite willing to come to a friendly agreement
with the Ottoman Company for Biver Navigation to have all the material transported
by them after cancelling their existing agreements with Messrs. L yn ch , but they do
not see their way to give up vis-a-vis of Turkey their right secured on the original
concession of transporting their own materials should the Ottoman Company for Biver
Navigation fail to conclude a satisfactory arrangement for transports or fail to carry
out this contract in a satisfactory way. As a slight verbal alteration we propose to
say instead of “ through British or Ottoman a g e n c y ” “ by the Ottoman Company for
Biver N avigation.”
A r t ic l e 6.
A r t ic l e 7.
A r t ic l e 1.
Clause (a). R ecognising the general importance of the com pletion of the Bagdad
Railway for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction or manage
ment by the Bagdad Railway Company o f the Bagdad Railway system or to prevent
the participation o f capital in this undertaking.
Clause (b). The Imperial German Government declare that they will use their
best endeavours to secure that two British members shall be admitted to the Conseil
d ’ Administration of the Bagdad Railway Company.
A r t ic l e 2 .
Clause (a). The Bagdad Railway Company having concluded with the Imperial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German
Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best
endeavours to secure its due execution :—
(i) The terminus of the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra, and
the Bagdad Railway Company has renounced all claims to construct a
branch line from Basra (ZobeiC to the Persian Gulf, referred to in
article 1 of the Bagdad Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1903,
and to build a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf, under
article 23 of the said Bagdad Railway Convention.
(ii) No discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the Bagdad
Railway Com pany’ s system, either as regards facilities or rates of charge
for the conveyance o f like articles between the same points on account
o f the ownership, origin, or destination of goods presented for transport,
or in any other manner whatever.
(iii) In the event of the construction o f the said branch line from Basra (Zobeir)
to the Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be
made to secure facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad
Railway Com pany’ s system, and there shall be complete protection against
discrimination direct or indirect.
(iv) The construction and exploitation o f the proposed ports of Basra and Bagdad
authorised bv article 23 o f the Bagdad Railway Convention o f the
5th March, 1903, shall be carried out by a separate Ottoman company.
321
No duties or charges of whatever nature or under whatever denomination shall
be levied by the port com pany on any vessels or goods which shall not equally, under
the same conditions, be imposed in like cases on all vessels or goods, whatever be
the nationality of the vessels or their owners, or the ownership or country o f origin
or destination of the goods, and whatever be the places from which the vessels or goods
arrive or to which they depart.
In all that relates to the stationing, loading, and unloading o f vessels in the
ports, no privileges or facilities shall be granted to any vessel or vessels which shall
not equally and under like conditions be granted to all other vessels.
The Im perial Ottoman Government reserves to itself the right to confer upon
the Commission, which it proposes to entrust with the improvement and maintenance
o f the navigability of the Shatt-el-Arab, its rights o f control over the port o f Basra.
Clause ( b . The Im perial German Government declare that they will not oppose
the acquisition by british interests o f 40 per cent, o f the share-capital o f the separate
Ottoman Company for the construction and exploitation o f the ports of Basra and
Bagdad, m entioned in sub-clause (iri> above, and their rateable representation on the
Conseil d ’ Administration o f the port com pany, and in the contracts, if any, for
construction and maintenance.
Clause (c). In all that relates to the dues and charges of whatever nature to be
levied, and to the facilities to be accorded, in the ports of Basra and Bagdad, goods
arriving or to be forwarded by water shall receive identic treatment to those arriving
or to be forwarded b y rail.
A r t ic l e 3 .
A r t ic l e 4 .
Clause (a\ The Im perial German Governm ent, having cognisance o f the
declaration signed on the 29th July, 1913,( 9 on behalf of the Imperial Ottoman Govern
ment, concerning navigation on the Bivers Tigris and Euphrates, declare that they
will not oppose the execution, nor support any action directed against the execution,
of such declaration, so long as the navigation on the said rivers is maintained in
substantial accordance with the provisions thereof.
Clause (b . His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will not
oppose the acquisition by the Bagdad Bailway interests o f 40 per cent, o f the share
capital to be allotted to Turkish interests at the first allotment (i.e. 20 per cent, of
the whole share-capital) and the right in respect thereof to subscribe for a rateable
proportion o f further issues o f capital of the Ottoman Company for river navigation,
and their rateable participation in the board of the aforesaid com pany out of the
share of the directorate allotted to Turkish interests.
Clause (c). (i) It is, nevertheless, understood that nothing in this article shall
be held to affect the rights conceded by article 9 of the Bagdad Railway Convention
of the 5th March, 1903, except in so far that His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
and the Imperial German Government hereby agree and declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to, and will use their best endeavours to secure the due
execution of the following provision of the arrangement referred to in article 2 of
the present convention :—
The Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s rights under article 9 of the aforesaid Convention
of the 5th March, 1903, shall cease on the completion o f the construction of the
Bagdad Railway to Basra.
(ii) It is further agreed that if an arrangement to the satisfaction of the partie
concerned can be made for the conveyance by river of the aforesaid materials through
the Ottoman Company for river navigation, H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and
the Imperial German Government will use their best endeavours to secure the
conclusion o f such an arrangement.
A b t ic l e 5.
Clause (a). The concessionnaire, nominated in pursuance o f article 3 o f the
aforesaid declaration of the 29th July, 1913, having concluded with the Imperial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government and the Imperial German Government declare, so far as concerns them
selves, that they adhere to the said arrangement and will use their best endeavours
to secure its due execution : —
A b t ic l e 5 a.
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the Imperial German Government will
join in using their good offices with the Im perial Ottoman Government to secure
that the Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as possible be brought into and permanently kept
in a satisfactory state of conservancy in order that sea-going vessels may always be
assured of free and easy access to the port of Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab shall permanently be kept open for sea-going vessels,
and be carried on on terms of absolute equality for the vessels of all nations, without
regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
Dues shall be imposed, not for the mere fact o f navigation, but only for repaying
sums actually spent on improvem ents in the navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab and
harbour facilities. They shall in no case exceed 1 fr [a n c] per registered ton (the
dues to cover the com ing in and going out of the same vessel); any dues shall be
823
(a) The Im perial German Governm ent having taken note o f the Anglo-Turkish
Convention o f under which the free navigation o f the Shatt-
el-Arab is assured on terms of absolute equality to the shipping o f all nations and
a com m ission is established for the execution of such works as may be necessary
for the improvem ent o f its channel and for its maintenance and for other like
purposes set out therein, and being of opinion that the provisions o f the Convention
are conducive to the best interests o f international com m erce, will, so long as the
Convention is not materially altered and so long as the duties imposed upon the
Commission by the said Convention are satisfactorily carried out, uphold the
Convention.
The Im perial German Government take note in this connection o f the declaration,
signed on the and attached to the said Convention, to the
effect that articles 7 and S of the above Convention do not affect the rights enjoyed
in the Ottoman Empire by the nationals o f the Treaty Powers.
( b) Die Kaiserliche Regierung behält sich ihre Stellungnahme zu dieser
Klausel vor.
A r t ic l e 7.
Should the Shatt-el-Arab, after a reasonable time, not have been brought into
a satisfactory state o f conservancy assuring sea-going vessels o f free and easy access
to the port o f Basra, or should this state of conservancy not be m aintained, His
Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will agree to the construction of
a branch from Basra (Zobeir) to the next point allowing a free and easy access to
sea-going vessels.
In this case His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government will not oppose German
capital participating in this branch line and its being represented on the board of
this line under exactly the same conditions and in the same proportion as British
capital shall be represented on the board o f the Bagdad Railway.
A r t ic l e S.
No. 199.
build the line. H e said that in this case he might offer it for adjudication— of course
respecting British rights— and that Italians would co-operate and probably obtain it.
H e said that he thought Italian Ambassador would accept this proposal.
He said however that he would much prefer giving concession to an Anglo-
Italian com bination if this could be brought about. I think he is in some difficulty,
and that probably other members of the Government are in favour of granting
Italians some concessions.
He liked the idea of Anglo-Italian com bination because he fears Italians want to
create a sphere of influence.
He said he wanted to accord requests of British com pany for extension and
junction with Anatolian Bailway Company Ac., but he fears that Germans will then
demand to enjoy fulfilment of the kilometric guarantee o f the Eski C hehir-K onieh
line.
M IN U T E S .
Q uery R e p ly to S ir L. M a lle t : —
“ Y ou r teleg ram N o. 94.
“ I und ersta n d th a t n eg otia tion s are p roceed in g sa tis fa ctorily betw een M . N og a ra and
S m y rn a -A id in C om pany, b u t th e Ita lia n s have not m ade any definite p rop osal fo r a lin e u n itin g
A d alia and B uldur, which w ould be v ery costly and cou ld not o f course trespass w ithin 40 k ilo
m etres o f B u ld u r w ith ou t consent o f B ritish C om pany. T he lines proposed b y M. N og a ra do
n ot com e w ith in 50 kilom etres o f B uldur.
“ T he m a n ag er o f the S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y is com in g over in a week, and m eanw hile
M . N og a ra has asked fo r m ore tim e as he wishes to m o d ify his proposals in m in or respects.
“ As to last p a ra g ra p h o f y o u r telegram , m eetin g was held on F rid a y in L on don w ith
rep resen ta tives o f A n a tolia n R a ilw ay , w ho are w illin g to a gree not to opp ose any o f S m y rn a -
A id in C om p a n y ’ s requests ex cep t th a t fo r n a v ig a tion rig h ts on L ak e B evshehir, w hich, ow in g
to w atershed, they claim is in the A n a tolia n region . I t was then suggested te n ta tiv e ly th a t
perhaps an a rra n g em en t could be m ade fo r a jo in t lin e from B evshehir t o K o n ia , or fo r a line
to b e bu ilt b y G erm ans from B evshehir to K o n ia , m a k in g th e ju n ction b y this rou te in stead of
at Afium K arah issar, and both com p an ies p a rtip a tin g in n a v ig a tio n o f L a k e Beyshehir. T his
is to be ex am in ed and discussed fu r th e r when G erm ans retu rn in ten days.
“ G erm ans con ten d th a t w hether ju n ctio n is m ade at K o n ia or A fium K arah issar they
ca n n o t fa ce risk o f div ersion o f traffic to Sm yrna unless O ttom an G overnm ent release them
fr o m th e cou n ter-g u a ra n tee g iv en b y A n a tolian C om p an y t o O ttom an G o v [e rn m e n ]t th a t
form er w ill m ake up to G o v [e rn m e n ]t any differen ce b etw een a ctu a l g ross receip ts, if th ey are
below 6,000 fran cs per kilom etre, and 6,000 fra n cs.(2)
“ I t is o f course possible th a t ju n ctio n w ith S m y rn a -A id in lin e w ou ld in crease receip ts o f
A n a tolia n R a ilw a y , b u t in ord er th a t position m ay be fu lly con sid ered I should be glad if
Y [ o u r ] E [x e e lle n c y ] w ould send hom e deta iled statem ent show ing a ctu a l results in gross
ea rn in gs per k ilom etre o f E ski-Shelir K o n ia line in past ten y ea rs.”
A. P.
F ebru ary 11, 1914.
I a tta ch a m ap, w hich ex plain s this d r a ft .(3)
G. R . C.
11.2.14.
I agree w ith the teleg ra m .(4)
E. A. C.
F e b [ r u a r y ] 11.
A . N.
E . G.
(2) [M a rg in a l note by M r. P a r k e r : “ (I had in ten ded to d r a ft a teleg ram abou t this before
S ir L. M a lle t’ s telegram cam e in. A . P .) ” ]
(3) [N o t rep rod u ced .]
(4) [T h e telegram (N o. 89) is da ted F ebru ary 12, 1914, 4 p . m .]
325
N o. 200.
Communication to H err von Kuhlm ann.^i
No. 201.
Communication from H err von Kühlm ann.( l)
F.O. 7 7 2 1 /6 9 9 0 /1 4 '4 4 .
Confidential. * London, February 19, 1914.
Entre la Banque Impériale ottomane, agissant tant en son nom propre que,
dûment autorisée, au nom et pour le com pte de la Société ottomane du Chemin de Fer
de Dam as-H am a et prolongements, et de la Société en form ation pour la construction
et l ’ exploitation du réseau de la Mer Noire, ces divers établissements étant désignés
ci-après sous le nom de “ groupe français,” d ’ une p art; et la Deutsche Bank, agissant
tant en son nom propre que, dûment autorisée, au nom et pour le compte de la Société
du Chemin de Fer ottoman d ’ Anatolie et de la Société Impériale ottomane du Chemin
de Fer de Bagdad, lvS divers établissements étant désignés ci-après sous le nom de
“ groupe allem and,” d ’ autre p a rt; il a été convenu et arrêté ce qui suit :
A r t ic l e 1 er.
l ’ ouest, ainsi qu’ un em branchem ent partant des environs de Soulou-Seraî et allant
dans la direction de Yozgat jusqu’ à la ligne de partage des eaux entre le Yéchil Irmak
et le Kizil Irmak.
L e groupe allemand prend acte des déclarations du groupe français, et déclare,
de son côté, son intention de poursuivre la concession des lignes destinées à relier les
réseaux des Chemins de Fer d ’ Anatolie et de Bagdad à celui de la Mer Noire à Sivas,
par Césarée, et à Arghana Maden par Diarbékir.
L e groupe français prend acte de ces déclarations.
A r t ic l e 2.
A r t ic l e 3.
Les deux groupes constatent que la position respective des Sociétés du Chemin de
F er de D am as-IIam a et prolongements et du Chemin de Fer de Bagdad est aujourd’ hui
fixée par la jonction des réseaux de ces Compagnies à Alep, et par leur accès à la
m er à Alexandrette pour le Bagdad, à Tripoli de Syrie pour le D am as-H am a et
prolongements.
E n vue de fortifier leur situation respective et de poursuivre le développement
normal de leurs réseaux à l ’ abri de toute rivalité et concurrence, les deux groupes sont
d ’ accord pour arrêter les dispositions suivantes (articles 4 à 6) :
A r t ic l e 4.
. A r t ic l e 5.
Les deux groupes reconnaissent aux lignes définies à l ’ article précédent une zone
de protection de 60 kilom. au sud de la ligne A lexandrette-A lep-M eskéné et prolonge
m ent, une zone égale de protection au nord de la ligne T rip oli-H om s-D éir-es-Z or,
ainsi qu’ une zone de protection de 60 kilom. de chaque côté de l ’ axe de la voie de la
ligne existante de Hom s à Alep.
A la jonction des deux réseaux, où elles viennent en contact, ces zones de
protection sont délimitées par une droite tirée du point de jonction des voies ferrées, à
Alep, au point d ’ intersection des limites extérieures des deux zones, suivant les
327
indications que les parties ont, d ’ un com m un accord, portées sur la carte schématique
annexée aux présentes.
Ces zones de protection étant exclusivement réservées à l ’ action du réseau dont
elles dépendent, chacun des groupes s’ engage à ne construire ni exploiter de voies
ferrées dans la zone de protection des lignes de l ’ autre groupe.
A r t i c l e 6.
Les raccordements ci-dessus définis entre les réseaux des deux groupes (articles
2, 3 et 4) sont les seuls dès maintenant p révus; les jonctions nouvelles qui seraient
décidées ultérieurement par le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman devront faire l ’ objet
d ’ un accord préalable entre les deux groupes.
A r t i c l e 8.
Pour compléter l ’ effet des stipulations qui précèdent en tant qu’ elles tendent à la
constitution de réseaux homogènes, les deux groupes se donnent mutuellement
l ’ assurance qu’ ils ne rechercheront la construction ou l ’ exploitation d ’ aucune voie
ferrée dans la zone d ’ action d ’ un réseau de l ’ autre groupe, en tenant compte,
notamm ent, des points de jonction indiqués ci-dessus (articles 2, 3 et 4k
Les deux groupes s’ interdisent, au même titre, de soutenir ou favoriser, soit
directement, soit indirectement, tout individu ou Société quelle qu ’en soit la nationabté,
dont l ’ action irait à l ’encontre des stipulations du présent accord.
A r t ic l e 9
Les questions de trafic intéressant les réseaux des deux groupes sont réglées par
deux accords spéciaux intervenus entre les Sociétés intéressées et annexés aux
présentes.
A r t ic l e 10.
A r t ic l e 11.
A r t ic l e 12.
Le présent accord étant conclu de bonne foi, les deux groupes déclarent leur
intention de soumettre à l ’ arbitrage le règlement des difficultés qui pourraient naître à
l ’occasion de son application.
Chaque groupe choisira un arbitre. Les arbitres désigneront au besoin un
surarbitre pour les départager ; en cas de désaccord sur le choix du surarbitre, celui-ci
sera désigné à la requête des parties par le Président du Tribunal fédéral de
Lausanne.
A r t ic l e 13.
A r t ic l e 14.
Présents :
M. Sergent, Sous-Gouverneur de la M. de Rosenberg, Conseiller-Rapporteur
Banque de France. an Département Im périal des Affaires
M. Ponsot, Consul de France. Etrangères.
M. de Klapka, Secrétaire général de la Al. Helfferich, Directeur de la Deutsche
Banque Impériale ottomane. Bank.
329
A n n exe à l ’ A rticle 5.
Carte schém atique(2
portant indication des zones de protection des voies ferrées du réseau du D am as-H am a
et prolongements et du réseau du Bagdad dans le voisinage d ’ Alep.
D ’ après la carte de Kiepert au 1 : 4 00 .00 0 : feuille Adana, 1911, 3® édition; feuille
Alep, 1911, 2® édition.
N .B .— La ligne de démarcation des deux zones de protection— telle qu'elle résulte
du tracé existant du Dam as-H am a et prolongements et des lignes conventionnelles
adoptées pour figurer le tracé direct d ’ AJexandrette à Alep et d ’ Alep à Meskéné— est
représentée : à l ’ ouest d ’ Alep, par une droite qui traverse l ’ Oronte à m i-chem in environ
entre Derkush et D jisr-es-Shoyr. le cours de l ’ Oronte se trouvant en amont de ce point
dans la zone de protection du Dam as-H am a et prolongements : à l ’ est d ’ Alep par une
droite établie d ’ après le même principe.
Les indications du présent schéma feront foi entre les parties.
No. 202.
Ar t ic l e 2.
The B .B .C . agrees to entrust to Lord Inchcape, and the latter agrees to undertake,
the transport on the Biver Tigris from Basra to Bagdad, of all material, machines
and articles of any kind (hereinafter collectively called “ g o o d s ” ) necessary for the
construction and for the working o f the Bagdad Bailway and its branches, including
the port' of Bagdad and including further any other construction work to be executed
by the B .B .C . or by the firm of Philipp Holzm ann and Co. Lim ited . of Frankfort-
on-Main, as far as the B .B .C . may decide to transport goods to Bagdad by water.
The total weight of goods to be transported during the construction of the Bagdad
Bailway shall not be less than 1 0 0 . 0 0 0 tons of 1 . 0 1 6 kilog. each, but in this guaranteed
quantity of 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 tone shall be included the total weight of all goods already
transported or to be transported to Bagdad before the present agreement becomes
A r t ic l e 3.
A r t ic l e 4.
The goods arriving at Basra by sea steamer and delivered by the latter “ from _
the ship’ s s lin g s ” ( “ sous p a la n ” ) will be directly loaded into and properly stowed
away in the barges by the B .R .C ., but the B .R .C . has the right at any time to take
part of the goods to its magazine at Basra, whence they will be loaded by the B .R .C .
into the barges.
Lord Inchcape undertakes (accidents excepted) to provide not less than five
steamers and eighteen barges for service under this contract and to make every effort
to place barges alongside the sea steamers, so that their discharge may be made into
these barges with a view to avoid the necessity for landing goods at Basra.
The B .R .C . undertakes to arrange that the stevedoring of the goods in the barges
will be properly done, and that the instructions of the skippers of the river craft will
be com plied with. A ny costs which should result from the non-observation of this
engagement will have to be defrayed by the B .R .C . The barges arriving at Bagdad
will be discharged by the B .R .C . alongside the landing place installed for that purpose.
The representative o f the B .R .C . has to decide the order in which the loaded barges
are to be despatched from Basra to Bagdad.
The bills of lading for the river service will have to be issued and handled in a
similar way to that hitherto arranged with Messrs. Lynch Brothers.
331
Article 5.
The B .E .C . pays to Lord Inchcape for each ton of 1,016 kilog. loaded at Basra
the general rate of 221 (twenty-two and one half shillings. This rate will also apply
upon all goods shipped and to be shipped from Basra to Bagdad under the agreement
referred to in article 1 hereof, by the Société de Transports Fluviaux en Orient and
Messrs. L yn ch B rothers, up to the time the present contract becomes operative.
The freight is to be calculated upon the weight stated in the bill of lading of
sea steamer. Should this method not be applicable— which may happen in a few
instances when goods are taken into the barges from the magazine— the weight shall
be fixed at Basra by a representative of the B .B .C . and a representative of Lord
Inchcape. The representative of Lord Inchcape shall present not later than the
5th o f each month a statement showing the shipments made during the preceding
month. The B .B .C .. after examination of the statement, but not later than the
15th o f each month, shall make payment for the said shipments in London.
Specifications of all the shipments made by the B .B .C . to Basra shall be rendered
regularly by the B .B .C . to Lord Inchcape at his London office.
A r t ic l e 6.
L ord Inchcape will keep a special account for the steamers and barges engaged
in the transport of the goods, crediting to same all receipts and debiting it with all
expenses resulting from them , including a depreciation o f 18J per cent, per annum,
on the original cost o f the craft purchased for the carrying of the goods, the charge
for depreciation to cease when the craft has been written down to 25 per cent, of
its original cost. I f in any calendar year the special account shows a profit o f more
than 10 per cent, on the capital nsed for the purchase o f all the necessary vessels
actually in service, and accessories, the surplus shall be equally divided between
L ord Inchcape and the B .B .C . If Lord Inchcape desires to em ploy the sr?amers
and 'or barges for the transport of goods other than those comprised in this contract,
no objection will be raised, provided that the transport o f the Bagdad Bailway material
will in no way be interfered with. The receipts resulting from such other transports
shall not be credited to the Special A ccount, whilst vice versa any expenses resulting
from those other transports ('over and above those which would have been incurred
had no such other cargo been carried shall not be debited to the Special Account.
A r t ic l e 7.
The B .B .C . heretofore, has been com pelled to enter into agreements with third
parties for auxiliary transports to Bagdad, amounting to 3,000 tons for the year
1913 and 7,200 tons for the current year.
The B .B .C . undertakes not to give any further goods for transport to any
other owners o f sailing vessels or other craft, provided however that, if L ord In ch
cape should— in three consecutive months— transport less than his obligation under
article 3 o f this contract, the B .B .C . shall have the right to the extent of such
deficiency to enter into contracts for shipments on sailing vessels, the amount so
shipped to be deducted from the guaranteed m inimum o f 100,000 tons.
Should Lord Inchcape fail to provide transport for 75 per cent, of the goods
tendered for transport according to article 3 hereof, in each of three consecutive
months, then, unless that shall be due to any of the causes specified in articles 9
and 10 hereof, he shall refund to the B .B .C . 3 shillings for each ton so tendered and
not carried during such period.
Should L ord Inchcape fail to provide transport in each of six consecutive months
for 50 per cent, of the goods tendered for shipment according to article 3, then, unless
that shall be due to any of the causes specified in articles 9 and 10 hereof, the B .B .C .
332
shall have the right to cancel the present contract without any compensation, and
to exercise, in its discretion, in any other manner the right granted to it by article 9
of the Bagdad Convention of the 5th March, 1903.
A r t ic l e 8.
This contract comes into force at the date o f cancelling the agreements mentioned
in article 1 of this contract and expires at the time of com pletion of the Bagdad
B ailway down to Basra. Should it be found at the expiration of this contract, that
the total quantities shipped from Basra to Bagdad— with due consideration of the
terms o f articles 2 and 7— fall below the minimum o f 100,000 tons, the B .B .C .
agrees to pay to Lord Inchcape a compensation of 11 shillings and 3 pence for each
ton less than 100,000 tons.
A r t ic l e 9.
Lord Inchcape shall not be liable for any loss o f or damage whatsoever to goods,
nor for any non-delivery or delay in the delivery thereof, however the same may
be caused, and even though the same may be caused by any act, neglect, or default
o f masters, mariners, or other agents or servants whatsoever o f Lord Inchcape.
A r t ic l e 10.
L ord Inchcape shall not be liable for any failure to carry out any of the terms
o f this contract if the same shall be due directly or indirectly to any o f the following
causes namely :—
The act o f God, perils of the seas and rivers, pirates, assailing thieves, arrest
or restraint of princes rulers or peoples, seizure by authorities or legal process,
enemies, thieves, fire, civil com m otions, strikes or lock-outs, storm, fog, flood,
shortage o f water in the rivers, or any other cause beyond the control of Lord
Inchcape.
The B .B .C . shall not be liable for any failure to carry out any o f the terms of
this contract if the same shall be caused by civil com m otions, strikes, or lock-outs
occurring at Basra.
A r t ic l e 11.
Lord Inchcape has the right to transfer all his privileges and liabilities resulting
from this contract to the Ottoman Navigation Company to be form ed by him , and
upon such transfer, Lord Inchcape shall be discharged from all personal liability
hereunder.
A r t ic l e 12.
If at any time either during or after the currency of this contract any dispute
or difference whatsoever shall arise between the parties, the same shall except as
provided in article 3 hereof be referred to the sole arbitration in London of
H err Bichard von Kiihlm ann, C .V .O ., or failing him of an arbitrator to be appointed
by the Ambassador for the time being of His Imperial Majesty the German Emperor
accredited to the Court of St. Jam es, whose decision shall be final and binding upon
the said parties. And the said Arbitrator shall have power to obtain, call for, receive
and act upon any such oral or docum entary evidence or inform ation as he may
think fit, and the costs of the reference and award shall be in the discretion of the
said arbitrator, who may direct to or by whom and in what manner the same or any
333
part thereof shall be paid and with power to assess the amount of costs so to be paid
or any part thereof.
This contract shall be construed according to English Law.
L ondon, February 23, 1914.
R IE S E .
W itness :
R . vox K uhlm ann.
IN CH C A P E.
W itness :
E yre A. C r o w e .
No. 203.
admitted, however, that the memorandum contained arguments which had not been
before their colleagues in B erlin, and that it put the case of the Sm yrna-A idin
Company, so far as they could judge, prima facie, in a convincing manner. They
said that the headquarters o f the Anatolian Railway were at Constantinople, and
they would therefore like to send the memorandum out there for com m ents, and they
promised to let us hear further in a fortnight.
I laid great stress upon the importance which H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t
attached to getting the right of navigation on Lake Beyshehir for the Sm yrna-A idin
Company, and I shall be much disappointed after the language of the German
delegates if this point is not conceded.
They then said that, without wishing to be indiscreet, and -without pressing us
to say anything should we prefer to be silent, they felt that the question of a junction
with the Anatolian Railway, especially if it took place as they favoured bv a line
from Beyshehir to a point below Konia (which strictly speaking is the Bagdad Railway^
must depend in some degree upon whether or not the Sm yrna-A idin Company was
linked up with Adalia by a line going from Buldur, as such a junction would divert
much o f the traffic o f the Anatolian and Bagdad systems to Adalia. I said that the
Italian projects were somewhat vague and indeterminate, but it -was useful for us to
know the views of the German interests on this question.
A. P [A R K E R ].
No. 204.
F.O. 8 4 6 4 /4 6 0 1 /1 4 /4 4 .
Euer Exzellenz London, February 24, 1914.
beehre ich mich erhaltenem Aufträge zufolge anliegend den deutschen Gegen
vorschlag für die Fassung des Artikel 6 Klausel b des geplanten Vertrages über die
Bagdadbahn ergebenst zu übersenden. Unser Gegenvorschlag schliesst sich sachlich
fast ganz dem englischen Vorschlag vom Februar d. J. an .(2) Die Kaiserliche Regierung
hält es aus rechtlichen Gründen für unerwünscht, dass eine Fassung gewählt werde,
welche den Fall aller an der Schiffahrt auf dem Schatt-el-Arab beteiligten Völker
deckt. Solche Abm achungen würden den bisher von der Kaiserlichen Regierung
streng festgehaltenen Grundsätzen widersprechen.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung würde es für durchaus zweckmässig halten, wenn
nach Abschluss des vorliegenden Vertrages der Schiedsrichter, der im Artikel 6 .b .
vorgesehen wird, im voraus für einen gewissen Zeitraum bestimmt würde.
Mit der ausgezeichnetsten Hochachtung habe ich die Ehre zu sein
Euer Exzellenz
ganz gehorsamer Diener
LIC H N O W SK Y .
Article 6, clause (b). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, so far as they are
concerned, agree,
1) That the German Consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with
the Commission on matters within its com petence;
(*) [C opies o f this com m u n ica tion w ere sent to th e B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to the In d ia Office.
F o r H e r r von J a g o w ’ s in stru ction s v. G .P., X X X V I I (I), pp. 3 6 2 -3 .]
( 2) [r . sv p ra , p. 325, No. 200.]
335
2") that, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
of the com m erce of the river and refuse to remove the causes of complaint
raised by the German Consul, the question at issue shall be referred to
an impartial expert to be nominated by agreement between the Imperial
Ottoman Governm ent, His Britannic M ajesty's Governm ent, and the
Imperial German G overnm ent; failing agreement. H er Majesty the Queen
of the Netherlands shall be invited to designate the expert referee.
The Government of His Britannic Majesty will use their good offices with the
Imperial (Ottoman) Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recom
mendations as may be made by the expert referee.
To be put in the explanatory note :
The expert referee shall, if so desired by the Governments concerned, proceed
to Basra for the purpose of his enquiry. H e shall publish his report within four
months after having received all the necessary materials from both sides or within
four months of his arrival at Basra.
The expenses o f the enquiry, including the remuneration o f the referee, shall be
borne in equal shares by the Governments concerned.
No. 205.
No. “206.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir E . G oschen.G)
F.O . 9 5 8 0 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 . _
Tel. (No. 63.) Foreign Office, March 3. 1914. 7 -3 0 r .M .
Please inform German G ov!"ernm en]t(2) that we are on the point of concluding
our agreements with Turkey in so far as they are connected with the proposed
customs increase as distinct from the m onopolies, and that we hope to reach complete
agreement with German Government in regard to proposed Anglo-German Convention
respecting Bagdad railway and cognate matters forthwith, but I am disturbed by the
P ) [T h is telegram was rep eated to C on stan tin op le (N o. 114). A co p y was sent to the
B oa rd o f T ra d e.] _
(2) [S ir E. G oschen com m u n ica ted an a id e-m ém oire on M a rch 4, 1914, in a ccord a n ce w ith
these in stru ction s, cp. G .P., X X X V I I (I ), p. 367.]
337
reflection that our agreements with both Germ any and Turkey are largely dependent
upon the conclusion of corresponding agreements between the Bagdad Railway
Company and the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t, and the latter and the German Government,
and that progress in this direction does not appear to be very rapid.
March 31 is the latest date fixed for ratification of our agreements with Turkey,(3)
and, both on this account and in view of the urgent necessity of Turkey for m oney,
which cannot be raised until the customs increase hr.s been agreed to, I earnestly trust
that negotiations at Berlin may soon be concluded.
(3) [cp . supra, p. 232, X o . 157, n o te f 1).]
No. 207.
No. 208.
Article 6, clause (6). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, so far as they are
concerned, agree :—
1. That the German consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with the
Commission on matters within its com p etence;
2. That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
of the commerce of the river and refuse to remove the causes of complaint raised
by the German consul, the question at issue shall be referred to an impartial expert to
be nominated by agreement between the Im perial O ttom an G o vernm ent, -His B rkannie
■Alaje-sty-’s G ov ernment, two m em bers of the Commission, and the -Imperial German
G o v e r nm ent consul, provided that if a similar or analogous complaint is made by any
oth er consul, he shall participate in the said nom ination; failing unanimous agree
m ent, H er Majesty the Queen o f the Netherlands shall be invited to designate the
expert referee.
The Governm ent o f His Britannic Majesty will use their good offices with the
Im perial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recomm enda
tions as may be made by the expert referee.
F .O . 9S63;2390/14 44.
Tel. (No. 3 2.' Berlin, March 5, 1914.
Your telegram No. G3 of 3rd March acted o n i2, : Negotiations with Turkey.
Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs says some two or three months ago
the German Government submitted certain proposals to Ottoman Government in
connection with increase of Turkish customs dues. These proposals, he said, were
mainly intended to secure advantages which would satisfy German public opinion,
but were not really important. Turkish negotiator, Djavid B ey, had left Berlin at
Christmas, and had not returned. Negotiations between the German and Ottoman
Governments and between the latter and the Bagdad Bailway Company were therefore
suspended for the moment.
Under-Secretary of State said that I could assure you of the earnest wish of the
German Governm ent that both sets of negotiations at Berlin should be concluded as
quickly as possible, and he fully appreciated urgent need of Turkey for m oney.
Absence of Turkish negotiator was. however, a bar to the resumption of negotiations,
and he evidently thought that there was no prospect of their conclusion by 31st March.
M IN U T E S .
I should lik e to be a u th orised to show th is teleg ram , m inu s the last 15 w ords, to H a k k i
P asha.
C opies t o In d ia Office.
B oa rd o f T rade.
A. P .
M a rch 5, 1914.
G. R . C.
5.iii.l4.
I t w ou ld do g ood to show it to H a k k i P ash a as su g g ested .(3)
E. A. C.
M [a r ic h 5.
A. X .
E. G.
No. 210.
No. 211.
A r t ic l e I.
Les Hautes Parties contractantes confirment et ratifient les protocoles signés par
les Commissaires ottom an et britannique en 1903, 1904 et 1905, dont le texte se
trouve à l ’ Annexe A de la présente Convention.
A r tic le n.
Pour confirmer l ’ engagement pris à l ’ alinéa 1er du protocole en date du 20 avril,
1905. Sa Majesté l ’ Em pereur des Ottomans déclare qu ’ il n ’ aliénera pas de quelque
manière que ce soit le territoire, d ’ une étendue d ’ environ 550 milles anglais carrés,
contigu à la ligne Djébel N oum an-H usn Mourad et situé dans les limites de 1 ancien
canton des Soubéha. Ledit territoire est indiqué en jaune sur la carte qui forme
l ’ Annexe C de la présente Convention.
A r tic le III.
Le point No. 1 du Ouadi Bana indiqué sur la première des cartes annexées
(Annexe B ï à la présente Convention, étant le dernier point du côté de l ’ est délimité
sur les lieux, il est convenu entre les Hautes Parties contractantes et arrêté, conform é
ment audit protocole, et sous réserve des conditions et spécifications y contenues, que
la frontière des territoires ottomans suivra une ligne droite qui ira du L ekem et-m -
Choub vers le nord-est au désert de Ruba-al-Ivhali avec une inclinaison de 4 5 °. Cette
ligne rejoindra dans le Ruba-al-Ivhali, sur le parallèle 2 0 °, la ligne droite et directe
vers le sud qui part d ’ un point sur la rive méridionale du golfe d ’ Oudjeïr et qui
sépare le territoire ottoman du sandjak de Nedjd du territoire d ’ E l Katr, en conformité
de l ’ article 11 de la Convention anglo-ottomane du 29 juillet, 1913, relatif au Golfe
Persique et aux territoires environnants.
L a première des deux lignes est indiquée en violet et la seconde en bleu sur la
carte spéciale ci-jointe ^Annexe O .
A r tic le IV.
La présente Convention sera ratifiée et les instruments de ratification en seront
échangés à Londres aussitôt que faire se pourra, et au plus tard dans un délai de
trois mois.
E n foi de quoi, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs ont signé la présente Convention
et y ont apposé leurs cachets.
Fait à L ondres, en double original, le 9 mars. 1914.
[L .S .] E. G R E Y.
[L .S .] I. H A K E T .
342
N o. 212.
F.O. 9 2 3 4 /1 3 2 /1 4 /4 4 .
(No. 141.) Confidential.
Sir, Foreign Office, March 13, 1914.
, I have to inform Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] that the French Ambassador called at
this Office on the 27th ultimo and showed to Sir A. Nicolson a confidential despatch
from the French M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] to the French Ambassador at
St. Petersburgh explaining the action taken by the Russian M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ]
A [ffairs] in regard to the admission of a Russian delegate to the Council of the
Ottoman Public D ebt.(2)
M. Doumergue pointed out that Turkey had agreed in principle to such admission,
but France, while also agreeing in principle, had warned Russia to be cautious how
she proceeded, and had recomm ended her to strengthen her claim by acquiring some
financial interest in Turkey in the shape of some Turkish bonds.
M. Sazonow of his own initiative had suddenly addressed him self to all the Powers.
The results had been what France had feared. Germany made a condition that a
second German delegate should be appointed and that she should have her turn in
the P resid en cy: Austria-Hungary laid down as a condition that Russia should
recognize the Austro-Italian Bank in Albania and concur in that Bank undertaking
important banking transactions, and Belgium had applied also for a delegate. Italy
would probably also make some demands. The ill-considered action of M. Sazonow
had, therefore, unchained a series of complicated questions; and M. Paleologue in
recounting the consequences to M. Sazonow was to urge him to go no farther, but to
leave the matter alone and be content with the acceptance in principle by France and
Turkey of a Russian delegation, while awaiting a more favourable opportunity to
advance the matter further.
[ I am, Ac.
E. G R E Y .]
No. 213.
F.O. 1 21 9 9 /4 6 0 1 /14/44.
Sir, Foreign Office, March 19, 1914.
I am directed by S ec[reta r]y Sir E. Grey to transmit to you the accom panying
copy of a minute, dated March 18. recording a conversation between Dir. Parker and
H err von Kuhlmann and Herr Bergm ann resp [ectin ]g certain clauses of the draft
Anglo-German agreement.
I am to enquire the views of the S ec[reta r]y of State for In d ia /B [o a rd ] of
T [ra d e] resp [ectin ]g the proposed change in the clause regarding British directors
on the board of the Bagdad R [a i]l[w a ]v , and. if possible, Sir E. Grey would be glad
to have a reply this week so that the matter may be further discussed with
H err Bergmann before his departure.
W ith regard to article 6, clause b, of the draft Convention (which as you are
aware the German G ov [ern m en ]t have now conditionally agreed to), the following
“ The Im perial German Governm ent declare that they will use their best
endeavours to secure that two British directors, agreeable to H is Britannic
M ajesty’ s Government, shall be admitted as representatives of a group of British
shareholders to the Board of the Bagdad Railway Com pany.” / 5)
In our counter-draft of December 15( 6) the words underlined had been omitted,
and in the last German counter-draft (that of January 19141 the words “ agreeable
to H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government ’ ’ had been om itted.(7)
The German representatives explained that they did not like retaining the words
“ agreeable to His Britannic M ajesty’ s G ov ern m en t” if it were not stipulated that
they should be “ representatives of a group of British shareholders” as it looked as
if His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government had two watch dogs. I explained our
difficulties, and I suggested that, inasmuch as the two British directors would have to
have a qualifying holding they would themselves be shareholders, and therefore,
speaking tentatively, I did not see why we should not accept the German counter-draft
of November 3 (quoted above) provided the three words “ a group o f ” were deleted.
They said they would recom m end this to Berlin by telegraph. I said m y proposal
A nnex.
Article 3 (c). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations
whatsoever to establish, in Ottoman territory, railway undertakings either in direct
com petition with the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s lines, or in contradiction with that
com pany’ s existing rights, unless and until there is com plete agreement on the subject
between the Im perial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government.
F or the purposes of this article, the western terminus o f the Bagdad Railway shall be
held to be at Konia and the eastern terminus at Basra.
Tn regard to article 3, clause (c), of the Anglo-Germ an Convention of
it is agreed as follows :—
1. No lines in that part of Asiatic Turkey which, west of the 36th meridian of
east longitude, lies south of the 34th degree of latitude or in that part which, east of
the said meridian, lies south of the 31st degree of latitude, shall be held to be in direct
com petition; but any line north of these limits shall be held to be in direct com peti
tion if it establishes direct railway com m unication between the Mediterranean and the
Persian Gulf.
2. There shall be a protective zone extending for 60 kilom. on either side of the
Bagdad Railway, and any line passing within the said zone shall be held to be in
direct com petition, provided that in the region between M useyib and Kurna the
protective zone shall be bounded on the east by a line drawn midway between the
Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, from the latitude of Museyib to Kurna.
3. Local lines serving as feeders for the river navigation and not exceeding
100 kilom. in length shall, provided th ey do not pass within the p rotective zone, not
be held to be in direct competition.
4. The question of whether any other line is or is not in direct com petition shall,
in the event of failure to reach an agreement, be referred to arbitration in accordance
with article 8 of the said C onvention.(9)
Arrangem ents for fusion o f the interests in Turkish Petroleum Concessions o f the
D ’A rcy group and of the Turkish Petroleum Company.
1) the shares in the Turkish Petroleum Company now held by the National Bank
of Turkey shall be transferred in equal moieties to the Deutsche Bank and the Anglo
Saxon Company.
2) the capital of the Turkish Petroleum Company shall be increased to F1G0.000
by the creation of SO.000 new shares of ¿ 1 each of the same class as those now
existing.
3) these 80,000 new shares shall be allotted to the D ’ A rcy group on terms to be
agreed upon between the parties.
4 ' The Board of the Company shall consist of 8 members of whom 4 will be
nominated by the D ’ A rcy group, 2 by the Deutsche Bank, and 2 by the Anglo-Saxon
Company.
5 The capital of the Turkish Petroleum Company shall be em ployed only in
exploring, testing, and proving oilfields, a separate public com pany or companies being
formed to work any field or fields the examination of which has proved satisfactory.
6) Such working com pany or companies shall issue to the Turkish Petroleum
Company fully paid ordinary shares as consideration for the acquisition of the rights
of the Company to the properties to be acquired ; such ordinary shares shall carry
full control of the working Company or Companies, which control shall in no
circumstances be parted with by the Turkish Petroleum Company.
7 The working capital required by such working com pany or companies shall be
raised by means of preference shares and tor debentures which shall be offered to the
public to such extent as the members of the Turkish Petroleum Company or any one
of them shall elect not to subscribe for themselves.
M IN T T E .
T h is is the agreem en t w hich w e g ot a ccep ted and sign ed b y all the p a rties a fte r a
p rolon g ed discussion y esterd ay a ftern oon .
I t enables us now t o a p p roa ch th e T u rk ish g o v [e r n m e n ]t fo r th e definite g ra n t o f the
M esop ota m ia n o il concession t o th e new A n g lo-G erm a n g rou p .
T he G erm ans h a ve in form a lly a greed, an d th is w ill b e p u t on record , th a t the d ’ A rcy
g ro u p w ill ha ve th e n om in a tion o f th e ch a irm an o f th e am alga m ated com p a n y fo r a
num ber o f years.
H it h e r t o th e m u tu a l o p p o sitio n o f the r iv a l g rou p s, b ack ed b y th e ir resp ectiv e g o v e r n
m e n t s has resulted in all concessions b ein g block ed. T his b lock is now defin itely rem oved
E. A C.
M [ a r ] c h 20
F . D . A.
A. N.
E . G .]
346
8) The alterations in the memorandum and/or articles of association of the
Turkish Petroleum Company necessary to carry out the above conditions shall be made
forthwith.
9) Mr. C. S. Gulbenkian shall be entitled to a beneficiary 5 % interest without
voting rights in the Turkish Petroleum Company, this 5 % being contributed equally
by the D ’ Arcy group and the Anglo-Saxon Company out of their respective holdings.
The shares representing Mr. Gulbenkian’ s interest shall be registered in the names
of nominees of the D ’ A rcy group and of the Anglo-Saxon Company, and shall be held
by them, but undertakings 6hall be exchanged between these parties whereby :—
1) Mr. Gulbenkian undertakes to pay the calls on the shares, and
2) The D ’ Arcy group and the Anglo-Saxon Company undertake that .
Mr. Gulbenkian shall be entitled to all financial benefits of the shares.
If Mr. Gulbenkian shall desire to dispose of his interest, and also in the event of
his death, the D ’ Arcy group and the Anglo-Saxon Company shall have the option of
purchasing the interests standing in their names on the terms defined in article 36 ( b)
of the articles of association of the Turkish Petroleum Company.
10) The three groups participating in the Turkish Petroleum Company shall give
undertakings on their own behalf and on behalf of the companies associated with
them not to be interested directly or indirectly in the production or manufacture of
crude oil in the Ottoman Em pire in Europe and Asia, except in that part which is
under the administration of the Egyptian Government or of the Sheikh of Koweit, or
in the “ transferred territories ” on the Turco-Persian frontier, otherwise than through
the Turkish Petroleum Company.
Foreign Office, London, March 19, 1914.
for the Imperial German G [overn m en ]t,
R . v. K U H LM A N N .
(For H is Britannic M ajestv’ s Government),
E Y R E A. C RO W E .
For the National Bank of Turkev.
II. BABIN GTON SM ITH .
For the Anglo-Saxon P etr[oleu m ] C [o m ]p [a n ]v , L [im ite ]d , ,
W . D E T E R D IN G .
W A L T E R H . SAM U E L.
For the Deutsche Bank.
C. BERGM AN N .
For the D ’ Arcy Group,
C. G R E E N W A Y .
H . S. B A R N E S.
No. 215.
F.O . 1 2 6 5 6 /7 5 6 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 79.) Foreign Office, March 21, 1914, 7*30 p . m .
Discussions have been taking place with German representatives regarding
railway interests in Asiatic Turkey, and memoranda and maps go to Y [o u r]
E [x ce llen cv ] by post to-night.(z)
As regards a) our argument is that when the Bagdad Railway from Bagdad to
Basra is com pleted a great part of the through traffic will be diverted from the river
to the railway, and it is therefore vital that the river service, in which the Germans
will be shareholders, should be fed by local lines and traffic. Mendali will probably
be just inside the 60-kilometre zone measured from the Khanikin branch, and the line
we propose would pass via Bedrai and Jessan which would make it rather longer than
100 kilometres.
As regards b) please refer to arguments in memorandum printed in Turkey
series under date of February 21,(3) and to m emorandum which goes to you by post
to-day.(L
The Sm yrna-A idin Company claim that the junction, or point of m eeting, of
extensions from their system and the Bagdad system should be Lake S eid isheir; the
Bagdad Railway representatives claim that it should be at the north end of Lake
Beyshehir. a solution which would be disastrous to the S m yrna-A idin Company. As
a compromise I can induce the Company to agree to make the meeting point at the
town of Beyshehir, which serves as a market for the whole district.
Y [o u r ] E Txcellency] should represent to the German G o v [e m m e n ]t the difficulties
of the situation and the very considerable concessions which we have shown ourselves
ready to m ak e: the enormous area to which our concessions to Germ any re la te ;. and the
great importance I attach to these two small points being conceded.
Though I am very desirous that the negotiations should be speedily concluded. I
cannot give way on either of these points without taking back the concessions we have
made in favour of the interests of Germany.
The Sm vrna-A idin Railway is the oldest and only rem aining British Railway in
Asia M inor and is entitled to special support from H [is ] M rajesty’ s] G o v [e r n m e n ]t;
and I have only been able to agree to the proposed settlement regarding railways in
Mesopotamia on the understanding that British rights in the river navigation should
be consolidated and put upon a permanent footing, a consummation which is impossible
if local traffic such as would be brought b y a line from Mendali is to be ruled out.
As Mendali is nearly 60 kilometres from the proposed alignment of the Bagdad
Railway no serious com petition can be feared.
No. 216.
The Anatolian and Bagdad Companies to take note of this agreement and not to
oppose such agreement being approved by the Ottoman Governm ent.
The Anatolian and Bagdad Companies not to oppose the granting to the S m yrna-
Aidin Company of a Concession for the navigation of the Lakes, provided that no
m onopoly is asked for.
The Anatolian and Bagdad Companies not to oppose the granting to the S m yrna-
Aidin Company of a Concession for the construction and working of this railway.
The Sm yrna-A idin Company not to oppose the granting to the Bagdad Company
of a Concession for the construction and working of a railway from a point on the
Bagdad Railway, through the Tscharbambe Valley to Lake Seidischier.
The S m yrna-A idin Company has applied to the Ottoman Government for a
Concession to construct and work a branch line from Kara Kouyou to Sandukly.
The S m yrna-A idin Company has put forward a tentative proposal to the Ottoman
Government for an option, extending over a long period of years, to make a junction
at Afiun Karahissar, with the Anatolian Railway, if it ultimately desires to do so
The Sm yrna-A idin Company is prepared to examine, with the Bagdad Railway,
the question o f a junction at some point to the south of the town o f B eyscheir. The
proposal has already been put forward tentatively, but the Sm yrna-A idin Company
understands that objections are, or may be, raised by the Ottoman Governm ent.
The Sm yrna-A idin Company is prepared to consider the provision of direct
railway com m unication to the south o f the town o f B eyscheir, if satisfactory terms
can be made with the Ottoman G overnm ent, and the Bagdad Railway will enter
into an agreement for equal rates to sea-ports, traffic facilities, &c.
No. 217.
A r t ic l e o a .
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial German Governm ent will
join in using their good offices with the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent to secure that the
Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as possib le practicable be brought into and perm anently
kept in a satisfactory state o f conservancy in order that sea-going vessels m ay always be
assured o f free and easy access to the port o f Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab shall perm anently be kept open for sea-going
vessels, and be carried on under conditions o f absolute equality for the vessels o f all
nations, without regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
Dues shall be imposed, not for the mere fact of navigation, but on ly for
A r t ic l e 6.
(a) The Imperial German Governm ent having taken note o f the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913,(2) under which the free navigation o f the Shatt-
el-Arab is assured on terms o f absolute equality to the shipping o f all nations and
a com m ission is established for the execution o f such works as m ay be necessary for
the improvem ent o f its channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes
set out therein, and being of opinion that the provisions o f the said Convention are
conducive to the best interests o f international com m erce, will uphold it so long as
it is not materially altered and so .long as the duties imposed upon the Commission
thereunder are satisfactorily carried out.
The Imperial German Government take note in this connection o f the declaration,
signed on the 21st October, 1913,(3) and attached to the said Convention, to the effect
that articles 7 and 8 thereof do not afEect the rights enjoyed in the Ottoman Empire
by the nationals of the Treaty Powers.
(b) H is Britannic M ajesty’ s G overnm ent, so far as they are concerned, agree :—
(i) That the German consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with the
Commission on matters within its com petence;
(ii) That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
o f the com m erce of the river, and refuse to remove the causes o f complaint
raised by the German consul, the question at issue shall be referred to
an impartial expert, to be nominated by agreement between the two
m embers of the Commission and the German consul, provided that if a
similar or analogous complaint is made by any other consul, he shall
participate in the said nom ination; and that, failing unanimous agree
ment, H er Majesty the Queen o f the Netherlands shall be invited to
designate the expert referee.
The Government of His Britannic Majesty will use their good offices with the
Im perial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recomm enda
tions as may be made by the expert referee.
N o. 218.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G r e y .I1)
No. 219.
N o. 220.
Prince Lichnow sky to Sir Edward G r e y . ( *)
Notiz.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung hat ernste Bedenken gegen Ausdehnung der geplanten
Zubringerbahn zum Tigris bis nach Mendeli. Falls jedoch nach Vollendung der
Bagdadbahn von Khanekin nach Basra die Britische Regierung der Kaiserlichen
R egierung gegenüber den W unsch äussern sollte, eine Bahn von Kut-el-Amara nach
Bedrai bis Mendeli auszudehnen, so würde die Kaiserliche Regierung, um den
W ünschen der Königlich Grossbritannischen Regierung entgegenzukom m en, einem
solchen Bau durch englische Interessenten nicht entgegentreten, weder wegen des
Umstandes, dass diese Linie länger würe als. 100 km noch wegen des Umstandes,
dass Mendeli innerhalb der 60 km -Schutzzone der Bagdad-K hanekin-Strecke liegen
würde. Zu einer Verlängerung der Bahn über Mendeli müsste jedoch auf jeden Fall
die Zustim m ung der Kaiserlichen Regierung eingeholt w erden./2)
Die Zusage wegen des Bahnbaues nach "Mendeli könnte in einer Note der Kaiser
lichen Botschaft gegeben w erden; diese Note müsste aber unter allen Umständen
geheim bleiben und dürfte nicht ohne Zustim m ung der Kaiserlichen Regierung
veröffentlicht werden.
No. 221.
No. 222.
[10900]
354
N o. 2*23.
Sir E . Goschcn to Sir Edicard G rey.(')
F.O . 1 38 5 4 /7 5 6/14 /4 4 .
(No. 132.) B erlin, D. March 27, 1914.
Sir, R . March 30, 1914.
I did not fail to carry out the instructions contained in your telegram No. 79
o f the 21st instant(2) with regard to the concessions desired by His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment in return for the undertaking that no railways should be built which would
be in direct competition with the Bagdad Railway between Konia and Basrah.
As I had the honour to inform you by telegram ,(3) the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs said that as regards the M endeli-Kut-el-A m ara branch line, the
Bagdad Railway Company were ready to meet the desire of His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment on the condition that the arrangement should for the moment be kept secret;
but that as regards the other concession desired by His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, namely
that Lake Beyshehir should be included in the area to be served by the Sm yrna-
Aidin Company, there was no chance o f the Company accepting your proposal, as
they already thought that they had gone quite far enough in meeting the wishes
of the Sm yrna-A idin Railway Company in consenting to their com ing to the North
W estern point of Lake Beyshehir. In discussing the latter point with Herr von
Jagow, I pointed out that what was now asked was a very small matter compared
to the very large and important concession which His M ajesty’ s Government had
shown themselves disposed to make to the Bagdad Railway. Both H err von Jagow,
and H err von Stumm who was present at our conversation, showed a disposition
to minimize the importance o f this concession and to claim that what we regarded
as a great concession was really a right held by them as the original holders o f the
concession o f the Bagdad Railway. I replied that I was of course no expert in the
Bagdad Railway question, but that it would surprise me very much to learn that
the original concession absolutely excluded the building o f any lines which might
possibly compete with the Bagdad Railway in any part o f the country through which
it was to run. I might of course be wrong, but the way in which the company had
been straining every nerve to obtain the undertaking not to build com peting lines
seemed to me to preclude the idea either that it was unimportant or that it was
already theirs by right.
Herr von Stumm then pointed out that even if this undertaking was a great
concession, I must not forget that Germany had made great concessions too, both by
giving up their undoubted right o f carrying the railway right down to the Persian
Gulf, and by allowing two British directors on the Board o f the Bagdad Railway
Company.
After some further discussion as to the size and merits o f the concessions made
on each side, and after I had gone fully into the arguments put forward by the
Sm yrna-A idin Railway in favour o f their claims, with no result, I called Herr von
Jagow ’ s attention to the fact that you attached great importance to these two conces
sions, and that you felt that you could not give way upon them without taking back
the concessions that you were prepared to make to German interests. Under these
circumstances I hoped that His E xcellency wTould do all in his powTer to persuade
the Company to fall in with your v iew s; for he would, I was sure, agree with me in
thinking that it would be a thousand pities if the chances of com ing to a satisfactory
agreement were to be wrecked upon a point which was o f minor importance compared
to the questions which had been already practically settled. Herr von Jagow said that
he would go into the matter on the following day with Herr Helfierich of the Deutsche
Bank and let me know the result.
0 ) [ c p . G .P., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 3 9 2 -3 .]
(2) [v. supra, pp . 3-16-8, X o. 215.]
(3) [r . supra, p. 351, X o . 2 1 8 ; pp. 352-3, X o . 221.]
355
His E xcellency saw me again after his conversation with H err H elfferich and told
me that to his great regret the Bagdad Railway Company found it impossible to give
way with regard to the inclusion of Lake Beyshehir in the zone o f the Sm yrna-A idin
Company. After giving me the reasons why the Bagdad Railway Company refused
to entertain the compromise which you had suggested, reasons with which you are
no doubt familiar, Herr von Jagow said that he also would consider it a great
misfortune if this difference of opinion betw een the two Companies should undo the
work that had already been done and endanger the prospects of an agreement. He
attached the greatest possible importance to the agreement, both because of the
good effect it would have on public opinion in both countries and because it would
exclude the danger of a clash of interests between the only two Powers who were
sincere in their desire that the Ottoman Em pire should continue to exist. He
confessed that he had no confidence in the sincerity o f the other Powers in this
respect, certainly not in that of Italy or France and least o f all in that o f Russia.
In any case he did not give Turkey more than twenty years of existence and he feared
that even that period would be curtailed unless Great Britain and Germany
co-operated heartily together.
I did not fail to point out to him that the views he had just expressed would
seem to render it worth while that a strong effort should be made to persuade the
Bagdad Railway Company to give way upon the point which he had been discussing,
and upon which you felt so strongly; but His E xcellency said that he feared that
the Company was not to be moved from their decision.
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCH EN.
M IN U T E .
No. 224.
F .O . 1 42 5 7 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
(Private.)
My dear K u h lm a n n :— F oreign Office, March 31, 1914.
I have already spoken to you about the difficulties which are raised by the
additional article, proposed in the draft enclosed in Prince Lichnow sky’ s letter of
the 1st F ebruary.(2) I am anxious to avoid a form al official correspondence, as I
think we m ay be able to reach agreement m ore speedily without it, but at the same
time, as the subject is so com plicated, I think it would be convenient to you to
have a written statement from me.
For facility of reference, I enclose a copy o f the additional article in its original
form.
Tn our view, the basis of the whole Treaty is that we undertake not to oppose
your going as far as Basra, and you agree not to go beyond Basra. Our undertaking
is given in clause (a) o f article I ; whereas in clause (a) of article I II it is agreed
that no railway shall be built “ from Basra to the Persian G u lf ’ ’ unless and until
there is complete agreement between the Ottoman, British, and German Governments.
There has been a difference of opinion between our two Governments as to one
point arising from the last-mentioned clause : we are willing to agree that if the
line is ever built there shall be no discrimination in rates, but you wished us to go
further (which, for political reasons, we were not willing to do) and agree that there
shall be two German directors on the board. ’
In view of the terms of article I II clause (a) (which confers on either Govern
ment the power of vetoing the line altogether), the settlement of this difference did
not appear to be of immediate importance. Now, however, you have proposed an
additional article which, if adopted as it stands, would hind the British Governm ent,
owing to circumstances wholly beyond their control, to agree to a line being built
from Basra to some point nearer, and possibly on, the Persian Gulf, and, if
the line were built, to agree that there should be German participation in the capital
and German representation on the hoard.
Against this article I perceive a formidable array of objections :—
In the first place, though this is a point which does not concern my Government
and merely arouses m y personal curiosity, I am at a loss to appreciate why the
German Governm ent, who have accepted Basra as the most natural and suitable
com m ercial terminus for the Bagdad Bailway, should, by inserting this article in
the Treaty, indicate to the public that in fact they are not quite confident that the
decision to make Basra the terminus is prudent or wholly d efensible; thus, while the
article would undoubtedly prove a thorn in the flesh for us, I fear that it would be
rather a crumpled leaf in your own bed of roses.
In the second place, it would be argued in Parliament here, and to my mind
could not be successfully controverted, that we had, by agreeing to the additional
article, rendered insecure and therefore nugatory all the advantages conferred upon
us hv article I II clause (a) and by article II clause (a) (copies enclosed); for what
is it we are asked to do?
To agree to the construction of a line, with an inevitable German participation
but without any express stipulation for British control or even participation, to a
point which might conceivably have to he settled by arbitration over our heads, and
result in the sacrifice of those very interests, to protect which we were originally
induced to negotiate this Treaty.
And, if the additional article were adopted, what would be the casus foederis
in which the line would have to he built?
The article provides that if within a reasonable (uncertainty number li time,
the Shatt-el-Arab cannot be brought into and maintained in a satisfactory (uncertainty
number ‘2) state of conservancy, the British Government shall agree (uncertainty
number 3, as, while our assent to the project is secured, no proviso as to British
control is made) to the construction of a line from Basra to a point affording free
and easy access (uncertainty number 4) to ocean-going vessels (uncertainty number 5,
assuch vessels may in future include an “ Imperator ” or a “ Super-Imperator ” ).
I f the article is to he inserted at all.it is absolutely indispensable that British
predominance should be secured expressis verbis therein; if you desire the article
for Parliamentary reasons in Germany, we desire this qualification added for similar
reasons h ere; and no exchange of secret notes respecting the qualification would
serve our purpoise. For we must be able to satisfy Parliament that this extension
will be as indisputably “ British ” as the Bagdad Railway is indisputably “ German.”
W e should of course infinitely prefer to omit the article altogether, but if, on
further consideration, your Government really considers it necessary to provide for
the eventuality of Basra not rem aining, as it has done now for over 2,000 years,
357
open to ships from the sea, then I should be ready to submit to Sir E . Grey a clause
tothe following effect. I cannot say that I feel confident he would accept i t ; in
any case I am certain that he would not go beyond i t :
“ Should the port of Basra, owing to some unforeseen physical cause, be
rendered inaccessible to ocean-going vessels, or should st rious and insuperable
obstacles arise to the navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab up to the said port, His
Britannic M ajesty's Government declare that they would, in accordance with
article 10 of the Anglo-Turkish Convention o f , take steps to promote
the construction of a line from Basra to some point nearer the sea, affording
free and easy access to such vessels, provided that in theCompany controlling
the line, British participation in the capital, and British directors on the board,
clearly and perm anently predominate.
“ In such a contingency, adequate arrangements would be made to ensure
to the Bagdad Railway Company traffic facilities, and to obviate any sort of
discrimination in the transport o f passengers or g o o d s : and His Britannic
M ajesty's Government would not oppose German capital participating in the line,
and its representation on the board thereof. The proportion of German directors
would not exceed the proportion of the British directors specified in article I,
clause (b , of the present C onvention.”
I f an article is really desired. I sincerely hope that you will at least recomm end
this wording to your Governm ent. If they and His M ajesty's Government were to
agree to it. and if the few rem aining points already discussed are settled. I cannot
see why the whole Treaty should not be initialled by us <1 referendum very shortly.
It would be a great advantage if this could be done.
Yours sineerelv.
ALW YN P A R K E R .
Additional A rticled 3)
Should the Shatt-el-Arab, after a reasonable time, not have been brought into
a satisfactory state of conservancy assuring sea-going vessels of free and easy access
to the port o f Basra, or should this state of conservancy not be maintained, His
Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will agree to the construction of
a branch from Basra (Zobeir) to the next point allowing a free and easy access to
sea-going vessels.
In this case His Britannic M ajesty’s Governm ent will not oppose German capital
participating in this branch line and its being reprt rented on the board o f this line
under exactly the same conditions and in the same proportion as British capital shall
be represented on the board of the Bagdad Railway.
The Bagdad Railway Company having concluded with theIm perial Ottoman
Government anarrangement on the following basis, the Imperial German Govern
ment and His Britannic M ajesty’s Governm ent declare, so far as concerns themselves,
that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best endeavours to secure
its due execution :—
(i) The terminus o f the Bagdad Railway C om pany's line shall be at Basra, and
the Bagdad Railway Company has renounced all claims to construct a
branch line from Basra (Zobeir to the Persian Gulf, referred to in article 1
(3) [r . supra, p. 323, X o . IP?, encl. 2 .]
(J) [r . supra, p. 320, X o . 19?, encl 2.]
358
of the Bagdad Railway Convention o f the 5th March, 1903, and to build
a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf, under article 23 of the
said Bagdad Railway Convention^5)
Aucun prolongement de voie ferrée au delà de Basra vers la mer ne pourra avoir
lieu qu’ après accord préalable entre le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté britannique et
le Gouvernement Impérial ottom an et dans les conditions agréées par eux.
No. 225.
F .O . 1 4 2 7 8 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
M y dear K u eh lm a n n :— Foreign Office, April 1, 1914.
I send you a revise of the Anglo-G erm an C onvention,!2) showing, as far as possible,
the text so far as it has been agreed between you and H err Bergm ann and m yself.
I have left article 8 blank, and have added article 10.
Bergm ann agreed to the last paragraph of article II, clause (a) (iv), and I
explained to you both why we considered it essential to have it in the Anglo-German
Convention. •
You will see that two clauses have been modified to meet a changed situation,
v iz., article 4, clause (c) (ii), and article 5, clause (b).
I presume that the first section of the “ recom m endations” o f last September
about the Shatt-el-Arab should come in the explanatory note regarding articles 6
and 7.
I would draw your special attention to the second marginal note on the first
page. W ould you let me know exactly what is proposed by your Governm ent as to
this point?
Yours sincerelv,
ALW YN PARK ER.
( 1) [T his letter was sent to C on sta n tin op le (as N o. 182). C op ies w ere sent to the In d ia O ffice;
to th e B oa rd o f T rade. F or P rin ce L ich n ow sk y ’ s rep ort cp. G .P., X X X V I I (I), pp. 408-14.]
( 2) [T h ere was a fu rth e r revised d r a ft o f this C on v en tion da ted A p ril 21, 1914. (F .O . 17856/
4 6 0 1 /1 4 /4 4 .) The notes g iven below show any v a ria tion s in the te x t o f th is d ra ft, cp. also
in fra , pp. 370-1, E d. N o te .]
359
E n closu re in N o. •225.
Clause (a). Recognising the general importance of the com pletion of the Bagdad
Railway for international com m erce. His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction or manage
ment by the Bagdad Railway Company of the Bagdad Railway system or to prevent
the participation of capital in this undertaking.^)
Clause (b). The Im perial German Government declare that they will use their
beet endeavours to secure that two British members, agreeable to His Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent, shall be admitted as representatives o f British shareholders
to the Board (Conseil d ’ Administration) of the Bagdad Railway C om pany.(5)
A r t ic l e 2.
Clause (ah The Bagdad Railway Company having concluded with the Imperial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German
Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best
endeavours to secure its due execution :—
ii) The terminus c f the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra, and
the Bagdad Railway Company has renounced all claims to construct a branch line
from Basra CZobeir) to the Persian Gulf, referred to in article 1 o f the Bagdad
Railway Convention of the 5th March, 1 9 0 3 , and to build a port or railway terminus
on the Persian Gulf, under article 2 3 o f the said Bagdad Railway Convention.
(ii. No discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the Bagdad
Railway Com pany’ s system, either as regards facilities or rates of charge for the
conveyance o f like articles between the same points on account of the ownership,
origin, or destination of goods presented for transport, or in any other manner
whatever.(6)
ini') In the event o f the construction o f the said branch line from Basra (Zobeiri
to the Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be made to secure
A r t ic l e 3.
Clause fa). The Imperial German Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Governm ent declare that they will in no case support the construction of a branch
from Basra (Zobeir), or from any point of the main line of the Bagdad Railway, to
the Persian Gulf unless and until there is complete agreement on the subject between
the Imperial Ottoman Governm ent, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, and the
Imperial German Government.
Clause (b). The Im perial German Government declare that they will in no case
themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations whatsoever
to establish, a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf unless and until there
is complete agreement on the subject between His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
and the Imperial German Governm ent.
Clause (c). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations
whatsoever to establish, in Ottoman territory, railway undertakings either in direct
com petition with the Bagdad Railway Com pany’ s lines, or in contradiction with that
com pany’ s existing rights, unless and until there is complete agreement on the
subject between the Imperial German Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Governm ent. For the purposes of this article, the western terminus o f the Bagdad
Railway system, as defined in the explanatory note attached to the present Conven
tion, shall he held to be at Konia and the eastern terminus at Basra.
A r t ic l e 4.
A r t ic l e 5.
Clause (a). The con cession a ire, nominated in pursuance of article 3 o f the
aforesaid declaration of the 29th July, 1913, having concluded with the Imperial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government and the Imperial German Government declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to the said arrangement and will use their best
endeavours to secure its due execution :—
No discrimination shall be permitted by the Ottoman Company for river naviga
tion, either as regards facilities or rates of charge for the conveyance of like articles
between the same points on account of the ownership, origin, or destination of goods
presented for transport, or in any other manner whatsoever. The Company shall
grant no through bills of lading, rebates, or other privileges of any description in
respect of goods carried by any ship between any place served by the Com pany’ s
vessels and any place oversea, unless the same privileges are accorded in respect of
similar goods carried under the same conditions and in the same direction between
the same places by all ships regularly trading between those places, irrespective of
nationality.
Clause ( b l j 11) His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the Imperial German
Government take note of the agreement, signed on the 27th March, 1914, which forms
annex No. I I to the present Convention, and, so far as they are concerned, undertake
to uphold it.
A r t ic l e 6 .
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial German Government will
join in using their good offices with the Imperial Ottoman Government to secure that
the Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as practicable be brought into and permanently kept
in a satisfactory state of conservancy in order that sea-going vessels may always be
assured of free and easy access to the port of Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab shall permanently be kept open for sea-going vessels,
and be carried on under conditions of absolute equality for the vessels of all nations,
without regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
Dues shall be imposed, not for the mere fact of navigation, but only for
administrative charges of the Commission referred to in Article 7 and for repaying
sums actually spent on improvem ents in the navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab and
harbour facilities. They shall in no case exceed 1 fr. per registered ton (the dues to
cover the com ing in and going out o f the same vessel) except by agreement between
the two G overnm ents; any dues shall be levied on a basis of absolute equality without
regard to the nationality of sea-going vessels or their cargoes.
A r t ic l e 7.
(a) The Im perial German Government having taken note of the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913, under which the free navigation of the Shatt-el-
Arab is assured on terms of absolute equality to the shipping of all nations and a
com m ission is established for the execution of such works as may be necessary for the
improvem ent of its channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes set
out therein, and being o f opinion that the provisions of the said Convention are
conducive to the best interests of international comm erce, will uphold it so long as
it is not materially altered and so long as the duties imposed upon the Commission
thereunder are satisfactorily carried out.
The Imperial German Government take note in this connection of the declara
tion, signed on the 21st October, 1913,( 12) and attached to the said Convention, to the
( n ) [cp. supra, p. 343, N o. 213, encl., and n o te (3). T his clause w as o m itted from the revised
d r a ft o f A p ril 21.]
( 12) [t\ supra, p. 242, Ed. ATo fc .]
363
effect that article 7 and 8 thereof do not affect the rights enjoyed in the Ottoman
Empire by the nationals o f the Treaty Powers.
( b) H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, so far as they are concerned, agree :—
(i) That the German consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with
the Commission on matters within its com p eten ce;
(ii) That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
of the com m erce of the river, and refuse to rem ove the causes of complaint raised by
the German consul, the question at issue shall be referred to an impartial expert, to
be nom inated by agreement between the two members of the Commission and the
German consul, provided that if a similar or analogous complaint is made by any
other consul, he shall participate in the said nom ination; and that, failing unanimous
agreement, H er Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands shall be invited to designate
the expert referee.
The Governm ent of H is Britannic Majesty will use their good offices with the
Imperial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recom m en
dations as m ay be made by the expert referee.
To be put in the explanatory note :
In regard to article 7, clause (bC of the Anglo-German Convention of
, it is agreed as follows :—
The expert referee shall, unless it be otherwise agreed by the parties concerned,
proceed to Basra for the purpose of his enquiry. He shall publish his report within
four months after having received all the necessaiy materials from all the parties,
including both Commissioners, or within four months of his arrival at Basra.
The expenses of enquiry, including the remuneration of the referee, shall be
borne in equal shares b y the Governments concerned. ( 13)
A b t ic l e S .f14)
A r t ic l e 9.
A r t ic l e 10 .
The Present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged,
within the period of three months from the date of signature.
( 13) [I n the revised d r a ft o f A p ril 21, th is form ed Section I V o f the e x p la n a tory n ote.]
( 14) [I n the revised d r a ft o f A p r il 21, A r ticle S was also le ft b la n k .]
( 15) [T h e revised d r a ft o f A p ril 21 con ta in ed a new A r ticle 9, as fo llo w s : —
“ H is B r ita n n ic M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent and the Im p eria l G erm an G overn m en t take
n ote o f th e a greem en t b etw een the S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y C om p any on the one p a rt and
th e A n a to lia n an d B a g d a d R a ilw a y C om p anies on th e oth er p a rt, sign ed on the A p ril,
1914, and fo r m in g a n n ex N o. 1 to th e p resen t C on v en tion , and, so fa r as th ey are concerned ,
un d erta k e to h old it .”
The presen t A r ticle s 9 and 10, becam e A rticles 10, and 11 resp ectiv ely .]
864
N o. 226.
F.O. 14602 4 6 0 1 /1 4 /4 4 .
Private and confidential. 9, Carlton H ouse Terrace, London, S.TP.,
My dear Parker, April 1, 1914.
After mature consideration I com e to the conclusion that I shall recommend to
drop the A rt[icle] 7, as I cannot find a wording which will be acceptable to both
sides. This recomm endation shall encounter formidable resistance at home but I
would feel more confident of the possibility of ultimate success if I could assure them
that H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [ov ern m en ]t will not oppose the landing of a Cable
somewhere on the Gulf Coast. You told me you did not deal with that but the matter
is connected and has been mentioned by us right from the beginning of the negotia-
tions.C) I f you could get me that I would put the little weight these long struggles
have left me in the balance for dropping A rt[icle] 7.
Yours very sincerely,
‘ K C IIL M A N N .
M IN U T E S
A r ticle 7 w ill I th in k be d rop p ed or ren d ered harm less w ith ou t this cou n ter concession.
I w ould suggest th a t th e n ote to th e G erm an A m b [a ssa d o ]r (see 4 S 60 4/1 3)(2) should be sent
off (b e in g slig h tly a ltered as P rin ce L icfrnow sky is in cha rge). I f it w ere possib le I should like
to a dd to th e last pa ra g ra p h a sentence a greein g to cod e and cy p h er m essages fo r G erm an
m erchants. B u t this is a fa cility a ga in st w hich possibly ob jection s m ay exist.
As soon as the official letter is sent off I w ill rep ly to H e r r von K iihlm a nn.
I h op e the official letter can g o th is w eek.
A. P .
A p r il 2, 1914.
N o. 227.
Sir Edward G rey to Prince Lichnow skyfi1)
F.O. 9 70 8 /1 6 3 7/14 /4 4 .
(No. 132.)
Sir :— Foreign Office, April 4, 1914.
W hen the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t first agreed with Mr. Ô ’ Beirne to sign the
documents enclosed in Y [o u r] E [x c e lle n c y ]’ s despatch No. 55 o f the 2nd ultim o,/2)
it was intimated to him that, in the event of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t con
cluding any agreement with any other Power (except Turkey) regarding the
Shatt-el-Arab C om m [issio]n, the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t would like to have the
opportunity of considering whether or not they would wish to make a further
agreement of a similar nature with H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov[ern m en ]t.
I now have to request Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] to com m unicate to the Russian
G ov [ern m en ]t, for their strictly confidential inform ation, the accom panying copies
of two articles which are to be embodied in the Anglo-G erm an Convention respecting
the Shatt-el-Arab, the Bagdad Railway and cognate m atters./3)
If the Russian G ov [ern m en ]t are so disposed, H [is ] M fa jesty’ s] G ov[ern m en ]t
would be fully prepared to conclude with them a convention, in terms similar, mutaiis
mutandis, to the enclosed two articles ; but, if such a Convention is concluded between
Great Britain and Russia, I would particularly request that it m ay be signed on or
before the 20th instant.
[I am, Ac.
(for the Secretary of State)
E Y R E A. C R O W E .]
( x) [T h is despatch w as rep ea ted to C on stan tin ople. C opies w ere sen t to the B oa rd of
T ra de; to the In d ia Office.]
(2) [a. supra, pp. 335-6, N o. 205, an d encls.]
(3) [F o r these enclosures v. in fra , pp. 377-9, N o. 236, en d . 1.]
No. 229.
F.O. 9 7 0 8 /1 6 3 7 /1 4 /4 4 .
(No. 133.)
g ir; Foreign Office, April 4, 1914.
’ W ith reference to my despatch No. 132 o f to-day’s d a te,(2) respecting the draft
Anglo-German Convention, I have to request Y [o u r ] E [x cellen cy ] to inform the
Russian G ov [ern m en ]t that it is also proposed to include in an explanatory note the
following passage :—
In regard to articles 6 and 7 of the said Convention, it is agreed that the
following recommendations shall serve as a basis for the work o f the Commission
1. The Commission to set to work as soon as possible. _ _
2. The Commission to undertake a preliminary survey, during a period of at least
twelve months, before recom m ending any large expenditure on permanent works.
3. The Commission to aim as a first step at a depth of 24 feet at high-water
springs on the bar.
4. The channel of the river below Mohammerah to be buoyed as soon as possible
so as to indicate the position o f a shoal in the river.
S ir F . B e r tie to S ir E d w a rd G rey.
F.O . 1 5S 9 4/15894/14 44.
(X o . 194.) P aris, D. A p ril 10, 1914.
Sir, R . A p ril 11. 1914.
I have the h on ou r to tra n sm it to y ou herew ith e x tra cte d from th is e v e n in g ’ s issue o f the
“ T em ps,” th e te x t o f a com m uniqu é a n n ou n cin g th e in itia llin g yesterd ay by th e F ren ch
P resid en t o f the C ouncil, M in ister fo r F oreig n A ffairs and D ja v id B ey, o f th e F ra n co-T u rk ish
agreem ents in respect o f ra ilw ay con stru ction and p o r t concessions in A s ia tic T u rk ey , w hich
form ed the sub ject o f m y despatch X o. 514 o f th e 16th O ctob er last.
The ra ilw ay concessions gra n ted to F ra n ce u n d er these agreem ents a re th e sam e as those
enum era ted in my despatch above-m entioned, w ith th e a d d ition o f a lin e from R a y a k to R am leh,
h a lf w ay from Jaffa to Jerusalem .
I t is sta ted th a t D ja v id B ey w ill p roceed to C on stan tin ople to-m orrow in ord er to subm it
these a greem ents to the Sultan, and th a t so soon as an Ira d é is issued con firm in g them , w ork
w ill im m ed ia tely be begu n on th e lines.
I have, &c.
(F o r the A m bassador),
G R A N T IL L E .
E nclosu re.
Les con tra ts con cern a n t toutes ces lignes son t conclus et on n ’ a tten d p ou r com m encer les
tra v a u x que la sign atu re de l ’ irad é du sultan. Ces lignes d oiv en t être achevées dans un délai
de d ix ans.
868
Enfin, la P o rte aeeorde la concession en Syrie d ’ une v oie ferrée allan t de R a v a k à R am leh,
à m i-eheinin de Jaffa et de Jérusalem . On espère que le G ouvernem ent b rita n n iq u e consentira
éventuellem ent à un em branchem ent a vec le réseau ég yp tien .
La P o rte aeeorde aussi des concessions p ou r les p orts de J affa, Caïffa et T rip oli d ’ Asie sur
la M éd iterra n ée, et pou r les ports d ’ In éboli e t H éraclée sur la m er N oire.]
No. 230.
M IN U T E .
[10900]
870
N o. 231.
F .O . 1 70 9 2 /1 6 37 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 92.) St. Petersburgh, April 19, 1914.
Your telegram No. 179 o f 18th A p ril.(2)
Following is text o f revised note which I propose addressing to the Russian
Government, which embodies the notes exchanged on 7th and lo th A pril(3) :—
“ In m y note of 7th April I had the honour to communicate to your
Excellency copies of two articles, Nos. 6 and 7, which are to be embodied in the
A nglo-German Convention respecting the Shatt-el-Arab, Bagdad Railway, and
cognate matters, of which the text is as follows (here follows text). In a further
note of the same date I had the honour of inform ing your Excellency that in
regard to the above-mentioned articles it was proposed to include an explanatory
note of the following passage (here follow last seven paragraphs o f your despatch
No. 133!.(4) '
“ The reply which your E xcellency was good enough to address to me on
15th April was to the effect that the Imperial Governm ent, having examined
articles 6 and 7 o f the proposed Anglo-German Convention as well as the points
to be included in the explanatory note to be attached to these articles, were
prepared to adhere to this arrangement.
“ I am accordingly now authorised to inform your Excellency that ITis
M ajesty’ s Government agree to regard the provisions o f the aforesaid articles
as well as the six points comprised in the explanatory note above referred to as
having binding force between His M ajesty’ s Government and the Imperial
G overnm ent.’ ’
The Russian Government in their reply will, I gather, take act of my note, and
state that they regard articles 6 and 7, &c., as having binding force between the two
Governm ents. His M ajesty’ s Government will therefore incur no unilateral
obligations. I f you do not consider this sufficient please telegraph how you wish
the Russian reply worded.(s)
C ) [T h e t e x t g iv en above is taken from the C onfidential P rin t, as th e o rig in a l decypher
c a n n ot b e tra ced . C opies w ere sent to th e B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to the In d ia Office.]
( 2) [S ir E d w a rd G re y ’ s teleg ram (N o. 179) o f A p ril 18, 1914, D. 4 p . m ., is not reprod uced .
In it he asked fo r th e te x t o f the R u ssia n n ote o f A p ril 15, 1911. (F.O . 1 6 7 5 4 /1 6 3 7 /1 4 /4 4 .)]
(3) [S ir G. B u ch an a n ’ s note o f A p ril 7 and M . S a zon ov ’ s note o f A p ril 15 are prin ted infra,
p. 380, N o. 236, en d s. 3 and 4 .]
0 ) [p. supra, pp. 366-7, N o. 229.]
(5) [S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s teleg ram (N o. 190) o f A p ril 22, 1914, D . 2-30 p . m ., in stru cted S ir G
B uch an a n to in sert the w ords “ m u ta tis m uta ndis ” b efore th e w ord s “ b in d in g f o r c e ” in th f
final p a ra g ra ph o f his proposed note. (F .O . 1 7 0 9 2 /1 6 3 7 /1 4 /4 4 .) cp. infra, pp. 377-9, No. 236,
a n d en d . 1, which gives the full te x t o f the n ote.]
[E D . N O T E .— T here was a revised d r a ft o f the A nglo-G erm a n C on v en tion da ted A p ril 21,
1914. cp. supra, pp. 359-63, N o. 225, encl., and notes. I t was orig in a lly draw n up by M r. P a rk er
on A p ril 8 (F .O . 1 5 5 6 8 /4 6 0 1 /1 4 /4 4 ) and discussed by him w ith H e r r von K iih lm a n n on A p ril 21
(F .O . 17078 / 4601 / 14 / 44). In th e form w hich was a d op ted on th a t day it was tra n sm itted by
P rin ce L iehnow sky to H e r r von Bethm ann H ollw eg on A p ril 22. v. G .P., X X X V I I (I),
pp. 424-5. F or fu rth er referen ce to this d r a ft v. in fra , pp. 372-4, Nos. 2 3 3 -4 ; p. 382, N o. 238.
T h e te x t was follow ed by an E x p la n a to ry note in five sections. T here was also an A n n ex ,—
“ H ea d s o f proposed A g reem en t betw een the O ttom an R a ilw a y from S m yrna to A id in (h erein
a fter called “ the ‘ E n g lis h ’ C o m p a n y ” ) an d the A n a tolia n R a ilw a y C om p any and the B a g da d
R a ilw ay C om pany (h erein a fter tog eth er referred to as “ the ‘ G e r m a n ’ C o m p a n ie s ” ).” A note
was added to this A n n ex to th e effect th a t it was “ proposed to su b stitu te the form al agree
m ent as soon as sign ed fo r the docu m en t.” T he A nnex, w hich was in itia lle d on M arch 28,
1914, rem ained unch an ged in the final te x t o f th e C on ven tion a n d is p rin ted in fra , pp. 404-6.
N o. 249, en d . F o r the d r a ft o f the form al agreem ent v. infra, pp. 382-5, N o. 238, en d .
371
A com m u n ica tion from P rin ce L ich n ow sk y d a ted M a y 6, 1914, in form ed S ir E d w a rd G rey
th a t the G erm an G overnm ent agreed to the d r a ft o f A p ril 21 “ in the m a in ,” b u t suggested
m odifica tion s in certa in poin ts (F .O . 20527/4601 1 4 /4 4 ). F o r the la te r d r a fts p. in fra , p. 395,
Ed. *Yo£e.]
No. 232.
A r t ic l e
(a) The Imperial German Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
declare, so far as concerns themselves, that they will uphold the principle of open
com petition in regard to contracts or concessions for the execution of future works
of irrigation in Asiatic Turkey.
The Imperial German Government declare that they will not oppose a minor
British participation in any contracts or concessions which may be allotted to German
subjects, provided such participation is deemed com m ercially desirable by the parties
holding such contracts or concessions.
His Britannic M ajesty’s Government declare that they will not oppose a minor
German participation in any contracts or concessions which may be allotted to British
subjects, provided such participation is deemed com m ercially desirable by the parties
holding such contracts or concessions.
( b) It is expressly agreed that the foregoing clause shall not be held to apply
to those irrigation works already entrusted to German subjects in Asia M inor, or to
those tendered for in Mesopotamia by British firms in 1912.
M IN U T E S .
No. 2 3 3 .
A r t ic l e 3 .
Clause (c). His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations what-
S e c t io n I II.
In regard to article 3, clause (c), o f the Convention, it is agreed as follows :—
1. No lines in that part o f Asiatic Turkey which, west o f the 36th meridian of
east longitude, lies south o f the 34tli degree o f latitude a n d /or in that part which,
east o f the said m eridian, lies south of the 31st degree o f latitude, shall be held to
be in direct com petition; but any line north of these limits shall be held to be in direct
com petition if it establishes direct railway com m unication between the Mediterranean
and the Persian Gulf.
2. There shall be a protective zone extending for 60 kilom. on either side of
the lines o f the Bagdad Railway system, and any line passing within the said zone
shall be held to be in direct com petition, provided that in the region between Musevib
and Ivurna the protective zone shall be bounded on the east by a line drawn midway
between the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates from the latitude of Museyib to Kurna.
3. Local lines serving as feeders for the river navigation and not exceeding
100 kilom. in length shall, provided they do not pass within the protective zone, not
be held to be in direct com petition.
4. The question of whether any other line is or is not in direct com petition shall,
in the event o f failure to reach an agreem ent, be referred to arbitration in accordance
with article 9 of the said Convention.
A map is annexed for facility of reference^2)
I venture to suggest that the above provisions should be com m unicated officially
to Hakki Pasha, and that his special attention should be drawn to points 1 and 3 of
section I I I o f the explanatory n o t e ; that he should be inform ed that H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent are at present opposed to any railway connection with E gypt, but that,
in the event of this view being modified at some future date, or o f any concessions
being granted for railways to the Persian Gulf south o f the limits indicated in point I ,
H is M ajesty’ s Government rely upon the Ottoman Government granting them only
to a British group agreeable to His M ajesty’ s Governm ent, and only allowing the
construction under conditions acceptable to them ; and that, in view of the fact that
His M ajesty’ s Government have made no small sacrifices in agreeing to article 3,
clause (c), in the desire principally to facilitate the negotiations between Germany
and Turkey, His M ajesty’ s Government would much appreciate a written assurance
on the subject from the Ottoman Governm ent.
I also think Hakki Pasha should be asked to obtain, in favour o f the Ottoman
R iver Navigation Company, an option for ten years, to date from the com pletion
o f the Bagdad Railway to Basra, for short lines o f railway as feeders for the river
navigation.
H is attention might be drawn to the fact that, after the com pletion o f the Bagdad
Railway, the River Navigation Company, in which the Ottoman Governm ent are
important shareholders, will he deprived o f much o f the lucrative through traffic it
will at first enjoy, and will be dependent upon local traffic to a large extent. W e
might specify a line extending for 100 kilometres on either side o f the Tigris, and
joining the river at Kut-el-Am ara, as one line which will probably be eventually
desirable, especially if irrigation work proceeds as rapidly as anticipated.
A. P [A R K E R ].
( 2) [N o t re p ro d u ce d .]
374
N o. 234.
Euerer Exzellenz wäre ich für eine geneigte Mitteilung dankbar, ob diese
Fassung des Artikels 9 von der Königlich Grossbritannischen Regierung angenommen
wird.
Mit der ausgezeichnetsten H ochachtung habe ich die E hre zu sein
Euerer Exzellenz
ganz gehorsamer Diener
LTCHNOW SKY.
0 ) [cp. G P ., X X X V I I (I), pp. 4 2 3 -4 .]
(2) [r . supra, p. 363, N o. 225, encl., and n o te ( 15).]
(3) [r . in fra , pp. 404-6, No. 249. encl., A n n ex, v. also G P ., X X X V I I (I), pp. 4 62 -5 .]
No. 235.
(*) [C op ies o f this n ote w ere sent t o C o n s ta n tin o p le ; to R om e by post. T here is a m a rgina l
note by M r. Clerk a t the head o f th e d r a f t : “ The d ra ft had been sen t off before it was
su b m itted to the S e c fr e ta r y ] o f S ta te — see m inu tes on 18025 fo r reasons. [G. It. C .] ” In
the m inu tes referred to S ir E. Crowe e x p la in ed th a t he had sent off the n ote as he was “ a little
a fra id o f H a k k i P ash a and S ig n or N og a ra b ein g en g a g ed in m a kin g arra n g em en ts behind our
backs a fter we have w ith g rea t trou b le b rou g h t them to g e th e r.” (F .O . 1 8 0 2 5 /7 5 6 / 1 4 / 44.) On
A p ril 20, 1914, S ir E d w ard G rey w rote a m in u te to the effect th a t he ha d m ade “ a slig h t
a ltera tion in the m e m o r a n d u m ] to be g iv en to H a k k i. E. G .” F o r this a ltera tion v. n o te ( 2).]
375
Hakki Pasha forthwith, indicating why several of these alterations, more especially
those regarding the mode of selection of the arbitrator and the liabilities of the
contracting firms, are in the view of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov[ern m en ]t very unsatis
factory : in view of the great and regrettable delay which has already arisen in regard
to this negotiation, Sir E . Grey trusts that Hakki Pasha will be able to obtain by
telegraph the assent of his Government to the proposals about to be submitted to
him,— proposals which are largely based upon the text of the articles as originally
drawn up with H is Highness, while m eeting the requirements of the Ottoman
G ov [ern m en ]t so far as is com m ercially practicable.
Another negotiation which is causing His M ajesty’ s G o v [e m m e n ]t much
preoccupation is that relating to the S m yrna-A idin Eailwav. This Company represents
one of the most important British interests, and conducts what is admittedly one of
the most efficient railways, in the Ottoman E m p ire ; and the negotiation in London
respecting certain outstanding questions in which it is concerned will, if successful, go
far to justify, in public opinion in this country, the assent o f H [is ] M [a je sty’ s]
G ov [ern m en ]t to the valuable m onopolies and octroi dues desired by the Ottoman
G ov[ern m en ]t. For this reason H [is ] M [a jestv’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t made the settle
ment of the Com pany’ s just claims, and the recognition of their legitimate interests,
a principal condition of British assent to the financial measures referred to.
Since negotiations began, however, the com pany’ s interests have been vitally
threatened from two directions, and Sir E . Grey feels compelled to intimate to Hakki
Pasha that, from recent com m unications from C ons[tantino]ple and from the
difficulties experienced by the Company in negotiation, it appears that the Ottoman
G ov[ern m en ]t are far from appreciating the gravity of the situation.
In the first place, the illegal claim against the Company in respect of their
terminal land at Smyrna has been revived, and Sir E. Grey learns that the Com pany’ s
opponents are very active on the subject at Constantinople. Hakki Pasha is fully
aware of the complicated questions involved, and of the justice o f the Com pany’ s
position; legal decisions have been given in their favour, but, by means which H [is ]
M [a jestv’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t prefer not to scrutinise, those decisions have been nullified,
and the judge who fearlessly pronounced a just decision penalised and degraded. The
Sm yrna-A idin Company have thus been exposed during twenty years to futile legal
expenditure and to continual anxiety and insecurity. It is obvious that no railway
can be run if its terminus is subject to illegal confiscation 01* sequestration, or if, in the
alternative, it is liable to unjust claims of the nature in question.
In the circumstances explained, H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t feel bound to
press that an article should be embodied in the new convention with the Company
indem nifying them against any claims in respect of their terminal property, and
making the Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t, who are in equity liable in respect o f such claims,
liable in fact.
In the second place, the negotiation respecting the line from Adalia to Buldour
is in a most unsatisfactory condition. H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t hold— and
their opinion is based upon high legal advice and upon the history of the negotiations
of 1906— that, by the terms of the Convention signed in 1906, the S m yrna-A idin
Company have the right to build any line which may be determined upon from Adalia
or a point adjacent thereto, and especially so if the line is built in a northerly direction ;
they hold that the Company are entitled to terms at least equally advantageous as
those which may be offered to third parties. The Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t have asked
the Company, through his Highness Hakki Pasha, to build the lin e; but as it cannot
be built without a guarantee owing to engineering difficulties— and this is the
dominating factor in the situation— the Company could not accede to the request of
the Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t, who have persistently shut their eyes to those difficulties,
and thus rendered any useful negotiations impracticable.
Moreover, notwithstanding the fact that the Sm yrna-A idin Company was in a
strong position, His M ajesty’ s G ov [e m m e n ]t, in deference to the wishes of the
Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t, again expressed through His H ighness Hakki Pasha, have
376
exercised considerable pressure upon the directors, in order to induce tkem (2) to come
to terms with the Italian parties interested in the railway projects in this part o f Asia
Minor. The Company, in deference to the representations of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t], have entered upon a tedious and very costly negotiation with Signor
Nogara, acting on behalf of the Italian syndicate concerned, only to find that here
again the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t is dissatisfied, and desirous o f adopting a different
solution which would afford no advantage or lasting security to the Company.
The facts are clear and may be summarised as follows :—
F .O . 19570 1 6 3 7 /1 4 /4 4 .
(No. 122.) St. Petersburgh, D. April 29, 1914.
Sir, E . May 4, 1914.
W ith reference to your despatches Nos. 132 and 133 o f the 4th instant,(2) I
have the honour to enclose copy o f a Note which I handed to-day to the Minister
for Foreign Affairs, com m unicating to His E xcellency the text of articles 6 and 7
which are to be embodied in the Anglo-G erm an Convention respecting the Shatt-el-
Arab, the Bagdad Railway and cognate matters, as well as of the six points to be
recorded in the Note explanatory o f that Convention and inform ing him that His
M ajesty’ s Governm ent agree to regard the provisions o f these articles as well as
the six points comprised in the explanatory Note above referred to as having.
mutatis m utandis, binding force between His M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Imperial
Governm ent.
I had explained to M . Sazonow that, in order to give him the original text of
the Articles and points above referred to, I had written m y Note in E nglish instead
of French, and His E xcellency had yesterday consented to send me his reply in
French and not in Russian. To-day how ever, he told me that, in accordance with
international etiquette his reply must be written in R ussian: but he subsequently
agreed to accom pany it with a French Note described as a translation o f the Russian
which he also signed. The latter, which has been compared at this Em bassy with
the original Russian Note, has been found to be accurate in every respect. I am
forwarding both these documents in original.
I have also the honour to enclose copies o f the Notes which I had previously
exchanged with M . Sazonow, to which reference is made in m y Note of the
23rd instant.(3)
I have. &e.
G E O R G E W . B U CH AN AN .
A b t ic l e 6.
H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial German Governm ent will
join in using their good offices with the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent to secure that
the Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as practicable be brought into and perm anently kept
in a satisfactory state o f conservancy in order that sea-going vessels may always be
assured of free and easy access to the port o f Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab shall perm anently be kept open for sea-going vessels,
and be carried on under conditions o f absolute equality for the vessels o f all nations,
without regard either to the nationality o f the vessels or to their cargoes.
A r t ic l e 7.
(a) The Imperial German Government having taken note o f the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913,(5) under which the free navigation o f the Shatt-el-
Arab is assured on terms of absolute equality to the shipping of all nations and a
Commission is established for the execution of such works as may be necessary for
the improvement of its channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes
set out therein, and being o f opinion that the provisions of the said Convention are
conducive to the best interests o f international com m erce, will uphold it so long as
it is not materially altered and so long as the duties imposed upon the Commission
thereunder are satisfactorily carried out.
The Imperial German Government take note in this connection of the declaration,
signed on the 21st of October, 1913,(*) and attached to the said Convention, to the
effect that Articles 7 and 8 thereof do not affect the rights enjoyed in the Ottoman
Empire by the nationals of the treaty Powers.
(b') His Britannic M ajesty’ s G overnm ent, so far as they are concerned, agree :—
(I) That the German Consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with
the Commission on matters within its com p etence;
(II) That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
of clie com m erce of the river, and refuse to remove the causes o f complaint raised
by the German Consul, the question at issue shall be referred to an impartial expert,
to be nominated by agreement between the two members o f the Commission and
the German Consul, provided that if a similar or analogous complaint is made by
any other Consul, he shall participate in the said n om ination; and that failing
unanimous agreem ent, H er M ajesty the Queen of the Netherlands shall be invited
to designate the expert referee.
The Government of His Britannic M ajesty will use their good offices with the
Imperial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recom
mendations as may be made by the expert referee.
The expert referee shall, unless it be otherwise agreed by the parties concerned,
proceed to Basra for the purpose o f his enquiry. He shall publish his report within
four months after having received all the necessary materials from all the parties,
including both Commissioners, or within four months o f his arrival at Basra.
The expenses o f the enquiry, including the remuneration of the referee, shall
be borne in equal shares by the Governm ents concerned.
The reply which Your E xcellency was good enough to address to me on the
2 /1 5 April was to the effect that the Im perial Governm ent, having examined
Articles 6 and 7 of the proposed Anglo-G erm an Convention as well as the points
to be included in the explanatory note to be attached to these articles, were prepared
to adhere to this arrangement.
I am accordingly now authorized to inform Your E xcellency that H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent agree to regard the provisions of the aforesaid Articles as well as the
six points com prised in the explanatory note above referred to as having, mutatis
mutandis, binding force between His M ajesty’ s Governm ent and the Im perial
Government.
I avail, Ac.
G E O R G E W . BUCH AN AN .
M IN U T E S .
I agree.
E. A . C.
M a y 15.
See d r a fts to P a r is (9) and Y ie n n a (10) herew ith.
No. 237.
No. 238.
F. 0 . 1 81 8 9 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
Im mediate.
Your Serene Highness :—• Foreign Office, May 1, 1914.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of Your Serene H ighness’ note of
the 24th A p rilf1) in which you intimate that the German G ov [ern m en ]t agree
in principle to article 9 of the draft, dated April 21,(2) of the proposed Anglo-German
C onven tion; but, in view o f the fact that there may be a little delay in concluding the
definitive agreement between the S m yrna-A idin C o[m p any] and the Anatolian and
Bagdad R [a i]l[w a ]y Companies, you add that the German G ov [ern m en ]t would
prefer a modification in the wording.
In reply, I have the honour to transmit herewith, in triplicate, the draft of the
definitive agreement in question and, as there are few if any points of divergence
likely to arise, H [is ] M [a jestv ’ s] G [overnm ent] trust that it m ay be possible to sign
it forthwith.
It would in any case be desirable, in the opinion of H [is ] M [a je sty’ s]
G [ov ern m en t], to attach either the “ proposed heads of agreem ent,” or the definitive
agreement, to the Convention as an annex, as there are technical objections to laying
before Parliament a Convention in which reference is made to another document not
simultaneously published.
H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overnm ent] would accordingly prefer to adhere to the
wording already suggested by them for article 9.
[ I have, Ac.
E. G R E Y .]
Enclosure in No. 238.
The E nglish Company and the German Companies will in Co-operation use their
best endeavours to procure that the Ottoman Government
1. Shall grant to the English Company a concession to construct a railway from
Karakouyou to Sanduklv with the right for a period of ten years from the date of the
signing of the said concession by the Ottoman Government to construct an extension
of the said railway so as to form a junction with the railways of the German
Companies at Afion Karahissar.
2 . Shall grant to the English Company a concession to construct a railway from
a point on the east shore of Lake Eghirdir to a point on the north or north-west shore
of Lake Beyshehir north of the latitude of Kazak Adassy.
3 . Shall grant to the group which has undertaken the irrigation of the Plain of
K onia a concession to construct a narrow gauge local railway, laid so far as possible
along the irrigation dams, com m encing at Tchoum ra by a junction with the railway
of the Bagdad Railway Company and term inating at Beyshehir which said local
railway shall when constructed be worked b y the Bagdad Railway Company.
4. Shall grant to the English Company the right to navigate Lake Eghirdir.
5. Shall grant to the English Company and to the German Companies upon and
subject to the same terms conditions and stipulations in each case the right to
navigate Lake Beyshehir so as not to impede interfere with or diminish any rights
powers or privileges enjoyed at the date o f the said grant in connection with the
irrigation works deriving a supply of water from Lake Beyshehir.
6. Shall, in the event of the construction of a railway from Sanduklv to a
junction with the railways of the German Companies at Afion Karahissar, give such
guarantees to the English Company and the German Companies or either o f them as
m ay be desired by them for the protection of either or both of them by reason of the
loss of or diversion of traffic from their respective railways by such railway and shall
waive or m odify in such manner and to such extent as may be desired by the German
Companies the counter guarantee given by the German Companies in respect of traffic
passing over the railway of the German Companies between Eskishehir and Konia.
A r t ic l e 2.
The German Companies will not at any time offer any opposition direct or
indirect to the construction by the English Company of a railway from Sanduklv to
a junction with the railways of the German Companies at Afion Karahissar.
A r t ic l e 3.
The German Companies will in the event of the construction of a railway from
Sanduklv to a junction with the railways of the German Companies at Afion
Karahissar by the English Company the Ottoman Government or any other person
or persons whatsoever enter into an Agreem ent with the English Companies which
shall provide
(a) That the rates to be charged and the facilities to be afforded for the
conveyance of traffic to and from all seaports from and to Afion Karahissar
shall be the same under similar conditions and shall be determined by
agreement between the parties hereto
884
(b) That the English Company and the German Companies shall afford to one
another all due and reasonable facilities for the receipt forwarding
conveyance and delivery of traffic of every description passing or desirous
of passing over such railway from or to places on their respective railways
or beyond.
A r t i c l e 4.
In the event of the English Company not having constructed the extension of
the railway referred to in paragraph 1 of Article 1 hereof within the period of ten years
referred to therein and declining thereafter upon the request of the Ottoman Govern
ment to construct such extension the Ottoman Government may itself construct such
extension and in such case the English Company and the German Companies will
co-operate to secure that the Ottoman Government shall indem nify the English
Company for any loss or diversion of trafficsustained by the English Company by
reason of the construction of and the working of traffic over such extension.
A r t i c l e 5.
A r t ic l e 6.
The rates and charges to be taken, the regulations to be made, and the facilities
to be afforded for the receipt conveyance forwarding storing warehousing and delivery
of traffic on or over Lake Beyshehir by the English Company and the German
Companies respectively will be the same under similar conditions and will be fixed
and determined from "time to time by agreement between the parties hereto.
A r t ic l e 7.
The rates to be charged and the facilities to be afforded for traffic to and from all
seaports from and to the termini on Lake Beyshehir of the English Company and the
German Companies will be the same under similar conditions and will be fixed and
determined from time to tim e by agreement between the parties hereto.
A r t i c l e 8.
A r t i c l e 9.
This agreement will be laid before the duly appointed representatives of the
British and German Governments who will be invited to take official note thereof.
8S5
The aforesaid Governments will be invited so far as they are each concerned to
undertake to uphold individually and collectively this agreement and to use their best
endeavours in order that the terms thereof may be punctually and faithfully complied
with.
No. 239.
[10900]
886
N o. 240.
Sir L . Mallet to Sir Edward, G rey.Q )
No. 241.
[10900] 2 C 2
388
N o. 242.
F.O. 2 1 0 6 9 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
E uer E xzellenz! London, May 9, 1914.
Ueber die Frage der Vergebung von Bewässerungsarbeiten beehre ich mich
Euerer Exzellenz erhaltenem Aufträge zufolge das Nachstehende mitzuteilen :
Die Kaiserliche Regierung legt den grössten W ert darauf, dass zur Vermeidung
von späteren Missverständnissen für die Bewässerungsarbeiten in Mesopotamien der
Grundsatz öffentlicher Ausschreibung festgehalten werde und würde es zugleich
begrüssen, falls durch entsprechende Bestimm ungen ein ällzuscharfer W ettbewerb
verhindert werden könnte, welcher unter Umständen für die allgemeinen Beziehungen
unerwünschte Folgen haben könnte. Die Kaiserliche Regierung schlägt daher für
die Regelung der obenbezeichneten Frage nachstehende Fassung vor :
“ His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the Im perial German Government
will join in using their good offices with the Imperial Ottoman Government to secure
that the principle of open com petition in regard to contracts or concessions for the
execution of future works of irrigation in Mesopotamia shall be upheld.
The Imperial German Governm ent declare that they will not oppose a minor
British participation in any contracts or concessions which may be allotted to German
subjects, provided such participation is deemed com m ercially desirable by the parties
holding such contracts or concessions.
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will not oppose a minor
German participation in any contracts or concessions which may be allotted to British
subjects, provided such participation is deemed com m ercially desirable by the parties
holding such contracts or concessions.”
An sich hätte es die Kaiserliche Regierung vorgezogen, die Vereinbarung über
die Bewässerungsfrage in einen besonderen Notenwechsel zu verweisen, sie ist jedoch,
falls dies dem W unsche Euerer Exzellenz entspräche, auch bereit zuzustimmen, dass
die vorstehenden Grundsätze in den Bagdadbahnvertrag aufgenomm en werden.
Ferner schlägt die Kaiserliche Regierung nachstehenden Notenwechsel vor :
“ Die Kaiserliche Regierung wird keinen W iderstand dagegen erheben, dass
diejenigen Bewässerungsarbeiten in Mesopotamien, für welche bereits eine öffentliche
Ausschreibung erfolgt und die Frist für Angebote abgelaufen ist, ohne dass andere
als englische Firm en detaillierte und nach den Submissionsbedingungen zuschlags
berechtigte Offerten eingereicht haben, den englischen Unternehmern von der Pforte
endgültig übertragen werden, auch wird sie konkurrierende Bestrebungen deutscher
Staatsangehöriger nicht unterstützen.”
“ Die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung wird die Kaiserliche Regierung
mit einem authentischen Verzeichnis versehen, in welchem die Zahl und der Umfang
der unter Vorstehendem in Anspruch genom m enen Bewässerungsarbeiten genau
wiedergegeben sind.”
“ Die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung wird keinen Widerstand dagegen
erheben, dass die Bewässerung von Adana, für die auf Grund von Verträgen mit der
Türkischen Regierung deutsche Staatsangehörige bereits bedeutende Vorarbeiten
geleistet haben, den deutschen Unternehmern von der Pforte endgültig übertragen
werden. Auch wird sie konkurrierende Bestrebungen englischer Staatsangehöriger
nicht unterstützen.”
Stimmt die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung den im Vorgehenden
gem achten Vorschlägen zu, so würde die Kaiserliche Regierung als besonderen Beweis
ihres Wunsches Euer Exzellenz entgegenzukom m en auf die Einfügung des
Artikels 7 (8) des Entwurfs für ein Abkommen über die Bagdadbahn verzichten,
(2) [N o t rep rod u ced . A tra n sla tion o f P rin ce L ich n ow sk y ’ s letter was enclosed. S ir E d w a rd
G rey sta ted th a t he was a n xiou s to have th e op in io n o f the B oa rd o f T ra d e an d o f th e S ecretary
o f S ta te fo r In d ia on th e subject. T he letters w ere sent on M a y 14, 1914. (F .O . 21069/
4601; 14, 4 4.)]
No. 243.
Articles 6 and 7 .
A r t ic l e G.
His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government and the Imperial German Government will
join in using their good offices with the Imperial Ottoman Government to secure that
the Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as practicable be brought into and perm anently kept
in a satisfactory state of conservancy in order that sea-going vessels may always be
assured of free and easy access to the port of Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation on the Shatt-el-Arab shall permanently be kept open for sea-going vessels,
and be carried on under conditions of absolute equality for the vessels of all nations,
without regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
Dues shall be imposed, not for the mere fact of navigation, but only for
administrative charges of the Commission referred to in Article 7 and for repaying
sums actually spent on improvem ents in the navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab and
harbour facilities. They shall in no case exceed 1 fr. per registered ton (the dues
to cover the com ing in and going out of the same vessel) except by agreement between
the two G overnm ents; any dues shall be levied on a basis of absolute equality
without regard to the nationality of sea-going vessels or their cargoes.
A r t ic l e 7 .
(a) The Imperial German Governm ent having taken note of the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913, under which the free navigation of the Shatt-
(i) That the German consul at . Basra shall have the right to correspond with
the Commission on matters within its com petence;
(ii) That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
o f the com m erce of the river, and refuse to remove the causes o f complaint
raised by the German consul, the question at issue shall be referred to
an impartial expert, to be nominated by agreement between the two
members of the Commission and the German consul, provided that if a
similar or analogous com plaint is made by any other consul, he shall
participate in the said nom ination; and that, failing unanimous agreement,
H er Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands shall be invited to designate
the expert referee.
The Governm ent of His Britannic M ajesty will use their good offices with the
Imperial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such recom m en
dations as m ay be made by the expert referee.
Explanatory Note.
S e c t io n IV .
In regard to articles G and 7 o f the Convention, it is agreed that the following
recomm endations shall serve as a basis for the work of the Commission :—
1. The Commission to set to work as soon as possible.
2. The Commission to undertake a preliminary survey, during a period of at
least twelve months, before recom m ending any large expenditure on
permanent works.
3. The Commission to aim as a first step at a depth of 24 feet at high-water
springs on the bar.
4. The channel of the river below Mohammerah to be buoyed as soon as possible
so as to indicate the position o f a shoal in the river.
5. Fixed m ooring buoys, allotted as far as possible to the several com panies, to
be provided at an early date at Basra.
6. The Commission might with advantage model its arrangements generally upon
the analogy of the Danube Comm ission, so far as applicable.
S e c t io n V.
In regard to article 7, clause ( b), of the Convention, it is agreed as fo llo w s :—
The expert referee shall, unless it be otherwise agreed by the parties
concerned, proceed to Basra for the purpose of his enquiry. H e shall publish
his report within four months after having received all the necessary materials
from all the parties, including both Commissioners, or within four months of his
arrival at Basra.
The expenses of the enquiry, including the remuneration of the referee,
shall be borne in equal shares by the Governments concerned.
No. 244.
Sir Edward Grey to Prince lAchnowslaj.i1)
F.O. 23780/4601/14/44. Foreign Office, May 29, 1914.
Sir E. Grey presents his compliments to the German Ambassador and has the
honour to acknowledge the receipt of IT[is] E[xeellency]’s note of the 9th instant(2)
on the subject of irrigation works in Asiatic Turkey, and cognate matters.
II[is] M[ajestv’s] Gov[ernmen]t are prepared, as the German Gov[ernmen]t
desire, to record the agreement about irrigation in an exchange of notes, instead of
in the Anglo-German Convention respecting the Bagdad B[ai]l[wa]y. The text of
two notes, as tentatively drafted with Herr von Kuehlmann, is annexed to the enclosed
draft of the Anglo-German Convention.!3) It will be observed that the stipulation as
to the principle of open competition is extended so as to cover the whole of Asiatic
Turkey as distinct from Mesopotamia; and it is provided that the German
Gov[ernmen]t should furnish to II[is] M[ajesty’s] Gov[ernmen]t an authentic list,
giving the area and scope of German irrigation works on the plain of Adana. H[is]
M[ajesty's] Gov[ernmen]t would be glad if the German Gov[ernmen]t would agree
to these changes.
A saving clause has also been inserted in regard to canals connected with the
Rhatt-el-Arab: in view of the importance of keeping the river open for navigation
IT[is] M[ajesty’s] Gov[ernmen]t must necessarily regard conservancy as taking
precedence over irrigation.
Sir E. Grey has noted with much satisfaction that the German Gov[ernmen]t
renounce their demand for the insertion of the article which was formerly number 7
in the draft Anglo-German Convention; in the unlikely event of Basra becoming
inaccessible to sea-going vessels, II[is] M[ajesty’s] Gov[ernmen]t would be fully
prepared to discuss such a development with the German Gov[ernmen]t with a view
to taking such measures as might be called for.
Sir E. Grey would be glad to know whether Prince Lichnowsky is now prepared
to initial the draft Convention and Explanatory Note, and how soon H[is]
E[xcellenc3r] expects to be in a position to sign these instruments. II [is] M[ajesty’s]
Gov[ernmen]t are particularly desirous that signature should take place before the
end of June, at the latest.
0 ) [Copies of this note were sent to the Board of T ra d e; to the India Office.]
(2) \v. supra, pp. 388-9, No. 242.]
(3) [r. im mediately succeeding E d . Note.']
\ED . N O T E . — The tex t of the draft of the Anglo-Germ an Convention dated M ay 29, 1914,
is not reproduced from considerations of space. The variations from the final tex t ( v . infra,
pp. 398-404, No. 219, encl.) are sufficiently indicated in the intervening documents. Its main
im portance is that it was the first draft to contain the text of the “ Notes to he exchanged on
Date of S ig n a tu r e ” of the Convention. These were as follow s: —
F.O. 24079/4601/14/44.
No. 1.
D r a f t of N o t e f r o m Si r E . G r e y to Pr in c e Lic hnowsky .
(Confidential.)
Y our Excellency, F o r e i g n Office, J une , 1914.
On signing the Anglo-German Convention respecting the Bagdad Railw ay, &c., I have the
honour to state, with reference to article 1, clause (a), that H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent will not
393
oppose the Bagdad Railw ay Com pany in securing the requisite fresh guarantees (i) to com pen
sate the Com pany for the revenues which had been allocated for the purposes of the Railw ay,
but, ow ing to the Balkan war. may no longer be available for that purpose, and (ii) to enable
the Company to com plete the line.
This assurance is subject to the proviso that H is M ajesty’ s Government retain such freedom
o f action as w ill perm it the British Delegates at the F inancial Commission at Paris to criticise
the details of any scheme which may be put forw ard in regard to the allocation of specific
revenues In default of some such reservation, the German Governm ent will readily appreciate
that the position o f the British Delegates at P aris might be rendered difficult in the com plicated
questions likely to come up for discussion.
No. 2.
D r a f t of X o t e from P r in c e L ichnoicsky to Si r E . G re y.
(Secret.) Ger m an E m b a s s y ,
Y our Excellency. L o n d o n , -June , 1914.
On signing the Anglo-Germ an Convention respecting the Bagdad Railw ay, etc., I have the
honour to state, with reference to article 3. clause (c), and to section IV of the E xplanatory
N ote that if, after the com pletion o f the Bagdad R ailw ay from K hanikin to Basra, the British
Government should express to the Im perial Governm ent a wish that a railway from K ut-el-
Amara, or an adjacent point, to Bedrai should be extended to M endeli. the Im perial Governm ent
would refrain from opposing such an undertaking, either by B ritish interests or by the proposed
Ottoman Com pany of R iver N avigation, on the ground that it exceeds 100 kilom. in length, or
on the ground that M endeli may lie w ithin the 60 kilom. protective zone of the B a g d a d -
K hanikin line.
The Im perial Governm ent expressly desire that this note should remain secret, and should
not be published w ithout their consent.
No. 3.
D r a f t of X o t e from S i r E. G r e y to Pr in c e Lichnoxrsky re specting I rr ig a tio n W o r k s .
I have to add that H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent w ill raise no objection to the irrigation of
the plain of Adana (for which, by virtue o f existing agreements with the Ottoman Government,
German subjects have already carried out considerable prelim inary work) being definitely
conceded to German subjects, and that they will not support any claims which may be advanced
by British subjects to com pete in regard to this enterprise. I understand that the German
G overnm ent w ill furnish to H is M ajesty’ s Governm ent an authentic list, in dicating accurately
the area and scope of the works in question.
No. 4.
Ger m an Em ba s sy ,
Y our Excellency, L ond o n, J u n e , 1914.
I have the honour to inform your Excellency that the Im perial Governm ent w ill use their
good offices w ith the Ottoman Government, w ith the view of securing that the prin ciple o f open
com petition shall be upheld in regard to contracts or concessions for fu tu re works o f irrigation
in A siatic Turkey.
394
T he Im p eria l G overn m en t will not opp ose a m inor B ritish p a rticip a tio n in any con tracts
or concessions w hich m ay be a llotted to G erm an subjects, p r o v id e d th a t such p a rticip a tio n is
deem ed com m ercia lly desirable by the p a rties h old in g th e said con tra cts or concessions.
In a greein g to this arra n gem en t, th e Im p eria l G overn m en t ta k e n ote o f the clause q u oted
in y ou r E x ce lle n c y ’s n ote o f this date resp ectin g canals con n ected w ith th e S h a tt-el-A ra b, and
a gree th a t it shall in no w ay be p r e ju d ic e d by the present a rrangem ent.
I have to add th a t the Im p eria l G overn m en t will raise no ob jection to those ir rig a tio n
w orks in M esopota m ia , fo r w hich only B ritish firms ten d ered on the 20th A p ril, 1912, being
defin itely h anded over to B ritish subjects, and th a t they w ill n ot su p p o rt any claim s which
m ay be adv an ced by G erm an subjects t o com p ete in reg a rd to this en terp rise. I u nd erstand
th a t the B ritish G overnm ent w ill fu rn ish to the Im peria l G overnm ent an a u th en tic list,
in d ic a tin g a ccu rately the area and scope o f the w orks in q u estion .]
No. 245.
F.O. 2 46 4 0 /2 3 90 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 245.) Foreign Office, May 31. 1914, 12-20 p . m .
I am very desirous of getting all agreements with Turkey signed as soon as
possible, and ratified before the end of June. There are, however, certain outstanding
points in regard to which Hakki Pasha’ s instructions are either indefinite or
unsatisfactory.
1) The Mesopotamian Oil concession. I cannot ultimately agree to customs
increase (see m y note of July 29 1913 to Turkish Ambassador(2) ) or to monopolies
until this question has been settled. W hat is the cause of delay?
2. Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t have declined to agree to addition to article providing
that irrigation works shall be put up to open com petition :— I am telegraphing text of
proposed additional clause in a separate telegram .(3)
It is necessary that a provision of this nature should be made, as there is a close
connection between the irrigation of the date groves and the conservancy of the river,
and if the Commission, which it should not be overlooked will be Ottoman and not
British, is deprived of control of irrigation in so far as it depends upon water from the
Shatt-el-Arab, the river may becom e silted up and the whole basis of the present
agreements w-ith Turkey and Germany endangered. Perhaps the Ottoman
G ov [ern m en ]t do not fully appreciate the physical conditions, or realise that the mud
and water from the Karun is forced by the tides up to Kurna, fertilising on the one
hand the date groves, but on the other hand form ing islands in the river channel. W e
do not wish the present irrigation to be interfered with, but the requirements of
navigation must take precedence on the river. Y [o u r ] E [x celle n cy ] should urge
Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t to reconsider their decision.
3) Local lines to serve as feeders for river navigation and lines south of
latitude 31. I hope Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t will send a conciliatory reply to my
request to Hakki Pasha.(4) I attach great importance to both points.
No. 247.
0 ) [C op ies of th is teleg ram w ere sent to the In d ia O ffice; t o the B oa rd o f T ra de. A letter
to the sam e effect was sent to H a k k i P asha b y M r. A P ark er on J u n e 6, 1914.]
396
information about Mesopotamian oil question, though I have impressed upon him my
earnest wish to conclude all negotiations by July 1st at the latest.
As to i) the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t appear to admit that navigation shall not be
interfered with on Shatt-el-Arab by irrigation works, and I have been given no reason
to explain their reluctance to em body this admission in an agreement in the wording
I have proposed to which I attach importance. The clause I have suggested can do no
possible harm to Ottoman interests, as the Commission itself is to be an Ottoman
institution.
As to ii) and iii) I am a little surprised that HXis] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t]
should meet with a refusal in regard to such a moderate request, when Turkey has
given such extensive concessions for railways to French and German groups. The
complaint has frequently been made by Turkey that British capital avoids that country
as a field of investm ent; the present attitude of the Turkish G ov [ern m en ]t, in
refusing even an option for short feeders to an Ottoman Company in which British
subjects are interested, is perhaps the true answer to the above complaint. Our wish
is to facilitate the economic development of Turkey, and to avoid the total exclusion of
British enterprise from the regions where concessions have not yet been given to
others.
Hakki Pasha says that our requests are regarded at Constantinople as fresh
conditions of our assent to the customs increase and m onopolies; this is a misappre
hension. Point iv) has been a condition from the first. Point i) we regard as
essential to the harmonious and successful working of the Commission, and we have
proposed it in the inte rests of Turkey as much as in those of international commerce.
Point ii'i will be very important to the Navigation Company when irrigation is
developed and the local traffic may becom e some substitute for the diversion of through
traffic to the Bagdad Bailway. I cannot understand why the Ottoman G ov[ern m en ]t
objects to giving the option desired. Point iii) what we desire is a preferential option
for British enterprise, as against foreign, on equal terms.
1. C on d ition s on w hich the B ritish G overn m en t agreed to the establishm ent o f m onopolies
in T u rkey o f sp irits, oil, m atches, cig a r e tte pa per, and p la yin g cards, and to the
con trol o f con su m ption o f sugar and a lcoh olic drinks.
2. Consent o f B ritish G overnm ent to the im p osition o f octro i d u ties on a specified list of
a rticles o f B ritish origin.
3. A ccep ta n ce by B ritish G overn m en t of the p rin cip le o f the reform o f the stam p d u ty in
T urkey.
4. Consent o f the O ttom an G overnm ent t o the form a tion o f an A nglo-T u rkish com m ission
to ex am ine the d u ties on lig h ts and beacons.
5 & 6. Ir r ig a tio n in M esopotam ia.
7. B ritish schools and hospitals.
8. P ro te ctio n o f oil concessions in vilay ets o f Sy ria and Y em en, referred to in A n n ex o f
the C onvention.
9. R eferen ce to a rb itra tion of certa in claim s aga in st the O ttom an G overnm ent.
10. S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw ay C oncession.
11. P rov ision for ra tification at L on don w ithin fo u r m onths.
A n n ex I. D efin ition of ca teg ories o f oil ex em p t from ta xes on con su m p tion and from
m onopoly.
A n n ex II. S p ecifica tion o f oil concessions in vilav ets o f Sv ria and Y em en. (F.O . 29241/
2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .)] ‘
397
N o. 248.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir L . M allet . ( ')
No. 249.
Sir Edward G rey to Prince Lichnowsky.
F.O. 2 71 3 5 /4 6 0 1 /1 4 /4 4 .
Immediate. F oreign Office, June 16, 1914.
Sir E . Grey presents his com plim ents to the German Ambassador and has the
honour to transmit to H [is ] E [x cellen cy ] herewith six copies of the Anglo-Germ an
Convention, as initialled on June 15th.
E n closu re in N o. 249.
Germ an-British C onvention.f1)
His Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia, and H is Majesty the King
of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions
beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual
agreement certain questions concerning the respective interests of their States, as
hereinafter set forth, have determined to conclude a Convention destined to prevent
all cause of misunderstanding between Germany and Great Britain in regard to the
questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose their respective
Plenipotentiaries, to w i t :
H is Majesty the German Em peror, King of Prussia, his Serene Highness
Prince Lichnowsky, His Imperial M ajesty’ s Privy Councillor, Ambassador Extra
ordinary and Plenipotentiary of His Imperial Majesty at L o n d o n ;
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and
of the British Dom inions beyond the Seas. Emperor of India, the Bight Honourable
Sir Edward Grey, Baronet of the United Kingdom , Knight of the Most Noble Order
of the Garter, Member of Parliament, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Principal Secretary of
State for Foreign Affairs;
W ho, having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in
good and due form , have agreed upon the following articles :—
A r t ic l e 1.
Clause (a).— Becognising the general importance of the com pletion of the Bagdad
B ailway for international com m erce, His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government undertake
not to take or encourage any measures likely to impede the construction or m anage
ment by the Bagdad Bailwav Company of the Bagdad Bailwav system or to prevent
the participation of capital in this undertaking.*
Clause (b).— The Imperial German Governm ent declare that they will use their
best endeavours to secure that two British members, agreeable to His Britannic
M ajesty’ s Governm ent, shall be admitted as representatives of British shareholders
to the Board (Conseil d ’ Administration) of the Bagdad Bailway Company.
A r t ic l e 2.
Clause (a).— The Bagdad Bailway Company having concluded with the Imperial
Ottoman Government an arrangement on the following basis, the Im perial German
Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare, so far as concerns
themselves, that they adhere to the said arrangement, and will use their best
endeavours to secure its due execution :—
(i) The terminus of the Bagdad Bailway Com pany’ s line shall be at Basra, and
the Bagdad Bailway Company has renounced all claims to construct a
branch line from Basra (Zobeir) to the Persian Gulf referred to in article 1
of the Bagdad Bailway Convention of the 5th March, 1903, and to build
a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf, under article 23 of the said
Bagdad Bailwav Convention.
(ii) As hitherto, no discrimination, direct or indirect, shall be permitted on the
Bagdad Bailway C om pany’ s system, either as regards facilities or rates of
charge for the conveyance of like articles between the same points on
* C opies o f all agreem ents rela tin g to the ra ilw ay system to be com m u n ica ted to H is
B r ita n n ic M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent b efore sign a tu re o f this C onvention.
( ') [T h e te x t given above is taken from the in itia lled cop y preserved in the F o re ig n Office
series o f O rigin a l T rea ties (G erm any No. 88). T he tex ts o f th e C on v en tion and th e E x p la n a tory
N ote are given both in G erm an and in E nglish. F o r the G erm an version v. G .P., X X X V I I (I),
pp. 454-62. Copies w ere sent on J u n e 16, 1914, to the B oa rd o f T r a d e ; to th e In d ia Office.]
399
account of the ownership, origin, or destination of goods presented for
transport, or in any other manner whatever.
(iii) The Bagdad Bailway Company agrees that the periods fixed by article 21
of the “ cahier des charges,” relating to the notice to be given in case of
any modification of the conditions of transport or rates of freight, shall
uniform ly be two months. The said notices shall be inserted in the
Official Gazette of the Imperial Ottoman Government and in the Journal
of the Ottoman Chamber of Commerce at Constantinople.
(iv) In the event of the construction of a branch line from Basra (Zobeir) to the
Persian Gulf being undertaken, adequate arrangements shall be made to
secure facilities for through traffic from and to the Bagdad Bailway
Com pany’ s system, and there shall be complete protection against
discrimination, direct or indirect.
(v) The construction and exploitation o f the proposed ports of Basra and Bagdad,
authorised by article 2 3 of the Bagdad Bailway Convention of the
5th March, 1 9 0 3 , shall be carried out by a separate Ottoman Company.
No duties or charges of whatever nature or under whatever denom ina
tion shall be levied by the port com pany on any vessels or goods which
shall not equally, under the same conditions, be imposed in like cases on
all vessels or goods, whatever be the nationality of the vessels or their
owners, or the ownership or country of origin or destination of the goods,
and whatever be the places from which the vessels or goods arrive or to
■which they depart.
In all that relates to the stationing, loading and unloading of vessels
in these ports, no privileges or facilities shall be granted to any vessel or
vessels which shall not equally and under like conditions be granted to all
other vessels.
In all that relates to the dues and charges of whatever nature to be
levied, and to the facilities to be accorded, in the ports of Basra and
Bagdad, goods arriving or to be forwarded by water shall receive identic
treatment to those arriving or to be forwarded by rail.
The Im perial Ottoman Governm ent reserves to itself the right to
confer upon the Commission, which it proposes to entrust with the
improvement and maintenance of the navigability of the Shatt-el-Arab, its
rights of control over the port o f Basra.
No rights conferred upon the ports com pany shall prejudice or impair
the right of the aforesaid Commission to perform any of the duties
entrusted to it under the Anglo-Turkish Convention of the 29th July,
1 9 1 3 .0
Clause (b).— The Imperial German Government declare that they will not oppose
the acquisition by British interests of 40 per cent, of the share-capital of the separate
Ottoman Company for the construction and exploitation of the ports of Basra and
Bagdad, mentioned in sub-clause (v) above, and their rateable representation on the
Board (Conseil d ’ Administration) of the port com pany, and in the contracts, if any,
for construction and maintenance.
A r t ic l e 3.
Clause (a).— The Im perial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s
Government declare that they will in no case support the construction of a branch
from Basra (Zobeir) or from any point of the main line of the Bagdad Bailway, to
the Persian Gulf unless and until there is com plete agreement on the subject between
the Im perial Ottoman Governm ent, the Imperial German Government, and His
Britannic M ajesty’ s Government.
Clause (b).— The Imperial German Government declare that they will in no case
themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations whatsoever
to establish, a port or railway terminus on the Persian Gulf unless and until there is
complete agreement on the subject between the Imperial German Government and His
Britannic M ajesty’ s Government.
Clause (c).— His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government declare that they will in no
case themselves establish, or support any claim by any persons or corporations
whatsoever to establish, in Ottoman territory, railway undertakings either in direct
com petition with the Bagdad Bailway Com pany’ s lines, or in contradiction with that
com pany’ s existing rights, unless and until there is com plete agreement on the subject
between the Imperial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government.
F or the purposes of this article, the western terminus of the Bagdad Bailway system
shall be held to be at Konia and the eastern terminus at Basra.
A r t ic l e 4.
A r t ic l e 6.
The Im perial German Government and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government will
join in using their good offices with the Im perial Ottoman Government to secure that
the Shatt-el-Arab shall so far as practicable be brought into and perm anently kept in
a satisfactory state of conservancy in order that sea-going vessels m ay always be
assured of free and easy access to the port of Basra, and to secure, further, that the
navigation on the Sbatt-el-Arab shall perm anently be kept open for sea-going vessels,
and be carried on under conditions of absolute equality for the vessels of all nations,
without regard either to the nationality of the vessels or to their cargoes.
Dues shall be imposed, not for the mere fact of navigation, but only for
administrative charges of the Commission referred to in Article 7 and for repaying
sums actually spent on improvements in the navigation of the Shatt-el-Arab and
harbour facilities. They shall in no case exceed 1 fr. per registered ton (the dues to
cover the com ing in and going out of the same vessel except by agreement between
the two G overnm ents; any dues shall be levied on a basis of absolute equality without
regard to the nationality of sea-going vessels or their cargoes.
A r t ic l e 7.
(a The Im perial German Governm ent having taken note of the Anglo-Turkish
Convention of the 29th July, 1913, under which the free navigation of the
Shatt-el-Arab is assured on terms of absolute equality to the shipping of all nations
and a Commission is established for the execution of such works as m ay be necessary
for the improvem ent of its channel and for its maintenance and for other like purposes
set out therein, and being of opinion that the provisions of the said Convention are
conducive to the best interests of international com m erce, will uphold it so long as it
is not materially altered and so long as the duties imposed upon the Commission
thereunder are satisfactorily carried out.
The Im perial German Government take note in this connection of the
declaration, signed on the 21st October, 1913, and attached to the said Convention, to
the effect that articles 7 and 8 thereof do not affect the rights enjoyed in the Ottoman
Empire by the nationals of the Treaty Pow ers.(5)
(b) His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent, so far as they are concerned, agree :—
(!) That the German consul at Basra shall have the right to correspond with the
Commission on matters within its com p eten ce;
(ii) That, if in any case the Commission fail to meet the reasonable requirements
of the com m erce of the river, and refuse to rem ove the causes of complaint
raised by the German consul, the question at issue shall be referred to an
impartial expert, to be nom inated by agreement between the two members
of the Commission and the German consul, provided that if a similar or
analogous complaint is made b y any other consul, he shall participate in
the said nom in a tion ; and that, failing unanimous agreement, H er Majesty
the Queen of the Netherlands shall be invited to designate the expert
referee.
The Governm ent of His Britannic M ajesty will use their good offices with the
Im perial Ottoman Government to ensure that effect is duly given to such
recomm endations as m ay be made by the expert referee.
A r t ic l e 8.
The Im perial German Governm ent and His Britannic M ajesty’ s Governm ent take
note of the Heads of Agreem ent between the S m yrna-A idin Bailway Com pany on the
one part and the Anatolian and Bagdad Railway Companies on the other part,
initialled on the 28th March, 1914, and form ing an annex to the present Convention,
(5) [v. supra, p. 242, Ed. A 'o fe .]
flOOOO]
402
and, so far as they are concerned, undertake to uphold the definitive agreement when
signed.*
A r t ic l e 9.
Any difference of opinion arising out of this Convention or the explanatory note
attached thereto shall be submitted to arbitration. If the two Governm ents fail to
agree about a special Court or arbiter, the case shall be submitted to The Hague
Tribunal.
A r t ic l e 10.
The present Convention, together with the explanatory note attached thereto,
shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged, within the period of three
months from the date of signature.
In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present
Convention and have affixed thereto their seals.
Done in duplicate at London, the day of , 1914.
Initialled at London, June 15th, 1914.
E. G .(6)
Explanatory Note.
S e c t io n I.
In regard to article 1, clause (a), of the Convention, it is agreed as follows :—
The Bagdad Bailway system is such as it is defined in the conventions concluded
with the Imperial Ottoman Governm ent on—
March 5, 1903.(7)
March 21, 1911.(8)
June , 1914.
A true copy of each of the said conventions has been com m unicated to His
Britannic M ajesty’ s Government by the Imperial German Government.
It is further agreed in regard to the said clause that no sacrifice of a pecuniary
or econom ic character is to be incurred by Great Britain in consequence th e re o f; and
that it does not involve the assent of His Britannic M ajesty’ s Government to any levy
of import dues, over 15 per cent, ad valorem, in the Ottoman Em pire, or to any other
form of taxation not now in existence.
Nevertheless, Ilis Britannic M ajesty’ s Government will not oppose the Bagdad
Bailway Company in securing, from existing revenues or from proposed new revenues
(to be derived from the increase of the customs duties to 15 per cent, ad valorem or
from the proposed m onopolies or consum ption taxes to be instituted in regard to
alcohol, petroleum, matches, tinder, cigarette paper, playing cards and sugar), the
requisite fresh guarantees to enable the Company to com plete the line. This under
taking shall in no way prejudice prior rights of H is Britannic M ajesty’ s Government
derived under the Anglo-Turkish Pecuniary Claims Convention of the June,
1914.
* T his a rticle to be m odified if the defin itiv e agreem en t is con clu d ed b e fo re th e C onvention
is signed.
( 6) [T h e G erm an te x t was sim ilarly in itia lled “ L .” 1
C ) [i>. B .F .S .P ., V ol. 102, pp. 833-48.]
( 8) [cp . supra, pp. 3 4-5, No. 23.]
4U3
S e c t io n I I .
In regard to article 1, clause (b), the German group wliich controls the Bagdad
Railway Company has given a written assurance to the Im perial German Government
that it will always use its best endeavours and voting power to ensure the permanent
presence on the Board of the Railway of two directors agreeable to His Britannic
M ajesty’ s G overnm ent: and the Im perial German Government undertake to His
B ritannic M ajesty’ s Government that they will use their influence with the group
concerned so that the said assurance m ay he always carried out.
S e c t io n III.
In regard to article 3. clause (c), o f the Convention, it is agreed as follows :—
1. No lines in that part of Asiatic Turkey which, west of the 36th m eridian of
east longitude, lies south of the 34th degree of latitude a n d /or in that part which,
east of the said meridian, lies south of the 31st degree of latitude, shall be held to be
in direct com petition; but any line north o f these limits shall be held to be in direct
com petition if it establishes direct railway com m unication between the Mediterranean
and the Persian Gulf.
2. There shall be a protective zone extending for GO kilom. on either side of the
lines of the Bagdad Railway system, and any line passing within the said zone shall
be held to be in direct com petition, pro\ided that in the region between Museyib and
Kurna the protective zone shall be bounded on the east by a line drawn midway
between the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates, from the latitude of Museyib to Kurna.
3. Local lines serving as feeders for the river navigation and not exceeding
100 kilom. in length shall, provided they do not pass within the protective zone, not
be held to be in direct com petition.
4. The question of whether any other line is or is not in direct com petition shall,
in the event of failure to reach an agreement, be referred to arbitration in accordance
with article 9 of the said Convention.
S e c t io n IV.
S e c t io n Y .
A nnex.
A r t ic l e 1.
A r t ic l e 2.
It is understood and agreed by and between the “ English ” Company and the
“ German ” Companies as follows :—
1. If and whenever the “ E n g lis h ” Company or the “ G e rm a n ” Companies
shall agree between themselves and with the Ottoman Government that it is desirable
for a junction to be made between the line to be constructed by the “ English ”
Company between the Lakes under Article 1, clause 1 ( b), and the line to be
constructed by the German group under Article 1, clause 2, that such junction shall
be made at Munafer on the eastern shore o f Lake Beyshehir. Failing agreement
between them, neither the “ English ” Company nor the “ German ” Companies
shall extend in any direction their respective lines as defined in Article 1 to any other
point on Lake Beyshehir.
* (N ote. I t is proposed to su b stitu te the form al a greem ent, as soon as sign ed, fo r this
d ocu m en t in the A n n ex.)
( 9) [T h e G erm an te x t was sim ilarly in itia lled “ L .” ]
405
2. That the “ E n g lis h ” Company and the “ G erm a n ” Companies will enter
into an agreement which shall provide, inter alia :—
(a) That the rates charges regulations and facilities made by the “ English ”
Company and the ‘ ‘ German ’ ’ Companies in respect of the navigation of
Lake Beyshehir shall not be com petitive and shall be fixed from time to
time by agreement between the “ English ” Company and the “ German ”
Companies.
( b) That the rates charged b y the “ English ” Company from its terminus on
the north or north-west of Lake Beyshehir to seaports and the rates
charged by the “ G e rm a n ” Companies from their terminus on Lake
Beyshehir to seaports shall not be competitive and shall be fixed from time
to time by agreement between the ‘ ‘ English ’ ’ Company and the
‘ ‘ German ’ ’ Companies.
A r t ic l e 3.
The “ English ” Company has agreed with the Ottoman Government that the
' ‘ English ’ ’ Company shall have the option for a period of ten years, from the signing
o f the definite Concession for the construction of the branch to Sandukly, to extend
such branch to Afiun Karahissar, so as to effect a junction with the line of the
“ G e rm a n ” Companies. I f the “ E n g lis h ” Company shall not exercise its option
the Ottoman Governm ent shall be at liberty to call upon the ‘ ‘ English ’ ’ Company to
effect a junction at Afiun Karahissar and, if the ‘ 4 English ’ ’ Com pany shall be
unwilling to do so, the Ottoman Governm ent shall be at liberty itself to build the line
and thereby effect a junction between the lines of the “ English ” Company and the
lines of the *4 German ’ ’ Companies. It shall be a term of the construction of such
line by the Ottoman Government that it will indem nify the 44 English ” Company
against any loss or diversion of traffic that m ay be caused to the ‘ 4 English ’ ’ Company
by such junction being made.
The 44 English ” Company agrees that, if a junction is made, and if the
"‘ G e rm a n ” Companies desire it to do so, it will co-operate with the “ G e rm a n ”
Companies in obtaining from the Ottoman Government adequate guarantees for the
protection o f the 44 German ’ ’ Companies against the diversion of traffic and, so far
as m ay be desired, for a m odification or waiver of the “ counter-guarantee ” in respect
of the line o f the 44 German ” Companies between Eskishehir and Konia.
The “ G e rm a n ” Companies agree that they will not, at any time, oppose the
construction of a line b y the 44 English ” Company between Sandukly and Afiun
Karahissar and will, if the 44 English ” Company shall desire them to do so, co-operate
with the 44 English ’ ’ Company in obtaining from the Ottoman Governm ent adequate
guarantees for the protection of the 44 English ” Company against the diversion of
traffic.
If a junction is made at any time at Afiun Karahissar the 44 German ” Companies
will enter into an Agreem ent with the 44 English ’ ’ Company that the rates charged
by the 44 English ” Company and the 44 German ” Companies to seaports shall not be
competitive and shall from time to time be mutually agreed between the 44 English ”
Company and the 44 G erm a n ” Companies, who will mutually give to one another
reasonable traffic and other facilities.
A r t ic l e 4.
In the event of the 44 English ’ ’ Company and the 44 German ’ ’ Companies being
unable at any time to agree as to the rates, Ac., to be charged or made by them or
either of them from time to time under the terms of article 2, clause 2, and article 3
or as to the nature and extent of the traffic and other facilities to be offered under the
terms of article 3 the question in dispute shall be referred to arbitration in manner
hereinafter mentioned.
406
A r t ic l e 5.
Any dispute or difference which may arise hereafter concerning the interpreta
tion of these presents or of the formal Agreement to be entered into at an early date
in pursuance of these presents or of the rights, duties, and obligations of the
‘ ‘ English ’ ’ Company and the ‘ ‘ German ’ ’ Companies in connection with the matters
above mentioned shall, failing agreement, be referred to the sole decision of an
Arbitrator, to be appointed by the parties to such difference. Failing agreement, H er
Majesty the Queen of the Netherlands shall be invited to appoint the Arbitrator. The
decision of the Arbitrator shall, notwithstanding any law or custom whatsoever to the
contrary, be final and binding upon such parties.
A r t ic l e 6.
No. 1.
No. 2.
Abkomm ens und Abschnitt II I der ihm beigefügten erklärenden Note, Folgendes zu
erklären.
Falls nach Vollendung der Bagdadbahn von Chanekin bis Basra englische
Unternehmer oder die geplante Ottomanische Flussschiffahrtsgesellschaft durch
Verm ittlung der K öniglich Grossbritannischen Regierung den W unsch äussern
sollten, eine Eisenbahn von Kut-el-Am ara oder einem dieser Stadt benachbarten
Punkt über Bedrai hinaus nach Mendeli zu bauen, wird die Kaiserlich Deutsche.
R egierung Einwendungen gegen den Bau einer solchen Zubringerbahn weder daraus
herleiten, dass die Bahn mehr als 100 km. lang ist, noch daraus, dass Mendeli
m öglicherweise innerhalb der Schutzzone der Bahnlinie Bagdad-Chanekin liegt. Die
Bahn darf jedoch weder über Mendeli hinaus verlängert noch bei Mendeli an die
persische Grenze herangeführt werden, es sei denn, dass hierüber zuvor völlige
Ü bereinstim mung zwischen der Kaiserlich Deutschen und der Königlich
Grossbritannischen R egierungen erzielt ist.
Die Kaiserlich Deutsche Regierung legt W ert darauf, dass diese Note bis auf
W eiteres geheim bleibt und nicht ohne ihre ausdrückliche Zustim m ung
veröffentlicht wird.
L.
E . G.
No. 3.
No. 4.
Draft o f N ote from Sir E. G rey to Prince Lichnow sky respecting Irrigation Works.
I have to add that His M ajesty’ s Governm ent will raise no objection to the
irrigation of the plain of Adana (for which, by virtue of existing agreements with the
Ottoman Government, German subjects have already carried out considerable
preliminary work) being definitely conceded to German subjects, and that they will
not support any claims which may be advanced by British subjects to compete in
regard to this enterprise. I understand that the German Governm ent will furnish to
His M ajesty’ s Government an authentic list, indicating accurately the area and scope
o f the works in question.
No. 5.
Draft of similar Note, mutatis mutandis, from Prince Lichnow sky to Sir E. Grey.
Kaiserlich D eutsche Botschaft,
London, den Juni 1914.
Euere Exzellenz beehre ich m ich davon in Kenntnis zu setzen, dass die
Kaiserlich Deutsche Regierung ihre guten Dienste bei der Kaiserlich Ottomanischen
Regierung anwenden wird, damit der Grundsatz des freien Wettbewerbs bei
Kontrakten und Konzessionen für künftige Bewässerungsarbeiten in der Asiatischen
Türkei aufrecht erhalten wird.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung wird gegen eine englische Minderheitsbeteiligung bei
Kontrakten oder Konzessionen, die deutschen Reichsangehörigen zugeteilt werden,
keine Einwendungen erheben, vorausgesetzt, dass die Inhaber des Kontrakts oder der
Konzession eine solche Beteiligung vom geschäftlichen Standpunkt für wünschenswert
erachten.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung nimmt ferner Kenntnis von der Vertrags
bestimmung, ( n ) die in Euerer Exzellenz Note von heute angeführt ist und die mit
dem Schatt-el-Arab zusam m enhängenden Kanäle betrifft. Sie ist damit einverstanden,
dass diese Bestimm ung von der gegenwärtigen Vereinbarung in keiner W eise berührt
werden soll.
E ndlich wird die Kaiserliche Regierung keine Einwendungen dagegen erheben,
dass diejenigen Bewässerungsarbeiten in Mesopotamien, für die am 20. April 1912
nur englische Firm en Angebote gemacht haben, englischen Untertanen endgültig
übertragen werden; auch wird sie Bestrebungen deutscher Reichsangehöriger im
W ettbewerb mit diesen Bewässerungsarbeiten nicht unterstützen. Ich darf hierbei
voraussetzen, dass die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung der Kaiserlich
Deutschen Regierung ein authentisches Verzeichnis mitteilen wird, das die Art und
Lage der in Rede stehenden Arbeiten genau angibt.
N o. 250.
F .O . 27125 '2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 345.) Constantinople, June 1G, 1914.
Your telegram No. 2G2 o f 12th June(2) : Negotiations with Turkey.
Grand Vizier promises to try and meet your views in regard to additional article
o f Monopolies Agreem ent. Hakki Pasha will be instructed to propose formula which
he hopes will prove acceptable. He would prefer to discuss the other two questions
after conclusion o f present negotiations.
He wishes you to understand that this does not mean that he is opposed to
granting your requests. On the contrary, he is very anxious to meet you and to
encourage British capital to com e to this country.
No. 251.
year. The other Powers having given their consent, that o f His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment is now alone in doubt.
I also enclose copy of a note rem inding the Porte of the necessity of obtaining
the consent o f the minor Powers to the continuation o f the surtax as instructed in
your telegram No. 257 of the 10th instant.(3)
I have, Ac.
LO U IS M A L L E T .
( 3Ï TSir E d w a rd G rey ’ s telegram (N o. 257) o f J u n e 10, 1914, D . 12 noon, is not reprod uced .
It expressed a greem ent w ith the F ren ch A m b assa d or’ s proposal re g a rd in g the assent o f the
P ow ers to the 3 % Custom s in crease, as q u oted in S ir L. M a lle t’ s telegram (N o. 326) o f J u n e 9.
This proposal is em b odied in the n ote g iv en in fra (e n d . 2). (F.O . 2 5 9 1 6 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .)]
(4) [S ir L. M a lle t’ s despatch (N o. 83, C om m ercial), D. M a y 22, R . M a y 26, 1914, is not
rep rod u ced . The N o te V erb ale from th e P o rte , a skin g fo r the con sen t o f H is M a jesty ’ s
G overn m en t to the “ con tin u ed levy o f the 3 % custom s in crease a fte r J u n e 25th, 1914,” was
enclosed in this despatch. (F.O . 2 3 4 7 5 /2 4 7 1 /1 4 /4 4 .)]
411
E n closu re 2 in N o. 251.
M IN U T E .
(5) [T h e p r o to co l was sig n ed on A p ril 25, 1907. cp. G ooch cù T em p erley , V ol. V , p. 199,
No. 155, encl. It g av e th e consent o f th e P ow ers t o the in crea se o f the custom s from 8 % to 1 1 % ,
on certa in con d ition s, fo r a p eriod o f seven years, v. also B .F S .P ., V ol. 100, pp. 5 7 5 -8 .]
No. 252.
F.O. 2 8 5 3 4 /2 4 7 1 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 377.) Constantinople, June 24, 1914.
I have seen both Grand Vizier and Minister of Finance to-day, and am promised
definite answer to-morrow.
Minister of Finance said that he thought Governm ent would accept Pecuniary
Claims Convention, but intimated that they would not give way about Ottoman director
on S m yrna-A idin Railway. Our refusal to accept this had made a most disagreeable
impression. E very other railway in Turkey had some Ottoman directors, including
all the new F rench lines. English com pany was alone in refusing without giving any
reasons. Turkish Government were unable to make a special exception in the case of
this com pany. It was a question of am our-propre upon which they could not give
way. I argued at length, but to no avail. I should have thought that this was a
small point which com pany should be made to yield.
As to oil, he went over all the old ground, but finally said that if we and Germany
would support them in resisting similar demands by France and Russia for Syria and
eastern vilayets it would facilitate solution.
I said that it would be useless to ask you for such an assurance.
He m ay possibly prefer some form of words admitting that the case of
Mesopotamia is exceptional, and recognising that the m ining law is applicable in
other parts o f the Empire.
(D [T h e t e x t g iv en above is ta k en from th e C onfid en tial P rin t, as the orig in a l d ecy p h er
ca n n ot b e tra ced . P a rap h ra ses w ere sent to the In d ia O ffice; to th e B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
412
I discussed the whole question of our relations with Turkey, and incidentally
alluded to large concessions given to other countries in comparison with us. He
denied this, and said that France was giving them more than the Porte had any right
to hope for. In addition to the immense loan which had saved their lives, French
capitalists were investing over 25 millions in railways which Turkey wished to see
built. On all these lines there wrere two or three Ottoman directors. The French
Government had treated with them in a most liberal spirit. H is M ajesty’ s Govern
ment are, on the other hand, asking for feeder lines for riverain navigation, and hold
out no prospect of construction of those lines. If I could give him a list of lines which
English capitalists would put m oney into in the course o f a year or two, he would give
them at once.
H e asked for nothing better than British assistance, which was, however, not
forthcom ing. His M ajesty’ s Governm ent m erely wished to earmark certain districts
in which no one else was to build railways, and of what good was that to Turkey?
As for 3 per cent., he affected to make light of threat to withdraw it, which would
affect the Debt much more than the P orte; but this indifference is in part assumed,
as I know from other sources that the Government are much concerned. The Grand
Vizier said that the fact o f the threat having been made had rendered his position
much more difficult, as he had been working for the conclusion of all the agreements,
but that the Porte could not possibly give way to a threat of this kind.
My German colleague is convinced that we shall certainly obtain what we want
with a little patience. I told him that you must have everything settled before
1st July. H e thinks that answer will be favourable to-morrow, but, if not, he will put
in another note threatening to refuse monopolies, should I wish it.
In view of inclusion o f oil question in 3 per cent, ultimatum, of which he is not
aware, I have not thought it necessary to carry out that part of your instructions. As
an immediate solution of pending questions does not seem to be probable, we must
contemplate refusal of 3 per cent, after 1st July. I suppose that merchants should
pay under protest. I f so I should like early instructions, as consuls must be instructed
as soon as possible. Crawford is in consternation at the prospect.
No. 253.
No. 254.
No. 255.
request which Porte were going to put forward to them, the nature of which he but
briefly outlined, stating that he would send me a written note on the subject.
They were going to ask us to negotiate a commercial treaty on the basis of
international law. He said that all other Powers had agreed.
I asked my French colleague if this was the case so far as France was concerned,
and he gave me article in French agreement ; it runs as follows :—
My German colleague tells me in confidence that he lias not yet signed, but
intends to propose to the Turkish Governm ent wording to the effect that the German
Governm ent accepts on the same terms as the French, but with the insertion after the
word ‘ ‘ international ’ ’ of the words ‘ ‘ in accordance with German treaty of
(? 1890).” (3)
The effect of this reference to treaty is to make the interpretation of the new
article a little doubtful and to leave a loophole.
My French colleague thinks that it is impossible to refuse Turkish request, and
sees no harm in treating the Turkish Governm ent in this respect like any other
Government.
I hope to hear some particulars from Crawford to-day.
No. 256.
F.O. 2 87 0 5 /2 4 71 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 284.) Foreign Office, June 26, 1914, 6 -1 0 p .m .
Your telegram No. 382.(2)
Please inform Grand Vizier that H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s G o v e rn m e n t] agree to
continuance of levy of 3 % if all the other Powers do so. I rely however upon Ottoman
G ov [ern m en ]t not making unreasonable stipulations in the negotiation of details with
Turkish Petroleum Company.
I am not quite clear as to what is intended by negotiation of a com m ercial treaty
“ on basis of international law,” or what is desired beyond the assent we have already
given, subject to certain conditions, to conversion of 15% ad valorem into a specific
tariff; but Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] m ay inform Grand Vizier that we are prepared to
give any proposal he may make on the subject our favourable consideration, though we
cannot agree to its being made a condition of grant of Mesopotamian concession which
is part of the bargain to which our assent to m onopolies constitutes the counterpart.
Xo. 257.
F.O. 2 9 2 4 1 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 290.) Foreign Office, July 2, 1914, 1 -2 0 p . m .
Hakki Pasha has suggested a new article in m onopolies agreem ent(2) in following
terms :—
“ Le Gouvernement de S ra] M [a jesté] britannique accepte de négocier avec
le Gouvernement Im périal ottoman un accord destiné à régler les échanges
com m erciaux entre les deux pays sur la base du droit international public à la
condition que toutes les Puissances intéressées consentent elles-mêmes à traiter
sur cette base.”
I am consulting the Board of Trade about this proposal, but it seems to render
valueless the three conditions to which I made subject, in the declaration signed on
July 29, 1913,(3) our assent to negotiate a specific tariff with Turkey, and it would, in
the opinion o f Mr. W augh whom I have consulted, be an undertaking of very
far-reaching consequences, involving the abandonment o f certain com m ercial safe
guards. It is, in any case, a matter which requires most careful and prolonged
consideration, and I think it is unreasonable for Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t to put forward
this fresh stipulation now as a condition of signing the m onopolies agreement, which
has twice been initialled by Hakki Pasha already, and which I am anxious to conclude
at once. I should be glad to receive Y [o u r ] E [x c e lle n c y ]’ s observations by telegram.
( J) [A c o p y o f this teleg ram was sent to th e B oa rd o f T r a d e ; a co p y o f the d ecla ra tion o f
J u ly 29, 1913, a n d o f the p roposed new a rticle in the “ m on opolies a g r e e m e n t ” w as also sent
to P rin ce L ich n ow sk y .]
( 2) [v. supra, p. 396, Ed. .Vote.]
( 3) [v. sup ra , pp. 196-7, X o . 124 (6 ).]
No. 258.
M ajesty’ s Government could not be expected to consent so readily as the other Powers,
their position being quite different owing to absence of tariff in England. Turkish
Government must give them time to think over this proposition. I had already told
his Highness that you were ready to consider in friendly spirit any proposal which his
Government might make, and that should be sufficient for the present. His Highness
agreed, but said that he would like you to answer Hakki Pasha’ s proposal to the effect
that you would give it your favourable consideration.
i would recomm end that you should give answer which would satisfy Hakki Pasha
without absolutely com m itting you. German negotiation on this point is not finished.
M y German colleague has gone to Berlin. It would be as well to await result of these
negotiations. They may find formula which would safeguard our interests also. I f
they know that we shall refuse they will be able to accept relying on our refusal.
Italian Treaty of Lausanne (3) explains clearly what Turkish Governm ent wants,
namely, freedom to negotiate commercial treaty like any other European Power
untrammelled by Capitulations.
It is undoubtedly serious and far-reaching demand involving greater risks for us
than for other Powers, and it is a proposal to which the Board of Trade will inevitably
be strongly op p osed ; but, on political grounds, I am of opinion that it is worth our
while to consider in what ways and under what limitations we could agree to consider
it. Crawford will be in England in three weeks’ time and could give you any necessary
explanation.
(3) [cp. G ooch cfc T em p erley, V ol. I X (I), pp. 438-42, N o. 466, encl.']
No. 259.
F.O. 3 1 2 9 8 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 308.) Foreign Office, July 14. 1914, noon.
Your tel[egra m ] No. 423.(2)
In view of right acquired by D am ascus-H om s Railway C o[m p a n y ], Y [o u r]
E [x ce llen cy ] should ask Grand Vizier for an assurance that that right will not be
held to debar British interests from acquiring a concession in the future for a through
line from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf.
There is no question of such a line at present, but it may some day be desirable
in both British and Turkish interests, and H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] trust
that the Ottoman G ov [ern m en ]t will agree that such an assurance is a reasonable
precaution.
N o. 260.
You should continue to urge upon the Ottoman G ov rernm en]t the great
importance I attach to conclusion of the British negotiations forthwith. If this is not
practicable I shall have to interrupt all negotiation for two months, during the leave
season. I am anxious to avoid this as it would entail financial loss to Turkey through
the non-imposition of the higher customs duties.
( !) [T h is teleg ra m was rep ea ted to B erlin (N o. 186). C opies w ere sent to the B o a rd o f
T r a d e ; to th e In d ia O ffice.]
(2) [F o r referen ce to these n e g otia tion s cp. sup ra , p. 413, N o. 253, n ote ( 3).]
No. 261.
which does not contain unqualified admission of Turkey’ s freedom to negotiate under
the same conditions as any other independent country and that Russia’ s consent
is already assured. Our refusal to make this concession would therefore prevent
commercial negotiations with France and Austria, Italy, Russia, and Germany. He
admits that it is idle to pretend that phrase only means free hand in Customs
administration as Ilakki Pasha and Crawford seemed to im ply. It is economic
independence o f Turkey which he wants to secure. W e would, he declares have
nothing to lose by form ally admitting this, and there would be no need for us to
negotiate at once, his only wish being to clear the way for other negotiations.
Bagdad Railway negotiations are progressing slowly. They (i.e ., Bagdad Railway
Company) want original agreement altered under conditions which will cost Turkey
£100.000 a year more at once, and eventually, as railway is built, at least another
£100,000. ' '
Ile will be in Paris during the first fortnight of August, but, as things are at
present, he thinks it will he useless to go to Berlin.
Our admission of principle at issue might hasten conclusion of the Bagdad
negotiations.
No. 262.
P .O . 3 31 5 8 /4 6 01 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 446.) Constantinople, July 21, 1914.
Railway from Mediterranean to Persian Gulf.
On the receipt of your telegram No. 308 of l lth J u ly ,(2) I left with Grand Vizier
memorandum asking for required assurance. Djavid now states that nothing in the
text o f the Franco-Turkish Agreem ent, which he has promised to com m unicate,
would preclude application by British interests for such a concession. He seemed
to think we wanted guarantee in this connection, and I told him that assurance asked
for contained no reference to this. He evidently does not consider the matter of
much practical importance, and expressed surprise that there should be any idea
o f building what would be a third trunk line in the same direction as two which
would cross desert.
M IN U T E .
I th in k we can d rop the m a tter now.
A . P.
Jillv 23, 1914.
G. R . C.
23.vii.14.
E. A C.
J u ly 23.
F .O . 33662 '2 3 9 0 /1 4 ,4 4 .
Tel. (No. 453.) Constantinople, July 24, 1914.
Your telegram No. 320 of 23rd J u ly(2) : Anglo-Turkish Convention,
monopolies, &c.
Principle which Turkish Government wish admitted is that of their complete
independence in econom ic matters, including right to fix customs duties and negotiate
commercial treaties like any other nation. Acceptance by all the Powers of formula
inserted in article 10 of Franco-Turkish agreement and which Turkish Government
want to insert in our M onopolies Convention would, they think, secure this.
Grand Vizier stated to me the other day that it was intolerable for Turkey to
continue to go round Europe begging for permission to make alterations in her fiscal
arrangements absolutely necessary to enable her to balance her budget, and that he
personally had been disposed to defy the Powers and impose tariff without their
consent.
Crawford should by now have arrived in London from Paris.
M IN U T E S .
I t is m ost unreason able o f T u rk ey to sp rin g th is up on us a t the eleventh hour, and I am
stron gly o f op in io n th a t we should n ot a gree to it.
A. P.
J u ly 24, 1914.
S in ce w ritin g th e above m in u te I have had a lon g con v ersation w ith S ir R . C raw ford and
subm it a d r a ft t e l[e g r a in ] to M r. B ea u m on t.(3)
A. P .
G. R . C.
24.vii.14.
E. A. C.
J u ly 24.
No. 264.
F.O . 3 3 6 6 2 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 .
Tel. (No. 326.) Foreign Office, July 27, 1914, 6 -2 0 p . m .
Your telegrams Nos. 445 (2) and 453(3).
I have discussed question fully with Sir P . Crawford. He states that Djavid
B ey and the Grand Vizier are obviously bluffing about additional article, and that
all that is really expected is that H [is ] M [a jestv ’ s ] G o v e rn m e n t] should agree to
greater freedom for dealing with contraband and such matters. If this is so, the
draft proposed is m isleading, and the Ottoman Government had better send a written
statement, either through you or through Hakki Pasha, explaining precisely what
they do want. Meanwhile m uch time is being lost and no progress is made.
(*) [A p a ra ph ra se o f th is teleg ram w as sent to th e B oa rd o f T ra d e.]
(2) [p. supra, pp. 417-8, N o. 261.]
(3) [ •). im m ed ia tely p reced in g docu m en t.]
[10900] 2 E 2
42 0
[E D . N O T E .— The follow in g m inu tes (F .O . 4 1 1 2 5 /2 3 9 0 /1 4 /4 4 ) are o f som e in terest in view
o f th e preced in g docum ents : —
Urgent.
T receiv ed a telegram from H a k k i P asha, whom I had not seen fo r a m onth, asking m e to
ca ll on him. I did so this m orning.
H e said he had been th in k in g ov er ou r agreem ents as a ffected by the w ar. H e was m ost
a n xiou s th a t the agreem ents should n ot be suspended, and he saw no reason w hy they should
be, in so fa r as G erm any was not d ire c tly in volved . H e th ou g h t th erefore th a t the agreem ents
rela tin g (1) to the P ersian G ulf, (2) to th e S h a tt-el-A ra b conservan cy, (31 t o n a vig ation on the
T ig ris and E uphrates, (4) to the T urkish custom s increase and other concessions to T u rkey
agreed to on J u ly 29th, 1913, m ig h t be ratified forth w ith . T u rk ey w ould g iv e us an assurance,
fo r w hich a form u la w ould have to be fou n d , th a t she w ould com e to a settlem ent sa tisfa ctory
to us as reg a rd s railw ays in A s ia tic T u rkey. H e said the B a g d a d R a ilw a y settlem ent w ould
proba b ly la rgely be affected b y the issue o f the E u ropea n w a r : w hat H is H ighness w ould
suggest is th a t a d ecla ra tion should be sign ed by G reat B rita in and T urkey th a t an agreem ent
a bou t railw ays had been in itia lled in 1913 and was annexed, but th a t T u rk ey , in retu rn for
ou r assent to the custom s increase, w ou ld u n d erta k e to com e to a settlem ent accep tab le to
H is M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent on the con clu sion o f peace.
H is H ighness said th a t i f H is M a je sty ’ s G overnm ent agreed, and in d u ced R ussia and
F ra n ce to agree, to the custom s increase, etc., G erm any w ou ld be the on ly P ow er still out
sta n din g , as A u stria in 1909 and Ita ly in 1912 had a lread y agreed. H e added th a t our assent
w ou ld have a m ost fa v ou ra ble effect, in his view , on the present foreig n p olicy o f T urkey.
H e also said we m igh t agree to th e m on opolies con v en tion b ein g sign ed and ra tified , and
th a t, as regard s the oil concessions in M osul an d B a g d a d , T u rk ey m ig h t g ive H is M a jesty ’ s
G overnm ent an assurance th a t not less than 5 0% , and cha irm an sh ip w ith ca stin g vote, w ould
be g iv en to M r. d ’ A r c y ’ s g roup .
H is H ighness said th a t these w ere his “ p e r s o n a l” view s, and th a t he had only discussed
them w ith Tewfik P asha w ho agreed.
H e said th a t if S ir E. G rey a p p rov ed the idea and w ould discuss it w ith him at an early
date he w ould then telegrap h the p rop osal to C onstantinople.
I told H a k k i Pasha I had no a u th ority to discuss these m atters b u t th a t I w ould subm it
his rem arks to S ir E. Grey.
S o fa r as my relativ ely u n im p orta n t n eg otia tion s are concerned , I th in k the solu tion
su ggested is excellent. P [A R K E R ]
A u g u st 20th, 1914.
P .S .— The firm an rem ov in g th e v eto on E g y p tia n b orrow in g powrers w'ould also be issued
forth w ith .
A. P .
T his suggestion m ay be useful.
Q [u e r ]y . T elegraph a sum m ary t o S ir L. M a llet, fo r his o b s [e r v a tio ]n s , and a u th orize
him, i f he thin ks fit, to use the p rop osal in his con v ersation s w ith th e T urkish G o v [e rn m e n ]t.
G. R . C.
20.viii.14.
I thin k we m ust w alk w arily.
T he Turkish ob ject is to g et the in creased custom s revenues. W e m ust be ca refu l not to
g iv e this and ou r consent to the T urkish m onopolies aw ay w ith ou t full secu rity th a t the T urkish
p a rt o f the b arga in is du ly fulfilled.
As regard s all th a t p a rt o f the a greem ents w hich relates to the B a g d a d railw ay, no settle
m ent is o f course possible at this m om ent, b u t it seeins to me th a t a form al u n d erta k in g by
T u rk ey to agree to a settlem ent sa tisfa ctory to H f is ] M [a je s t y ’s] G [overninent'J, and in no
case less fa v ou ra ble to the la tter than th e one o f w hich the d r a ft has been in itia lled , m ig h t be
a ccep ted, p rov id ed the recen t ob stru ctiv e dem ands m ade by th e T urkish G o v [e rn m e n ]t in
con n ection w ith the m on opolies a greem ent, &c., are now dropp ed.
W e m ig h t a u th orize S ir L. M a llet to p u t the above before th e G ra n d V iz ie r and to say
th a t p rov id ed the T urkish G o v [e r n m e n ]t definitely and u n eq u iv oca b ly fulfils the d u ties o f
n eu tra lity , releases all B ritish ships a n d cargoes, guaran tees the free use o f th e S tra its, and
sends away the G erm an naval officers and crews, and dism antles G erm an w ireless in stallations,
H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G [o v e rn m e n t] are p rep a red to p roceed w ith the gen era l a greem ent on th e
lines in d icated and g iv e th eir assent to the 15% custom s ta riff and the m onopolies.
E. A . C.
A ug. 20.
B efore ta k in g any action a t all, I should w ait a short tim e to see how T u rk e y ’ s attitude,
presents itself. A t present it is obscure and u ncertain. ^ ^
I thin k I had b etter see H a k k i P asba. A p p o in t him fo r some tim e tom orrow and m ean
while I should like to discuss this w ith S ir E. Crowe and M r. P arker.
E . G .]
421
C H A P TE R XCV.
TH E PO RTU G U E SE COLONIES,
DECEM BER 1911-JU LY 1914.
No. 265.
surprised and shocked at the almost universal feeling of irritation against England
and everything English. Could not something be done to improve the relations
between England and G erm any? I f they remained long as now the slightest cause
might make them so bad as to be dangerous to the peace of Europe.
I said that I thought that the present exaggerated antipathy against England in
Germany was due to the feeling that England had been the obstacle which stood
between Germany and the object of her ambition which was to squeeze and humiliate
France. W e could at the present remain indifferent to the unreasonable feeling
against us for we considered ourselves safe from a German invasion. Baron Stumiu
then went over much o f the ground traversed during our conversation at Bagnoles
and there was on each side a good deal of repetition of what wTas then said. As I
reported to Nicolson that conversation, I need not redescribe it. H e this time stated
that in Germany I was represented as being Germanophobe, which he did not believe
and he had said so in reply to observations to that effect. It was alleged that a visit
which I made to London in July was for the purpose of stirring up the British
Government against Germany. I interrupted the Baron in order to observe that my
personal feelings could not be of any consequence but as a matter of fact I was not
Germanophobe, I was Anglom ane, it was natural that you should wish to knowr from
your observer on the spot what was the feeling in France in regard to the critical
state in which the negotiations between the French and German Governm ents then
were. Baron Stumm remarked that he could not understand how it was,— Carlton
H ouse Terrace and the Foreign Office being so near to each other,— that there had
not been explanations which would have put an end to the extreme tension between
England and Germany. He thought that Metternich must have been somewhat in
fault for not giving explanations wdiich would have satisfied the British Government.
He then spoke of the bellicose reputation which I had and the supposition that I was
of a party which advocated a wrar with Germany before she became navally stronger.
I replied that my bellicosity had been limited to the feeling, which I might have
expressed in private conversation, that Lord Palmerston would have thought it
preferable to bring matters to a head rather than sit still and submit to the ever
increasing expenditure of vast sums to maintain the supremacy of England at sea;
but times had changed. W ars were in his time cheap compared with what the cost
would be nowadays and there was also the question of public opinion which in Lord
Palm erston’ s day it was not absolutely essential, as it was now, to have in favour of
a w’ar. The battle would be one of m oney. If the German Governm ent increased
their shipbuilding programm e the British Government would of necesoity have to
construct in proportion so as to maintain the necessary superiority over any probable
com bination, and the British public would make the requisite monetary sacrifices and
it would be a question of which people, the British or the German," would tire the
first. Baron Stumm thought that the German people, unless something were done
to change their feelings and consequently their attitude, would be ready to bear for
at least ten years whatever taxation the Government might recomm end for the Navy.
Could not some prominent public man visit Berlin and talk with the German
G overnm ent so as to bring about some arrangem ent? The German people would be
satisfied with so little. It must not be a Lloyd George after the speech which he had
m ade.(5) I stopped the Baron in order to say that he and others in Germ any must not
imagine that Mr. Lloyd G eorge’ s speech was his own only. Matters had arrived at
such a pass that it was necessary to make a statement defining the attitude of H i 3
Majesty s Government. No reassuring explanations were forthcom ing from the
German Government and Mr. Lloyd George spoke the words of the Cabinet so that
there should be no doubt as to the position. Baron Stumm did not pursue this
incident^ H e returned to the great desirability of a conversation at Berlin through
the medium of some prominent Englishm an. Germany would require so little to
(5) [F o r M r. L loy d G eorg e’ s speech a t the M ansion H ou se on J u ly 21, 1911, and its results,
v. G ooch T em p erley, V ol. V II, pp. 387-417, C h a pter L V .]
423
satisfy her and bring about an entire change in her feelings towards England. Could
not England give her som ething? I replied that British Governm ents were not often
in a giving mood when it was not an exchange of territory with profit to British
interests. W e had given Heligoland to Germ any in return for German undertakings
in regard to Zanzibar, but we could not have fortified Heligoland without offence to
Germany and it was therefore not o f the value to us that it became to Germany.
W here did he propose that we should find gifts for G erm any? n e said that the
Portuguese Possessions in Africa were of no advantage to Portugal. I suggested that
England being her ally and bound to defend her and her Colonies against foreign
aggression could hardly give away Portuguese property unless Portugal desired to get
rid of it. He thought that something might be found somewhere for Germ any without
detriment to England. I said that unfortunately for Germany she had arrived
100 years too late in search of dum ping ground for her surplus population. All the
places fit for white man colonization were occupied or possessed by others who were
unwilling to give away or dispose of th e m : even portions o f the French Congo which
was not a white m an’ s country and not fit for German colonization had only been
obtained by the German Government after much pressure on the French Governm ent,
and I m entioned to him an anecdote which I had lately heard attributed to him on
the occasion of a conversation with the German Emperor, who was stated to have
asked him as a much travelled man whether he could account for the unsympathetic
manner with which Germany was regarded by other nations. H e was reported to
have replied to the Em peror that the German was like the traveller who arrived very
late for a train, the bearer of a first-class ticket. He opened the door of a com part
ment which was full, insisted on his right to a seat, forced his way in notwithstanding
the protests o f the passengers, trod on their toes, talked very loud and blew bad
tobacco smoke into their faces. Baron Stumin laughed, remarking that such like
stories were always exaggerated. H e then returned to the question of the relations
between England and Germany regretting the agitation in Germ any against
everything English and expressing the hope, in which I cordially joined, that the
German Government would not be persuaded to add to their shipbuilding programme,
for it would create a dangerous situation necessitating counter-construction by the
British Governm ent. He said that it seemed so natural that the two countries should
be on good terms for their interests were not divergent, and so unnatural that there
should be discord for no very good reason. I reminded Baron S umm that the policy
of England had always been the maintenance of the Balance of power, and that it
had been prejudiced by the enormous armaments of Germany. She ought to be
satisfied with the possession of the most powerful army in the world and not
endeavour to contest the supremacy of the seas with England, for so long as she
followed such a policy the relations between the two countries must remain
unsatisfactory.
Baron Stumm expatiated a good deal on the pacific views of the German Emperor
and his moderating influence in the M orocco negotiations, and wound up his political
remarks by saying that of course he had spoken only for himself. H e was only a
private individual anxious to promote good relations between his country and England
whose policy in regard to the Balance o f Bower he quite appreciated and for whose
institutions he had the greatest admiration. He was sure that what he had suggested,
viz., that a prominent English public man should go to Berlin to talk would do much
good. He asked why it was that no such persons ever visittd Berlin. I suggested that
it was not on the way to attractive places.
I do not know whether Baron Stumm lias cognizance o f the secret Agree ment
between Germ any and England on the subject of the Portuguese Possessions in Africa
and T im or.(s)
Mv belief is that Baron Stumm was com m issioned by the E m peror to use me as
the channel o f a suggestion to you which, if you adopted it, might be treated by the
( 6) [cp . Gf'orh <t- T em p erley, V ol. I. pp. 71—5. X os. 9 0 -2 , and e n cli.]
424
German Government as not made by them and be accepted or rejected as might suit
their convenience when made.
I had written this letter to Nicolson, but I hear that he is away so I have
converted it into one to you, and I inclose, for convenience of reference, m y copy of
my letter to him of June 23rd, which please return to me.
Yours sincerely,
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
M IN JJTE.
V ery in teresting.
H. H. A.
No. 2G6.
No. 267.
Private, f1)
My dear Bertie, Foreign Office, January 2, 1912.
Many thanks for your interesting letter about the conversation with Baron
S tu m m .(2) I return the copy of your previous letter to N icolson.(*)
No. 2G3.
Secret.
The M a rq u is de S everal to ld me to d a y not only th a t he knew o f the secret T rea ty betw een
G reat B r ita in and G erm any, resp ectin g th e P o rtu g u e se C olonies, b u t th a t he ha d know n o f
it from the b e g in n in g and had d on e his best to prev en t its b ein g signed.
It was, he said, settled at M r. A lfre d R o th s ch ild ’s house betw een M r. C ham berlain and
E ck ard stein o f the G erm an Em bassy.
S overal u rg ed L ord S alisbu ry not to sign it and L ord S alisbu ry w as d isin clin ed to d o so.
B u t L ord Salisbu ry w ent a broad and for e ig n affairs w ere handed ov er tem p ora rily to
M r. B a lfou r. Sovera l a rg u ed a ga in st the T rea ty w ith M r. B a lfou r, but th e view s o f
M r. Cham berlain , w ho th ou g h t only o f the T ransvaal and D ela goa B ay. p revailed .
On L o rd S a lisb u ry ’ s retu rn Sovera l rep roa ch ed him a bout the T rea ty. L o rd S alisbu ry
rep lied th a t he had not sign ed any T rea ty , to w hich Sovera l rep lied that M r. B a lfo u r had
sign ed it. T his L o rd S a lisbu ry adm itted .
S overal th en p oin ted out th a t som e day a ra ilw ay w ou ld be m ade from L o b ito B a y th rou g h
A n g ola and th a t this, on the direct rou te to the C ape, w ould supersede as the m eans o f com m u n i
ca tion to R h od esia any rou te w hatever on the East Coast. T he T rea ty had th erefore handed
ov er to the G erm ans the fu tu re con trol of th e d irect rou te to R h od esia. L ord Sa lisbu ry had
said th a t these con sid era tion s had not been b rou g h t b efore him but that the T rea ty w ould not
com e in to ex ecu tion . T his was tru e so lon g as P o rtu g a l held tog eth er, but now th a t P ortu g a l
was fa llin g in to chaos the G erm ans m igh t press fo r the ex ecu tion o f the T rea ty. T he only
sa feg u a rd fo r us was the m a in ten a n ce b y P o rtu g a l o f the possession of her colonies.
I ob served th a t we cou ld not by in te r v e n tio n im p rov e the sta te o f G overnm ent at L isbon
and Sovera l a d m itted that any in te r v e n tio n to restore th e M on a rch y w ou ld be h a rm fu l, th ou g h
he con sid ered it certa in th a t K in g M anoel w ou ld be b ack in L isbon sooner or later. E. G .]
No. 269.
C ) [T his despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the C a bin et.]
( 2) LThis subject is fu lly dealt w ith in Gooch & T em p e rle y , V ol. V I I .]
42S
by the Portuguese Governm ent, the President o f the Republic him self returning the
Captain’ s visit on board the latter’ s ship.
It may, however, perhaps interest you to learn that Senhor Vasconcellos thought
it advisable to explain privately to the French Minister that these courtesies had no
political significance o f a nature to give umbrage to France. The “ P a n th e r” was,
His Excellency said, the first foreign man of war to visit Lisbon since the recognition
of the Portuguese Republic by the great powers, and her presence was thus in itself
a mark of German goodwill towards Portugal. It had moreover coincided with what
Senhor Vasconcellos described as a “ German flirtation with this cou ntry,” and
proceeded to explain as a very friendly settlement of several outstanding frontier and
other colonial questions in Angola. The Portuguese ¡Premier appeared indeed
convinced that a material improvement had taken place in the relations o f the two
countries, which might react in a sense favourable to Portugal on the attitude adopted
up to the present by Germany on the vexed question o f the religious properties. It
seems indeed probable, from what he said to my French colleague, that the German
Government has availed itself of this opportunity to strengthen its influence here
by dispelling for the nonce the alarm as to its designs on the Portuguese Em pire in
Africa due to the clum sy and brutal utterances of Pangermanist papers and professors.
Ilis Excellency referred to-day in conversation with me to the visit and cordial
reception here of the “ Panther,” to the effect which he hoped it would produce upon
his Governm ent’ s dealings with that o f Germany and to a speech which he had
him self made in Congress, and of which I enclose a summary, about the friendship
and joint civilizing mission o f the two powers in tropical Africa. I said that I was
very glad to hear all this, as I felt convinced that the Government o f Portugal’ s
traditional ally would he the first to applaud the consolidation of friendly relations
between Lisbon and Berlin, more especially in Africa, where the two countries were
in such close contact as neighbours, both with one another and with ourselves.
I have, Ac.
A R T H U R II. IIA R D IN G E .
considerable difficulties, the excellent relations between the two countries would, he
felt sure, render it attainable.
The English alliance continued and would continue to be the basis o f Portuguese
foreign policy, based as it is on the most ancient as well as on m odern treaties,
embracing under their provisions not only the mainland and the adjacent islands but
also the Portuguese colonies. This would not however in any way prevent the
Government of the Republic from endeavouring to strengthen the bonds which unite
it to other Powers and especially to those which are its neigld ours either on the
continent or in the colonies. The Governm ent has the strongest d< sire to develop
the excellent relations of good neighbourliness and loyal friendship with its powerful
neighbour on the S [ou th ] o f Angola and the X [o r th ] of Mozambique. It has a great
work of civilisation and peace to undertake which will becom e easier with the help
of intelligent collaboration. Malicious and ill-judged observations of journalists should
have no effect on the good relations and on the policy of different countries.
No. 270.
go into the matter more carefully, and, after discussing the question this m orning
with Sir A. Xicolson and Mr. Langley, informed Mr. Gilmour verbally that the matter
was not free from complication and required reference to the Secretary of State, who
was out of town at present, so that I could not possibly let him have an answer to his
question before Sunday.
Mr. Gilmour seemed quite satisfied on this point, and said he would put off
Colonel Freire d ’ Andrade for the present and not move further in the matter until he
had heard from me again.
Mr. Gilm our’ s enquiry raises the whole question of the secrecy of the 1898
conventions in an acute and embarrassing form , and this at the very moment when
attention is pointedly drawn to the subject in a number of statements appearing in the
press, most of which originate from an article in the Saturday Beview of January *20.
(See papers No. 3076; 3256; 3589.)(3)
It is to be expected that these newspaper “ revelations” will lead to further
questions in Parliament and public controversy, and the position of H [is ] M [a jesty’ s]
G o v e rn m e n t] will soon be a very awkward one. I propose to discuss briefly the
considerations arising out of this situation which invite attention.
Dealing, first, with Mr. G ilm our’s enquiry, there are, I think, four different
courses open to the Secretary o f State. I will proceed to enumerate them, with a
statement of the advantages and disadvantages attaching to each :
(3) [T hese papers con ta in e x tra cts from the S a tu rd a y llev ie w o f J a n u a ry 20, 1912; the
P all M ull (ia z e tte o f the sam e d a t e ; th e O bserver o f J a n u a ry 21, 1912; the D a ily M ail o f
J a n u a ry 22, 1912 (P .O . 3 71/281. 3 0 7 6 /3 9 1 /1 2 /4 3 6 ); The T im es o f J a n u a ry 23, 1912 (F.O . 3 71 /
284. 3256/391 12/436. 3 5 8 9 /3 9 1 /1 2 /4 3 6 ); and the D a ily .Yetvs o f J a n u a ry 25, 1912 (F.O . 3 71 /
284. 3 5 8 9 /3 9 1 /1 2 /4 3 6 ).]
431
This course has the advantage of involving us in no subterfuges. There is
however a possible difficulty : Mr. Gilm our might not take the hint, or might not
wish to take it. He might say that unless we can give him a good and intelligible
reason, he did not see why he should not go into Timor if he wished and if the
Portuguese invited him. To this we should have no answer. And in fact, I do not
think that under the terms of the convention l l [ i s ] M [a jes ty 's] G o v e rn m e n t] are
called upon to prevent British subjects from taking up enterprizes or concessions
in those Portuguese territories which have been earmarked for Germ any. But if,
as would inevitably be the case, the German Government got wind o f the affair, they
would be quite capable of taking steps at Lisbon to com pel the Portuguese govern
ment to drop the schem e, a contingency which would create the m aximum of
disagreeableness to all parties concerned.
Apart from this, Mr. Gilmour would be free to indulge in whatever speculations
he liked as to the grounds on which H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] opposed his
plan. I f he connected Tim or in hiis mind with the German secret conventions of
1898 relating to M ozambique, of which he seems clearly aware, there would be
nothing to prevent his talking about his suspicions. Fresh series of rumours might
be set about, which would then come to the ears o f our Australian Dom inions and
induce them to ask awkward questions.
3. These several dilemmas which, if not very probable, are yet quite possible,
would be avoided by the more decided step o f telling Mr. Gilm our the exact truth,
under the seal o f secrecy. Personally, I believe Mr. Gilmour would honour such
confidence by keeping strict silence. On the other hand, if Air. Gilmour abandoned
the interp rize, others might come forward. It would in any case he impossible to
go on confiding such a secret successively to a number of private individuals, even
if they were all of the same standing as Mr. Gilm our. And, it must be admitted,
that even to tell him alone, would be to break deliberately onr pledge of secrecy
given to the German governm ent.
4. There remains the alternative of obtaining G erm any's consent to publishing
the conventions outright. This wonld be the most heroic, and also the most straight
forward course. It would undoubtedly give rise to a number of difficulties all of
which would have to be seriously weighed :
(A) A preliminary difficulty which might frustrate the plan from the outset,
would be a refusal on G erm any's part to agree to publication. There is nothing in
the text of the three documents signed on August 30th 1898, binding the parties to
keep their provisions secret either perm anently or temporarily. But on
Dec [em ber] 21 o f that year, Lord Salisbury in conversation with Count Ilatzfeldt,
agreed to the view expressed by the latter, “ with some em phasis,’ ’ that the conven
tions “ should not at present be made public, but that, at all events, if either Power
should desire to publish them, it should not do so without previously ascertaining
that the other Power was an assenting party. ” (4)
On the whole, it appears to me unlikely that Germany would seriously object
to publication now. She would from such publication derive the advantage of
satisfying to some extent the territorial appetite of German public opinion, at least
in anticipation. W e might put forward strong arguments in favour o f publication,
chiefly based on the impossibility o f our preventing British subjects from obtaining
concessions and starting enterprizes, m onopolistic or other, in the Portuguese
possessions earmarked for Germ any, unless we are in a position to give a reason for
such an attitude. W e could also urge that an unfair advantage was being taken of
our being pledged to secrecy, by allowing German public opinion to remain under the
impression that England was standing in the way o f German expansion, whilst these
conventions proved the contrary.
Germany might perhaps snggest publishing the first convention only, and
continuing to maintain secrecy concerning the second one and the Note, which deals
more definite solution o f the difficulty which, failing such a solution, will undoubtedly
continue to present itself in different forms o f increasing embarrassment.
If I may venture to express an opinion, I should say that I should strongly
favour the adoption of the 4th alternative above indicated, if the difficulty as regards
Australian feeling can be overcom e or may be neglected.
Failing the adoption o f what I have called the heroic course, we should, I think,
do best to temporize further by falling back on the 2nd alternative.
E Y R E A. CRO W E.
J an [u a ry] 26, 1912.
M IN U T E S .
I am in fa v o u r o f com p lete p u b lica tion . I f we publish the agreem ent w ith G erm any I
th in k the fa ir th in g w ill be also to pu blish the reaffirm ation o f the A llian ce w ith P o rtu g a l m ade
d u rin g the B oer war.
1. T he first step is to g et M r. H a r c o u r t ’ s con cu rren ce as to p u b lic a t io n ; the effect in
A u stra lia is the w orst difficulty. F o r th is pu rpose M r. H a rc o u rt should see these m inutes.
2. I f M r. H a rc o u rt as C olon ia l S ecreta ry consents I m ust then let L o rd L ansdow ne and
M r. B a lfo u r (w ho sign ed the secret A g reem en t w ith G erm a ny) see e x a c tly w hat we propose
to pu blish and ask i f th ey have ob je c tio n s to urge.
3. T he consent o f the G erm an G o v [e r n m e n ]t resp ectin g the agreem en t w ith them m ust
then be o b ta in ed — a date cou ld be nam ed fo r p u b lica tion th a t w ould g iv e tim e to com m u n ica te
the p a p er to be pu blished con fid en tia lly t o the P rim e M in isters o f the S elf-G ov ern in g D om in ion s
and to the P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t b efore p u b lica tion took place. W e should then also h a ve
to ob ta in the consent o f P o rtu g a l to the p u b lica tion o f the re-affirm ation o f th e A lliance.
P ro ce e d step by step in th is order.
E. G.
29.1.12.
M eanw hile I th in k S ir E. C row e’ s 2nd proposal fo r dea lin g w ith M r. G ilm our can be
a d o p t e d ; if necessary we m ig h t g o a little fu rth e r and tell him in confid ence th a t there are
secret agreem ents betw een ourselves an d G erm any th a t w ould p reclu d e us from g iv in g him
d ip lom a tic su p p ort in secu rin g a concession o f the natu re p roposed in T im or. I assume he
w ill w an t som e rep ly b efore the m a tter o f p u b lica tion can be settled and I u n d ersta n d he is a
man w ho can be trusted.
E . G.
M r. G ilm our ca lled upon me to d a y and I took th e op p o rtu n ity o f te llin g him th a t th ere
w ere reasons, w hich I th ou g h t it unnecessary fu rth er to sp ecify , fo r w hich H f is ] M fa je s t y ’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t ] could not en cou ra ge any B ritish firms to em bark on d ev elop m en t en terp rizes in
T im or. M r. G ilm our at once said he q u ite u n d erstood , and th a t he person a lly w ould th erefore
abandon the plan. H e th ou g h t h ow ever th a t it m ig h t b e ta ken up by oth er B ritish firms
w ith or w ith ou t co-op era tion w ith finan ciers o f oth er coun tries. H e asked me w hat H [ is ]
M fa je s t y ’ s] G [o v e rn m e n t] w ould say i f a D utch com p an y w ere form ed fo r th e pu rpose, in
w hich B ritish ca p ita l m ig h t be la rgely rep resen ted . I again ex p la in ed ou r a ttitu d e, a d d in g
th a t o f course the g o v [e r n m e n ]t d id not possess or claim to have a n y pow er to p rev en t a
B ritish su b ject from ob ta in in g concessions in T im or. All they w ished to do was to w arn B ritish
subjects th a t such en terp rizes cou ld not cou n t up on the su p p o r t or assistance of H [ is ]
M fa je s t y ’ s] G fo v cr n m e n t] should they h erea fter find them selves in a p osition w hich they had
not foreseen.
M r. G ilm our rep ea ted th a t so fa r as he was con cern ed he w ould certa in ly n ot m ove fu rth er
in the m a tter, and he th a n k ed m e fo r th e w arn in g g iv en , w hich he prom ised to trea t as
confidential.
E. A. C.
F e b fr u a r y ] 1.
No. 272.
that you would like an answer on the subject of the railway by the middle of this
month at latest. He replied that ho thought he could promise me this.
His Excellency then adverted to the continued German press campaign about
the Portuguese colonies, and to the alleged Anglo-German secret agreement of
1898,(3) and said that he would wish, in order to reassure Public Opinion in this
country, to publish the text o f the agreement o f the following year by which the
late Marquess of Salisbury had reaffirmed the binding character o f the old treaties
of alliance between the two countries, and he asked if you would entertain any
objection to its publication by him , for the information o f the Lisbon Congress. I
said that I would bring the matter to your notice, and would be prepared to advise
you to agree to publication, if the Government o f the Republic really deemed such
a step desirable, in order to allay any doubts or alarms in this country. I felt sure
in any case that j’ou would give the matter your most careful consideration.
His E xcellency’ s allusion to the Treaty of 1898, and the presence of Senhov
M adeira the Minister o f Justice, who had joined us in order to discuss another
question, afforded me an opportunity o f executing the instructions contained in your
despatch No. 1 Africa (49719/11) of the 4th ultimo.(b) 1 accordingly observed that
after m y conversation of some weeks ago with Senlior M adeira in which the latter
had construed a Parliamentary Statement by Mr. Asquith(5) about secret arrangements
as im plying that no such engagements existed other than those mentioned with
France, I had looked up the Prime M inister’ s statement, as reported in the English
papers, and had found that it only covered secret arrangements involving military
obligations, and would not therefore necessarily exclude an understanding with
Germ any such as that which the papers had referred to, as to the eventual disposal
of the Portuguese Colonies, should Portugal of her oicn free will desire to dispose
of any parts o f her Colonial Em pire to other Powers. I felt however sure that if
any exchange o f views, such as that which the German Press alleged, had taken
place, on the subject o f a hypothetical contingency of this nature, between Great
Britain and other Powers, it could only have been on the presumption that Portugal
were a free and willing party to it. I only mentioned this point in order to correct
any misapprehension into which Senhor Macieira might have been led by m y apparent
acquiescence in an imperfect appreciation on His E xcellency’ s part o f the British
P rem ier’ s declaration.
Both Ministers were I think a little taken aback at these remarks, and Senhor
Vasconcellos observed, with raihcr a forced laugh, that it made little practical
difference, as Portugal would rather perish than alienate any portion of her colonial
Em pire to a foreign Power. In the old corrupt days of the m onarchy such a notion
might have possibly occurred to foreign states, but the sound financial methods
introduced by the*Republican Governm ent had disposed o f the dangers of insolvency
which could alone warrant such a sacrifice. I replied that I was very glad to hear it.
I think personally that it might be advisable to let the Portuguese Government
publish the renewed Treaty of Alliance, and T inferred from a conversation which
1 had the honour of having with you on the 8th of January last that you were inclined
to lay before our own Parliament, not only that Treaty, but the secret Agreements
of 1898. I f this is so it will perhaps be well for me to arrange confidentially for a
simultaneous publication o f both documents at Lisbon and in London. I shail await
your instruction on this point before reverting to the subject in conversation with
the Portuguese Premier.
I have, Ac.
AR TH U R II. IIA R D IN G E .
No. 273.
You should remind the present M [m ister for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] of the friendly
character of the conversation which followed, during which Mr. Thornton laid fresh
stress on the fact that Portugal would by such an arrangement gain breathing time
in which to reform her administrations, and be relieved from all apprehension of
attack on her colonial possessions, the primary object o f the two Signatory Powers
being to assist Portugal in her financial difficulties without involving any loss or
diminution of her sovereign rights.
Again on Sept [em ber] 29th of that year Mr. Thornton explained more clearly
to Senhor de Castro (No. 93 A f[rica ] of S e p te m b e r] 30th)(9) the situation contem
plated under the Agreement as regards the possible future division of the two
Portuguese colonies into spheres o f influence for Great Britain and Germany (see
his despatch No. 93 A f[rica ] of S e p te m b e r ] 30th 1898). Although therefore the
Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t did not see the actual treaties, they were placed in a
position to form a fairly accurate idea of their main purport.
In calling the attention o f Senhor Yasconcellos to the language held to the
Portuguese G ov[ern m en ]t on these occasions in 1898 you should add that H [is ]
M [a je stv ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] will give their careful consideration to the question of
the publication o f the Treaty signed at W indsor between Great Britain and Portugal
on O ct[ob er] 14th 1899.( 10) Yrou might at the same time remind H [is ] E [xcellen cy ]
of the assurance given to M. de Soveral by the Marquess of Salisbury on June 22nd,
1898,( n ) that H [e r ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] quite recognised the present validity
o f the ancient treaties between England and Portugal, thus indicating the spirit in
which L [o r ]d Salisbury entered on his negotiations with the German G ov[ern m en ]t.
[ I am, A c.]
E. G[EEY].
( 9) [M r. T h o rn to n ’ s despatch (N o. 93 A fric a ), p . S eptem b er 30, It. O ctob er 10, 1898, is not
rep rod u ced , as the con ten ts are sufficiently in d ica ted above. (F .O . G erm any (A frica ) 1467.)]
( 10) [u. Gooch <Sc T e m p e rle y , V ol. I, pp. 9 3-4, N o. 118. F o r the misuse o f the term “ W in d sor
T r e a t y ” v. ibid ., p. 99, E d . N o t e ; V ol. V I I I , p. 49, E d . N o t e ; and in fra, pp. 483-4, E d . A 'ofe.]
( 11) [r . Gooch <£• T e m p e rle y , V ol. I, p. 50, N o. 68.]
No. 274.
T he sta tem en t p rop osed seems u n ob jection a b le in itself, alth ou g h here the S e c [ r e t a r ]y o f
S ta te has sa id th a t to m ake any sta tem en t re g a rd in g a secret tre a ty is in com p a tib le w ith its
secrecy.
I t w ou ld perh a ps be m ore con sisten t if th e P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t said “ W e are satis
fied th a t no tre a ty exists b etw een G rea t B r ita in and G erm any w hich con ta in s a n y th in g o f a
natu re to m enace ” etc. W e o u g h t to g e t G erm a n y ’ s consent.
Q [u e r ]y . T e l[e g r a p h ] to S ir E . G oschen.
“ P o rtu g u e se G o v [e r n m e n ]t are a n xiou s t o m ake sta tem en t in P a rlia m en t to reassure
p u b lic a n x ie ty as to A n g lo-G erm a n con v en tion s o f 1898.
W e propose, i f G erm an G o v [e r n m e n ]t agree, t o say w e should have no ob je c tio n to follow in g
form u la : ‘ W e a re satisfied th a t no tre a ty ex ists betw een G rea t B r ita in an d G erm any w hich
con ta in s a n y th in g o f a n a tu re to m enace in d ep en d en ce, in te g r ity or in terests o f P o rtu g a l, or
o f any p o r tio n o f h er d om in ion s.’
P o rtu g u e se G o v [e rn m e n ]t m ig h t be a u th o rize d to say, i f they wish, th a t this sta tem en t is
m ade w ith th e assent o f B ritish and G erm an G overn m eiits.” ( 3)
J. A . C. T.
9 /3 /1 2 .
A n d rep ea t to L isbon.
[E . A . C .]
No. 275.
F.O. 367/284.
1 0 8 3 2 /3 9 1/12 /4 3 6 .
(No. 17.) A frica. Secret. Lisbon, D. March 8, 1912.
Sir, R . March 13, 1912.
I had the honour to receive on the 5th instant, your despatch No. 3 0 (2) Secret
respecting the Anglo-Germ an Agreement o f 1898,(3) and, in accordance with the
instructions contained in it, I to-day called the attention o f Senhor Vasconcellos to
the various communications on this subject made at the time by H er late M ajesty’ s
Government to that of Portugal. I translated to him Mr. B alfour’ s despatch No. 90
of August 18 1898(4) to this Legation, and his note to Monsieur de Soveral of the
30th o f the same m on th ,(5) and gave him a general outline of the main principles
and purport, o f the Agreement as described by Mr. Thornton in his interviews with
Senhor Beirao and Senhor Luciano de Castro. I added that you would give your
careful consideration to the question of the publication of the Treaty signed at
W indsor on 14 October 1899.(6) and reminded His E xcellency of the assurance given
on 22 June 1898(7) by the Marquess of Salisbury to Monsieur de Soveral.
No. 276.
map, adding that it contained the excellent port of St. Paul de Loanda, the terminus
of the existing Portuguese railway, and that this territory, stretching from the West
Coast of Africa to the north-westernmost com er of Northern Ehodesia (near Katanga),
was regarded by m any people in Africa, especially the Chartered Company, as the
natural and ultimate outlet for their produce to the sea, and I added that the
homeward and outward freights from and to St. Paul de Loanda would be much
lower than those round the Cape to Beira. I said that I did not find any insuperable
obstacle to an exchange so long as we received an equivalent in Africa— not equal in
extent, but sufficient to satisfy public opinion in this country and at the C a p e ; that,
though I had no special desire for territory, but in order to meet German wishes, I
had considered what would be a sufficient quid pro quo, and I suggested to him that
in Portuguese East Africa the future British sphere should be extended from the
mouth of the Zam besi (where it ends under the existing treatyi northwards to the
15th parallel, and that the country between Lake Nyassa and a line drawn from Lake
Chinta to the confluence of the Luehulingo and Bovuma Rivers should eventually be
added to Xyassaland, and that the W estern frontier of Northern Rhodesia should be
continued up the present line of longitude 2 2 -3 0 ° till it reached the projected
K atanga-L obito Railway at the southern frontier of the Belgian Congo.
Count Metternich expressed great surprise at these suggestions, and said that
L ord Haldane in Berlin had “ offered the whole of Angola, and had said we only
required the cession of Tim or in exchange.” (4)
I pointed out that it was impossible that Lord Haldane could have intended or
said th is; that on the day before his departure for Berlin I had a brief conversation
with him, and told him that if the Secret Treaty was m entioned I should be glad to
know what, if any, change in it was suggested by the German G overnm ent; that we
should be glad to drop Tim or out, because it excited Australian sentiment, but we did
not want it for ourselves, and were quite satisfied with the prior rights of Dutch pre
em ption; that Beira and Delagoa B ay must in any case rem ain in the British sphere,
but that if Germany had views about our share of Angola I should be very willing to
discuss the matter on his return. Count Metternich again repeated that this was not
the impression created by Lord Haldane in Berlin.
2. I then turned to Penguin and Seal Islands, which Count Metternich at once
called barren rocks, but I said were islands essential to turn Angra Pequena
into a good harbour by building a breakwater on and between them.
I said that m any years ago they were transferred to the Cape Colony, that they
had therefore passed to the Government of the Union of South Africa, and that they
could not be ceded without a resolution, and probably an Act, of the Union
Parliament. To produce an atmosphere favourable to this it would be necessary to
offer the Union Government some com pensation in that neighbourhood, and I could
think of nothing but the strip of land known as the “ Caprivi tassel,” which stretches
from the north of German South-W est Africa into Rhodesia to a point on the Zam besi
north of and above the Victoria Falls.
I suggested that the western boundary of Bechuanaland might be extended
northwards along the twentieth degree of longitude up to the point where it meets the
present southern boundary of Portuguese East Africa, and that all country lying east
of that line should becom e part of Bechuanaland. Count Metternich evidently
thought this far too large a price for the two islands and said he regarded it as quite
out of the question.
I alluded to the fact that no m ention had been made at B erlin of W alfisch Bay,
and that we appreciated the discretion of this silence, which was no doubt due to the
knowledge acquired by H err Dernburg in his visit to South Africa of the strength of
feeling there on the subject.
I said that it was impossible to press on, or even suggest to, the Union Govern
ment any" surrender of W alfisch B ay, but that if the German Governm ent had any
offer they cared to make, such as, e.g. the southern portion of Namaqualand, I would
(4) [ cp. Gooch <b Temperley, V ol. V I , p. 634, N o. 506, App. I I I . ]
442
willingly be the conduit-pipe of such a suggestion, but that if it was refused I could
press the matter no further.
Count Metternich said that it was not worth while to discuss Walfisch Bay, as it
had ceased to have much value to them. At one time they would have liked it, but
that now they had sunk large sums in developing the harbour at Swakopmund, and
would not care to change their port or railway terminus.
Passing across the map via the Belgian Congo, I m entioned that if in a remote
future this territory were to pass to other hands than those of the French (who had
the right of pre-emption), we should be specially interested in and feel that we had a
strong claim to that part of the Belgian Congo south of parallel 10° which contains
Katanga.
W e then reached Zanzibar and Pemba, o f which I said that, though practically
a possession, they were nom inally a p rotectorate; that they carried with them some
sort of sovereignty over the coast strip of our East African Protectorate, to which
protectorate this coast strip must be transferred if Zanzibar changed hands; that
Zanzibar was the landing place of our East African cables, and that these must be
transferred to British territory— probably M om basa; that Zanzibar was the most
flourishing com m ercial port on the East Coast, a great centre of entrepot trade, and
much valued by traders and shippers. W e pointed out that it was impossible to part
with these islands, which were our sole consideration for the cession of Heligoland
in exchange for mere diplomatic assistance over the last section o f the Bagdad
Railway and a recognition of our position in the Persian Gulf and at K ow eit; that
public opinion would demand territory in exchange for territory, and that again I
had looked round for something which might serve the purpose and, though not of
great value, might be a salve to public pride. For this purpose I suggested the cession
to us o f the north-west corner of German East Africa (called Ruanda), north of a
line drawn from the north end of Lake Tanganyika to the south-west extremity of
Lake Victoria Nyanza.
Count Metternich observed that this would cut German East Africa off from
any possible future connection (through the Congo) with their W est African
possessions, actual or potential.
H e reminded us that Lord Rosebery, in 1894, had failed to obtain facilities for
the Cape to Cairo Railway on the west side of Lake Tanganyika in Belgian territory
owing to a previous Anglo-Germ an understanding which had been overlooked by
Lord R osebery(s) ; but Count Metternich intimated that the German Government would
not be unwilling to give a way-leave for such a line if required through their
territory.
I said that the Cape to Cairo line was a sentimental aspiration and not a
commercial proposition; that the real outlets for Central African trade were Beira
on the east and St. Paul de Loanda or Lobito Bay on the w est; but that if the Cape
to Cairo line were ever built it would probably be through Belgian territory north of
Katanga, and beyond the range of the prohibited area which had upset Lord
R osebery’ s previous plans.
Count Metternich mentioned the interest of the German Governm ent in the
Portuguese Islands of San Thom e and Principe in the Gulf of Guinea, which were
not included in the Secret Treaty o f 1898.(6) Seeing the difficulty which had arisen
during the conversation about Tim or, I suggested that these might be included in a
new treaty with remainder to Germ any as a set-off to Tim or which she would lose,
though we should not acquire it.
(s) [cp. G ooch <£ T em p erley, V ol. I l l , p. 424, A p p . B. T he te x t o f th e C ongo T rea ty o f
M a y 12, 1894, is p rin ted in A . & P ., (1894), V ol. X C V I , [C . 7358], pp. 23-9. T he corresp on den ce
as to th e w ith d ra w a l o f A rticle I I I is p r in te d ibid., [C . 7390], pp. 3 1 -4 2 ; and the D ecla ra tion
o f w ithd raw al itself ibid., [C. 7549], pp. 43-5. cp. also H e r t s le t : M a p of A fric a b y T rea ty,
V ol. I l l , pp. 1008-1015, 1017. F or the 1890 n eg otia tion s cp. C ecil, V ol. I V , pp. 283-8, 2 9 5 -6 ;
G .P ., V I I I , pp. 11-25, p a ssim ; C rew e: L o rd R os eb ery , V ol. I I , pp. 359-60. R eferen ce to the
1894 n eg otia tion s is m ade also in Crewe, op. cit., V ol. I I , pp. 4 48 -9 .]
( 6) [v. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. I, pp. 72-5, Nos. 9 1-2, and e n d s.]
44 3
I drew attention to the fact that neither Lord Salisbury nor the German Govern
ment of that day had included in the Secret Treaty any Portuguese Islands, such as
Madeira and the Azores.
Count Metternich at once added “ and the Cape Verde Islands.’ ’
As these are exactly opposite French Senegal, and the conversation seemed to
be becom ing embarrassing, I switched it off to the other side of the world and
suggested that, if Germany wished to make any further concession in return for
Zanzibar and Pemba, there were the islands of Bougainville and Bourka, which form
part of the Solom on Islands, and are the sole rem aining (and I believe undeveloped)
possession of Germany within that group.
Count Metternich expressed considerable disappointment at m y attitude and
ideas, which he thought more extravagant than those of Lord Haldane.
I replied that I was well known to be an extreme G erm anophile; that Count
Metternich must be aware (which he admitted) of conversations of mine last autumn
suggesting just such exchanges of territory as we had been discussing which conver
sations I have reason to believe were the m oving factor of the German approaches
to us through H err Ballin and Sir E. Cassel.
Sir E. Grey also said that he had brought me in as the rara avis— a Colonial
Secretary who was a willing seller.
I ought, perhaps, to explain that throughout the conversation I took the
labouring oar because I was specially conversant with the geographical details, but
also (which accounts for the undue use of the personal pronoun in this m emorandum)
because I felt that if a settlement can be arrived at by concession it will be easier
for the Foreign Secretary and the Cabinet to say that the views put forward in this
conversation were m y own, but that the concessions made are the considered
judgm ent of the Cabinet, to which I have no doubt that I should be an assenting
partv.
L. H.
M IN U T E S .
C on v ersation b etw een C ou n t M ettern ich , S ir E. G rey and M r. H a rc o u rt, 10 M a rch , 1912,
9 or 1 1?
C op y as m a rked sent to H e r r v on K u h lm a n n O c t [o b e r ] 22, 1913, b y S ir E . C row e.(7)
S ir E. C row e,
T he a n n exed p r in t is the record o f the con v ersa tion to w h ich I th in k H e r r v on K u h lm a n n
referred . I t is how ever the same p a p er th a t we g o t o u t last tim e he enq u ired.
H . J. S.
(!) [T h is telegram was sent to L isb on (as N o. 20). A cop y was sent to the Colonial Office.]
(2) [v. supra, p. 439, N o. 274, m in., a n d n ote (3).]
No. 278.
No. 279.
Auch ist die Kaiserliche Regierung bereit, die Portugiesische Regierung, falls
sie es wünscht, zu der Feststellung zu erm ächtigen, dass diese Erklärung im E inver
ständnis mit der Kaiserlichen und der Britischen Regierung abgegeben werde.
Der Kaiserliche Geschäftsträger in Lissabon ist angewiesen worden, im E inver
nehmen mit dem dortigen Vertreter der K öniglich Grossbritannischen Regierung die
Portugiesische Regierung entsprechend zu verständigen.
Berlin, den 14. März 1912.
No. 280.
Democrats and the Camacho group of moderates may take a turn at the spoils of
office, Senhor Costa’ s being the dominant influence,— a situation which would render
several matters which I have in hand much more difficult.
I am sending a duplicate o f this despatch to the African Department with which
the correspondence originated.
I have, &c.
A R T H U R H . H A R D IN G E .
No. 281.
M IN U T E S .
T he T rea ty o f 1898 only a pplies to th e in terv en tion o f a th ir d P ow er and to loans from the
T ow ers, hu t I do n ot th in k w e cou ld see a loan o f th is m a g n itu d e u n d erta k en by a p riv a te
g rou p , esp ecially an A n g lo -F re n ch g ro u p w ith ou t ou r in terv en tion .
S ir A. H a rd in g e m ig h t w arn th e P o rtu g u e se G o v [e r n m e n ]t th a t we e x p e c t to be consulted
b efore any d efinite a ction is ta ken , a n d we should in fo rm th e G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t o f the
corresp on den ce.
S ir A. H a rd in g e m ig h t p o in t ou t th a t neith er ou r recen t assurances res p ectin g ou r trea ty
w ith G erm any, n or ou r trea ties o f a llia n ce w ith P o rtu g a l w ou ld b e u n a ffected b y an a rra n g e
m en t w hich b u rd en ed th e colonies w ith so h ea vy a fo r e ig n loan and in tr o d u c e d such stron g
fo r e ig n influence.
J . A. C. T.
23.3.12.
(*) [A cop y o f this despa tch was sent to th e C olonia l Office, w ith a letter from S ir E y re
C row e, on M a rch 27, 1912. v. in fra , pp. 452-3, N o. 284.]
( 2) [r . G ooch <£• T em p erley, V ol. I, pp . 7 1-5, Nos. 9 0-2, encZs.]
447
trea ty . F o r I d o not see how w e can well p u b licly avow th a t w e are o b ta in in g from G erm any
the re c o g n itio n o f B ritish claim s t o K a ta n g a , w hich G erm any has no rig h t to g iv e or refuse,
seeing th a t th e K a ta n g a is actu a lly e ith er B elgia n or (p en d in g ou r rec o g n itio n o f th e B elgia n
an n exa tion ) C ongolese, and th a t th e rig h t o f pre-em p tion ov er the B elgia n C on g o is in the
possession not o f G erm any, b u t o f F ra n ce. I fe a r th erefore t h a t should th e A n g lo-G erm a n
discussion res p ectin g t e rr ito ria l “ exch a n g es ” m a teria lize, we should proba b ly be ra th er w orse
than b etter off as reg a rd s m a k in g a fu ll and p u b lic revelation o f ou r p olicy and aims.
Q u [e r y ],
P ress th e C olon ia l Office fo r th eir con cu rren ce in u rg in g up on the G erm an g o v [e r n m e n ]t
the im m ed iate p u b lica tion o f th e 1S98 agreem ents.
E. A . C.
M [ a r ]c h 25.
No. 282.
F.O. 367/1463.
1 26 2 4 /1 2 08 0 /1 2 /3 6.
(No. 40.) Confidential. Lisbon, D. March 16, 1912.
Sir, E . March 25, 1912.
I have the honour to transmit herewith, in continuation o f m y despatch No. 38
o f the 15th,(*) a summary of Senhor Y asconcellos’ speech in the Chamber of Deputies
upon the foreign policy and relations o f Portugal.
I should mention that before making it he sent m e, not telling me that he meant
to quote it in Parliam ent, a memorandum which he had prepared on the Anglo-
Portuguese alliance, upon which he requested m y opinion. Its general gist was m uch
the same as that o f his remarks, but m y suspicion that something more was aimed
at was aroused by my noticing that in the text o f the Treaties appended to it, the
names o f the British and Portuguese Sovereigns by whom they were concluded had
all been deliberately erased, and that for them were substituted the words “ Portugal ”
and “ E n g la n d ” or “ Great B ritain.” In the Treaty of 1654 even the name of
Oliver Cromwell, for whom, as a regicide, H is E xcellency might have been expected
to feel a certain respectful tenderness, was ruthlessly expunged with that o f Dom
John the Fourth, the restorer o f Portuguese independence, and I could not resist
the impression that the object was to strengthen, without saying so totidem verbis,
the contention of the Portuguese Governm ent that the alliance can never be affected
by any change in the form of Governm ent o f the contracting parties.
I am personally of opinion that the contention is sustainable, and that we may
on our side fully admit it, in certain circum stances, but that the possibility o f another
interpretation o f the Treaties is a lever which it m ay be politic to keep in the back
ground, especially if this Governm ent should show itself unyielding and captious in
regard to a Treaty of Commerce. I accordingly observed to His E xcellency that
while his account o f the Treaties coincided with m y general historical recollections,
I thought the m ention of the names o f the signatory Sovereigns not entirely
insignificant from the standpoint of the historia n ; I called his attention to the som e
what curious fact that the Treaty concluded by John IY with “ K ing Charles I. his
heirs and successors,” had been form ally renewed b y Oliver Cromwell, and that
that concluded with Cromwell had been again renewed a few years later by Charles II.
This seemed to m e, I said, to suggest a certain doubt at the time in the minds of
In the course of his speech he avails him self o f the opportunity to reply to the
questions put to the Government at the preceding Session regarding matters o f signal
importance relating to the external relations of the Republic and connected with his
Department. He will proceed to reply with precision and sincerity.
Has the system of international relations with our country suffered any
modification owing to the introduction o f the R epublic?
It was said in the time of the Provisional Governm ent, and he has the satisfac
tion to confirm the statement, that the Governm ent has no reason to believe that
any modification since the establishment o f the Republic has taken place in the
system of international relations with Portugal. The external relations o f the
Republic are based on our secular alliance with E ngland, on our intimate friendship
with our neighbours both on the European continent and in the Colonies, therefore,
with Spain, France, Germany, Belgium and Holland, and on our friendship and amity
towards all other nations with which we maintain the best political and commercial
relations.
There is much talk about our alliance with E ngland, but few know the scope
of our ancient treaties o f alliance which, since the end of the X IV Century (1373,
449
1386) up to the present day, have always been recognized and observed by that
powerful and loyal Power, and, though nearly all these treaties have been published,
it is precisely in Portugal that they are so little known. He hopes the cham ber will
grant him perm ission, briefly and concisely, to touch upon the clauses contained in
those treaties taken from notes he had caused to be collected when he first took
office as Minister for Foreign Affairs.
Based for six centuries on the same com m on interests and upon the same inter
national situation, the several Anglo-Portuguese treaties m ay be considered, in their
main points, as form ing one only treaty. Additions to them, some only provisional,
have been made at different times to meet historical incidents of the .m om ent, again
to become archaic.
The first of these treaties was concluded in 1373 between Edward. K ing of
England and France and Ferdinand. K ing of Portugal and Algarve, and Eleanor,
his consort. Then followed the treaties of 1386, 1642. 1654, 1660, 1661 and 1703,
the Treaty o f Vienna in 1815,(-/ and the confirmations by notes and Parliamentary
messages, notably the notes from the Duque o f Palmella in 1825 and 1826,(3) the
message by the King of Great Britain to Parliament in 1S36, 4) the notes in 1S28-1S29
from the Marquis of Barbacena and from the Earl of A berdeen,(5) the despatches from
Earl Granville to the British Legations at Lisbon and Madrid in 1873,( 6 and the
presentation to the House of Lords by the British Government in December 1S98,
•of the Articles in force of the treaties up to lS 1 5 .(r)
The follow ing is a summary of the conclusions contained in the said papers
submitted to the House o f Lords :
I. That there shall be constant and perpetual alliance and friendship between
Portugal and Great Britain.
II. That no other alliance or treaty made by either o f these two nations shall
derogate from the treaty between Portugal and Great Britain.
II I . That neither of the allied parties shall join the enemies or rivals o f the
other party or give them counsel or aid or adhere to any war, counsel
or treaty to the prejudice o f the other.
IV . That each of the allied parties shall prevent the injury, discredit o r
v illa [i]n y which they know to be contemplated at any future time
against the other, and shall advise the other party com pletely and
imm ediately of any such designs.
V. That neither o f the allied parties shall harbour or favour the rebel or
fugitive enemies o f the other on their lands, or willingly suffer them
to be harboured or favoured, or publicly or privately to reside there.
Exception is made for fugitives and exiles who are not traitors
to the nation they have fled from , or which has exiled them , or those
who are not under suspicion o f procuring detriment or discord to either
allied party.
In this case such persons shall be handed over, at the request of
one of the parties, to the other party, or expelled from its territory.
( 2) [T h e T rea ties o f A llia n ce b etw een G rea t B r ita in and P o rtu g a l are p rin ted in “ T rea ties
co n ta in in g G uaran tees or E n g a gem en ts . . . .” .4: & P ., (1399), C I X , [C . 9083], pp. 73-85.
T his retu rn g iv es th e te s t s o f 1373, 1386. 16-12. 1654. 1660, 1661, 1703, and 1815. W ith the
ex ce p tio n o f the last th ey are all p rin ted in B.F.S.P., V ol. 1, pp. 462-507. T h a t o f 1815 is
published ibid.. V ol. 2. p p . 343 -5 5.]
(3) [r . B.F.S.P., V ol. 13, p p . 1116-27. cp. also G ooch d- T em p erley, V ol. I, pp . 9 4-5,
Ed. X o t e .]
(4) [S ic. v. B.F.S.P., V ol. 13, p. 1127, w here a m essage from the K in g o f D ecem b er 11, 1826,
is p rin ted .]
(5) [r . B.F.S.P., V ol. 16, pp . 4 17 -3 3.]
( 6) [r . G ooch d: T em p erley, V ol. I. pp. 5 1-2. N o. 69, and e n d s.]
{ ' ) [c p . H o u s e o f L ord s J ournals. V o l. C X X X I , p. 14. T he p a p er was also presen ted to the
H ou se o f Com m ons by com m and (.in pu rsu a n ce o f th eir A ddress o f J u ly 15, 18981 d u rin g the
recess o f 1S93-9. v. H o u s e o f C om m ons Journ als, V ol. C L I V , p. 7.]
[10900] 2 G
450
V I. That neither o f the allied parties shall consent the enemies o f the other
to freight or obtain ships in their territories which may be used in
prejudice of the other party.
V II. That should the lands of one of the allied parties be molested or invaded
by enemies, or rivals, or the latter attempt, design or appear in any
wav about to molest or invade them, the other party when requested to
do so, shall supply armed men, ships etc. for the defence o f the territories
o f the attacked party either in E urope or in any other dominions o f
it, against which invasions are prepared.
V III. That should any conquests or colonies o f one of the allied parties be
molested or invaded by enemies, or if they attempt, design or appear
in any way about to molest them, the other party, when called upon,
shall send armed m en, ships etc. for the defence o f such colonies, or
for the recovery of them if lost.
IX . That should France or Spain make war upon Portugal, either in her
territories of the European continent or in her other dom inions, Great
Britain shall use its friendly offices for the observance o f peace, but
this proving unsuccessful, Great Britain shall send troops and ships
to fight for Portugal.
Such are the conditions which for centuries have bound the powerful and noble
British nation to the modest but brave and loyal Portuguese nation. W e have not
got, nor could we all at once produce, a powerful army or a formidable fleet. We
possess, however, in different parts o f the world, excellent bases of operations and
ports of shelter suitable for any fleet, and therefore the duty devolves upon us to
seeto their proper fortification and utility, in such a manner that our situation as
a Power may be all that it should be. To maintain such a position with dignity in
the international world we must be considered as an item o f value worthy of being
taken into account and not as refuse to be cast aside.
No alteration in these treaties or its clauses has been communicated to the
Governm ent of the Bepublic. Of course he is not referring to commercial treaties,
because as the Chamber is well aware, several commercial conventions on new bases
were concluded by the Provisional Governm ent.
Finally reference has been made to the campaign which a certain press has for
some time past conducted against the integrity of our colonial dom inions. He has
already had occasion to refer in the Senate to the irritating echoes o f that campaign
which he always considered destitute of serious foundation. W e need have no fear
for our colon ies; we are perform ing our duty as a colonial Power, contributing, with
intelligent and honest efforts, sometimes at a great sacrifice, towards that colossal
work o f civilization in which both the great and small nations are expending their
best energies. Let us show the world that the object of the Republic is not, and
could not be, to keep her dominions closed to all foreign enterprize, to create only
obstacles and impediments to all attempts at intelligent colonization. No, we can
and must protect our trade and industry, but for this purpose we need not impede
the progress of those who desire to penetrate our territories, to avail [them selves] of
our excellent ports, to utilize our railways, to cultivate our lands, to explore our mines
and to develop the wealth of the country. The example is shown to us by the Great
Powers in throwing open the doors of their rich colonial lands to the boldest
enterprizes, in which capital from all purses is sewn [s ic ]. W e cannot follow a different
p o lic y ; should we refuse the intercourse and co-operation of those who dispose of
capital, of the power of work and initiative. No, what we have to do is to accom pany
them and aid them wherever our duty towards civilization calls for our assistance
and wherever our interests are at stake.
A last question had been put to the G overn m en t:
“ W hether at the M inistry for Foreign Affairs there was any official
knowledge of the secret treaty between England and Germ anj' signed in 1898,.
451
and if so, does it threaten in any way the integrity and independence o f our
colonial d om in ion s."
It is with great satisfaction that he is able to reply that the Government of the
Republic is satisfied that no treaty exists between the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland and the German Em pire which contains anything of a nature
to menace the independence, the integrity or the interests o f Portugal, or o f any
portion o f her dom inions. This statement is made with the assent of the Cabinets
of London and Berlin.
Senhor Vasconcellos concluded his speech by saying : ‘ ‘ Let us work with
confidence and faith. The Governm ent has modestly and peacefully com plied with
its duty. At this moment it enjoys full com pensation for the difficulties, the hard
ships, the acute crisis through which it has passed, and the attacks that have been
aimed at it. I repeat once more the words of a believer in the future of his country
— Let us w ork! W e must w in! ”
M IN U T E S .
[10900] 2 G 2
452
N o. 283.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir E . Goschen .(*)
F.C. 371/1463.
12080/1 2 08 0 /1 2 /3 6.
(No. 67.)
Sir, Foreign Office, March 18, 1912.
Count Metternich commented to me to-day on the announcement which the
Portuguese Government had made, and which was reported in to-d ay’ s “ T im es,” ( 2)
as to the Treaties between Great Britain and Portugal. He said that he noticed the
announcement referred to Portuguese Colonies.
I sent for the text o f the Treaties with Portugal, as it appears in the Paper laid
before Parliament in 1898,(3) and showed it to Count Metternich. In doing so, I
observed that the Treaties had first been made a long time ago, and had been
reaffirmed from time to time, but without enlarging their text or extending the scope
o f our obligations; and nothing had been reaffirmed which was not to be found
textually in the published paper which I had given to him.
Count Metternich asked me whether the Alliance had not been reaffirmed soon
after K ing Edward came to the Throne.
I said that I thought not. My recollection was that nothing in that respect had
been done since the accession of K ing E dw ard.(4)
[ I am, &c.]
E . G [B E Y ].
0 ) [T h is despatch is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g an d t o the C a bin et.]
( 2) [T h e re p o rt from L isbon in The T im es (M arch 18. 1912, p. 6) was as fo llo w s: —
“ T he P rem ier has pu blish ed in the P ress an ex tra ct o f the A n g lo-P ortu g u ese T rea ty
o f A lliance. A c co rd in g to the T rea ty n eith er p a rty w ill help a n other n a tion in a tta ck in g
e ith e r o f th e co n tr a c tin g P ow ers, or g iv e asylum to the enem ies o f th e other, e x ce p t to
p o litica l fu g itiv e s or exiles. In case o f w ar or in va sion both P ow ers a gree to assist each
oth er w ith arms, m en, and a m m u n ition w hen requ ired, and w ill also assist in the p rotection
o f each o th e r’ s colonies by send ing troop s or w arships. Shou ld eith er S p a in o r F ra n ce
a ttem p t to m ake w ar a ga in st P o r tu g a l or her colonies G reat B rita in is to in terv en e and
to en d eav ou r to secure peace, fa ilin g w hich she w ill len d the assistance o f h er tro o p s.” ]
( 3) [ v . A. & P ., (1899), C I X , [C. 9088], pp. 73-85.]
(-1) [ cp . in fra , p. 455, N o. 287, and n o te (3).]
No. 284.
(*) [A cop y o f this letter was sent t o L isbon (as N o. 44 A fric a , S ecret).]
( 2) [F o rw a rd in g a cop y o f S ir A. H a rd in g e ’ s despatch (N o. 17). v. supra, pp. 439-40,
N o. 275, and n ote 0 ) . ]
(3) [v . G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. I, pp . 71-5, Nos. 90-2, e n c !s ]
( ') [v. supra, p. 446, N o. 281.]
453
secret has on more than one occasion caused to H [is ] M [a jesty’ s ] G ov [ern m en ]t.
Their secrecy was the principal cause of the uneasiness recently felt and expressed
by the Portuguese M [m ister for] F [o re ig n ] A [flairs] as to the integrity of the
Portuguese dom inions, it has embarrassed H [i s ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e r n m e n t] in their
endeavours to secure for the enterprises o f British firms that favourable treatment
which these naturally expect, and it has resulted in a state o f general political
uncertainty over a large part of Southern A frica. In the case of the present financial
situation at Lisbon it will clearly be difficult, if not impossible, for Sir A. Hardinge
to take any action consistent with the obligations and interests o f Great Britain
without a further confidential com m unication to the Portuguese Governm ent on the
subject of the Anglo-Germ an Agreements.
In these circumstances Sir E . G rey considers that the y resent situation
would afford H [is ] M [a jesty’ s ] G o v e r n m e n t] a convenient and reasonable oppor
tunity for urging upon the German G o v [e m m e n ]t the immediate publication of the
1S9S agreements. The magnitude of the loan which the Portuguese G o v [e m m e n ]t
appear to be endeavouring to raise, on the security o f the Colonial customs, can be
brought forward as a reason for doi: g so without further delay. I am therefore to
express the hope that M r. Hareourt will concur in instructions 1 eing sent in this
sense to H [ is ] M [a jr sty ?s] Ambassador at Berlin, and to request the favour o f an
early reply.
[ I am, Ac.
E Y B E A. C R O W E .]
No. 2S5.
M IN U T E S
I w ill speak to M r. H a rc o u rt, hut m odifica tion s o f the A nglo-G erm a n a greem en t are b ein g
discussed and th e m a tter m ust w ait.
E. G.
No. 286.
No. 287.
No. ‘288.
in Angola which had not the previous knowledge and consent o f the German
G ov [ern m en ]t. Mr. Frewen was advised to convey this information confidentially
to Baron Schroder, who would no doubt consult the German G ov [ern m en ]t on the
subject in the same way that Mr. Frewen had consulted H [is ] M [a je stv ’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t].
The German Charge d ’ Affaires was inform ed on the 15th instant o f the
communication made to Mr. Frewen.
[ I am, A c.]
A. NÏCOLSON
(for the Secretary of State).
No. 289.
N o. 290.
Sir A . Hardinge to Sir Edward G rey.
F.O. 367/289.
19078/1 8 41 /1 2 /4 3 6.
(No. 34.) Africa. Confidential. Lisbon, D. April 27, 1912.
Sir :— E . May 6, 1912.
I liave the honour to report in continuation o f m y despatch Africa No. 26 of
the 2nd instant(') and with reference to your despatch No. 48 (14381) of the
11th instant,(2) that I received a further visit to-day from Mr. Frewen who has
returned to Portugal.
H e stated that during his visit to London he had, as suggested by m e, called
at the Foreign Office and had an interview with Mr. Tilley, as the result of which
he had seen Messrs. Schroder, who had expressed their willingness to participate
in a loan of fifteen millions sterling to the Portuguese Governm ent, and had
ascertained from the German Ambassador in London that no objections to their doing
so would be made on political or other grounds by the German Governm ent. The
security on which this loan was to be made was to be the revenue of a concession
to be obtained by the financial com bination supplying it, in Angola, in the shape
of rights similar to those enjoyed by the Chartered Companies in South Africa and
elsewhere. Mr. Frewen added that the German financiers interested in the scheme
were very adverse to the participation in it of French capitalists, but that their
opposition to this feature— an essential one in it— had been overcom e, and that the
Chartered Company to be created, whose operations would embrace practically the
entire province of Angola, would eventually become mainly German.
I asked if lie had since his return here, laid these suggestions before the
Portuguese Governm ent. He said he had had an interview respecting them with
Senhor Sidonio Paes, the Minister of Finance. The latter was quite willing to
grant the Charter in return for the loan, but had insisted that there should be no
apparent connection between the two operations— as they would otherwise not he
sanctioned by the Chambers— and that the loan should be nom inally guaranteed by
the surplus revenues of the Portuguese Customs, which yielded two millions a year,
after paying the interest on the Foreign Debt. Mr. Frewen said that these proposals
would have to be carefully scrutinized, before they could be accepted, but that they
seemed to him to contain the elements of a satisfactory arrangement. I said it was
n o business o f mine to advise him even unofficially, but that if his friends really
wanted the Charter and had obtained the sanction to this operation of the British
and German Governm ents, they had better, in my private opinion, secure it, not
m erely as a promise, but as an accomplished fact, before they actually signed the loan
contract. He replied that they fully meant to do so before they parted with a single
sovereign of the fifteen millions which the Government hoped to obtain from them.
Mr. Frewen appears satisfied, as the result of his interview with Mr. Tilley,
that his scheme is not of a nature to provoke any objection on the part of your
Department. I should be glad to be assured that this is correct, as if it is not the
case, I could I think pretty easily put a stop to it.
I should add that his scheme for acquiring the S. Thom e cocoa plantations
would appear to be progressing satisfactorily.
I have, Ac.
A R TH U R H . H A R D IN G E .
B a ron S ch rod er has a p p a ren tly ob ta in ed th e necessary assurance from C ou n t M ettern ich
th a t the G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t w ould raise no objections.
I t also a p p ea rs :
(a) th a t th e G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t are prep a red to con n iv e at th e p a rticip a tio n o f F rench
ca p ita l,
and (6) th a t th e reason fo r this is th a t the C ha rtered C om p any, w hen form ed, is lik ely to be
pred om in a n tly G erm an.
B u t it seem s in evitab le th a t such a schem e, i f it com es to a n yth in g , m ust u ltim a tely becom e
p red om in an tly G erm an, an d i f we h elp M r. F rew en to realize it w e d o so w ith ou r eyes fu lly
open to th is p roba b ility .
I ta k e it th a t ou r p osition is th a t on the one ha n d w e ca n n ot o b ject to any arra n g em en ts
w hich M r. F rew en m ay m ake w ith G erm an B a n k in g houses fo r the disposal o f his ca p ita l, w ith
w hich he ca n do as he p lea ses; on th e oth er ha n d w e decline to su p p o rt him in a n y schem e
con n ected w ith A n g ola w ith ou t the con cu rren ce o f th e G erm an G o v [e rn m c n ]t. I f how ever
this should be fo r th co m in g w e cou ld su p p ort h im to the sam e e x ten t th a t we have h ith erto
done in reg a rd to Cocoa.
W e m ig h t so in form S ir A. H a rd in g e w ho w ill b y now have receiv ed ou r d e s p fa t c h ] N o. 51
A fr ic a .(3) N o fu rth er a ction w ou ld be necessary fo r the m om ent.
E . G. L.
7.V.12.
N o. 291.
Sir A . Hardinge to Sir Edward G r e y .{ 1)
F.O. 367/289.
2 1 4 0 1 /1 8 41 /1 2 /4 3 6.
(No. 41.) Africa. Confidential. Lisbon, D. May 16, 1912.
Sir, R . May 20, 1912.
Mr. Frewen came to see me this m orning to give me an account of the progress
of the loan negotiations upon which I had the honour to report to you in my despatch
No. 34 of the 27th ultim o.(2)
He said that Messrs. Schröder had insisted on a written undertaking by the
Portuguese Governm ent to grant the concession to a Chartered Company in Angola,
stipulated for as one of the conditions of their loan, and that after a long struggle
by the Portuguese Ministers to evade putting anything definite on paper, the
Portuguese Legation in London had been instructed to furnish Messrs. Schröder
with the necessary written assurances. A representative of that firm was to arrive
in Lisbon early in June.
The loan which, although not secured on the revenues of the chartered territory
to be made over to the Syndicate advancing the m oney, was dependent on the success
o f the negotiations for this object, would amount to 15 millions sterling secured on
the revenues of the European customs of Portugal. It would be nom inally issued
at 92 really at 86 and would bear interest at the rate of 4 | % . German, French and
British financiers would participate in it in about equal proportions, and the ‘ ‘ Banque
d ’ Outremer ” at Brussels would also join. Mr. Frewen was quite satisfied with the
security, since the actual annual revenue o f the customs being £3,8 00 ,0 0 0 , and the
interest paid to existing creditors being £ 1,2 00 ,0 0 0 , a margin of over £2,500,000
was left. Indeed he said the French group were prepared to make a loan to Portugal
on this security alone, without reference to the Colonial concessions, but now that
these had been thrown in as a further consideration the French were anxious to
share in them, and this might Mr. Frewen thought, give rise to some delicate
questions with the Germans.
One important feature of the scheme was the construction by the new Chartered
Company of a railway from S. Antonio, a port on the Portuguese side of the Congo
facing Banana Point, which would run due South East to North West Rhodesia,
f asked how this would affect the Ambaca and Lobito Bay railways. Mr. Frewen
said that the new syndicate would buy them upand make them branch lines or
feeders, connecting the new trunk line with S. Paul de Loanda and Benguella
respectively.
I then enquired whether, inasmuch as this arrangement would have to be
submitted to the Portuguese Parliam ent, he believed they would meet with no
opposition in that body. Dr. Costa and his fidus Achates, Dr. Bernardino Machado,
had of late made public pronouncements against any large loans, and the rumour
o f colonial concessions to Germans and Englishm en might be gladly seized on by
the Opposition, led by Senhor d ’ Alm eida, to attack the Governm ent— an attack in
which some of the independents might join. He intimated that Dr. Costa had been
“ squ ared ” and that he had him self persuaded Senhor d ’ Almeida of the advantage
to Portugal of his proposals. He seems in fact to have exp’ ained to the Evolutionist
leader that they were the only means of enabling the Republic to retain its hold
on its Colonial dominions. lie returns to London to-morrow and will come back
with Messrs. Schroder’s representative.
Ile tells me that his S. Tliome scheme has been attended with complete success.
His syndicate have already acquired 40,000 acres of cocoa plantations, i.e ., about
half the whole amount of the plantations in the islands, and those proprietors who
C1) [A cop y o f this despatch was sent to B erlin (as N o. 43 A fric a ) on M a y 22, 1912. A
co p y was sent to the C olonia l O ffice.]
(2) [r . im m ed iately p reced in g docu m en t.]
4G1
originally stood out for absurdly high prices for their properties are now, he says
anxious to come into his schem e, and are lowering their terms accordingly, but he
is in no immediate hurry to close with them.
I asked how he and his friends intended dealing with the labour problem. He
said they would procure labour from Liberia, on the basis of a 12 months contract
and one m onth holiday, and that the natives whom they hoped to recruit there,
and who were Mahommedans and good workers, would be housed in com pounds on
the plantations. He expressed his conviction that the effect o f these new arrange
ments would be to put an end, at no distant date, to the disguised slavery which
still existed, in spite of all the efforts made to stop it, in S. Thom e.
Although I have encouraged Mr. Frewen to talk to me of his schem es, and
have listened sympathetically to them , with a view to being able to keep you informed
of their progress. I have since the receipt of your telegram No. 30 of the 9th instant,(3i
made no reference to the loan question in conversation with the members of the
Portuguese Governm ent, deem ing it best, pending further instructions from you to
have no cognisance of them.
I have. Ac.
A R TH U R H . H A R D IN G E .
M IN U T E S .
No. 292.
The despatch is going to the C [olon iall 0 [ffice"1 bv the official channel.
E . G.
( ') j r . im m ed ia tely p r e ce d in g d ocu m en t.]
46 2
N o. 293.
F.O. 367/287.
2 20 5 1 /9 1 6/12 /4 3 6 .
(No. 46.) Africa. Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, May 21, 1912.
Count Metternich referred to-day to a communication which we had made last
September, to the effect that we were entitled to support the application of a W haling
Company for a harbour in Angola on the ground that it did not involve an exclusive
m onopoly. His Government considered that Article 5 of the Anglo-German Secret
Agreement precluded either Governm ent from giving support to any enterprise,
whether m onopoly or not, in the sphere assigned to the other.(2)
I said that I would refer to the Article and examine this point.
I then told Count Metternich that I understood the German Embassy had been
kept inform ed about Mr. Frew en’ s negotiations. M y latest inform ation was that
the loan was to be secured upon the European Customs Duties o f Portugal, but that
there was a large land concession in Angola involved. I had instructed Sir Arthur
H ardinge not to give it any support without instructions. Mr. Frewren had been
informed that, for political reasons, this was not a thing which could be assisted
without the consent of the German Governm ent. I understood that, when he had
been inform ed of this, he had com m unicated with Baron Schroeder, in order to get
into touch with German financiers.
Count Metternich said that he thought Sir i\rthur Hardinge was very active
in Lisbon in giving support to British enterprises.
I said that he had not given support to this project in Angola. He had, however,
kept us inform ed about it. It seemed likely to go through, because the promoters
had, by their own m ethods, secured the support o f such people in Portugal as were
likely to oppose it.
[I am, A c.]
E Y R E A. CEO W E.
(for the Secretary of State).
t 1) [T h is despatch was rep eated to L isbon (N o. 68 A fric a ), on M a y 24. A cop y was sent to
M r. H a rc o u rt.]
(2) [u. G ooch c£ T em p erley, V ol. I, p 72, N o. 90, e n d ]
No. 294.
No. 295.
F.O. 867/289.
2 22 1 3 /1 8 41 /1 2 /4 3 6. Foreign Office, May 23, 1912.
1. Mr. Tiarks, partner of Baron Schröder, called upon me to-day in order to
explain the arrangements which his firm proposes to make with the Portuguese
Government for the floating o f a lo a n ; for the purchase o f certain cocoa plantations
in the islands of San Thom e and P rin cip e; and for the development of Angola. I
gathered from him that Mr. Frew en, whose proceedings at Lisbon have formed the
subject of recent correspondence, is now practically acting as Messrs. Schroder’s
agent. As regards the cocoa plantation scheme, Mr. Tiarks said it was to be carried
out by a syndicate in which, besides Messrs. Schröder, French and German capitalists
would be represented. This scheme would be on a totally different footing from the
other parts of the proposed arrangements, with which it was not in fact connected.
2. M r. Tiarks read to me a letter which he had received from the Portuguese
Minister in L ondon, containing an assurance that his Government was prepared to
negotiate agreements with Mr. Tiarks respecting the loan and the setting up of a
Portuguese Chartered Company for the administration of Angola. The Portuguese
Government insists that these two matters must be treated separately, because they
cannot allow any connection to be established between the grant o f a concession by
which the administration of a Portuguese colony would in practice be placed under
the control o f foreign bondholders, and the raising of a large loan to finance the
Portuguese government at hom e.
3. Mr. Tiarks admitted, when I pressed him , that this separation of the two
questions could only be ostensible, and was obviously designed for the sole purpose
o f saving the face o f the Portuguese Government in the eyes of their public opinion.
4. In fact it was clearly understood that the Portuguese Government would get
no loan unless they gave the concession in Angola. He explained that he was going
to apply for the option of establishing the Chartered Company for him self, and in
his own nam e, whilst, as regards the loan, the proposal was that there should be
equal participation between British, German and French capitalists. He had been
advised that this was the moment to get both these affairs settled at Lisbon. It
would probably be necessary to get the formal approval of the Portuguese Chambers,
and as they were to adjourn on the 10th of June, he intended to start for Lisbon,
in the com pany of Mr. Frew en, on Saturday next (May 25th). H e asked that His
4 64
M ajesty’ s Minister at Lisbon should be instructed to afford him support, and he
added that it would eventually be necessary for the British Governm ent to authorize
some public announcement to the effect that they were interested in the success of
the loan, and had taken note of the security offered, as, without some such declara
tion, there would be little prospect o f any subscriptions being forthcom ing. ( xj
5. I pointed out to Mr. Tiarks the unusual character of any such proceeding.
He referred to the precedents of China, Liberia and others, as fully warranting the
course suggested. I did not pursue this matter beyond pointing out that those had
been altogether exceptional cases, and that Portugal was in a very different position
from the countries he had named.
6. I then enquired whether it was correct, as we had been inform ed, that the
Chartered Company, although the concession for it was to be obtained by and in
the name of British capitalists, was to pass almost immediately into German hands.
Mr. Tiarks said that was so, and added that the m oney for floating the Company
would under his scheme be found wholly in Germany.
7. I therefore asked him on what grounds he based his request for our official
support. W hat he desired to obtain was a concession for the exclusive benefit of
Germany, and I understood that the loan had to be made because, without one, the
Portuguese Government would grant no concession. W ould it not, in these
circumstances, be more natural that he should seek to obtain the support of the
German rather than that of the British Governm ent, no British interest being really
involved? Mr. Tiarks replied that no application on the part of Germans had the
slightest chance of being granted by the Portuguese Governm ent.
8. I asked why in these circumstances Mr. Tiarks was so anxious to oblige
German capitalists. In answer to this question, he made a remarkable statement.
He said he thought that he was acting in the best interests o f the British Govern
m ent, and indeed in accordance with their wishes, in facilitating the acquisition of
German rights in Angola, by lending the name of his firm in the manner proposed.
He repeated several times that he had reason to believe that the British Government
were most anxious to prove to the German Governm ent that they welcomed German
expansion in those regions, and to go out o f their way to prom ote it by active
assistance, in order to dispel in the most effective manner the suspicions that we were
standing in G erm any’ s way.
9. It was difficult not to realise that Mr. Tiarks must have been encouraged
b y someone speaking with authority, of what he assumed to be the intentions and
wishes of His M ajesty’ s Governm ent. I can only venture to guess that H err von
Kuhlm ann has, with or without the approval of Mr. H arcourt, put these ideas into
Mr. Tiarks’ h ea d .(2)
10. I restricted m yself to observing that any development of the Portuguese
colonies on sound commercial lines must always be welcomed by the British Govern
ment, but tbat they also were under an obligation to the Government of Portuga1
not to do anything which might be interpreted as a blind for the covert introduction
of German control into Angola under the semblance of an ostensibly British enter
prise. If the Portuguese Government were, as Mr. Tiarks suggested, determined
not to listen to a German application for the concession of a Chartered Company,
whilst they were ready to give such a concession on application by a British firm,
it seemed to me difficult for His M ajesty’ s Governm ent to lend their support to a
scheme which did not plainly indicate the proposed transfer of the concession to
German shareholders.
11. Mr. Tiarks acknowledged the force of this argument, but said, very earnestly
and with what appeared to me complete sincerity and good faith, that nothing was
further from his mind than any wish to mislead the Portuguese Governm ent. He
intended, and always had intended, to make it quite plain that he reserved the
absolute right of disposing of the shares o f the proposed Company to whomever he
liked, and that he would decline to be fettered in this respect by any restrictions
whatsoever. But, as I again rem inded him he apparently drew the line at clearly
inform ing the Portuguese Governm ent o f his real intentions in regard to a most
important feature of his plan.
12. I then explained, as Sir Edward Grey had authorized me to do, that His
M ajesty’ s Government were bound in a matter of this kind to act only in complete
agreement with the German Governnm ent, and that, whilst I had no hesitation
in accepting his statements as a com plete explanation of the situation, we should
have to obtain from the German Governm ent some form al" announcem ent of their
intentions and wishes. I did not feel at liberty to explain to Mr. Tiarks why it is
important for us, so long as we retain our lien over a certain portion of A ngola, not
to allow undivided control over the whole o f that colony to pass into German hands.
But I urged upon him the desirability o f maintaining a proper share of British
participation in the Chartered Company on the ground I had already put to him :
that if the British Government is to support an application for the concession, that
concession must be a bona fide British concern— at least to the extent of an important
British share in it being retained.
13. M r. Tiarks then assured me, and he repeated the assurance in a very precise
and emphatic m anner, that if he succeeded, as he hoped he would, in obtaining the
option for the concession for him self, he would not part with it, or with any single
share, to anyone, without being previously told that the British Governm ent approved
his doing so. He would never do anything to embarrass his own governm ent or act
contrary to what they might consider was demanded by the interests o f his country.
He suggested that he should be free, for the present, to negotiate for the desired
option strictly on his own account, without in any way bringing in, or asking for,
the support of the British Governm ent. It would be time enough to consider how
to deal with the concession, and to what extent to meet German wishes in regard
to it when he had secured the option. The affair was very pressing. It was essential
for him to open negotiations at Lisbon at on ce, and if he were to refrain from m oving
until the British and German governm ents had come to a form al agreement, the
favourable m oment for success might pass away, and the opportunity be definitely
lost. He therefore begged that he might have a letter of introduction to Sir Arthur
Hardinge m erely for the purpose that the latter should introduce him to the
Portuguese authorities as the representative o f a respectable British house, willing
to negotiate for the proposed international loan, but without any reference being
made to his scheme regarding the Chartered Company as to which he would, quite
independently, do what he could for him self, unless an understanding with the
German Government were come to at once. I told him that it was of course not
in the power o f the British Governm ent to prevent him from entering upon such a
negotiation. M oreover in view of the pledge which he has given, not to proceed to
the alienation to third parties o f any rights that he m ay obtain without further
reference to us, I think there can be no objection to his having a letter of introduction
in the terms suggested. I therefore told him that we should at once instruct
Sir E . Goschen to approach the German Government and that we should let him
(Mr. Tiarks'» know as soon as it was possible to indicate the course which His
M ajesty’ s Government might feel able to adopt. In the meantime he would be
given the desired letter of introduction. H e offered, in order to expedite the matter,
to get Baron Schroeder to write by to-nigh t’ s post to the German Chancellor with
[10900] 2 H
466
whom he was on terms of intimacy, begging him to take the question into immediate
consideration.
14. Throughout the interview, at which Mr. Tyrrell was present, I had the
impression that Mr. Tiarks wished to be perfectly straightforward and above-board
with us. But I cannot help feeling that Mr. Frew en’ s mode of procedure may have
misled the Portuguese Government into the belief that they were dealing with a
group of independent British capitalists who intended themselves to control the
concession they were endeavouring to secure, and not with persons who, for what
ever motives, propose to part with it, as soon as obtained, to the very people whom
the Portuguese are credited with the determination to keep out.
15. And it remains a little mysterious why this British firm should exert itself
in the way it does for the now avowed purpose of prom oting purely German interests.
It is difficult to resist the conclusion that Messrs. Schroder are consciously taking part
in a political m ove, and that they are being used as the agents of the German
Governm ent. I am in ignorance as to whether His M ajesty’ s Government on their
part have been aware of this particular aspect o f the affair and whether they have,
as M r. Tiarks clearly thinks, actually intimated through some channels which seem
to him authoritative their anxiety actively to promote a German scheme by engaging
on behalf of it the credit o f an English house of standing in the City.
16. Our safeguard, so far as our attitude towards the Portuguese Government
is concerned, consists in the course which by Sir E . G rey’ s direction, Sir E . Goschen
will be instructed to urge upon the German Governm ent, nam ely that any com m uni
cation to the Portuguese Governm ent in support of an application for such a concession
as a Chartered Company in Angola, should be made by both the German and British
Legations at Lisbon together.
17. After reporting the interview to Sir A. Nicolson, and with his approval,
I have despatched the annexed telegram to Sir E . Goschen. (3)
E . A. C [B O W E J .
No. 296.
0 ) [T h is letter is n ot rep rod u ced as its con ten ts are sufficiently in d ic a te d above.]
407
This gave me an opening for further questions, as a result o f which, I got
Mr. Tiarks to explain to me the exact history and position of the negotiation and
the relative share of Mr. Freweu and of Messrs. Schröder in i t :
Mr. Frewen was a capable and good man of business, of whom Sir E . L ipton
had form ed a high opinion. Mr. Frew en had no means o f his own, but has control
of a respectable syndicate worth about £20,000. H e him self (Mr. Frewen had alone
been concerned in the scheme for the purchase of the cocoa plantations in San Thom e
and Principe. In the course o f his negotiations on this subject with the Portuguese
governm ent, he was met with their demand for a loan. At this stage he referred to
Messrs. Schröder and asked for their financial support. The house o f Schröder had
been established in England for over 150 years. Mr. Tiarks’ father had been the
late Baron Schroder’s principal partner for 50 yea rs; and his son holds the same
position now. The present Baron Schröder, nephew o f his predecessor, had been
brought into the business from H am burg, as there was no direct heir, but he had
always shown him self determined to m aintain the English character of the German
house, and would never allow his own German nationality to in flu e n c e the business
in any “ G e r m a n ” direction.
Mr. Tiarks at once told Mr. Frewen that he took little interest in either the
cocoa venture or the loan, but that these schemes offered an opening for a plan which
he (Mr. Tiarks* had thought about for months. He assured me that this plan of
getting Angola developed by Germ any with British assistance, originated absolutely
in his own head. The study of public opinion in England and Germ any had convinced
him o f the important effect such a scheme would have on the betterment o f Anglo-
German relations, and he determined to make every effort to realize it. M r. F rew en’ s
negotiations gave him his chance. He went to expound his plan to H err von
Kühlm ann, and asked what he thought o f it. H err von Kühlmann had replied that
Mr. Tiarks had by great good fortune hit upon the one thing more calculated than
any other to bring about the object he desired, and without expressing any further
opinion or advice, had never since ceased to encourage him to persevere in his plan.
M r. Frewen was accordingly sent back to Lisbon, this time practically as the agent
of Messrs. Schröder, and there succeeded in reaching the preliminary agreement with
the Portuguese governm ent which Sir A. Havdinge had reported. Mr. Tiarks, having
gone so far, declined to go any further unless and until he received something in
writing to show that the Portuguese governm ent were serious in the negotiation. That
is how and why he obtained the letter from the Portuguese Minister here which he
read to me yesterday.
The above account, which I have every ground for believing to be quite accurate
and com plete, puts a somewhat different, and more favourable, com plexion on the
proceedings of both Mr. Frewen and Mr. Tiarks, although, as I again reminded the
latter today, it did not get us over the difficulty that the Portuguese gov "ern m en ]t
might only be induced to give the concession because they had no suspicion o f its
proposed transfer to Germany. As to this, he repeated his assurance o f yesterday,
and went even further : He said that if he succeeded in getting the option for the
concession, he would practically place it at the disposal of H i s 1 M rajesty’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t ], If they wished, he would either drop it. or dispose of it to Germany,
or let H H s] M [a jesty’ s] G [ov ern m en t] make us^ of it as something they could
offer to Germ any as part o f a political bargain or otherwise, as we thought best.
I thanked M. Tiarks for his frank explanations and for his offer, which I said
I would form ally record, and lay before Sir E . Grey.
It seems to me that there m ay be here all the elements o f a useful deal with
the German governm ent, provided we can get over the difficulty of opening the eyes
of the Portuguese g o v [e m m e n ]t to the real nature of the transaction offered to them,
without thereby destroying its prospect o f success.
E. A. C [B O W E ].
May 24.
[10900] 2 H 2
4G8
M IN U T E S .
No. ‘297.
T he p o in t raised in M r. H a r c o u r t ’ s n ote has been dea lt w ith in the tw o m inu tes in which
I record ed my con versation s w ith M r. T i a r k s / 1) and w hich w ent in S ir E d w a rd ’ s pou ch last
night.
Sec also the passage m arked in the a n n exed te l[e g r a m ] to S ir E. G oschen (N o. 2 A fric a
M ay 23).( 2)
E. A. C.
M a y 25.
t1) [v. supra, pp. 463-7, Nos. 2 95 -6 .]
(2) [r . supra, pp. 462-3, N o. 294. N o passage is m arked on the cop y preserved in the F oreig n
Office arch ives.]
No. 298.
No. 299.
C onvention.
and the Customs revenues o f Sao Thomé and Principe shall be assigned io the
German loan.
The portion of the Province of Angola east of the 20th parallel beginning at the
northern frontier of German South-west Africa to the point where this parallel crosses
the Talweg of the Kassai riverf1) shall be assigned to the British loan.
8.) A ny Delegates sent by Great Britain or Germany to take note of the collection
of the revenues which are the security for their respective loans shall have only
rights o f inspection, but no rights o f administration, interference or control, so long
as there is no default in the paym ent o f interest or sinking fund.
4.) In case of default in the paym ent of the interest or sinking fund of either
loan, the administration of the various custom-houses in the two provinces and in
Sao Thom é and Principe shall be handed over by P ortugal; those assigned for the
German loan to Germ any, those assigned for the British loan to Great Britain.
5.) It is well understood that all rights, whether British or German, acquired
in the provinces affected before the date of this Convention, shall be fully safe
guarded provided they are o f a purely private character, and convey neither political
rights nor territorial or administrative jurisdiction.
It is also understood that no influence will be used in the future, either by the
British or the German Governm ents, to obtain fresh concessions, except in those
portions of the provinces of which the customs revenues are assigned to their
respective loans.
6.) The present convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications thereof shall
be exchanged as soon as possible. The Convention shall come into force immediately
after the exchange o f ratifications.
In witness whereof the Undersigned, duly authorized, have eigned the same,
and have affixed thereto their seals.
Done in duplicate, at London, the . . . .( 2)
M IN U T E S .
T h is d r a ft a greem ent raises a num ber o f points. I t is not, I thin k, a d ocu m en t th a t could
possibly be sign ed in its present form .
T he w ord in g is p ra ctica lly th a t o f th e first con v en tion o f 189S,(3) w ith certa in m odifications
as to the several t e rr ito ria l u n its th erein re fe rre d to. I t is th erefore assum ed th a t it is m eant
to rep la ce the form er a greem ent. T his w ou ld h ow ever have to be m ade clea r in the docum ent
itself, p roba b ly both in the pream ble an d in a sp ecific a rticle, b y w hich the prev iou s con v en tion
w ould be form a lly abroga ted.
T h e in clu sion o f the islands o f S an T hom é and P rin cip e in the pla ce o f T im or is an
im p orta n t in n ova tion . These islands d o n ot b elon g to Sou th A frica . T h ey are close to the
F ren ch G aboon as well as to ou r colon y o f N ig eria . W e are at th is m om ent a ctiv ely su p p ortin g
a schem e fo r the pu rchase o f m ost o f th e im p orta n t cocoa estates in the islands b y a B ritish
sy n d ica te in w hich F ren ch and G erm an ca p ita l is also represen ted. B y su b stitu tin g fo r the
e x is tin g con v en tion the agreem en t now p roposed, we shall, in v irtu e o f ou r engagem ents under
the second (secret) con v en tion o f 1898('1) be b ou n d to opp ose any F ren ch p a rticip a tio n o f this
kind. T his raises a v ery aw k w ard q uestion.
M o reov er we a re pled g ed to in fo rm th e F ren ch g overn m en t o f a n y colon ia l proposals o f a
t e rr ito ria l ch a ra cter th a t we m ay be d iscu ssin g w ith G erm any. W e have so fa r led M onsieur
C a m bon to b elieve th a t on ly Sou th A fric a n te rr ito rie s (south o f the e q u a tor) w ere in question.
It does not seem rig h t a t all th a t the C olon ia l Office should w ith ou t a w ord to this D epa rtm en t,
e n te r in to even an in form a l a rra n g em en t w ith the G erm an em bassy fo r the disp osa l o f these
islands.
A r tic le 2 o f the proposed new con v en tion w ill req u ire recon sidera tion .
T he con clu d in g sentence o f th e 1st p a ra g ra p h does n ot ha rm onize w ith w hat preeedes. I t
is p roba b ly b y som e e rror o f cop y in g , o r carelessness o f d r a ftin g , th a t the eustom s revenue o f
S ir E. C row e is q u ite ju stified in p u tt in g all these con sid era tion s fo r w a rd and they w ill
b e b orn e in m in d b efore a final con clu sion is m ade.
E. G
47 3
N o. 300.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G rey.
F.O. 367/2S9. Berlin, M ay 28, 1912.
22798/1841 12/436. D. 7 -55 p . m .
Tel. (No. 2. Africa. Secret. B . 10-15 p . m .
Your telegram No. 2, A frica, o f M ay 2 3rd (1' : Portuguese loan.
German Government regard proposals with favour and will take steps to induce
participation o f German capital. This can, however, probably not be secured before
receipt o f full details o f proposals, conditions, security, &c. In any case definite
decision before 10th June seems impossible. They are inform ed that Portuguese
Parliament will probably sit till end o f June, which would give plenty o f tim e. An
answer in this sense is being sent to Messrs. Schroder’ s private letter to Chancellor.
German Governm ent therefore ask, in view of terms o f 1898 treaty, that His
M ajesty’ s Governm ent will abstain from supporting Messrs. Schröder for the present,
and, further, that they will use their influence with Portuguese Governm ent to prevent
both loan and concession, in case Messrs. Schröder or Mr. Frewen should attempt
to pursue plan before question of German participation has been decided. In view
of suspicions of German activity lately shown in Portugal, German Governm ent
consider it inadvisable for the present to show Portuguese Governm ent that they
have any interest in matter. They fear that knowledge o f an intention to allow
the participation of German capital would wreck the undertaking.
M IN U T E S .
M r. H a r c o u r t :
T he G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t have in m in d th e id ea o f con cea lin g from the P ortu g u ese
G o v [e r n m e n ]t the G erm an elem ent in the sch em e: S ir E. Crowe has alrea d y p o in te d ou t to
M r. T ia rk s th a t th is w ou ld be u n fa ir. W e need n ot how ever deal w ith th is p o in t a t present.
Q [u e r ]y . R e p e a t th is an d the t e l[e g r a m ] t o w hich it is an answ er to S ir A. H a rd in g e.
R eq u est him to com m u n ica te the first pa ra [g r a p h ] o f th is t e P e g r a m ] to M r. T ia rk s (w ho is
now at L isb on ) and to add th a t we hope he w iil d e fe r fu r th e r n e g otia tion s u n til q u estion o f
G erm an p a rticip a tio n has been d ecid ed and rep ea t to S ir E. G oschen fo r in fo r m [a t io ]n o f
G erm an G o v [e r n m e n ]t.(2)
J. A. C. T.
29.5.12.
I n fo rm C [o lo n ia l] 0 [ff ic e ] secret.
N o. 801.
Draft Telegram from Mr. Ilarcourt to Lord Gladstone.
F.O. 367/284.
26203/391/1*2/436. Colonial Office, May [28 ? ] , 1912.
During conversations we are having with Germany it has been suggested that
wre should revise the Secret Treaty o f 1898 in regard to Portuguese African Colonies
and we contemplate the following alterations of which you should inform General
Botha as he is personally aware o f the contents of the existing treaty. W e should
abandon our ultimate reversion to the strip in Angola as specified in the treaty,
receiving in return a reversion of all that part o f Portuguese W est Africa which lies
east of parallel 20 from Cubango River on the South to point where parallel 20
touches boundary o f Belgian Congo near source o f Kassai Biver, and Germans wo
give undertaking that there should be no differential Railway rates against British
goods in favour of German goods in transit on railways now or to be hereafter
constructed in German sphere o f what is now Portuguese West Africa.
In addition the British sphere in Portuguese East Africa is to be extended
northwards from the Zambesi as in present treaty to a line following the Lukuga
River from the coast and to its junction with the Lugera River then up the Lugera
to its source and thence to the southern end of Lake Shirwa. This will give Nyassa
land direct access to the sea, with the whole province and port of Quilimane.
I assume that Botha will agree with us that this is an advantageous readjustment
of future possibilities. During the conversations further suggestions have been made
which directly concern the Union G ov [ern m en ]t and on which we should wish to
have B otha’ s view's.
Germany is willing to cede to us the whole o f the Caprivi strip eastward of
parallel 21 up to the Zambesi in exchange for Seal and Penguin Islands in Angra
Pequena Bay and the acceptance o f the talweg o f the Orange R iver as the boundary
between Cape Colony and Namaqua Land. They would also be willing to lease or
cede all that part o f German South West A frica'east o f parallel 20 in exchange for
a lease or cession o f W alfisch B ay. These tw’o things can be treated separately.
Please explain that we do not press these on the Union G ov [ern m en ]t but that
though seeing the advantage we feel the decision must rest with them.
An early answer on these latter points would be convenient to us, but on the
matter of the secret treaty vTe shall proceed at once.
It is proposed that both the original treaty and the new one shall be published
on com pletion and I am sure that it will be a satisfaction to South Africa to learn
definitely that the future o f Delagoa Bay and Beira is assured to us.
M IN U T E .
I have teleg rap h ed a g reein g to th is teleg ram to L ord G ladstone. j; q
2 S.5 .12 .
No. 302.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G rey.
F.O. 367/289.
2 34 5 7 /1 8 41 /1 2 /4 3 6.
(No. 29.) Africa. Secret. Berlin, D. May 29, 1912.
Sir, R . June 3, 1912.
W ith reference to my telegram No. 2 Africa o f yesterday’ s date,(M I have the
honour to transmit to you herewith copy and translation of a M emorandum which I
have received from the German Government in regard to the proposed Portuguese
Loan.
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCHEN.
. (i) [r . sujira, p. 473, N o. 300.]
475
AufZeichnung.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung steht dem Projekt der Firm a Schröder durchaus
sympathisch gegenüber und ist bemüht, deutsches Kapital für die Beteiligung an der
geplanten portugiesischen Anleihe sowie der Chartered Company in Angola zu
interessieren. Es ist indessen unwahrscheinlich, dass diese Bem ühungen E rfolg
haben werden, solange keine näheren Angaben über die Grundlagen und die
Bedingungen der beiden Unternehmungen vorliegen. Insbesondere aber erscheint
die M öglichkeit einer endgültiger Stellungnahme bis zum 10. Juni ausgeschlossen.
Die Kaiserliche Regierung bittet daher die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung
in Gemässheit der Vereinbarungen des Vertrages von 1898 von einer Unterstützung
der Bestrebungen der Firma Schröder bei der portugiesischen Regierung einstweilen
Abstand nehmen zu wollen. Die Kaiserliche Regierung glaubt aber auch der
Erwartung sich hingeben zu dürfen, dass, solange die Frage der deutschen Beteiligung
nicht geregelt worden ist, die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung im Geiste
dieser Vereinbarungei} nötigen Falls ihren Einfluss bei der portugiesischen Regierung
dahin geltend machen wird, dass die Vergebung der Anleihe sowie der Landkonzession
nicht erfolgt. Angesichts des in Portugal in neuerer Zeit bezüglich der deutschen
Bestrebungen hervorgetretenen Misstrauens, hält es die Kaiserliche Regierung
einstweilen für untunlich, ihrerseits der portugiesischen Regierung gegenüber
irgendwelches Interesse an der Angelegenheit zu bekunden. Es steht vielm ehr zu
befürchten, dass das Bekanntwerden der Absicht, deutsches Kapital an den Unter
nehmungen zu beteiligen, dieselben zum Scheitern bringen würde.
No. 303.
No. 304.
0 ) [T h is teleg ram w as sent to B erlin (as N o. 4). A cop y was sent to the C olonial Office.]
( 2) [cp . supra, p. 473, N o. 300, m in., and n o te (2).]
No. 305.
N o. 306.
M IN U T E S
S ir E. G rey.
M a y I suggest th a t it w ould p roba b ly be fou n d con v en ien t in the en d if we cou ld obtain
from M r. H a rc o u rt a sta tem en t show ing precisely w hat has been th e cou rse of any discussions
he m ay have had w ith H e r r v on K ü h lm a n n or C ou n t M ettern ieh w ith reg a rd to Z a n zib a r and
any oth er question to b e com p rised in a fu rth er genera l agreem en t w ith G erm a n y?
T he G erm an G o v [e r n m e n ]t have a w ay o f re fe rrin g m any years a fter th e ev en t to th in gs
said in m ore or less in form a l conversation s, and a tta ch in g to them an em barrassing m eaning
w hich m ay o r m ay n ot have been in ten d ed a t th e tim e, b u t w hich ca n n ot a fterw a rds be
checked unless a relia b le and com p lete record has been k ep t of ev ery th in g th a t passed.
Y ou m ay rem em ber som e ra th er disa greea ble in cid en ts o f this v ery k in d in form er y e a r s:
th e difficulty fo r in stan ce w hich L ord R osebery en cou n tered in reg a rd to the lease from the
C on g o S ta te o f a strip o f te rr ito ry c o n n e ctin g L ak e T a n g a n y ik a w ith U ga nda , when the
G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t m a in ta in ed th a t this ran cou n ter to som ething said a t th e F oreign
Office on som e p rev iou s occasion o f w hich no record could ev er be fou n d and w hich was
u n d ou b ted ly never u n d erstood h ere to have com m itted H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G [ov ern m en t] in
any way.
S im ila rly som e casual rem ark of th e E m p eror o f R u s sia ’ s was tw isted by th e Germ an
E m p eror in to an en g ag em en t w hich p reclu d ed R ussia from ra isin g any protest a ga in st the
Germ an a n n exa tion o f K ia o-ch a u .
It w ould, I th in k , b e only p ru d en t to sa feg u a rd ourselves a ga in st som e m anœ uvre o f the
sam e kin d b ein g ca rried ou t a t a fu t u r e da te to ou r d isa dv a n tag e, by h a vin g an a u th orita tive,
com p lete and con tem p ora ry record o f w hat passed in con n ex ion w ith th e present in form a l
pou rpa rlers. O ur recen t ex p erien ce in reg a rd to L ord H a ld a n e ’ s discussion at B erlin illu stra tes
the ex p ed ien cy of h a v in g such a record.
P erh a p s I m ay be allow ed to a dd th a t, from a m erely d ep artm en tal p o in t o f view also, it
w ould be o f real adv an ta g e, in d ea lin g w ith cu rren t corresp on d en ce w ith B erlin , P aris, L isbon,
a nd the C olon ia l Office, if th e F o re ig n Office w ere in a position to know how the q uestion of
these G erm an n eg otia tion s stands from tim e to tim e.
E . A. C.
J u n e 8.
(*) [T h is despatch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e M inister.
A cop y was sent to B erlin on O ctob er 29, w ith cop ies also o f S ir F . B e r tie ’ s despatch (N o. 211)
o f M a y 16 (v. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. V I , pp. 753-4, N o. 585) and of S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s
despa tch (N o 262) o f M a v 31. v. in fra , n o te (3).]
(2) [cp. D .D .F ., 3™ S er., V ol. I l l , pp. 9 0-1, No. 71.]
(3) [n. G ooch cfc T em p erley, V ol. V I , p. 756, N o. 589.]
479
W e have now g ot a record of w hat has been discussed resp ectin g revision o f the secret
a greem ent o f 1893 abou t P ortu g u ese C olon ies(4) an d I w ill ask M r. H a rc o u rt fo r a m em o
r a n d u m ] o f a n y th in g else th a t m ay have been discussed in form a lly ou tside this.
E . G.
17.6.12.
(4) [c p . su p ra, pp. 440-3, N o. 2 76 ; p. 474, N o. 3 0 1 ; cp. also in fra , pp . 480-1, N o. 309.]
X o. 307.
0 ) (T h is teleg ram was rep eated to B erlin (N o. 53 A fric a ). A pa ra ph ra se was sent t o the
C olonial O ffice.]
Xo. 3(J8.
about French opinion, it was a question of treating France in the same way as she
had treated us during the negotiations as to M orocco last year.
The proposed revision of the Agreem ent was therefore left to await the
consideration which the German Foreign Office and Colonial Office are giving to it.
[1 am, &c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 309.
0 ) [A cop y o f th is teleg ram was com m u n ica ted to the F o re ig n Office by th e C olon ia l Office
on J u n e 17, 1912.]
( 2) [v. supra, p. 474, N o. 301.]
( 3) [N o t rep rod u ced .]
481
No. 310.
No. 311.
Lake Shirwa. Germany is to give up her reversion of the Portuguese part of the
island of Timor, leaving the Dutch tfith an undisputed right of pre-em ption to the
isla n d ; and we are to renounce any interest in the reversion of the islands of San
Thome and Principe.
There is one point in this which the W ar Office should consider; in giving up
the strip across Angola, we are giving up the possibility of controlling direct railway
com m unication from the Atlantic to the middle of Africa.
Personally, I do not think that this point is of importance. I cannot believe that
we would ever make a railway through this strip, with German territory on each side
of u s ; especially as the Benguella Railway is already under construction, and
considerably advanced, and is in the part to which Germany has the reversion in
any case. W e shall never acquire so much of the Belgian Congo as to enable us to
control railway communication direct from the west to the east of Africa. Assuming
that the Union Government of South Africa are satisfied with the proposals now made,
I cannot see why we should oppose them on Imperial or strategic grounds.
I think, however, that the matter ought not to be finally concluded without
having been before you and your m ilitary advisers. W e wish to get on with the
matter as soon as possible, and would therefore like to have an answer as soon as you
can get it.
[Yours, Ac.
E. G R E Y .]
No. 312.
we might point out that neither Germany nor Great Britain had any designs upon
Portuguese sovereignty. As a matter of fact, the development of the Portuguese
Colonies was in the best interests of Portugal. H er financial position would oblige
her to m ortgage her Colonies by raising m oney on the security of th e m ; sooner or
later there would be a revolution in Lourenzo Marques if the Colonies were not
developed; and from this danger to her sovereignty she would be saved by the
com m ercial development of her Colonies. It was a somewhat invidious thing to make
any Agreem ent of this sort about the Colonies of another cou ntry; but, as this
Agreement had been made 14 years ago, I thought it was clearly the best thing to
revise it and communicate it to the Portuguese Government when revised.
The Ambassador observed that it would be necessary to communicate the original
as well as the revised Agreement.
I said that this certainly would have to be done.
I added that, whenever he wished to discuss the details of the revision, I would
ask Mr. Harcourt to come, in order that we might have the discussion a trois.
[I am, A c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 313.
Private. ( l)
My dear Grey, li ar Office, July 4, 1912.
In reply to your private note of the 18th instantf2) regarding the Secret Treaty of
1898 with Germany, I do not think it is possible for us to give a considered opinion,
without being in possession of the Secret Treaty and of the views of the Admiralty.
It is, however, gathered that, in accordance with the terms of the old Treaty, we
were, in any case, to have the reversion of such territory in Portuguese East Africa
as would give us access to the sea from Nyasaland, and therefore the extension of
the British reversion northwards to the line indicated in the present Treaty would not
seem of great material advantage to us.
On the other hand, it is quite conceivable that in years to com e the ability to
secure com m unication with the sea from Ilhodesia through Portuguese W est Africa
may prove of considerable importance to us. In this connection, I would draw
attention to the great disadvantage under which we laboured during the late South
African W ar, owing to our being unable to make use of the line of com m unication
from Lourenco Marques, which port it is believed we had, at one time, an opportunity
of acquiring on favourable terms.
W orking on the inform ation now at our disposal, and regarding the question from
the military point of view, we are therefore opposed to the contemplated modification
of the Treaty.
Yours sincerely,
JOHN B E R N A R D S E E L Y .
(*) [G rey M SS ., V ol. 63. T his letter is en d orsed as h a vin g been sent to M r. H a rc o u rt.]
(2) [a. supra, pp. 481-2, N o. 311.]
T he T rea ty o f 1899 w hich is secret confirm ed the a n cien t trea ties and p rov id ed fo r the
frien d ly a ttitu d e o f P o rtu g a l d u rin g th e S [o u t h ] A fric a n W a r.
I t has been in con tem p la tion to pu blish it, if and w hen, the agreem ents w ith G erm any are
pu blish ed and w e so in form ed S ir A . H a rd in g e the oth er day when he to ld us th a t S [e n h o ]r
V a scon cellos was pressing fo r its p u blica tion now (S ir A. H a rd in g e erron eou sly calls it the
tre a ty of W in d s o r : the trea ty o f 1904 w hich is pu blic is really th e T rea ty o f W in d sor). The
P ortu g u ese w ould no dou bt consent to publish the tre a ty o f 1899 any day b u t w e cou ld n ot well
tell H e r r v [ o n ] K iihlm a nn abou t it w ith ou t asking them .
P erh a p s the best answ er is to re fe r to the con v ersation w ith C [ o u n ]t M ettern ich of
M arch 18— b u t the question is n ot a p rop er one to ask.
J. A . C T.
11.7.12.
W e cou ld tell H e r r v [o n ] K iihlm a nn th a t the T rea ties m en tion ed in his letter are the only
pu blished T reaties. T his w ill in d ica te th a t there is a secret T rea ty, b u t there w ould be no
g rea t harm in th a t as the P ortu g u ese are ready to pu blish it and we are con tem p la tin g d oin g
so if th e agreem ents w ith G erm any a re published.
W . L.
No. 314.
the existing Agreement, and were in fact just as near to French territory as to
German territory, and remote from our territory.
W e then emphasised the attacks which would be made upon us for giving up the
Angola strip, and pointed out again that the area of that strip was greater than the
total area which Germany was being asked to resign in our favour in compensation
for the strip, to say nothing of the fact that it cut us off from the control of any
direct com m unication with the Atlantic.
The Ambassador haring said that tiiere would be an outcry in Germ any at the
sacrifice of Tim or in our favour, we said that it would be quite possible for us to enter
into a self-denying ordinance about Tim or, and to make it appear that, Germany and
ourselves haring becom e aware of the Dutch right of pre-em ption, had mutually
entered into a self-denying ordinance, s > that we gained nothing there of what
Germany resigned.
The Ambassador seemed to be favourably impressed by this.
nI am, A c.l
E. G [E E 1'J .
No. 315.
(*) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a v in g beer, sent to th e C a bin et on J u ly 24, 1912. tog eth er
w ith th e follow in g m in u te by s . r E d w a rd G r e y : —
F o reig n Office, E. G.
17 J u ly, 1912 ]
48G
continue in such a state was intolerable to England and Germany, who were
neighbours in our Colonies to the Portuguese Colonies. W e, as neighbours, and in
view of our Alliance, could call the Portuguese to account, and insist upon the
development of their C olonies; while Germany could not take any corresponding step
on her own initiative without finding the Alliance against her.
W e admitted the force of this point, and said that it was inherent in the
Agreement of 1898. If the Ambassador chose to press it as a defect in that
Agreement which must be considered if the Agreement wTas to be revised, we could not
say that his request was unfair. It was, however, a point on which I could not say
anything without full consideration, and it must be brought before the Cabinet. Had
our Portuguese Alliance been, like modern Alliances, renewable at fixed intervals,—
as wras the case with the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and, I believed, with the Triple
Alliance,— we could of course have dealt with the point whenever our Alliance with
Portugal came up for renewal. But, at present, there was no such provision in the
Anglo-Portnguese Alliance.
TI a m ,'A c.]
‘ E. G [R E Y ].
No. 316.
Most Secret.
Sir Edward Grey in his letter of 18th June, after outlining the new7basis of
negotiation with Germany in W est and East Africa, writes :
“ I do not think there is anything in all this that raises any strategic point
which the Admiralty did not consider earlier in the year.”
(*) fG rev M SS ., V ol. 48. T his letter is end orsed as h a vin g been sent t o M r. H a rcou rt. A
n ote was in serted by him as fo llo w s: —
The abandonment of this port will doubtless have an indirect effect upon our
disposition of naval forces if the new Treaty becomes operative.
The trade route from Cape Town to Great Britain upon which a trade of
approximately a hundred millions sterling per annum passes will, under the new
Treaty, be flanked as to 2.500 miles of its length by a coastline distant from it from
400 to G50 miles and occupied by a great naval Power.
Under the Treaty of 1898, with S. Paul de Loanda in our possession, we should
have been in a favourable position to watch and to neutralise the action of any force
operating from the other ports upon the coast.
It is certain that one or more of these ports will be developed if they pass into
the possession of Germany.
They are as follows :—
1. Great Fish Bay, the southernmost, a fine harbour 19 miles in length, arid
5 miles in width of navigable waters, easily defended and a good climate.
2. Messamedes, a fair harbour— an important place and a good climate.
3. Benguella, a roadstead, not capable of great development.
4. Lobito Bay, about 15 miles to north of Benguella and 600 miles from the
trade route. A fine harbour enclosing two miles of excellent anchorage. A
railway centre, and would undoubtedly be developed into a naval station.
5. San Paul de Loanda. Good anchorage of 1^ miles, perfectly sheltered, bad
climate. At present the Portuguese seat of Government.
The effect upon our naval policy of the fulfilment of this new Treaty would be
that we should be obliged to make such additions to our Cape of Good H ope Squadron
and West Africa Squadron, as would make us superior to any force Germ any would
station in those waters, and thus ensure the safety of our com m erce upon this route.
Had S. Paul de Loanda remained a possible British possession, the watching of
hostile ships in the adjacent ports would, as stated above, have been more sim ply and
effectively carried out.
Under the new conditions, our bases of operation will be the Cape of Good Hope,
Sierra L eone, St. Helena, and Ascension.
It is, however, reasonable to refer to the other point of view.
The acquisition by Germany of these territories will no doubt result in the
establishment of lines of German steamers which to reach Germany must pass over
routes in proxim ity to our naval stations.
Ships of war detached from Germany to distant stations can only be em ployed
upon a service that it is unlikely will vitally affect Great Britain in war. They will
in fact be rem oved from the vital theatre.
As extraneous interests .grow, so does national diplom acy becom e m ore cautious
and more accom m odating to new neighbours, and any threat to our seaborne
com m erce that may ensue from the possession by Germany of the harbours of
Portuguese West Africa may perchance be balanced against the fact that their
African land frontiers will march with our own for m any more miles than at present
and be vulnerable to attack or invasion by our South African Colonial forces.
It would therefore seem that the only effect upon naval policy of the proposed
new Treaty will be a future augmentation of our squadrons at the Cape and Sierra
Leone proportional to whatever the Germans decide to keep upon the station, and
possibly increased fortifications and garrisons at those places, neither of which
contingency is in itself very serious or important.
The change in East Africa does not appear to affect our naval policy in any way.
48 8
N o. 317.
No. 318.
suggested that it should be accepted. He had said that we attached importance to the
favourable effect which an Agreement might have on public opinion, and that this
could not be obtained without publication. H e added that he hoped that we would
let him have a draft as soon as possible, as he was returning to Germany at the end
of next week.
I said that Mr. Harcourt and I had already given instructions as to the prepara
tion of a draft, and I thought that we should be able to let him have it to take with
him on his return to Berlin.
In the conversation yesterday Mr. Harcourt had explained to the Ambassador
verbally what we proposed and as the proposals made will be embodied in the draft
agreem ent/2) I have made no separate record of the conversation. The draft itself
will be the most accurate and complete record.
I am, Ac.
E. GR E Y.
(2) [i\ im m ed ia tely su cceed in g d ocu m en t.]
No. 319.
F.O. 367/284.
53544^391 12'436. Colonial Office, D ecem ber 9, 1912.
In view of the possibility that Portugal m ay require financial assistance from
some foreign power or powers and in order to obviate the international complications
which such a condition of things m ay produce and to preserve her integrity and
independence, the undersigned, duly authorised by their respective sovereigns, have
agreed as follows :—
1. W henever either the British or the German governm ent is of opinion that it
is expedient to accede to a request for an advance of m oney to Portugal on the
security of the customs revenue or other revenues o f Mozambique or Angola it shall
com m unicate the fact to the other governm ent and the other governm ent shall have
the right to advance a portion of the total sum required.
In the event of the other governm ent signifying its intention to exercise this
right, the two governm ents shall consult as to the terms of the two loans, and these
loans shall be issued on the security of the customs revenues of Mozambique or Angola
as near as possible simultaneously. The loans shall bear as near as possible the same
proportion to each other as the amounts of the customs revenues respectively assigned
as their security.
The loans shall be issued on terms as favourable to Portugal as the condition of
the m oney market and the security of the loans permit, and shall in other respects be
subject as near as possible to similar conditions.
2. Of the customs revenues referred to in Article I. those of the province of
Mozambique south o f a line starting from the mouth of the river Lukugu or
Likungo thence along that river to its confluence with the river Lugera or Luzhella
thence along that river to its source, thence due north to the 16th parallel of south
latitude and thence along that parallel to the boundary of the British Protectorate of
Nyassaland and those of the portions of the province of Angola, as hereinafter
described, shall be assigned to the British loan. The customs revenues of the
rem aining parts of the provinces of Mozambique and Angola shall be assigned to the
German loan.
The portion of the province of Angola of which the customs revenues shall be
assigned to the British loan shall be all that part of the province lying to the east of
the 20th meridian of east longitude and south of the 11th parallel of south latitude.
3. Any delegates sent by Great Britain or Germany to take note of the collection
o f the revenues which are the security for their respective loans shall have only rights
of inspection, but no rights of administration, interference or control, so long as there
is no default in the payment of interest or sinking fund.
4. In case of default in the payment of the interest or sinking fund of either
loan, the administration of the various custom-houses in the two provinces shall be
handed over by Portugal ; those assigned for the German loan to Germany, those
assigned for the British loan to Great Britain.
5. It is well understood that all rights, whether British or German, acquired in
the provinces affected before the date of this convention, shall be fully safeguarded
provided they are of a purely private character, and convey neither political rights nor
territorial or administrative jurisdiction.
It is also understood that no influence will be used in the future either by the
British or the German Governm ents to obtain fresh concessions except in those
portions of the provinces of which the customs revenues are assigned to their
respective loans.
G. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged as soon as possible. The convention shall come into force immediately
after the exchange of ratifications.
In witness, Ac.
S ecret Convention.
W hereas, notwithstanding the provisions of the preceding convention of this day’ s
date, it may unfortunately not be found possible to maintain the integrity of the
African possessions of Portugal south of the equator, the undersigned duly authorised
by their respective sovereigns have further agreed as follows :
1. Great Britain and Germany agree jointly to oppose the intervention of any
third power in the provinces of Mozambique and Angola, either by way of loan to
Portugal on the security of the revenue of those provinces or by way of acquisition
of territory, by grant, cession, purchase, lease or otherwise.
2. It is understood that, from the conclusion of the conventions of this day’ s
date, Great Britain will abstain from advancing any claim of whatsoever kind to the
possession, occupation, control or exercise of political influence in or over those
portions of the Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues have been
assigned to Germany, and that Germ any will in like manner abstain from advancing
any claim of whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation, control or exercise of
political influence in or over those portions of those Portuguese provinces in which the
customs revenues have been assigned to Great Britain.
3. In case Portugal renounces her sovereign rights over Mozambique and Angola,
or loses these territories in any other manner, it is understood that the subjects of,
and natives of the Protectorates of, one contracting party, together with their goods
and ships, and also the produce and the manufactures of its dominions, possessions,
colonies and Protectorates, shall, in such portions of the territories comprised in the
present convention as may fall to the other contracting party, participate in all the
prerogatives, exemptions and privileges with regard to railway rates and charges,
trade, com m erce, taxation and navigation which are there enjoyed by the subjects of
and natives of the Protectorates of the other contracting party.
4. W ith regard to the Yth article of the convention of to-day’ s date, which refers
to private rights of British or German subjects in the provinces of Mozambique and
Angola it is well understood between the two governm ents that this article applies,
among others, to the so-called Katembe concession, and further that the government
o f Great Britain will adopt a friendly attitude in respect to the confirmation of this
concession by the Portuguese governm ent in case such a confirmation should be
applied for.
491
5. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged as soon as possible. The convention shall come into force imm ediately
after the exchange of ratifications.
In witness, &c.
Secret Note.
In case either government applies for special privileges of an occasional character
it shall immediately inform the other governm ent and if these privileges are granted
and if the other governm ent should desire it shall use its influence to obtain for the
other governm ent similar special privileges of an occasional character and of equal
value.
M IN U T E S .
T he new C olonia l Office d r a ft follow s, in gen era l, the line o f th eir previou s d r a ft (23909),( 2)
b u t w ith som e n ota ble d e p a r t u r e s :
T ogeth er w ith T im or, all m ention o f the islands o f San T om é and P rin c ip e has disa pp eared.
I con clu d e th a t the self-d en y in g ord in a n ce to w hich I und ersta n d E n g la n d and G erm any are
to set th e ir ha n d as reg a rd s the 3 islands, w ill be em b odied in a fu r th e r and su p plem en tary
con v en tion . I t w ill presum ably b e necessary to h a ve such su p plem en tary con v en tion rea dy at
the sam e tim e as the others, and to publish them all sim ultaneously.
T he p resen t d r a ft rem ains open to th e tw o ob jection s to w hich T ca lled a tten tion in m y
m in u te on 2 3 9 0 9 : (1) T here is no p rov ision fo r th e a broga tion o f the con v en tion s o f 1898, so
tha t, on the sign a tu re o f the new con v en tion s, b oth the old and the new w ould be in force. It
w ill be necessary eith er to have an a b rog a torv clause in each o f the new con v en tion s and in the
secret N ote, or to have a fu rth er and sep arate in stru m en t sign ed, p r o v id in g fo r the a b rog a tion
o f the th ree in stru m en ts o f 1898.
(2) T here rem ains th e difficulty o f the custom s revenue o f th e strip o f h in terla n d of
A n g ola w hich a cco r d in g to a rticle 2 o f th e new con v en tion is to b e a ssigned to a B ritish loan.
A s I p oin ted ou t in 23909, there is, for p ra c tic a l purposes, no such revenue to pledge.
T he m a ch in ery und er the form er con v en tion s con tem p la ted (a rt 1) the issue o f B ritish and
G erm an loans on th e secu rity o f the custom s revenues o f eith er A ngola or M oza m b iq u e, it
b ein g a ch a ra cteris tic o f the tra n sa ction th a t in both A n g ola and M oza m b iq u e th ere w ere to
be B ritish a n d G erm an spheres, each h a v in g sea ports w here custom s a rc collected.
In p r a ctice, th e p roced u re w ou ld have been as fo llo w s : P o rtu g a l b ein g desirous o f ra isin g
a loan secured on th e revenues o f A n g ola , E n g la n d and G erm any w ou ld in form P o r t u g a l th a t
there m ust b e tw o loans, E nglish and G erm an, “ b ea rin g as near as possible the same
p r op ortion to each oth er as th e am ounts o f the custom s revenues respectiv ely assigned (u n d er
the con v en tion ) as th eir secu rity ; th a t is to say the G erm an loan w ou ld stand, in am ount,
to the B ritish loan, as th e custom s revenue o f th e north ern and southern section o f A n g ola
tog eth e r stood to th a t o f the cen tra l (B ritish ) section.
T his th eoretica l a rra n g em en t is reta in ed in a rticle 1 o f the new con v en tion , b u t ow in g to
the rep la cem en t o f the cen tra l east-to-w est section , b y a h in terla n d strip w ith no p ort, its
a p p lic a tio n becom es fu tile. T here w ill be no p r o p o r tio n o f custom s revenue fa llin g to the
B ritish share, the custom s revenues w ill be all a ssigned to G erm any. H ence, u n d er th e new
tre a ty th ere w ou ld b e only a G erm an, and no B ritish loan.
T he old a rra n g em en t w ould still, on the oth er hand, rem ain a pplicab le, and eq u ita ble, if
a loan w ere raised secured on the M oza m b iq u e revenues, because th ere w e reta in p a rt o f the
coast lin e in ou r sphere.
T he d ifficulty is a serious one, an d I have th o u g h t a g ood deal a bout som e m eans o f g e ttin g
ov er it w ith ou t en tirely u p settin g th e w hole pla n o f th e a greem ent. I am unable t o offer an
en tirely sa tisfa ctory solution. B u t I w ou ld su g g est an arra n gem en t w hich w ould, so fa r as I
can ju d g e, offer a m odus op era n d i th a t m ig h t w ork in pra ctice. T he su g g estion is t o a lter the
first sentence o f th e second pa ra g ra p h o f a rticle I. I t now ru n s:
“ . these loans shall b e issued on the secu rity o f the custom s revenues o f M oza m
biq u e or A n g o la . . . .”
I w ould su b stitu te w ord “ a n d ” fo r “ o r ,” and add th e w ord “ b o th ,” v iz :
“ . . . . these loans shall be issued on the secu rity o f th e custom s revenues o f both
M oza m b iq u e and A n g ola . . . .”
T he effect w ould b e to p rev en t P o rtu g a l from issuing any loan on the secu rity o f the
custom s o f A n g ola alone or o f M oza m b iq u e a lo n e ; and this m ay not be con sid ered very con
I und ersta nd th a t all these pa pers are to he pu blished im m ed ia tely a fte r sign atu re and
t h erefore the h ea d in g “ S e c r e t ” seems su perfluous— and I believe th e W in d so r re-affirm ation
o f th e alliance is also to be published. I do n o t know if b efore p u blica tion they are to he
co m m [u n ic a te ]d to the P ortu g u ese G o v [e r n m e n ]t w ith som e ex p lan a tion s. I presum e they
w ill be subm itted to the K in g b efore sign atu re.
A. N .
No. 320.
F.O. 367/284.
55716 391/12 436.
Sir E . Grey, Foreign Office, D ecem ber 18, 1912.
I submit herewith, in accordance with your instructions a revised draft conven
tion, to replace the Convention, Secret Convention, and Secret Note, o f 1898.C)
The printed notes in the margin are intended to explain the origin of each
a rticle: “ 1898 ” indicates that the text has been taken over verbatim from the
Convention of 1898. “ C.O. d r a ft ” means the text of Mr. Harc-ourt’ s recently
com m unicated text.(2)
I have, in the printed text, made only such changes as seemed to me necessary
owing to the amalgamation of the three documents of 1898 in one. There are
however, a few further modifications which I should like to see introduced, for various
reasons. These modifications are indicated in ink on the attached cop y,(3) and the
reasons for them explained in the accom panving Notes.
E. A. C.
Dec [em ber] 18.
0 ) [S ir E. C row e’ s revised d r a ft w as based upon the p r eced in g C olon ia l Office d r a ft, the
am endm ents b ein g the resu lt o f a n n ota tion s by M r. T illey and S ir E. C row e him self. F o r the
1898 C onventions, v. G ooch cfc T em p erley, V ol. I, pp. 71-5, Nos. 9 0-2, en cls.]
(2) [v. im m ed iately p r eced in g doeu m en t.]
(3) [T hese m odifica tion s are shown in footn otes to the d r a ft.]
493
E n clos u re 1 in N o. 320.
Draft Convention.
Confidential. D ecem ber 16, 1912.
In view of the possibility that Portugal may require financial assistance from 18ys-
some foreign Power or Towers, and in order to obviate the international complications
which such a condition of things may produce, and to preserve her integrity and
independence, the undersigned, duly authorised by their respective Sovereigns, have
agreed as follows :—
1.— (1) W henever either the British or the German Government is of opinion c.o. draft,
that it is expedient to accede to a request for an advance of m oney to Portugal on the
security pf the customs revenues or other revenues of Mozambique or Angola, it shall
com m unicate the fact to the other Governm ent, and the other Government shall have
the right to advance a portionG) of the total sum required.
( 2 ) In the event of the other Governm ent signifying its intention to exercise this c.o. draft,
right, the two Governments shall consult as to the terms of the two loans, and these
loans shall be issued on the security of the customs revenues of Mozambique o r(5)
Angola as near as possible simultaneously. The loans shall bear as near as possible
the same proportion to each other as the amounts of the customs revenues respec
tively assigned as their security.
(3) The loans shall be issued on terms as favourable to Portugal as the condition c.o. draft
of the m oney market and the security of the loans permit, and shall in other respects
be subject as near as possible to similar conditions.
2. O ff6) the customs revenues referred to in article 1, tliosef7) of the province of c o . draft
M ozam bique( 8) south of a line starting from the mouth of the River Lukugu, or fiedh' !j m0
Likungo, thence along that river to its confluence with the River Lugero, or
Luzhella, thence along that river to its source, thence due north to the 16th parallel
of south latitude, and thence along that parallel to the boundary of the British protec
torate of Nyassaland, and thosef9) of the portions of the province of Angola lying to
the east of the 20th meridian of east longitude and south of the 11th parallel of south
latitude, shall be assigned to the British lo a n ;(10) customs revenues of the rem aining
parts of the provinces of Mozambique and Angola shall be assigned to the German
loan.
3. A ny delegates sent byfjH Great Britain or G erm anyf 12) to take note of the r e
collection of the revenues which are the security for their respective loans, shall have
o n ly f13) rights of inspection^4) but no rights of administration, interference, or control,
so long as there is no default in the payment of interest or sinking fund.
4. In case of default in the payment of the interest or sinking fund of either c.o. draft.
loa n ,(10) the administration of the various custom-houses in the two provinces shall
(4) [C o rre c tio n suggested by S ir E. C r o w e : “ p a rt.” ]
( 5) [C o rre c tio n suggested by S ir E. C r o w e : “ a n d .” A n n o ta tio n by S ir J. A n d e rs o n :
“ Yes. J. A .” ]
( 6) [C o rre c tio n suggested by S ir E. C r o w e : “ In the con tin g en cy con tem p la ted in th e
p reced in g a rtic le ,” ]
( 7) [C o rre c tio n su ggested by S ir E. C r o w e : “ o f th a t p o r tio n .” ]
( 8) [A d d itio n suggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ ly in g .” ]
( 9) [C o rre c tio n su ggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ also the custom s rev en u es.” ]
( 10) [C o rre c tio n su ggested by S ir E . C r o w e : “ ; w hilst th e .” ]
( u ) [C o rre c tio n suggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ In the ev en t o f .” ]
( 12) [C o rre c tio n su ggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ send ing d eleg ates.” ]
( 13) [C o rre c tio n su g g ested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ the P ortu g u ese g o v [e r n m e n ]t shall be asked
to g iv e such d eleg ates.” ]
( 14) [C o rre c tio n su ggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ on ly .” ]
( 15) [C o rrection suggested b y S ir E. C r o w e : “ it shall be a greed w ith the P ortu g u ese
g overn m en t th a t th ey w ill hand o v er.” ]
be handed over bv Portugal,( 16) those assigned for the German loan to Germany, those
assigned for the British loan to Great Britain.
5.— (1) A ll(17) rights, whether British or German, . acquired in the provinces
affected before the date of this convention shall be fully safeguarded, provided they
are of a purely private character and convey neither political rights nor territorial or
administrative jurisdiction.
(2 It is well understood betw een the two Governm ents that the above stipula
tion applies, amona others, to the so-called K atem be coixcession, and further that the
G overnm ent of Great Britain ivill adopt a friendly attitude in respect to the
confirmation of this concession by the Portuguese Governm ent in case such a
confirmation should he applied fo r .(ls)
(3) It is also understood that no influence will be used in the future either by
the British or the German Governments to obtain fresh concessions except in those
portions of the provinces of which the customs revenues a re(19) assigned to their
respective loans.( 20)
6. From the conclusion of the conventions of this day’ s date, Great Britain will
abstain from advancing any claim o f whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation,
or control of those portions of the Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues
have b eenf21) assigned to Germany, or of the islands of San Thom é and Principé, or
to the exercise of political influence in those territories, or islands and Germany
will in like manner abstain from advancing any claim of whatsoever kind to the
possession, occupation, or control o f those portions of the Portuguese provinces in
which the customs revenues have b een(22) assigned to Great Britain, or of the
Portuguese part of the island of Tim or, or to the exercise of political influence in those
territories or in that island.
8. Great Britain and Germany agree jointly to oppose the intervention of any
third Power in the provinces of Mozambique and Angola, either by way of loan to
Portugal on the security of the revenues of those provinces or by way of acquisition
of territory, by grant, cession, purchase, lease, or otherwise.
fl. In the event of Portugal renouncing her sovereign rights over Mozambique and
A ngola.(2') or losing these territories in any other m anner,(2S) it is understood that
the subjects, and natives of the protectorates, of one contracting party, together with
their goods and ships, and also the produce and the manufactures of its dominions,
12. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged as soon as possible. The convention shall come into force immediately
after the exchange of ratifications.
In witness. Ac.
Enclosure 2 in Xo. 320.
Article i i b . The term " p o r t io n ," read in the context, tends to give an
impression that only a small or insignificant share in the total loan is thereby con
templated. The word " p a r t ” would avoid this shade of meaning, and it exactly
corresponds to the German word " Theil ” which stands in the German version.
M r. l i a r cou rt.
I a gree gen era lly w ith S ir E y re C row e’ sob serv a tion s, and esp ecially in his proposal to
su b stitu te “ and ” fo r “ or ” in s e c [t io n ] 2. T hat, i f a d op ted , w ou ld rend er s e c [t io n ] 10
w hich is not q u ite con sisten t w ith w hat preced es it unnecessary, and I should lik e t o see it
com e out.
T he in sertion o f San T hom e and P r in c ip e and T im or as he proposes in p a r [a g r a p h ] 6
w ill ren d er u nnecessary the sep arate n ote w hich w as I u n d erstood from y ou con tem p la ted
ahout these places, and w ill leave us as free a h a n d as reg a rd s T im or as the G erm ans w ill have
as reg a rd s th e tw o form er.
T he first p a rt o f p a r [a g r a p h ] 9 I should v ery m uch lik e t o see rep la ced b y som eth in g like
w hat I have suggested in pen cil on th e a tta ch ed sheet, and th e w ord s as t o R a ilw a y ra tes and
charges w ill have t o com e out.
M y reason fo r p r op osin g th e om ission o f s e c [t io n ] 5 (2) as t o th e K a tem b e concession
was th a t I u n d erstood from S ir H . J u st th a t th e concession had been confirm ed an d th a t the
article w as th e re fo re no lon g er necessary.
I f th e d [ r a ] f t is m odified as p roposed in p en cil m y ob jection s t o its p u b lica tion w ill be
la rg ely m et, b u t n ot m y o b j[ e c t io ] n t o th e p u b lica tio n o f th e 1898 T rea ty.
I f in stead of p u blish in g th e old T rea ty in the notes ex ch a n g ed as to th is T re a ty it was
set fo r th th a t th e T rea ty w hich it is to rep la ce was su b sta n tia lly th e sam e b u t th a t the
“ spheres o f in flu e n c e ” o f G erm any and G [r e a ]t B r ita in w e r e : (s ettin g fo rth th e spheres as
defined in th e old T rea ty ), I do n ot th in k m uch harm w ou ld be done.
I shall b e g la d to discuss th e q u estion o f p u b lica tion w ith S ir E. G rey a t any tim e w hich
m ay be con v en ien t to him .
J. A.
23.12.
No. 321.
M IN U T E S .
I t has alw ays stru ck me th a t it was an a rb itra ry and unusual act fo r tw o P ow ers to p lace
restriction s and p r oh ib ition s such as a re em b odied in the 1898 con v en tion on a th ird P ow er,
w hich is still a sovereign in depen den t P o w e r— and I h a ve w ondered w hat w ould occu r if
P o rtu g a l w ere to en d eav ou r to raise a loan in F ra n ce. W e and G erm any w ould have to
p r o h ib it this presum a bly— if necessary v i et a rm is— and w hat w ould F ra n ce say to this closin g
o f th e open d o o r— not to speak o f P o rtu g a l h ers elf? In 1898 we w ere not on th e sam e term s
w ith F ra n ce as w e are now — and to ex clu d e the g rea test m on ey len d in g P ow er w ho is also our
in tim a te frien d from len d in g m oney to ou r ally w ould possibly be reg a rd ed w ith some su rprise
in P a r is — It w ou ld be m ost desirab le if som e form o f w ords could be devised w ith th e assent
o f G erm any to g et ov er the difficu lty — W e m ust publish th e new C onvention in any case— as
well as th e W in d sor recon firm a tion o f the T rea ty o f A llian ce
A . N.
No. 322.
forcible process of divestment. I said I had not ventured to make such a suggestion
myself, because I was in complete doubt— not knowing the course taken by the
negotiations between Mr. Harcourt and H err von Kiihlm ann— as to whether the
Germans were likely or not to agree to a less drastic wording. One of the inevitable
results of the treaty when it became known, a result therefore fully anticipated at
Berlin, must be friction between Great Britain and Portugal. H ow far Germany may
be disposed to co-operate for the purpose o f m inimizing that friction, I do not know.
It seems to me possible that she will not be eager to do so. I f so she m ay object to
Sir J. A nderson’ s suggestion for toning-dow n the first phrase of article 9. It will be a
matter for negotiation, presumably between Mr. Harcourt and H err von Kiihlm ann.
Sir J. Anderson agreed with m y proposed substitution of “ a n d ” for “ o r ” in
article i (2>, and this confirmed him in his desire to omit article 10, which had been
eliminated in the original C ol[on ial] Office draft, and which we had restored, as
Sir E. Grey will remember, in order to give effect to the idea that any loan on Angola
revenues must in future be counterbalanced by a similar loan on Mozambique
revenues. I f this is already effected by the slight change in article i (2 f, I agree that
article 10 might go.
Later in the afternoon, H err von Kiihlm ann called upon m e(2) and, after talking
of other business, asked what was the cause o f the delay in settling the draft of our new
convention. He suggested that if he could meet someone at a round table, lie would
be able to settle the draft in half an hour. I remarked that he probably had not gone
very deeply into the technical points of drafting which arose under the changed
conditions, but he refused to believe that there were any difficulties.
I therefore pointed out to him what these technical matters were. In the first
instance there must be one document instead of three. To this he agreed. Then
certain parts had become obsolete by efflux of time (Katembe concession1). Then there
was the difficulty that the new BritLh-earm arked portion of Angola had no customs
revenue that could be pledged for a loan, which necessitated an arrangement by
which any loan would have to be secured on the revenues of the East and W est Coast
colonies simultaneously. To this also he saw no objection.
Lastly I m entioned the special provision to be made regarding Tim or and the
islands of" San Tomé and Principe. I explained that according to the arrangement
agreed upon between Sir E. Grey and Prince Lichnowsky, the two countries would
mutually disinterest themselves : Germ any in Tim or, and England in the two other
islands. _
Herr von Kiihlm ann expressed some surprise at this suggestion. H e maintained
that Sir E. Grey had finally agreed to place San Tom é and Principe on exactly the
same footing in the convention that Tim or had originally occupied. I rem inded him
of the several conversations in which it had been explained to the German Ambassador
that England did not wish to enter into an engagement with Germany to join her in
resisting the intervention of a third Power in these islands. H e however said that
this had been subject to the proviso that the consent of France might be obtained to
the wider engagem ent. (See conversation of June 4th— 25122.) (3) It seems to me
clear from the subsequent conversations 'see 25133,(4) 30S28,(5) 32861(6) ) that
Sir E . Grey adhered throughout to his original intention.— Possibly the German
Ambassador did not keep H err von Kiihlm ann fully inform ed.
He was however, very insistent on the point and repeatedly argued that all
Sir E . Grey had to do was to obtain the consent of France to the proposed substitution
of San Tom é and Principé for Tim or in the 189S agreement. ^
W hy, otherwise, had Sir E. Grey brought in France at all. I explained that there
were probably in his mind two rea son s: one was the fact that the two islands were so
No. 323.
F.O. 3 G 7 /3 4 0 .
2 0 4 G /1 1 G 5 /1 3 /4 3 6 .
(No. 5.) Africa. Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, January 11, 1913.
I gave the German Ambassador to-day the accom panying drafts with m y covering
letter for the revised Anglo-Germ an Agreem ent as to Portuguese African Colonies.( 2)
I said that the question of publication would have to be considered later, and it had
occurred to us that, as there tvere some phrases in the original Agreem ents of 1898(3)
that were not suitable for publication, we might consider the alternative of drawing
up a Mem orandum explaining the nature of the original Agreem ents to publish with
the new Agreem ent instead of the text of the originals.
The Ambassador said that his Governm ent would agree to publication if we could
com e to some agreement under which, if the British Government or a British Colony
intervened and gained a footing in a Portuguese Colony, Germ any should be entitled
to do the same, and vice versa; and if there was an understanding that, if, owing to
Portuguese misrule or other misdeeds, Germany had to intervene to protect German
subjects and property, the Alliance between Great Britain and Portugal would not be
in v o k e d ; and also if it was understood that the Alliance did not apply to a Portuguese
C olony or part of a Colony that declared its independence. He did not, however, wish
to bring these points up for discussion to-day.
I observed on the last point that I did not think that the Alliance would apply to
a Portuguese Colony that declared its independence. W ith regard to the Alliance
itself, although it was of very ancient date it had been confirmed, though the confirma
tion was not published, in 1899 :( 4) the year after the Agreem ent with Germany. No
change had been made in it then, there had simply been a confirmation of what had
been already published. The Portuguese Government were always pressing that the
confirmation of 1899 should be p u blished; but I had always declined to do so, feeling
that it ought not to be published unless at the same time the Agreem ent with Germany
was made public.
[ I am, &c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
M IN U T E S .
The qu estion s to w hich the am ba ssa dor’ s su g g estion s n a tu ra lly g iv e rise, are so im p orta n t
th a t I v en tu re to offer the follow in g ob serv a tion s on t h e m : —
T he new con v en tion , ta k en as a w hole, ca n only be reg a rd ed as a fresh a d v a n ta g e to
G erm any, fo r w hom th e a cq u isition o f the cen tra l b elt o f A n g ola, in a d d itio n to the rest o f the
colon y w ith all its seaboard, and possibly San Thome' and P rin cip e is clea rly o f grea t
im p orta n ce.
L ik e all concessions to G erm any, th is one is at once m ade the sta rtin g p o in t fo r fu rth er
dem ands.
T he dem and now is fo r a fresh b a r g a in : O n one side, E n g la n d is to h a ve th e p r iv ileg e o f
pu blish in g the con v en tion w hich so clearly illu stra tes h er g ood w ill tow ards G erm any. G erm any,
on her p a rt, is to be left free to despoil P o r t u g a l o f h er colon ies definitely an d in a dvance o f
any such fin an cia l difficulties in P o rtu g a l as th e a greem ent contem p la tes. Nor this is the
m ea ning o f th e dem and th a t the A n g lo -P o rtu g u e se alliance shall n ot be in vok ed a ga in st a
G erm an “ in te r v e n tio n to p r o te ct G erm an sub jects an d p r o p e r ty .” In any case, th is w ould n ot
be a fa ir, or even a possible b arga in . I t w ou ld n ot be a fa ir b a rg a in because fo r E n g la n d to
sully her g o o d nam e by a b a n d on in g h er ally fo r the pu rpose o f fa c ilit a t in g her sp olia tion b y
G erm any, w ou ld be a m a tter ill com p en sa ted b y th e perm ission to pu blish a con v en tion w hich
she con clu d ed m ost relu cta n tly at G erm an d icta tio n in 1SP3 an d has now revised t o G erm any’ s
fu rth er advanta ge.
B u t ev en i f E n g la n d w ere disp osed so t o act, she is not free to decla re th e a lliance
in op era tiv e w ith respect to the te rr ito rie s a ffected b y th e A n g lo-G erm a n a greem ent. The
sign atu re o f the agreem en t o f 1S98 was a ccom p an ied b y definite assurances to the P ortu g u ese
g overn m en t th a t, u n d er its prov ision s, the in te g r ity and in d ep en d en ce o f P o rtu g a l rem ained
in ta ct, and th a t no loss o r cession o f te r r ito r y on her p a rt w ere in volved . T h is assurance was
fortified b y th e sign ifica n t d ecla ra tion m ade b y L o rd Sa lisbu ry to the P ortu g u ese M in ister in
L on d on , w ith sp ecial referen ce to the A n g lo-G erm a n a greem ent, th a t H [ i s ] M [a je s t y ’ s]
G o v e r n m e n t ] recogn ized “ the presen t v a lid ity ” o f the a n cien t trea ties, b in d in g E n g la n d to
defen d those v ery P ortu g u ese colon ies to w hich the a greem en t ap p lied . L o rd S a lisbu ry ’ s
decla ra tion stren gth en ed the desire o f th e P ortu g u ese g ov ern m en t fo r a form al con firm ation
o f the old trea ties, and th is w as effected b y th e tre a ty sign ed in L on d on the y ea r afterw a rds.
T he new A n g lo-G erm a n con v en tion is to rep la ce the agreem ent o f 1398, w ith ou t a lterin g
its gen era l ch a ra cter. In so fa r as its clauses m ust be read tog eth er w ith the assurances g iv en
to P o r t u g a l in 1S9S, it w ould be im possible fo r H f i s ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] to d isrega rd or
disavow those assurances in referen ce to the new con v en tion , w hich differs from th e old m erely
in reg a rd to the lines o f t e rr ito ria l su b -d iv ision o f the P ortu g u ese prov in ces in to B ritish and
G erm an spheres.
A n y such disavow al, m oreover, t o have any rea l value, w ou ld req u ire to be p la ced form ally
on record , in the shape o f eith er an a d d itio n a l clause to the A n g lo-G erm a n co n v e n tio n —
presum ably n ot an oth er secret a rticle— or a t least an ex ch a n g e o f notes. T his w ou ld in volve
fu r th e r difficulties. I t has b een d ecid ed to p u blish th e L on d on tre a ty o f 1899 at th e same tim e
as the new A n g lo-G erm a n con v en tion . N o th in g co u ld be m ore ca lcu la ted to p lace us in a false
p osition th a n th e p u b lica tion sim ultaneously o f the fa ct th a t in 1899 we solem nly reaffirm ed
our o b lig a tio n to d efen d P o r t u g a l’ s colon ia l possessions aga in st fo r e ig n aggression — in retu rn ,
too, fo r a sp ecial con sid era tion , nam ely P o r t u g a l’ s u n d erta k in g n ot to decla re n e u tra lity d u rin g
the S ou th A fr ic a n w ar— ; and y et th a t in 1898 we had m ade an a greem en t w ith G erm any
a ffectin g the P ortu g u ese colon ies in S [o u t h ] A fric a , to w h ich w e n ow decla red th a t the a lliance
d id not apply.
It w ou ld be an im possible position .
I f, then, the G erm an dem and fo r rem ov in g th e P ortu g u ese colonies in S [o u t h ] A fric a from
the scope o f the a llia nce is one w hich we are p reclu d ed from a g reein g to, it rem ains to be seen
w hether G erm any w ill con tin u e to w ith h old h er con sen t to the p u b lica tion o f the new
con v en tion .
Such a refu sa l w ould p u t H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] in an em b arra ssing position .
I leave ou t o f a ccou n t the d esira b ility on gen era l g rou n d s o f p olicy , o f pu blish in g fr a n k ly to
the w orld w here we sta n d w ith G erm any and w ith P o rtu g a l. B u t a p a rt from this, are H [ is ]
M [a je s t y ’ s] G [o v e rn m e n t] prep a red , a fte r all th a t has been said in p a rlia m en t o f late, to
502
con clu d e an oth er secr et trea ty w ith G erm a n y at this m om en t? I t w ould h a rd ly be possible to
ex p la in th a t the new con v en tion does n ot a lter the fu n d a m en ta l ch a ra cter o f the old one which
it replaces, w ith ou t d iv u lg in g som e p a rticu la rs as to the t e rr ito ria l an d perhaps also the
finan cial a rrangem ents con tem p la ted . T h is how ever w ould proba b ly be w orse, it w ould certain ly
be w orse from the p oin t o f view o f the im pression w hich w ould be crea ted as to ou r a ttitu d e
tow ards P o rtu g a l and the alliance, than if n oth in g w ere said.
In fa ce o f this dilem m a the safest and w isest course w ould be th a t we should refuse
a ltog eth er to sign any new con v en tion unless it is a greed t o pu blish it. The reasons fo r
p u b licity are so stron g, and the a d v an ta g es to G erm any un d er th e revised con v en tion so obvious,
th a t she m ay be cou n ted u p on w ith som e degree o f assurance, not, finally, to reject our
con d ition s, w hich should b e : fu ll p u b licity , and no ta m p erin g w ith th e A n g lo-P ortu g u eso
a llia n ce in con n ection w ith the a rra n g em en ts o f 1898
E. A. C.
J an . 17.
T here is g rea t force in S ir E y re C row e’ s argum ents.
A . N.
Y es ! w e shall have to ta k e this line, b u t I wish to g et the P ortu g u ese A llia n ce subsequently
m ade fo r a term o f years in stead o f fo r etern ity .
E. G.
No. 324.
F.O. 367/340.
1 1 6 5 /1 1 6 5/13 /4 3 6 .
(Confidential.)
M y dear Ambassador, Foreign Office, January 11, 1913.
I am glad to be now in a position to put before you the draft of a fresh
convention, to take the place of our agreements of 1898.(2) I trust you will find that
this draft form ally carries out what we have already agreed upon provisionally.
The particular question of Tim or is, as you will see, dealt with partly in the new
agreement itself, and partly in a draft Note, sent herewith, which, I would suggest,
might be com m unicated to the Netherlands Government by our two legations at the
Hague in such form as may be thought most suitable, and as nearly as possible
simultaneously with the publication of the new agreement.
In order to enable you the better to jndge of the effect of the revised convention
as now drafted, I would make the following explanations, showing exactly in what
respects the present draft differs from the stipulations of 1898, and giving the reasons
for the changes introduced. These changes flow from four main considerations :
1. The agreement of 1898 consists of three docum ents: a convention, a secret
convention, and a secret note.(2) It must have been intended originally to publish the
first of these documents, but it was ultimately preferred to keep them all secret. His
M ajesty’ s Government are desirous that the new agreement should be laid before
parliament. It would clearly be inappropriate that stipulations all dealing connectedly
with the same subject, and destined for simultaneous publication, should be separated
into different instruments bearing the same date and signatures. The most suitable
and most convenient course would obviously be to make one comprehensive convention
cover all the points form erly distributed over three instruments.
2. The changes agreed upon as regards the particular territories to be earmarked
respectively for Great Britain and Germany involve consequential modifications in the
text of 1898.
3. Certain portions of the old agreement have become inapplicable in consequence
of the changed conditions.
0 ) [cp. G .P., X X X V I I (I), pp. 19-25. T his despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the
K in g on J a n u a ry 11, 1913, and to the C a bin et on J a n u a rv 15. A cop y was sent to L isbon on
J u n e 19.]
(2) [v . G ooch <Sc T em p erley, V ol. I, pp . 7 1-5, Nos. 9 0-2, encZs.]
503
4. Owing to the fact that the original arrangement constituted a secret pact
between the contracting parties, not intended to meet the eyes of the Portuguese
Government, some of its provisions were, quite unintentionally, no doubt, drafted with
some want of precision, which it seems desirable to rectify in so far as the existing
wording might appear to imply, in form at least, a disregard of the actual position of
Portugal in some of the transactions contemplated.
A. The island of Tim or has been rem oved wherever it occurred in the old
agreements. It has been reintroduced however at the end of Article 6 (old Article 2
of the Secret Convention). To balance this new provision, which constitutes the
renunciation by Germany of the special rights she acquired in respect to Portuguese
Tim or under the 1898 agreement, a corresponding provision is inserted in the same
article, by which Great Britain disinterests herself in the islands of San Thom e and
Principe. The effect of this, read together with the proposed joint Note to the
Netherlands Government, is that, on the one hand the Dutch right of pre-em ption over
Portuguese Tim or is form ally recognised, and that, on the other, Great Britain is
precluded from any intervention in the two other islands.
B. The portions of Angola and Mozambique of which the revenues are respec
tively assigned to Great Britain and Germany, are now defined, throughout the draft
Convention, in accordance with the fresh delimitation agreed upon.
The rem ainder of the modifications will be most readily dealt with by going
through the draft convention article by article, and com paring each with the
corresponding clauses of 1898 :
The eleven articles of the present draft convention thus re-em body, with the
modifications indicated, all the provisions of the three instruments of 1898, except
Article 4 of the Secret Convention, and the last two paragraphs of the Secret Note.
The latter dealt with geographical details no longer in point owing to the territorial
rearrangement. Article 4 of the Secret Convention had reference to the Katembe
concession, and has been om itted because it is understood that the situation as regards
that concession is no longer such that the stipulations of 1898 would be applicable.
[I have, &c.
E. G R E Y .]
M IN U TE B Y KIN G GE OR GE .
Draft Convention.
islands; and Germany will in like manner abstain from advancing any claim of
whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation, or control, of those portions o f the
Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues would under the present conven
tion be assigned to Great Britain, or of the Portuguese part of the island of Tim or, or
to the exercise of political influence in those territories or in that island.
7. (1.) In the event of either Governm ent obtaining from the Portuguese Govern
ment a cession of territory, or the concession of special privileges not of an occasional
character, in those portions of the provinces of Mozambique or Angola of which the
customs revenues would be assigned to it, such cessions of territory or concessions
of privileges shall not becom e operative until analogous grants as near as possible of
equal value have been accorded to the other Government in those portions of the
provinces o f which the customs revenues would be assigned to it by the present
convention.
(2.) In case either Governm ent applies for special privileges of an occasional
character in those portions of the Portuguese provinces o f which the customs revenues
would be assigned to it under the present convention, it shall imm ediately inform the
other Government and, if these privileges are granted, and if the other Government
should so desire, shall use its influence to obtain for the other Government similar
special privileges of an occasional character and of equal value.
8. Great Britain and Germany, having regard to the interests o f their respective
possessions in South Africa contiguous to the Portuguese provinces o f Angola and
Mozambique, which would be materially affected by the intervention of any third ;
Power in those provinces, agree join tly to oppose such intervention, whether by way
of loan to Portugal on the security o f the revenues of the said provinces, or by way
o f acquisition of territory by grant, cession, purchase, lease, or otherwise.
9. In so far as Great Britain or Germ any may hereafter influence or control the
administration o f Mozambique or Angola or any portion of those provinces, it is
understood that the subjects, and natives o f the protectorates, o f one contracting
party, together with their goods and ships, and also the produce and the manufactures
o f its dom inions, possessions, colonies, and protectorates, shall, in such portions of the
territories comprised in the present convention as may fall under the influence or
control of the other contracting party, participate in all the prerogatives, exemptions,
and privileges with regard to trade, com m erce, taxation, and navigation which are
there enjoyed by the subjects, and natives of the protectorates, of the other contracting
party.
10. The present convention, duly ratified, shall replace as between the contracting
Powers the convention, secret convention, and secret note concluded and signed in
London on the 30th August, 1898, which are hereby abrogated.
11. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged as soon as possible. The convention shall com e into force immediately after
the exchange of ratifications.
In witness whereof the undersigned, duly authorised, have signed the same, and
have affixed thereto their seals.
(Confidential.'
In 1898 the British and German Governments considered it desirable to conclude
an arrangement for safeguarding their mutual interests in the possible event o f an
alienation or mortgage by Portugal of certain of her colonial dominions.
507
It was only subsequently that it came to the notice of the two contracting
parties that, by the Dutch-Portuguese Convention of 1893('3) the Netherland Govern
ment had acquired a right of pre-em ption over the Portuguese portion of the island of
Timor, which had been included in the scope of the Anglo-G erm an agreement. As
soon as the attention of the British and German Governm ents was drawn to the
existence of the convention of 1893, and its bearing on the agreement of 1898, they
realised that the provisions of that agreement in regard to Timor were incapable of
execution without infringing the prior treaty rights of a Power with which they were
both on terms of cordial friendship.
It therefore became necessary to recast the agreement of 1898 in aform which
would exclude the island from the operation of the treaty arrangements as originally
contemplated. This necessity involved considerable alteration in other provisions of
the agreement, and the result has been a new convention which is now to be made
public.
The convention itself will make plain the general policy which the two contracting
parties propose to adopt in the event of Portugal desiring to alienate certain parts of
her colonial dominions, but the British and German Governments, animated by
feelings of friendship towards the Netherland Governm ent, have been anxious to give
this explanation of the m ention of Timor in their convention, and to let it be known
that they are aware of, and are determ ined to respect, the rights of pre-em ption
acquired by the Netherlands in respect of that island.
M IN U T E S .
A n d I w ill con sid er them finallv a fter G erm any has rep lied abou t ou r dra ft.
E. G.
T he a d d itio n m ade as the result o f M r. H a r c o u r t ’ s m inu te is in d ica ted in the te x t p rin ted
below by the use of square b ra ck ets.]
No. 325.
F.O. 867/340.
3 3 5 8 /1 1 6 5 /1 3 /4 8 6 .
Secret. Foreign Office, January 13, 1913.
1. The convention signed in London on 1913 replaces,
as provided in its 13th article, an agreement concluded in 1898, in the form of a
convention, supplemented by a secret convention and a secret note, by the same
parties.
2. Apart from a few unimportant changes of wording, m ostly necessitated by
the substitution of one document for three, the stipulations of the new convention are
practically identical with those of 1898, except as regards the particular territories
affected.
3. The territories of which the revenues might be pledged as security for a
British loan under the agreement o f 1898, with all the consequences therein set out
— which rem ain exactly the same in the new convention— were :—
(i) The province of Mozambique south of the Zam bezi, as well as that part of
the same province lying on the left bank of the Zam bezi above its
confluence with the S h ire; and
(ii) The portion of the province of Angola comprised within the limits described
as fo llo w s : the northern frontier shall run from the coast along the
8th parallel of south latitude to the 16th degree of longitude east of
G reenw ich; thence it shall descend that degree to the 9th parallel of
latitude, and shall follow that parallel eastwards as far as the frontier
of the Congo Free State. The southern frontier shall start from a point
on the coast 5 English miles north of Egito, and shall run thence due
east to the eastern frontier of the province of Angola. The western
frontier shall be the s e a ; the eastern frontier shall be the eastern limit
of the province of Angola.
(ii)
In Angola, the central belt of territory extending eastwards from the sea, as
defined in the agreement of 1898, of which the revenues might have been
pledged as security for a British loan, is replaced by an inland zone
running from north to south along the western border of Rhodesia.
(iii) The rights which, as stated above in § 4, were, under the form er
agreement, reserved to Germ any as regards Portuguese Tim or, are now
abandoned, both Germany and Great Britain having agreed to recognise
the right of pre-em ption acquired by the Netherlands in virtue o f a treaty
concluded by that State with Portugal in 1893, to which their attention had
not been drawn at the time when the agreement of 1898 was negotiated:
(iv) To counterbalance the inclusion o f Portuguese Tim or in the self-denying
declaration made by Germany in article 6, Great Britain extends the scope
o f the self-denying declaration made on her part in the same article, to
the islands of San Thom e and Principe, which did not figure in the
agreement of 1S98.
E . A. C.
January 13, 1913.
No. 326.
(O [T h is despa tch w as rep ea ted to L isb on (N o. 31 A fric a ). A cop y was sent to th e C olonia l
Office.]
510
N o. 327.
F.O. 367/340.
8 39 2 /1 1 6 5/13 /4 3 6 .
Private.
M y dear Sir Edward, Lisbon, February 18, 1913.
Senkor Costa has been at me again about the publication o f the Treaty of W indsor,
in reference to the newspaper telegrams reporting a revision, or an impending
publication in their present form of the Agreements of 1898. I have told him as I
had already told Dr. Vasconelles that this matter has been for some time past under
consideration, and that if the German treaties were published that of W indsor would
I thought be published with them.
He intimated that he would propose to Parliament the ratification of the Treaty
of W in d sor./1) This was not thought necessary by the contem porary Portuguese
G ov [ern m en ]t as it was deemed to be a reaffirmation of ancient treaties, and not a
new one, in any essential respect. But under the legislation of the Republic it might
be thought preferable that it s [h o u l]d be passed and ratified in Parliament, and this
he said would of course be done with enthusiasm. H e spoke very strongly as to the
unanimity of Portuguese feeling against the alienation of any colonial territory
P ortu g u ese M in ister and o f w hat I w rote upon tha t. T he T rea ty o f W in d sor ca n n ot be
b rou g h t b efore the P ortu g u ese P a rlia m en t till it is published.
E. G.
No. 328.
this day addressed to H [is ] M [a jes ty ’ s] Minister at L isb on /2) relating to two
conversations which have taken place here with the Portuguese Minister on the subject
o f the Anglo-G erm an Secret Agreem ents of 1898 and the Anglo-Portuguese Secret
Treaty of 1899.(3)
Herr v [o n ] Kiihlm aun was inform ed to-d ay,/4) by m y instructions, of the
Portuguese M inister’ s enquiry, with the omission however of all reference to the Anglo-
Portuguese Agreem ent o f 1899. It was explained to him that M. Gomes had been told
that there was no question of an A frican con feren ce; that it was true discussions were
taking place with Germany as to a slight revision of the agreement of 1898, but that
this did not affect the principle of that agreement or change the position of Portugal
thereunder; that H [is ] M [a je s ty 's] G [ov em m en t] saw no objection to the Portuguese
G ov[ern m en ]t repeating the declaration made in March 1912 (referred to in Y [o u r]
E [xcellen cy’ s j despatch No. 126 of the 15th March ,(s) and that, whilst nothing had so
far been decided as to the publication of the Anglo-Germ an Agreem ent, I adhered to
m y n e w which, generally speaking, was in favour o f the publication of all agreements
whenever possible.
[I am. Ac.
E . G R E Y .]
(5) [p. supra, pp . 444—5, N o. 279, and enr/.]
No. 329.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir .4. Hardinge.
P.O. 367 340.
8592 1165 13 436.
No. 36. Africa. Secret.
Sir. Foreign Office, February 21, 1913.
The Portuguese Minister called at the F oreign Office on the 19th inst ant] and
communicated a long telegram from the Minister for Foreign Affairs at Lisbon
■translating from the Portuguese text in his hand . From this it appeared that the
Portuguese G o v [e m m e n ]t were seriously alarmed owing to the reports which had
reached them from Berlin, referred to in your desp[atch~ No. 19 Africa of the
15th i n s t a n t ] ,! 1) to the effect that G [r e a ]t Britain and Germany were engaged in
negotiations for the revision and extension of the Secret Agreement of 1898 and that
HTis] M [a je sty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] proposed, as soon as the Balkan crisis was over to
call together an international conference for the consideration of general African
questions. M. Gomes implied that these reports had reached his G ov [e m m e n ]t
mainly through German and French newspapers and that the German newspapers
also foreshadowed the immediate publication in England o f the 1898 agreem ent, under
which important rights were acquired by Germany.
In view of these alarming rumours, the Portuguese G o v e r n m e n t were anxious
to make a statement to the Parliament at L isbon, and the Portuguese Minister begged
for authorization for such a statement.(2)
It was explained to M. Gom es, firstly, that there was no foundation whatever for
the statement that H [is ] M fa jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t intended to call an African
conference. The Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs had already spoken to you on
the subject and you had received authority to give H [is ] E [x cellen cy ] this assurance
and there was no objection to the statement being categorically contradicted in the
Portuguese Parliament.
As M. Teixeira Gomes had alluded to the forthcom ing blue-book on the contract-
labour in the Portuguese Colonies, which, he presum ed, would include the text of the
Anglo-German agreement of 1898, he was told, secondly, that the papers laid before
Parliament would be strictly confined to the labour question. H e was also reminded
of the inform ation confidentially given to the Portuguese G ov [e m m e n ]t first in 189S
and again last year (m y desp[atch] No. 30, Africa. Secret, of the 29th F e b [r u a r y ],(3)
and your d esp[ateh] No. 17 Africa of March 8th ,(4) as to the general outline and
principle of the Agreem ents, which dealt with the contingency of a loan being raised
outside Portugal on the security of her colonial revenues. England and Germany
0 ) [S ir A . H a rd in g e ’ s despatch (N o. 19 A fr ic a ), D . F eb ru a ry 15, R . F eb ru a ry 21, 1913, is
not rep rod u ced , as the con ten ts are sufficientlv in d ic a te d above. (F .O . 36i 334. ?252 2 86 /
1 3 ,4 3 6 .)] ‘ . . .
(2) [c p S ir A. H a rd in g e 's p r iv a te le tte r to S ir E d w a rd G rey. r. supra, p. 510. N o. 327.]
(s) [r . supra, pp . 437-8. N o. 273.]
(4) [r . supra, pp. 439-40, N o. 275.]
512
No. 330.
in this House in the session o f March 15th, 1912,(3) and I make to m y country
the following categorical declarations :—
(1) The English Governm ent neither thinks, nor has thought o f proposing
or accepting any International Conference on Colonial matters.
(2) The English Governm ent recognises that its sentiments for us, its allies,
do not permit of its making any Treaty, Convention or agreement of a like
nature, which in any way could affect our Sovereignty or Integrity, or our
Colonies.
(3) There does not exist between England and Germany any Treaty,
Convention or Agreem ent of this nature, nor are any negotiations in this sense
pending.
(4) The German Government is not considering the holding of any
International Conference to deal with Colonial questions and rejects the idea that
it has thought of affecting in any manner our Sovereign rights.”
These declarations were loudly applauded, and Senhor Joao de Menezes expressed
his pleasure at hearing them, and his recognition of the services rendered the country
by the Portuguese Minister in London.
Senhor M adeira told me a few days ago that he had received a very satisfactory
report from Senhor Gomes of a conversation on this subject with Sir Eyre Crowe,
which had contained the statements made by me to him, as reported in my despatch
No. 16, and had entirely dispelled any doubts in his mind as to the existence of
Anglo-G erm an negotiations about the Portuguese Colonies such as those suggested by
the Opposition Press at Lisbon. M y German colleague tells me that the Portuguese
Minister at Berlin has made similar enquiries of Herr von Jagow, and has been
assured that nothing has taken place to m odify the situation described by Senhor
Vasconcellos last year. It is doubtless these statements which H is E xcellency had in
mind when he referred to his ability to confirm, with the express assent of the Cabinets
o f London and Berlin, the declarations on this subject already made by his
predecessor.
I have, &c.
A R T H U R H . IIA R D IN G E .
M IN U T E S .
I do n ot th in k w e need pu rsu e th is m a tter w ith th e P ortu g u ese G overn m en t fu rth er at
present.
E . A. C.
M [ a r ]c h 5.
W e had b e tte r leave th e m a tter a lon e— b u t I do n ot view the results o f th e p u b lica tion of
the new T rea ty w ith com p la cen cy.
A. N.
E . G.
(3) [a. supra, pp. 438-9, No. 274, and min. and n ote (3) ; pp. 444-5, N o. 279, and e n d
pp. 448-51, No. 282, e n d .]
No. 331.
The changes suggested by the Im perial Government have been marked in red ink
both in the German and English text of the Draft Convention. The suggested changes
are as follows :
In Article 2 the words “ or Likungo ” and “ or Luzhella ” are to be left out. as
Stanford’ s Map of Africa does not m ention these names.
In the same article the words “ thence due North ” to be replaced by the words
“ thence along the meridian of that source.” This wording is suggested because it
seems doubtful whether this source is actually north or south of the 16th parallel.
In the same article the words “ the 11th parallel of south latitude ” should be replaced
by “ the Kassai R iver.” The river makes in the opinion of our experts a better
frontier line than the suggested parallel. In form er conversations the river has several
times been mentioned as boundary.
In article 6 it is suggested to leave o u t : “ or of the Portuguese part of the Island
of Timor ” and : " o r in that island.”
Considering that by the stipulation of Article 10 all the arrangements of 1898
shall be abrogated by the present treaty, there seems to be no necessity to mention
Tim or in the article.
As concerns paragraph 1 of Article 7 the Imperial Government would prefer to
see it embodied in the Convention as it stands.
Finally it is proposed to insert after Article 9 a new Article 10, which would run
as follows :
“ 10. Dem gegenwärtigen Abkomm en hat Stanford’ s Library [Map of Africa,
London 1911 zu Grunde gelegen. Es besteht Einverständnis darüber, dass das
nördlich des Kongo gelegene Gebiet von Cabinda ein Teil von Angola ist und unter
die Angola betreffenden Abm achungen des gegenwärtigen Abkommens fällt.” *
( “ I n drafting the present agreement, “ Stanford’ s Map of Africa, London
1911 ” has been used as basis. It is understood that the territory o f Cabinda
forms part of Angola and that all stipulations of the present treaty referring to Angola
shall equally apply to Cabinda.’ ’ )
The last two paragraphs^’ which remain unchanged would then be Articles 11
and 12.
The Imperial Government have felt considerable misgivings as to the effect a
publication of the present treaty may have. It considers that it can only overcom e its
great reluctance to accept the principle of publication if His M ajesty’ s Governm ent
agrees to supplementary arrangements which are necessary for assuring in cases not
sufficiently covered by the existing conventions com plete harm ony in the action of the
H igh Contracting Parties.
They are proposed as follows :
I. Zw ischen den Vertragschi ¡essenden besteht Einverständnis darüber, dass
durch die Vereinbarung in Artikel 7 (1) die beiden Regierungen nicht gehindert sein
sollen, falls ihre Interessen in den Teilen des portugiesischen Kolonialbesitzes, deren
Zolleinnahm en ihnen zugewiesen sind, durch Misswirtschaft der portugiesischen
Kolonialverwaltung bedroht sein sollten, diese Interessen dort nötigenfalls im W ege
der Selbsthilfe wahrzunehmen. E in solches Vorgehen soll jedoch nur nach vorheriger
gegenseitiger Benachrichtigung erfolgen. Die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung
erkennt an, dass in einem solchen Falle die portugiesische Regierung nicht berechtigt
sein würde, die Bündnisverträge anzurufen, oder englische H ilfe zu erwarten.
II. Zw ischen den Vertragschliessenden besteht Einverständnis darüber, dass,
falls eine der in diesem Abkomm en erwähnten portugiesischen Kolonien oder ein Teil
einer solchen sich selbständig erklären sollte, alle Vereinbarungen dieses Abkomm ens
* N o t e : As a m a tter o f conven ien ce, a tra n sla tion of th e proposed a rticle is g iv en , b u t the
G erm an te x t m ust be con sid ered th e official w ord in g .
(2) [U n sign ed m a rg in a l co m m e n t: “ ? a rticles .” ]
[10900] 2 L 2
516
voll in Kraft bleiben. Insbesondere soll, falls eine der in Hede stehenden portu
giesischen Kolonien, nachdem sie selbständig geworden ist, sich ganz oder zum Teil
einer der beiden vertragschliessenden Mächte oder einer ihrer Kolonien anschliessen
sollte, die andere vertragschliessende Macht ihrerseits berechtigt sein, nach vorheriger
Benachrichtigung der ersteren, sich die ihr durch dieses Abkommen zugewiesenen
Teile anzugliedern.
Die Königlich Grossbritannische Regierung erkennt an, dass ihre Bündnisver
träge mit der portugiesischen Regierung auf den Fall der Selbständigmachung des
portugiesischen Kolonialbesitzes keine Anwendung finden.*
(Article I. Between the high contracting parties it is agreed that the first
paragraph of Article 7 shall not prevent them to resort, if necessity should arise for
the protection of their interests, to self-help, if in those parts of the Portuguese
colonies assigned to their respective loans their interest should be threatened in
consequence of the misrule of the Portuguese administration. But it is understood
that no such action shall be taken without previously inform ing the other Govern
ment. The two Governments agree that in case of such intervention, the Portuguese
Government would have no right to invoke its treaties with Great Britain or expect
from her any help whatsoever.
Article 2. It is agreed between the high contracting parties that should a
Portuguese colony or part of a colony mentioned in this convention declare herself
independent all the stipulations of the present convention remain in full force. If
any of the colonies above mentioned after the declaration of her independence^) should
declare her annexation to one of the high contracting parties or to one of the
D om inions or colonies of one of the high contracting parties the other shall, after
having previously inform ed the other of the high contracting parties, be entitled to
assimilate her sphere defined in this convention.(4)
H is M a je s t[y ]’ s Government agrees that the alliance with the Portuguese
Republic wrould not apply to colonies or part of colonies which have declared(s) their
independence.)
The Im perial Government is of opinion that the first of those articles could be
arranged by exchange of N otes; as for the second, it may be preferable to em body it
in the convention as a special article of this instrument. Both should be communicated
to the Portuguese Government.
Yours sincerely,
LIC H N O W SKY.
* N o t e : As a m a tter o f con v en ien ce, a tra n slation o f the proposed a rticles is giv en , but it is
u n d erstood th a t it is the G erm an te x t w hich is to be con sid ered as the official w ord in g.
( 3) [ C orrected in pen cil by S ir E. C r o w e : “ it has becom e in d ep en d en t.” ]
( 4) [C orrected in pen cil by S ir E. C r o w e : “ be en titled to an n ex those p ortion s o f such
colon y as are assigned to it un d er the present co n v e n tio n .” ]
( s) [C orrected in p e n c il: “ esta blished.” ]
(®) [T h e w ords deleted in the t e x t an d those in ita lics rep resen t the om issions and a d d ition s
suggested by P rin ce L ichnow sky ]
517
Draft Convention — (contd.U Vertrags-Enticurf— (Fortsetzung).
signed, duly authorised by their respective Integrität und Unabhängigkeit zu er
Sovereigns, have agreed as fo llo w s :— halten, sind die mit gehörigen
Vollmachten ihrer hohen Souveräne
versehenen Unterzeichneten über Nach
stehendes übereingekommen :—
1. (1.) W henever either the British or 1. (1.) Sobald entweder die Deutsche
the German Government is of opinion Oder die Grossbritannische Regierung es
that it is expedient to accede to a request für angezeigt hält, dem Ersuchen um ein
for an advance of m oney to Portugal on Portugal zu gewährendes Darlehen gegen
the security of the customs revenues or Verpfändung der Zoll- oder sonstigen
other revenues of Mozambique or Angola, Einnahm en von Mocambique oder
it shall communicate the fact to the other Angola Folge zu geben, wird sie von
Government, and the other Government dieser Tatsache der anderen Regierung
shall have the right to advance a part of Mitteilung machen, und die andere
the total sum required. Regierung soll das Recht haben, einen
Teil der gewünschten Gesamtsumme
darzuleihen.
(•2.1 In the event of the other (2) Für den Fall, dass die andere
Government signifying its intention to Regierung die Absicht, von diesem
exercise this right, the two Governments Rechte Gebrauch zu machen, kund gibt,
shall consult as to the terms of the two werden beide Regierungen über die
loans, and these loans shall be issued on Bedingungen der beiden Anleihen
the security of the customs revenues of beraten, und die beiden Anleihen werden
Mozambique and Angola as near as gegen Verpfändung der Zolleinnahm en
possible simultaneously. The loans shall von Mocambique und Angola möglichst
bear as near as possible the same propor gleichzeitig zur Ausgabe gelangen. Die
tion to each other as the amounts of the Anleihen sollen so genau als m öglich in
customs revenues respectively assigned as demselben Verhältnis zu einander stehen,
their security. wie die für jede derselben als Sicherheit
zugewiesenen Zolleinnahm en sich ihrer
Höhe nach zu einander verhalten.
(3.) The loans shall be issued on (3 :) Die Anleihen sollen zu B edin
terms as favourable to Portugal as the gungen ausgegeben werden, die für
condition of the m oney market and the Portugal so günstig sind, wie es die Lage
security of the loans permit, and shall des Geldmarktes und die Sicherheit der
in other respects be subject as near as Anleihen gestattet, und sollen im übrigen
possible to similar conditions. soweit als möglich gleichartigen Bedin
gungen unterliegen.
2. In the contingency contemplated in 2. Bei Eintritt der in dem vorste
the preceding article, the customs henden Artikel vorgesehenen Umstände
revenues of that portion of the province sollen die Zolleinnalim en desjenigen
of Mozambique lying south of a line Teiles der Provinz Mocambique, welcher
starting from the mouth of the River südlich einer Linie liegt, die von der
Lukugu, er -tilrHseoT running thence Mündung des Lukugu o d e r -Likm igo
along that river to its confluence with the ausgeht, dann diesen Flnss entlang läuft
River Lugera, or L «*bella. thence along bis zur Einm ündung des Lugera o d er
that river to its source, thence 4u e a orfh Lua!»i4k:T dann dem letzteren Flusse bis
along the meridian of that source to the. zuseiner Quelle folgt, dann
16th parallel of south latitude, and thence nÖFdheh entlang dem Meridian dieser
along that parallel to the boundary of Quelle bis zum 16,,n Grad südlicher
the British protectorate of Nyassaland, as Breite läuft und schliesslich diesen
also the customs revenues of the portions Breitengrad bis zur Grenze des britischen
of the province of Angola lying to the Nyassaland-Protektorates folgt, sowie die
east of the 20th meridian of east longi- Zolleinnahm en desjenigen Teiles von
518
M IN U T E S
“ . . . . A n g ola , (w hich la tte r in clu des the a d m in istra tive D is tr ic t o f the C ongo, w hich
has its seat o f g overn m en t a t C a bin da ) ” ..............
4. O f th e tw o sup plem en tary a rticles proposed, the second a ppears gen era lly a ccep table,
if m ore precisely w ord ed. Som e dou bts w ere raised in m y m ind by th e E n g lish version o f this
a rticle su p plied by P rin ce L ichnow sky, w hich I had a t first alone consulted. T he wTords sta n din g
at th e op en in g o f the second sentence seem ed to con tem p la te th a t a “ d ecla ra tion ” o f
in d epen den ce and o f self-a n n ex ation to G rea t B r ita in w ould suffice to g iv e G erm any the rig h t
to an n ex all the te rr ito rie s c o n s titu tin g h er sphere o f in fluen ce un d er the con v en tion . W e
cou ld n ot have agreed to this w hich w ou ld have been ta n ta m ou n t to p rev en tin g P ortu g a l from
m a k in g any effort w hatever t o reta in her colonies once they had, if only on paper, declared
them selves in depen den t. B u t, as ex p la in ed by M r. T illey th e o rig in a l G erm an te x t does not
bear o u t th is in terp reta tion . I t expressly sa y s: “ a fter it (th e colon y) has b ecom e in d e p e n d en t.”
5. M r. T illey also called a tten tion to the m istra n sla tion o f the G erm an w ord “ T eile ”
(i.e. “ pa rts ” or “ p ortion s ” ) by “ sphere ” at the end o f the 1st pa ra g ra p h o f the sup ple
m en ta ry a rticle 2. I f it wTere q u ite clear th a t th e G erm an t e x t con tem p la ted the assim ilation
of on ly those “ p o r t io n s ” w hich form p a rt o f the p a rticu la r colon y th a t has becom e in de
p en den t, then it w ould n ot be ob jection a ble. B u t I do n ot consid er th a t ev en b y su b stitu tin g
“ p a r t s ” fo r “ sp here,” the w o rd in g is q u ite in equ ivocal, and I should prefer th e fo llo w in g :
“ (the oth er high c o n tr a c tin g p a rty shall) be e n titled to annex those portion s o f such
colon y as are assigned to it und er the presen t co n v e n tio n .”
(See also th e record o f S ir E . G rey ’ s con v ersa tion w ith P r [in c e ] Lic-hnowsky con ta in ed in
the d e s p [a tch ] N o. 19 A fric a (secret) to S ir E. G oschen, (also k ep t in th is ja c k e t !.!10) and the
fu rth e r m inu tes w hich follow , e n d in g w ith the d r a ft rep ly to the G erm an A m bassador now
un d er th e con sid e ra tion o f th e C abinet. T he cop y o f the d [ r a ] f t a p p rov ed and retu rn ed by
the K in g is also annexed.
F . E. F. A.
29.iv.13.)
S ir E. G rey .!11)
P lease see S ir J. A n d erson ’ s M in u te in w hich I con cu r. H e does not o f course refer to
the proposed ch a n g e (p. 7 o f the A m b assa dor’ s le tte r ) in a rtic le 7, w hich is a m a tter o f h igh
p olicy fo r the F [o r e ig n ] 0 [ffie e ].
B u t he a grees in v ou r view s and m ine on th is subject which I ex p la in ed to him orallv.
L. H.
29.3.13.
S ir A . N icolson should see this and the oth er pa pers w hich have been con sid ered w hile he
was awav.
E . G.
31.3.13.
M r. H a rcou rt.
I th in k w e m ay a ccep t th e K assai R iv e r in stead o f th e 11th parallel. (I a nnex a n ote
from th e In tellig en ce D ep a rtm en t as to the cou rse o f the R iv e r fou n d ed on y o u r P ortu g u ese
m ap I fa n cy .( 12 )
As to K a b in d a I see no o b j[e c t io ]n . W ith reg a rd to th e first o f the proposed sup plem en tary
A rticles, it is im possible to a ccep t it as it stands. B u t the con tin g en cy it a ppea rs t o con tem
pla te is one th a t m ig h t w ell arise. I f ow i g to local distu rba n ce th e lives and p r o p e r ty of
B r [it is h ] or G erm an su b jects a re endangc red, a re w e or G erm any to be p reclu d ed from send ing
a ship and possibly la n d in g a p a rty to p r o te ct ou r or th eir in terests?
I f the p rov ision is lim ited to such a con tin g en cy it m igh t be useful in p re v e n tin g m isu n der
standing.
P re p a r e d r a ft as proposed.
E . G.
S ir A. N icolson.
I subm it a d r a ft to P rin ce L ichnow sky w hich I th in k em bodies the v a riou s m inu tes on his
let t e r .(13)
I wish p a rticu la r ly to call y o u r a tten tion to th e w ord in g w hich I h a ve g iv en to th e tw o
new A rticles and to m ake on e or tw o ob serv a tion s on th is p oin t.
(1) A t the b eg in n in g I have a dded to S ir J ohn A n d e rso n ’ s w ord s w hich w ere “ if
en d a n g ered by loca l d is tu r b a n ce s ” th e w ord s ‘ ‘ or by the action of th e local a u t h o r itie s ” and
to y o u r ‘ ‘ if the P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t are n ot in a position to a fford the necessary
p r o t e c t i o n ” the w ords “ or otherw ise fa il to do so.” T he action of th e loca l a u th orities is in
fa c t the m ost likely source o f trou b le, b u t the S ecretary o f S ta te m ay p refer to lim it th e cases
fo r in terv en tion as m uch as possible, or at any ra te to leave it to G erm any to propose an
exten sion as I have no d ou bt they w ould . T o p u t it in now shows perhaps disp osition to m eet
t h eir views.
O n the oth er hand I should have th ou g h t we m igh t stop at “ m easures w hich it m ay be
deem ed necessary to take fo r th e p r o te ctio n o f th e in terests en d an g ered ,” and say n oth in g
a bout the ex ecu tion o f those m easures in th e B ritish and G erm an spheres. T he w ords proposed
hv S ir J . A nd erson seem to suggest a G erm an in vasion o f A n g ola rath er open ly, w hereas if we
say n oth in g on this p o in t the m easures to be taken m ig h t be a jo in t dem on stra tion at L isbon
o r a b lock a d e o f L ourengo M arques.
I f the A rticle is le ft as d ra fte d by S ir J oh n A n d erson I w ould suggest th a t there m igh t be
ob jection to his second h y p oth esis; fo r in stance, if the distu rba n ces affect the w hole of the
p rov in ce of M oza m b iq u e and the “ m e a s u re s ” are to be “ ex ecu ted j o i n t l y ” does th a t im ply
G erm an soldiers in L ourengo M arques. P erh a p s fo r “ ex ecu ted j o i n t l y ” he w ou ld sub stitute
“ shall be ex ecu ted by the tw o G overn m en ts a ctin g in co n c e rt.” A rt. II. I have said
“ decla re its a n n exa tion to th e dom in ion s o f one o f th e tw o co n tr a c tin g P ow ers ” in stead of
“ to one o f the tw o c o n tr a c tin g P ow ers or one o f its c o lo n ie s ” as in P rin ce L ich n ow sk y ’ s
G erm an tex t, or “ to one o f th e h igh co n tr a c tin g pa rties or to one o f the D om in ion s or
colon ies o f one o f the h igh c o n tr a c tin g p a rties ” as in his E x ce lle n c y ’ s tra n slation . The
G erm ans doubtless h a ve in m in d an a n n exa tion of L ourengo M arques to S ou th A fric a , b u t I
presum e a n n exa tion to the B ritish or G erm an dom in ion s cov ers every possible case and I
d o u b t w hether we should recogn ize a n n exa tion to one o f ou r colonies.
No. 332.
(*) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g on M a rch 26, 1913, and t o
th e C abinet on M a rch 31. I t was sent to L isb on on J u n e 19.]
(2) [F o r P rin ce L ich n ow sk y ’ s rep ort, cp. G.P., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 3 7 -9 .]
526
W ith regard to Article 2, dealing with the contingency of a declaration of
independence by a Portuguese Colony, Mr. Harcourt and I said that we saw no
difficulty about this, provided the Article was understood to apply only to the Colony
that declared its independence, and not to mean that, if, for example, Mozambique
declared its independence, Germany would be entitled to turn the Portuguese out of
Angola, and “ vice versa.”
W e said in conclusion that we must have time to consider these points, and we
would refer them to the Department for this purpose.
[I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
N o. 333.
C ) [cp. d . r . , X X X Y J i (!), pp. 42-7. The despatch was d ra fted in A p ril and sent to
M r. H a rc o u rt and S ir J. Anderson fo r con cu rren ce. The d r a ft was then p rin ted for circu la tion
to the C abinet and it was also su b m itted to the K in g . A cop y was sent to B erlin (N o. 28 A fric a )
on M a y 14, and to L isbon on J u n e 19, 1913.]
( 2) [v. supra, pp. 514-21, No. 331, an d encl.]
527
The next point for consideration is the additional “ arrangement ” which is put
forward in t'our letter as a corollary of the publication of the new Agreement. H [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t cordially welcome the assent which the Im perial
G ov [ern m en ]t accord in principle to such publication, as that is a matter which they
have always considered of essential importance, and they also concur with the Im perial
G ov [ern m en ]t in thinking that the new agreement might well include provision for
the contingencies contemplated in the two articles of which drafts are em bodied in
your letter, although not themselves regarding this question and that of publication
as interdependent.
The actual wording proposed does not, however, seem to us to be sufficiently
precise, and H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G ov [ern m en ]t could not agree to any statement
respecting the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of Alliance such as that at the end of the first
draft article being made without the previous concurrence of the Portuguese
Government, for it would amount to an infringem ent o f the Treaty, or at least an
ex parte interpretation of its terms, and would therefore be without validity in
international law.
The wording which we would propose for the first draft article is as follows :
The second draft article calls for little observation, but the translation of the
second and third sentences might, in our opinion, be amended as follows in order to
make the sense clearer :
“ If any of the Portuguese colonies in question, after it has becom e independent
and has been recognized as such by the two H igh Contracting Parties, or if any part
of such independent colony, should declare its annexation to the dom inions of one of
the two Contracting Powers, the other Contracting Power shall, for its part, be entitled,
after having previously inform ed the first Power, to annex those portions of such
colony, being thus independent, of which the customs revenues would be assigned to
it under the present convention.
H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] Government agree that the treaties of alliance between them
and the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t would not apply to Colonies, or parts o f Colonies,
whose independence has been established, and has been recognized by the two High
Contracting Parties.”
I' .
528
draft agreement. It will of course.-be necessary to harmonize the English and German
texts later on.
W ith regard to the last paragraph of your letter I would suggest that, in the
interest of simplicity, both of the new articles should be embodied in the general
Agreement, and should form Articles 8 and 9, and I beg to inclose, for convenience of
reference, a reprint of the draft Agreem ent amended in the sense of this letter.
I understand that the German G ov [ern m en ]t agree that the Agreement should
be communicated confidentially to the Portuguese Government before its actual
publication and I assume that the Im perial G ov [ern m en ]t will also agree to the terms
of the note which I have proposed to address at the time of publication to the
Netherlands G ov[ernm en]t.
[Yours sincerely
(In Sir E. G rey’ s absence),
A. NICOLSON.]
M IN U TE BY KIN G GE OR GE .
Apr)\j'oze\d.— G.R.I.
Draft Convention.
(Confidential.)
In view of the possibility that Portugal may require financial assistance from
some foreign Power or Powers, and in order to obviate, the international complications
which such a condition of things m ay produce, and to preserve her integrity and
independence, the undersigned, duly authorised by their respective Sovereigns, have
agreed as follows :—
1.— (1) W henever either the British or the German Government is of opinion that
it is expedient to accede to a request for an advance of m oney to Portugal on the security
of the customs revenues or other revenues of Mozambique or Angola, it shall
communicate the fact to the other Government, and the other Government shall have
the right to advance a part of the total sum required.
(2) In the event of the other Government signifying its intention to exercise this
right, the two Governments shall consult as to the terms of the two loans, and these
loans shall be issued on the security of the customs revenues of Mozambique and
Angola as near as possible simultaneously. The loans shall bear as near as possible
the same proportion to each other as the amounts of the customs revenues respectively
assigned as their security.
(3) The loans shall be issued on terms as favourable to Portugal as the condition
of the m oney market and the security of the loans permit, and shall in other respects
be subject as near as possible to similar conditions.
2. In the contingency contemplated in the preceding article, the customs revenues
of that portion of the province of Mozambique lying south of a line starting from the
mouth of the River Lukugu, running thence along that river to its confluence with
the River Lugera, thence along that river to its source, thence along the meridian of
that source to the 16th parallel of south latitude, and thence along that parallel to the
boundary of the British protectorate of Nyassaland, as also the customs revenues of
the portions of the province of Angola lying to the east of the 20th meridian of east
longitude and south of the Kassai River, shall be assigned to the British loa n ; whilst
the customs revenues of the rem aining parts of the provinces of Mozambique and
Angola (which latter includes the administrative district of the Congo, which has its
seat of governm ent at Cabinda) shall be assigned to the German loan.
3. In the event of Great Britain or Germany sending delegates to take note of
52 9
the collection of the revenues, which are the security for their respective loans, the
Portuguese Government shall be asked to givt such delegates rights of inspection
only, but no rights of administration, interference, or control, so long as there is no
default in the payment of interest or sinking fund.
4. In case of default in the payment of the interest or sinking fund of either
loan, it shall be agreed with the Portuguese Government that they will hand over the
administration of the various custom-houses in the two provinces : those assigned for
the German loan to Germany, those assigned for the British loan to Great Britain.
5.— (1) In the contingency contemplated in the preceding article all rights,
whether British or German, acquired in the provinces affected, before the date of this
convention, shall be fully safeguarded, provided they are of a purely private character
and convey neither political rights nor territorial or administrative jurisdiction.
( 2 1 It is well understood that no influence will be used in the future either by the
British or the German Government to obtain fivsh concessions, except in those
portions of the provinces of which the customs revenues would bt assigned to their
respective loans under the present convention.
6. From the date of the conclusion of the present convention Great Britain will
abstain from advancing any claim of whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation,
or control o f those portions of the Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues
would under the present convention be assigned to Germany, or of the islands of San
Thome and Principe, or to the exercise o f political influence in those territories or
islands; and Germany will in like manner abstain from advancing any claim of
whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation, or control of those portions of the
Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues would under the present
convention be assigned to Great Britain, or of the Portuguese part of the island of
Timor, or to the exercise of political influence in those territories or in that island.
7.— (1) In the event of either Government obtaining from the Portuguese Govern
ment a cession of territory, or the conctssion of special privileges not of an occasional
character, in those portions of the provinces of Mozambique or Angola of which the
customs revenues would be assigned to it, such cessions of territory or concessions of
privileges shall not become operative until analogous grants as near as possible of
equal value have been accorded to the other Government in those portions of the
provinces o f which the customs revenues would be assigned to it by the present
convention.
(2 In case either Government applies for special privileges of an occasional
character in those portions of the Portuguese provinces of which the customs revenues
would be assigned to it under the present convention, it shall immediately inform the
other Government and, if these privileges are granted, and if the other Government
should so desire, shall use its influence to obtain for the other Governm ent similar
special privileges of an occasional character and of equal value.
S. I f in any part of the provinces of M ozambique or Angola the lives or property
of British or German subjects are endangered by local disturbances or by th e action of
the local authorities, and the Portuguese G overnm ent are not in a position to afford
the necessary protection, or otherwise fail to do so, the British and Germ an Govern
m ents shall determ ine, in consultation together ami after a joint coininunication with
the Portuguese Governm ent, the nature, duration, and scope of any measures which
it may be deem ed necessary to ta le for the protection of the interests endangered.
9. If any of the Portuguese colonies in question, after it has becom e independent
and has been recognised as such by the two high contracting parties, or if any part of
such independent colony should declare its annexation to the dominions of one of the
two contracting Powers, the other contracting Power shall, for its part, be entitled,
after having previously informed the first Power, to annex those portions of such
colony, being thus independent, of u'hich the customs revenues would be assigned to
it under the present convention.
His M a jesty’ s Governm ent agree that the treaties of alliance between them and
the Portuguese G overnm ent would not apply to colonies, or parts of colonies, zchose
[10900] 2 M
580
independence has been established and has been recognised by the two high
contracting parties.
10. Great Britain and G erm asr, having regard to the interests o f their respective
possessions in South Africa contiguous to the Portuguese provinces of Angola and
Mozambique, which would be materially affected by the intervention of any third
Power in those provinces, agree join tly to oppose such intervention, whether by way
of loan to Portugal on the security of the revenues of the said provinces, or by way of
acquisition of territory by grant, cession, purchase, lease, or otherwise.
11. In so far as Great Britain or Germany may hereafter influence or control the
administration of Mozambique or Angola or any portion of those provinces, it is
understood that the subjects, and natives of the protectorates, o f one contracting
party, together wflth their goods and ships, and also the produce and the manufactures
o f its dominions, possessions, colonies, and protectorates, shall, in such portions of the
territories comprised in the present convention as may fall under the influence or
control of the other contracting party, participate in all the prerogatives, exemptions,
and privileges with regard to trade, com m erce, taxation, and navigation which are
there enjoyed by the subjects, and natives of the protectorates, of the other contracting
party.
12. The present convention, duly ratified, shall replace as between the contracting
Powers the convention, secret convention, and secret note concluded and signed in
L ondon on the 30th August, 1898, which are hereby abrogated.
13. The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged as soon as possible. The convention shall come into force immediately
after the exchange of ratifications.
In witness whereof the undersigned, duly authorised, have signed the same, and
have affixed thereto their seals.
Done in duplicate at London, the day of , 1913.
M IN U TE BY KIN G G E OB GE .
App\rove~\d.— G.R.I.
No. 334.
Im perial Governm ent.(4* I am glad to be able to say that the latter accepts the draft
as suggested by you and Mr. Harcourt on the whole, but would like to propose some
trifling alterations to the convention.
It seemed to us that the original wording of the treaty in its preamble lays rather
excessive stress on the financial question and we would therefore prefer the preamble
somewhat as follows :
‘ ‘ The undersigned :
haring in view the existing sp.rinl interests of Germany and Great Britain in
their colonial possessions and protectorates in East- and West Africa, conterminous
to certain P o[r]tu g u ese dom inions, have com e to the following agreement on
behalf of their respective governm ents:— ”
In Article S we would like to insert after “ German subjects ” : “ or the vital
interests of the adjoining British and German Colonies and Protectorates.” The
Im perial Government feels that the present wording is too narrow. The protection
of life or property is very important, but there may be cases where most vital intert sts
of the Colonies might be seriously endangered without life or property o f the two
Powers’ respective subjects being directly threatened. The Im perial Government
consider this point of very essential importance and hope that it will meet with the
approval of H is M ajesty’ s Government.
It is further suggested to insert in the same Article 8 after “ to do s o ” the
w ords: “ or should fail to carry out the stipulations of the anti-slavery conference
held at Brussels in 1S90.” Article S would then r e a d :—
“ I f in any part of the provinces of Mozambique or Angola the lives or
property of British or German subjects or the vital interests of the adjoining
British and German colonies and protectorates are endangered by local
disturbances or by the action of the local authorities, and the Portuguese Govern
ment are not in a position to afford the necessary protection, or otherwise fail to
do so. or should fail to carry out the stipulations of the anti-slavery conference
held at Brussels in 1890, the British and German Governments shall determine,
in consultation together and after a joint com m unication with the Portuguese
Governm ent, the nature, duration, and scope of any measures which it m ay be
deemed necessary to take for the protection of the interests endangered.”
In Article 9 we are now of opinion that after the alterations introduced in the
wording of that article the second half of it beginning with “ His M ajesty’ s ” and
ending with “ contracting p a rties” might be omitted, as it seems self evident that
treaties about Portuguese Colonies could not apply to territories the independence of
which has been recognised by E ngland and Germany'.
As soon as the English wording shall be definitely established wt shall undertake
to harmonise the English and German texts.
As stated in a previous communication we think Stanford's map of Africa should
be annexed to the Convention and we would prefer to m ention this somewhere in the
text.(5)
Believe me, Ac.
LIC H X O W SK Y .
M IN U T E .
F ou r am endm ents are proposed :
(11 An a ltera tion o f the pream ble is suggested, on the g rou n d th a t th e old te x t lays too
m uch stress on the q uestion o f finance. I f the new tex t w ere sim ply to take the pla ce o f th a t
pa rt o f the form er pream ble w hich referred to finance, I should see less ob jection . B ut und er
cov er o f th is criticism o f the financial co m p lex ion o f the pream ble, the G erm an G overn m en t
( ' ) [r . im m ediately preced in g docum ent, and cp. G .P., X X X V I I (II. pp. 51 2, >ft ]
(5) [A co p y o f the C on v en tion was ann exed to th is letter. It is not rep rod u ced as it is
id en tical w ith th e te x t g iv en in th e im m ed ia tely p reced in g docum ent, encl., e x cep t fo r the
a ltera tion s g iv en in this le tte r.]
[10900] 2 M 2
532
q u i e t ly e l i m i n a t e t h e i m p o r t a n t p h r a s e : “ t o p r e s e r v e h e r i n t e g r i t y a n d in d e p e n d e n c e .” I d o
n o t t h in k w e c a n a c c e p t t h is o m is s io n , b e c a u s e in o u r c o m m u n ic a t io n s to t h e P o r t u g u e s e
G o v e r n m e n t in 1 8 9 8 w e la id s p e c ia l a n d r e p e a t e d s tr e s s o n t h is a s s u r a n c e o f o u r g o o d in t e n t io n s .
T h is w a s d o n e , in a g e n e r a l w a y , in s e v e r a l c o n v e r s a t io n s w ith th e M a r q u is d e S o v e r a l, b u t th e
m o s t e x p lic it a ssu r a n c e s w e r e th e fo llo w in g :
“ I ( i .e . M r . B a l f o u r ) i n f o r m e d h i m ( M . d e S o v e r a l ) t h a t i n a n y a r r a n g e m e n t w i t h
G e r m a n y t h e s o v e r e ig n r ig h t s o f P o r t u g a l w o u ld b e m o s t c a r e fu lly s a fe g u a r d e d , a n d t h a t
n o c e s s io n o f t e r r it o r y w o u ld b e a s k e d o f h e r ( D e s p [ a t c h ] t o H [ i s ] M f a j e s t y ’ s ] C h a r g e
d ’ A f f a i r e s a t L i s b o n N o . 9 0 A f r i c a , A u g [ u s t ] 1 8 , 1 8 9 8 ) . ( 6)
“ I t w o u l d b e m y ( M r . B a l f o u r ’ s ) e a r n e s t d e s i r e to provide t h a t t h e c o n t r a c t i o n o f
s u c h a lo a n b y P o r t u g a l s h o u ld i n v o lv e n e it h e r lo s s n o r d i m i n u t i o n o f h e r s o v e r e i g n r ig h t s ,
s t i l l le s s a n y c e s s i o n o f t e r r i t o r y ( N o t e t o M . d e S o v e r a l A u g . 3 1 , 1 8 9 8 ) . ” ( 7)
F in a lly H [ i s ] M [ a je s t y ’ s ] C h a r g e d ’ A ffa ir e s , a c tin g o n M r . B a lf o u r ’ s in s tr u c tio n s , m a d e a
c o m m u n ic a t io n t o t h e P o r t u g u e s e G o v [ e r n m e n ] t , r e p o r t e d in h is d e s p a t c h [ s i c : t e le g r a m ) N o . 2 5
A f r i c a o f S e p t e m b e r ] 1 2 , 1 8 9 8 . ( 8) a s f o l l o w s :
“ I n a c c o r d a n c e w ith a n a g r e e m e n t c o m e t o w ith t h e G e r m a n M in is t e r , I c a lle d u p o n
t h e M i n [ i s t e ] r fo r F o r e ig n A ffa ir s a n d im p r e s s e d u p o n H [ i s ] E x c e l l e n c y ] t h e n a t u r e o f
t h e a d v a n t a g e s w h ic h t h e p r o p o s e d A n g lo -G e r m a n lo a n w o u ld c o n fe r o n P o r t u g a l.”
“ . . . . H [ i s ] E [ x c e l l e n c y ] e x p r e s s e d h im s e lf t o m e a s h ig h ly g r a t if ie d t o fin d t h a t
the proposal contained assurances t h a t t h e i n t e g r i t y a n d i n d e p e n d e n c e o f t h i s c o u n t r y
w o u ld b e m a in t a in e d ........... ”
I n t h e fa c e o f t h e a b o v e a s s u r a n c e s , i t w o u ld n o t b e r ig h t o r h o n o u r a b le o n o u r p a r t to
o m i t t h e c la u s e fr o m t h e p r e a m b le . M o r e o v e r i t w o u ld r e a lly b e t o s o m e e x t e n t t o fa ls if y t h e
c h a r a c t e r o f t h e 1 8 9 8 a g r e e m e n t i f w e w e r e t o r e m o v e fr o m t h e p r e a m b le t h e c la u s e d e a lin g
w ith “ fin a n c ia l a s s is t a n c e .” A f t e r a ll, i t w a s t h e lo a n c o n t e m p la t e d in 1 8 9 8 w h ic h g a v e r is e
to t h e w h o le a g r e e m e n t ; it w a s t o m e e t t h e p o s s ib le c o n s e q u e n c e o f a m o r t g a g in g o f t h e
P o r t u g u e s e c o lo n ie s t h a t w a s it s a v o w e d ju s t ific a tio n . W h y n o w r e tr o s p e c tiv e ly a lt e r t h is ?
I t i s t o G e r m a n y ’ s i n t e r e s t , a n d h e r p r e s e n t a m e n d m e n t s s h o w c l e a r l y t h a t i t is h e r i n t e n t i o n ,
t o a c c e n t u a t e h e r c la im , a s a c o t e r m in o u s P o w e r , t o in t e r f e r e in t h e s e P o r t u g u e s e c o lo n ie s .
I t is t h e in t e r e s t o f H [ i s ] M [ a j e s t y ’ s ] G [ o v e r n m e n t ] , w h o h a v e t o d e f e n d t h e a g r e e m e n t b e f o r e
p a r lia m e n t , n o t t o a lt e r o r c o n c e a l t h e s p e c ific a n d r e s tr ic te d s c o p e a n d in t e n t io n o f t h e
o r ig in a l a g r e e m e n t.
I w o u ld t h e r e fo r e s u g g e s t t h a t w e s h o u ld s t a n d b y t h e o ld p r e a m b le . I f , w h a t I d o u b t,
G e r m a n y w e r e t o b e v e r y in s is t e n t , w e m ig h t a llo w h e r n e w p r e a m b le t o b e in s e r te d in fr o n t
o f t h e e x is t in g p r e a m b le , t h u s a d o p t in g b o th .
(2 ) I d o n o t lik e t h e a d d itio n o f “ v it a l i n t e r e s t s ” t o t h e c ir c u m s t a n c e s w h ic h m a y , u n d e r
a r t ic le 8 ju s t if y t h e G e r m a n G o v [ e r n m e n ] t in d e m a n d in g t h e t a k in g o f c e r t a in m e a s u r e s o f
i n t e r f e r e n c e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , a ll t h a t H [ i s ] M [ a j e s t y ’ s ] G o v e r n m e n t ] a r e b o u n d in s u c h
a c o n t in g e n c y t o d o is t o “ c o n s u l t ” w i t h t h e G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t , a n d i t m a y t h e r e f o r e b e
t h o u g h t t h a t t h e a m e n d m e n t d o e s n o t r e a lly a m o u n t t o m u c h . H e r e a g a in , if G e r m a n y in s is ts
v e r y s t r o n g ly , I t h in k w e c o u ld c o n c e d e t h e p o in t , t h o u g h i t w o u ld b e p r e fe r a b le n o t t o d o so .
(3 ) T h e s e c o n d a m e n d m e n t in a r t i c le 8 is a lt o g e t h e r o b je c t io n a b le . T h e a g r e e m e n t h a s
n o th in g w h a t e v e r t o d o w ith s la v e r y , a q u e s t io n w h ic h w a s n e v e r t h o u g h t o f in 1 8 9 8 , a n d w h ic h
h a s n o r e a l c o n c e r n a t a ll f o r G e r m a n y , w h a t e v e r v i e w H [ i s ] M [ a j e s t y 's ] G o v e r n m e n t ] m a y
t a k e o f a g e n e r a l B r i t i s h i n t e r e s t in a ll q u e s t io n s o f s la v e r y .— G e r m a n y n e v e r m o v e d a fin g e r
w h e n w e u r g e d h e r to a s s o c ia te h e r s e lf w ith o u r r e p r e s e n ta t io n s a t B r u s s e ls r e s p e c t i n g ] th e
C o n g o . T h e y h a v e b e e n q u i t e c y n ic a l in t h e i r a t t i t u d e in t h i s q u e s t io n , a n d i t is c le a r t h a t t h e
p i e s e n t in t r o d u c t io n o f t h e s u b je c t is d u e n o t t o a n y h u m a n i t a r i a n s y m p a t h y w i t h t h e v ic t im s
o f s la v e r y , b u t t o t h e d e s ir e t o fin d a n a d d it i o n a l p r e t e x t fo r i n t e r v e n t io n in t h e P o r t u g u e s e
c o lo n ie s .
I c a n n o t h e lp h e r e r e c a llin g t h a t t h e P o r t u g u e s e M in is t e r h a s o n s e v e r a l o c c a s io n s
c o m p la in e d m o s t b it te r ly o f t h e in t r ig u e s c a r r ie d o n b y t h e G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t t h r o u g h t h e
B r it is h a n t i -s la v e r y a g i t a t o r s , a g a in s t t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o lo n ic s . H e h a s s t o u t ly m a in t a in e d
t h a t t h e a g i t a t io n ,e s p e c ia lly a s d ir e c t e d a g a in s t A n g o la , w a s d ir e c tly o rin d ir e c tly c o n tr o lle d
fr o m B e r lin t h r o u g h t h e G e r m a n e m b a s s y h e r e , w h o u s e t h e ir in flu e n c e w ith t h e A n g lo -G e r m a n
F r ie n d s h ip C o m m it t e e in t h is d ir e c t io n . D o e s n o t t h is p r e s e n t G e r m a n a m e n d m e n t s h o w t h a t
t h e r e is in f a c t a c lo s e c o n n e c t i o n ? I n a n y c a s e t h e a m e n d m e n t is a d is in g e n u o u s o n e , a n d
s h o u ld b e r e s is te d a t a n y c o st.
(4 ) I s e e n o o b je c t io n t o t h e o m is s io n o f t h e se c o n d p a r a g r a p h o f a r tic le 9 . I n fa c t I s h o u ld
b e g la d o f it . E A C
J u n e 5.
( 6) [ v . Gooch <£• Temperley, V o l . I , p . 6 6 , N o . 8 4 . ]
( 7) [v. ibid., V o l . I , p . 7 5 , N o . 9 3 . ]
( 8) [ c p . supra, p . 4 3 2 , N o . 2 7 0 , note ( 7) . ]
533
N o. 335
Sir Edward G rey to Sir A . Hardinge.
F.O. 3 67'340.
27115'1165 13/436.
Private.
M y dear H ardinge, London, June 11, 1913.
Soveral told me today that, before the Anglo-G erm an Agreement of 1898 about
the Portuguese Colonies was made, Chamberlain had been prepared to make a bargain
with him under which, while preserving Portuguese sovereignty, the Portuguese
Colonies would be taken in hand and developed by British capital. This had been
defeated by German intervention, and subsequently Lord Salisbury’ s Government had
made the Agreem ent of 1898. Soveral was most anxious that the Portuguese Colonies
should not be lost, and he said that the renewal of the Alliance with Portugal in 1899
really negatived the Agreement of 1898 with Germany.
I said that both Agreements existed, and I had to deal with the situation as it
was. It was impossible for the Portuguese Colonies to remain for ever undeveloped.
If Portugal could develop them for herself, the Anglo-Germ an Agreement of 1898
would remain a dead letter. But the development of these great Colonies required
both men and m oney, which Portugal had not. They must therefore be developed
by foreign help and capital. Neither Germ any nor we, being neighbours of these
Colonies, could agree to their being developed by other foreign assistance than our
own. The 1898 Agreement with Germ any had made it impossible for us to make any
such agreement as Chamberlain had contemplated, under which we alone should
undertake the development of the Portuguese Colonies. Therefore the wise course for
Portugal would be, on the firm understanding that Germany as well as Great Britain
would respect her sovereignty, to encourage British and German capital respectively
to develop the Colonies on the lines of the Agreem ent of 1898. I thought that
probably before the year was over I should communicate this secret Agreem ent
officially to the Portuguese Government, and give them some advice of this kind, for
it was the only thing to be done if the Colonies were ever to be developed.
[Yours, Ac.
E . G R E Y .]
No. 336.
(* ) [T h is d e s p a t c h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v i n g b e e n s e n t t o t h e P r im e M in is t e r a n d t o t h e C a b in e t .
I t w a s r e p e a te d to L is b o n (N o . 7 6 A fr ic a ), on J u n e 1 9 , a n d a c o p y w a s se n t w ith it o f th e
“ le t t e r fr o m G e r m a n A m b a s s a d o r t o w h ic h it r e fe r s .” ( r . supra, p p . 5 3 0 - 1 , X o . 3 3 4 , encl.)
I t w a s s u b m it t e d t o M r . H a r c o u r t , a n d is m in u t e d b v h i m : “ I a g r e e . L . H . 1 6 .6 .1 3 .” ]
( 2) [c p . G .P ., X X X Y I I ( I ) , p p . 5 4 -S .]
534
W e argued that our intention was not to extend the scope of the 1898 Agreement ;
and that, if the preamble was considered too narrow, it would be easy, when it was
published, to explain that it was left as it was because that was how it had been made
in 1898. In fact, it \Vould be much more easy to explain why the preamble was left
as it was than why it was altered.
Finally, we gathered from the Ambassador that, if we saw objection to altering
the preamble, the German Government would not press their proposal about it.
W ith regard to the second suggestion, that the words “ or the vital interests in
the adjoining British and German Colonies and Protectorates ’ ’ should be inserted in
Article 8, Mr. Harcourt and 1 said that we would agree to these words. We deprecated,
however, the introduction of any m ention of slavery in this Article. It would not
be relevant to the Agreement, and would be an extension of its scope and object.
W e said that we would agree to the omission of the latter paragraph of Article 9,
as desired by the German Government.
[I am. Ac.
E. G i H EY Hi
No. 337.
No. 33S.
(l) [T h is d e s p a tc h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v in g b e e n s e n t to th e P r im e M in is t e r a n d to
M r . H a r c o u r t .]
( 2 ï [c p . G .P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 5 9 - 6 0 . ]
( 3 ) [ r . Gooch d: T em p erley, V o l . I , p . 7 3 , X o . 9 1 , e n c l . ]
(4) [ M a r g in a l c o m m e n t b y M r . A s q u it h : “ I s h o u ld le a v e o u t ‘ e x i s t i n g ’ o th e r w is e I se e
n o h a r m in th e s u g g e s tio n . H . H . A .” J
536
M IN U T E S .
I t is q u i t e t r u e t h a t t h e w o r d s q u o t e d b y P r i n c e L i c h n o w s k y a s o c c u r r i n g i n t h e p r e a m b l e
o f t h e s e c r e t c o n v e n t io n o f 1 8 9 8 , a n d a s n o w o m itt e d fr o m t h e r e v is e d d r a ft c o n v e n t io n , w e r e
e lim in a t e d h y u s, p a r t ly b e c a u s e it s e e m e d d e s ir a b le in a t r e a t y t o h e p u b lis h e d , t o a v o id a n y
e x p r e s s io n s n e e d le s s ly a la r m i n g t o t h e P o r t u g u e s e g o v e r n m e n t . T h i s is a ls o in t h e G e r m a n
i n t e r e s t ; f o r it is t o G e r m a n y t h a t a n y P o r t u g u e s e i ll-f e e li n g o n t h e s c o r e o f t h e t r e a t y w ill
b e m a in ly d ir e c te d .
T h e r e w a s h o w e v e r a n o t h e r m o r e t e c h n ic a l r e a s o n fo r th e o m is s io n : T h e r e w e r e in 1 8 9 8
tw o c o n v e n tio n s . T h e fir st c o n t a in s s t ip u la tio n s b a s e d o n th e a s s u m p tio n t h a t th e in t e g r it y o f
t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o lo n ie s w ill b e m a i n t a i n e d ; a n d t h e r e fo r e t h e p r e a m b le r e fe r s e x p lic it ly t o th e
d e s ir e o f th e s ig n a to r ie s to se e it m a in ta in e d . T h e w o r d s q u o te d b y P r in c e L ic h n o w s k y o c c u r
in t h e p r e a m b le o f th e se c o n d (s e c r e t) c o n v e n t io n , w h ic h d e a lt w ith t h e c o n tin g e n c y o f a
p a r titio n .
A s b o th t h e c o n v e n t io n s w o u ld n o w h a v e t o b e p u b lis h e d , w e e x p la in e d to t h e G e r m a n
g o v e r n m e n t ,— a n d t h e y a g r e e d — t h a t t o m a k e t w o n e w c o n v e n t io n s , a v o w e d ly fo r p u b lic a t io n ,
a n d y e t m a k e o n e s e c r e t , w o u ld b e a b s u r d . I t t h e n b e c a m e n e c e s s a r y t o h a v e o n e p r e a m b le to
c o v e r t h e r e v is e d t e x t o f b o th th e o ld c o n v e n t io n s . I t is c le a r ly im p o s s ib le t o p u t a t t h e h e a d
o f a t r e a t y a p r e a m b le b a s e d o n t h e a s s u m p t io n t h a t t h e i n t e g r i t y o f t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o lo n ie s
w o u ld n o t h e m a i n t a in e d , w h e n a la r g e p a r t o f t h e t r e a t y d e a ls w ith t h e c o n t r a r y c o n t in g e n c y .
O n t h e o t h e r h a n d t h e r e is n o r e a l d iffic u lty in r e fe r r i n g in t h e p r e a m b le t o t h e d e s i r e d m a i n
t e n a n c e o f i n t e g r i t y a n d y e t d e a lin g , in t h e t r e a t y , a ls o w i t h t h e p o s s ib ilit y o f s u c h d e s ir e n o t
b e in g r e a lis e d .
A p a r t fr o m t h is , w e c o u ld in n o c a s e a g r e e t o o m i t fr o m t h e p r e a m b le t h e r e fe r e n c e t o t h e
d e s ir e to m a in ta in th e in t e g r it y a n d in d e p e n d e n c e o f P o r t u g a l, sin c e , a s I h a v e a lr e a d y p o in te d
o u t in a f o r m e r m i n u t e , w e g a v e a s s u r a n c e s t o t h e P o r t u g u e s e g o v [ e r n m e n ] t t h a t t h e t r e a t y
c o n t a in e d su c h a r e fe r e n c e .
A s t h e G e r m a n g o v e r n m e n t n o w a g r e e to le t o u r r e v is e d p r e a m b le , w h ic h d o e s c o n t a in th e
r e fe r e n c e , s t a n d , w e c o u ld , a s I s u g g e s te d in m y p r e v io u s m in u t e , a c c e p t t h e G e r m a n w o r d in g
a s a n a d d itio n in th e w a y p r o p o s e d b y P r in c e L ic h n o w s k v .
I q u ite a g r e e , if I m a y sa y so , w ith th e P r im e M in is t e r ’s m a r g in a l s u g g e s tio n a s to
o m i t t in g t h e w o r d “ e x is t in g .”
E. A. C.
J u ly 13 .
P S e n d m i n u t e t o C o l o n i a l O f f i c e .( 5)
W . T.
I a ls o a g r e e t h a t “ e x i s t i n g ” s h o u ld b e o m i t t e d .
E. G.
( 5) [M r . H a r c o u r t r e fe r r e d th e G e r m a n p r o p o sa l to S ir J . A n d e r s o n , a n d th e y b o th
c o n c u r r e d w ith S ir E y r e C r o w e ’ s m in u t e a n d t h e o m is s io n s u g g e s te d b y t h e P r im e M in is t e r .
P r i n c e L i c h n o w s k y w a s s o i n f o r m e d o n J u l y 1 7 . cp. i m m e d i a t e l y s u c c e e d i n g d o c u m e n t . ]
No. 339.
F.O. 3 4 8 5 6 /1 1 65 /1 3 /4 3 6
(No. 49.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Ofjice, July 17, 1913.
I informed Y [o u r] E [xcellen cy ] in m y desp[atch] No. 47, A f[rica ], Secret, of
the 7th in s t[a n t],(1) of the amendment proposed by the German G ov[ernm en]t in
the preamble of the draft Anglo-German Convention regarding the Portuguese
Colonies.
I have to-day inform ed the German A m b[assad o]r that H [is ] M [a jesty’ sJ
G o v e rn m e n t] agree to that amendment, subject to the omission of the word
“ existing ” from the words proposed to be inserted.
No. 340.
No. 341.
In article 8 we have altered the words from “ vital interests ” to run as follows :
‘ ‘ of the adjoining British or German dom inions or protectorates.”
Draft Convention.
(Confidential.)
In view of the possibility that Portugal may require financial assistance from
some foreign Power or Powers, and in order to obviate the international complications
which such a condition of things m ay produce, and to preserve her integrity and
independence, and in view of the special interests of Great Britain and Germ any in
their respective possessions and protectorates in East and W est Africa contiguous to
certain Portuguese dominions, the undersigned, duly authorised by their respective
Sovereigns, have agreed as follows :—
1.— (1) W henever either the British or the German Governm ent is of opinion
that it is expedient to accede to a request for an advance of m oney to Portugal on the
security of the customs revenues or other revenues of Mozambique or Angola, it shall
com m unicate the fact to the other Governm ent, and the other Governm ent shall have
the right to advance a part of the total sum required.
(2) In the event of the other Governm ent signifying its intention to exercise
this right, the two Governments shall consult as to the terms of these two loans.G) and
these loans shall be issued on the security of the customs revenues of Mozambique
and Angola as n ea r(1) as possible simultaneously. The loans shall bear as near(4) as
possible the same proportion to each other as the amounts of the customs revenues
respectively assigned as their security.
(3) The loans shall be issued on terms as favourable to Portugal as the condition
of the m oney market and the security of the loans permit, and shall in other respects
be subject as near(4) as possible to similar conditions.
2. In the contingency contemplated in the preceding article the customs revenues
of that portion of the province of Mozambique lying south of a line starting from the
mouth of the River Lukugu, running thence along that river to its confluence with
the River Lugera, thence along that river to its source, thence along the meridian of
that source to the 16th parallel of south latitude, and thence along that parallel to
the boundary of the British protectorate of Nyassaland, as also the customs revenues
o f the portions of the province of Angola lying to the east of the 2(Eh meridian of
( 3) [T h e fin a l t e x t in i t ia lle d o n O c t o b e r 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 , h a s h e r e “ t h e t w o lo a n s .” ]
( 4) [ T h e fin a l t e x t in i t ia lle d o n O c t o b e r 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 , h a s h e r e “ n e a r ly .” ]
539
east longitude and south of the Ivassai River, shall be assigned to the British loan;
whilst the customs revenues o f the rem aining parts o f the provinces o f Mozambique
and Angola ( which latter includes the administrative district o f the Congo, which has
its seat o f governm ent at Cabinda shall be assigned to the German loan.
3. In the event of Great Britain or Germ any sending delegates to take note of
the collection of the revenues, which are the security for their respective loans, the
Portuguese Governm ent shall be asked to give such delegates rights o f inspection
only, but no rights o f administration, interference, or control, so long as there is no
default in the payment o f interest or sinking fund.
4. In case o f default in the payment of the interest or sinking fund of either loan,
it shall be agreed with the Portuguese Governm ent that they will hand over the
administration of the various c •stom-houses in the two provinces : those assigned for
the German loan to G erm a n y: those assigned for the British loan to Great Britain.
5 .— 1 In the contingency contem plated in the preceding article all rights,
whether British or German, acquired in the provinces affected, before the date of this
convention, shall be fully safeguarded, provided they are of a purely private character
and do not convey either political rights, territorial jurisdiction, or administrative
powers.
(2 It is well understood that no influence will be used in the future either by
the British or the German Government to obtain fresh concessions, except in those
portions o f the provine, s o f which the customs revenues would be assigned to their
respective loans under the present convention.
6. From the date o f the conclusion of the present convention Great Britain will
abstain from advancing any claim of whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation,
or control o f those portions of the Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues
would under the present convention be assigned to Germany, or o f the islands of San
Thom e and Principe, or to the exercise o f political influence in those territories or
isla n d s: and Germ any will in like m anner abstain from advancing any claim of
whatsoever kind to the possession, occupation, or control o f those portions of the
Portuguese provinces in which the customs revenues would under the present
convention be assigned to Great Britain, or of the Portuguese part o f the island of
Timor, or to the exercise o f political influence in those territories or in that island.
7.— 1 In the event of either Government obtaining from the Portuguese
Government a cession of territory, or the concession o f special privileges not of an
occasional 4 character, in those portions of the provinces of Mozambique or Angola o f
which the customs revenues would be assigned to it, such cessions o f territory or
concessions o f privileges shall not become operative until analogous giants as near(5)
as possible of equal value have been accorded to the other Governm ent in those
portions of the provinces of which the customs revenues would be assigned to it by
the present convention.
2 In case either Government applies for special privileges o f an occasionalf 6)
character in those portions o f the Portuguese provinces of which the customs revenues
would be assigned to it under the present convention, it shall im m ediately inform the
other Government and, if these privileges are granted, and if the other Governm ent
should so desire, shall use its influence to obtain for the other Governm ent similar
special privileges of an occasional character and o f equal value.
3. If in any part of the provinces of Mozambique or Angola the livrs or property
of British or German subjects, or the vital interests of the adjoining British or German
dominions or protectorates, are endangered by local disturbances or by the action of
the local authorities, and the Portuguese Governm ent are not in a position to afford
the necessary protection, or otherwise fail to do so, the British and German Govern
ments, after consulting together, and after a joint com m unication to the Portuguese
Governm ent, shall determine the nature, duration, and scope of such measures as it
may be deemed necessary to take for the protection of the interests endangered.
(5) [ T h e fin a l t e x t in i t ia lle d o n O c t o b e r 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 , h a s h e r e “ n e a r ly .’ ]
(sj [ T h e fin a l t e x t i n i t i a lle d o n O c t o b e r 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 , a d d s h e r e “ t h a t is , m in o r o r t e m p o r a r y .” ]
54 0
No. 342.
(* ) [T h is d e s p a tc h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v in g b e e n s e n t t o th e K i n g ; t o t h e P r im e M i n i s t e r ; to
M r . H a r c o u r t .]
( 2) [T h e in i t i a lle d t e x t is p r e s e r v e d in t h e F o r e i g n O ffic e S e r ie s o f O r i g i n a l T r e a t i e s ,
(G e r m a n y N o . 7 2 ). I t is id e n t ic a l w it h t h e d r a f t s e n t t o P r in c e L ic h n o w s k y o n J u ly 3 1 , 1 9 1 3 .
( v. i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g d o c u m e n t , encl.) cp. infra, p . 5 4 4 , Ed. N o t e . ]
541
there were some expressions, such as “ territorial jurisdiction,’ ’ which had no
equivalent in German.
I said that I would record what he had told me, and we could settle subsequently
by agreement verbal alterations of this kind, and also the date of publication.
[ I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 343.
Es ist ohne weiteres klar, dass der Vertrag von 1898 sowohl wie der gegenwärtige
nur zwischen England und Deutschland Recht schafft, der Satz erscheint daher
überflüssig und ist wegen der Möglichkeit von Missverständnissen sogar nicht
unbedenklich.
Mit der ausgezeichnetsten H ochachtung habe ich die Ehre zu sein
Euerer Exzellenz
ganz gehorsamer Diener
K Ü H LM A N N .
Enclosure in No. 343.
Vertrags-Entwurf.
Im Hinblick auf die Möglichkeit, dass Portugal der finanziellen Unterstützung
einer oder m ehrerer fremder Mächte bedürfen könnte, und zu dem Zwecke,
internationalen Verwickelungen, die aus einer solchen Lage der Dinge entstehen
könnten, vorzubeugen und Portugals Unversehrtheit und LViabhängigkeit zu erhalten,
sowie mit Rücksicht auf die besonderen Interessen, die Deutschland und Gross
britannien in ihren an portugiesische Gebiete angrenzenden Besitzungen und
Schutzgebieten in Ost- und Westafrika haben, sind die mit gehörigen Vollm achten
ihrer hohen Souveräne versehenen Unterzeichneten über Nachstehendes übereinge
kommen :
Artikel 1.— (1.) Sobald entweder die deutsche oder die grossbritannische
Regierung es für angezeigt hält einem Ersuchen um ein Darlehen an Portugal gegen
Verpfändung der Zolleinnahm en oder sonstiger Einkünfte von Mocambique oder
Angola Folge zu geben, wird sie von dieser Tatsache der anderen Regierung
Mitteilung machen, und die andere Regierung soll das Recht haben, einen Teil der
erforderlichen Gesamtsumme darzuleihen.
(2.) Für den Fall, dass die andere Regierung die Absicht, von diesem Rechte
Gebrauch zu machen, kundgibt, werden beide Regierungen über die Bedingungen der
beiden Anleihen beraten, und diese Anleihen sollen gegen Verpfändung der Zollein
nahmen von Mocambique und Angola möglichst gleichzeitig zur Ausgabe gelangen.
0 ) [c p . H e r r v o n K ü h lm a n n ’s d e s p a tc h o f A u g u s t 1 9 to H e r r v o n B e th m a n n H o llw e g a n d
H e r r v o n J a g o w ’ s r e p l y o f A u g u s t 2 9 , 1 9 1 3 . G.P., X X X V I I ( I ) , p p . 7 3 - 8 2 . ]
542
Die Anleihen sollen zu einander so genau als möglich in demselben Verhältnis stehen,
wie die Beträge der Zolleinnahm en, die für jede von ihnen verpfändet sind.
(3.) Die Anleihen sollen zu Bedingungen ausgegeben werden, die für Portugal so
günstig sind, wie es die Lage des Geldmarktes und die Sicherheit der Anleihen
gestatten, und sollen im übrigen soweit als möglich gleichartigen Bedingungen
unterliegen.
Artikel 2.) W enn der in dem vorstehenden Artikel vorgesehene Ball eintritt,
sollen für das britische Darlehen verpfändet werden : in Mocambique die Zollein
nahm en des Teiles der Provinz, der südlich einer Linie liegt, die von der Mün
des Lukugu ausgeht, diesen Fluss entlang läuft bis zur Einm ündung des Lugera,
dem letzteren Flusse bis zu seiner Quelle folgt, dann entlang dem Meridian dieser
Quelle bis zum 16"‘n Grad südlicher Breite führt und schliesslich diesem Breitengrad
bis zur Grenze des britischen Nyassaland-Protektorates fo lg t ; in Angola die Zollein
nahm en des Teiles der Provinz, der östlich vom 2 0 t,n Meridian östlicher Länge und
südlich vom Kassai-Fluss liegt. Dagegen sollen die Zolleinnahm en der übrigen
Teile der Provinzen Mocambique und Angola (mit Einschlnss des Verwaltungsbezirks
des Kongos, dessen Regierungssitz sich in Cabinda befindet) für das deutsche Darlehen
verpfändet werden.
Artikel 3.) Im Falle dass Deutschland oder Grossbritannien Vertreter entsenden,
um sich von der Erhebung der für die betreffenden Anleihen verpfändeten Einnahm en
zu überzeugen, soll die Portugiesische Regierung, solange kein Verzug in der
Zinszahlung oder Amortisation vorhegt, nur um die Erteilung von Inspektions
befugnissen an diese Vertreter ersucht werden, nicht aber um die Übertragung von
Verwaltungs-, Eingriffs- oder Aufsichtsbefugnissen.
Artikel 4.) Für den Fall eines Verzugs in der Zinszahlung oder Amortisation
einer der beiden Anleihen soll mit der Portugiesischen Regierung vereinbart werden,
dass sie die Verwaltung der verschiedenen Zollstellen in den beiden Provinzen
überträgt, und zwar der für die deutsche Anleihe verpfändeten Zollstellen an
Deutschland, der für die britische Anleihe verpfändeten an Grossbritannien.
Artikel 5.)— f lh W enn der in dem vorstehenden Artikel vorgesehene Fall eintritt,
sollen alle Rechte, seien es deutsche oder britische, welche vor dem Tage des
Abschlusses dieses Abkomm ens in den in Frage kommenden Provinzen erworben
worden sind, in ihrem vollen Umfange aufrechterhalten werden, vorausgesetzt, dass
sie rein privater Art sind und weder politische Rechte, noch territoriale Gerichts
barkeit oder Verwaltungsbefugnisse in sich schliessen.
(2.) Es herrscht Einverständnis darüber, dass künftig weder die deutsche noch
die britische Regierung ihren Einfluss zur Erlangung neuer Konzessionen benützen
wird, es sei denn in den Teilen der Provinzen, deren Zolleinnahm en nach dem
gegenwärtigen Abkom m en für ihr Darlehen verpfändet werden würden.
Artikel 6.) Vom Datum des Abschlusses des gegenwärtigen Abkomm ens ab wird
Grossbritannien davon absehen, einen Anspruch irgendwelcher Art geltend zu m achen
auf die Erwerbung, die Besetznng oder die Beherrschung der Teile der portugiesischen
Provinzen, deren Zolleinnahm en nach dem gegenwärtigen Abkomm en an
Deutschland verpfändet werden würden, sowie der Inseln San Thom e und Principe
oder auf die Ausübung politischen Einflusses in diesen Gebieten oder auf diesen
In seln ; in gleicher W eise wird Deutschland davon absehen, einen Anspruch irgend
welcher Art geltend zu m achen auf die Erwerbung, die Besetzung oder die
Beherrschung der Teile der portugiesischen Provinzen, deren Zolleinnahm en nach
dem gegenwärtigen Abkommen an England verpfändet werden würden, sowie auf den
portugiesischen Teil der Insel Tim or oder auf die Ausübung politischen Einflusses in
diesen Gebieten oder auf dieser Insel.
Artikel 7.)— (1.) Im Falle, dass eine der beiden Regierungen in den Teilen der
Provinzen Mo 9ambique oder Angola, deren Zolleinnahm en dieser Regierung
verpfändet werden würden, von der Portugiesischen Regierung eine Gebietsabtretung
oder die Einräum ung besonderer Privilegien nicht bloss gelegentlicher Natur, d.h. von
geringerer Bedeutung und vorübergehender Art erlangen sollte, sollen derartige
543
Gebietsabtretungen oder Privilegien nicht eher in W irksamkeit treten, als bis
entsprechende Zugeständnisse von möglichst gleichem W erte der anderen Regierung
in den Teilen der Provinzen eingeräumt worden sind, deren Zolleinnahm en nach
dem gegenwärtigen Abkomm en ihr verpfändet werden würden.
12. Für den Fall, dass eine der beiden Regierungen in den Teilen der
portugiesischen Provinzen, deren Zolleinnahm en nach dem gegenwärtigen Abkomm en
ihr verpfändet werden würden, besondere Privilegien gelegentlicher Natur, d.h. von
geringerer Bedeutung und vorübergehender Art nachsucht, wird sie unverzüglich die
andere Regierung benachrichtigen und wird, wenn diese Privilegien bewilligt werden
und wenn die andere Regierung dies wünschen sollte, ihren Einfluss geltend machen,
um für die andere Regierung gleichartige besondere Privilegien gelegentlicher Natur
und von gleichem W erte zu erlangen.
Artikel S.) W erden in irgend einem Teile der Provinzen von Mocambique
oder Angola Leben oder Eigentum deutscher oder britischer Staatsangehörigen oder
Lebensinteressen der angrenzenden deutschen oder britischen Besitzungen oder
Schutzgebiete durch örtliche Unruhen oder durch das Vorgehen der Ortsbehörden
gefährdet, und ist die portugiesische Regierung nicht in der Lage, den nötigen
Schutz zu gewähren oder verabsäumt sie dies aus irgend einem ändern Grunde, so
werden die deutsche und britische Regierung nach gem einsamer Beratung und nach
einer gem einsamen Mitteilung an die portugiesische Regierung Bestim m ungen
treffen über Art, Dauer und U m fang der Massregeln, die etwa zum Schutze der
gefährdeten Interessen für nötig gehalten werden.
Artikel 9.) Erklärt eine der genannten portugiesischen K olonien, nachdem sie
unabhängig geworden und ihre Unabhängigkeit von den beiden hohen Yertrag-
schliessenden anerkannt worden ist, oder ein Teil einer solchen unabhängigen
Kolonie den Anschluss an das Gebiet der einen vertragschliessenden Macht, so soll
die andere Macht ihrerseits das Recht haben, nach vorheriger Mitteilung an die
andere Macht die Teile einer solchen unabhängig gewordenen Kolonie, deren Zollein
nahm en nach dem gegenwärtigen Vertrage ihr verpfändet werden würden, sich
anzugliedern.
Artikel 10.) Mit Rücksicht darauf, dass die Interessen ihrer an die
portugiesischen Provinzen Angola und Mocambique grenzenden Besitzungen in Ost-
und W est-Afrika durch die Einm ischung einer dritten Macht in diesen Provinzen
wesentlich beeinträchtigt werden würden, kom m en Deutschland und Grossbritannien
überein, jeder derartigen Einm ischung vereint entgegenzutreten, sei es, dass diese
Einm ischung erfolgt auf dem W ege einer Anleihe an Portugal gegen Verpfändung
der Einkünfte dieser Provinzen oder auf dem W ege des Landerwerbes durch
Verleihung, Abtretung, Kauf, Pacht oder auf irgend eine andere W eise.
Artikel 11.) Sollten Deutschland oder Grossbritannien künftig einm al die
Verwaltung von Mocambique oder Angola oder von Teilen dieser Provinzen
beeinflussen oder beherrschen, so besteht Einverständnis darüber, dass die
A ngehörigen und die Schutzgebietseingeborenen des einen vertragschliessenden Teiles
mitsamt ihren Gütern und Schiffen, sowie die Erzeugnisse und Fabrikate ihrer
Gebiete, Besitzungen, Kolonien und Schutzgebiete in den Teilen der in dem gegen
wärtigen A bkom m en bezeichneten Territorien, welche unter den Einfluss oder die
Herrschaft des anderen vertragschliessenden Teiles fallen, an allen V orrechten,
Befreiungen und Vergünstigungen in Bezug auf Handel, Verkehr, Besteuerung und
Schiffahrt teilnehm en sollen, deren sich dort die Angehörigen und Schutzgebietseinge
borenen des ändern vertragschliessenden Teiles erfreuen.
Artikel 12.) Das Ergebnis der in dem gegenwärtigen Abkom m en getroffenen
Vereinbarungen ist auf dem anliegenden Abdruck von Stanford’ s Karte von Afrika,
London 1911, im Allgem einen ersichtlich gemacht.
Artikel 13.) Das gegenwärtige Abkom m en soll die Konvention, die geheime
K onvention und die geheime Note ersetzen, die am 30. August 1898 in London
abgeschlossen und gezeichnet worden sind und die hiermit ausser Kraft gesetzt
werden.
544
Artikel 14.) Das gegenwärtige Abkomm en soll ratifiziert werden und die
.Ratifizierungsurkunden sollen sobald als m öglich ausgetauscht werden. Das
Abkomm en soll sofort nach dem Austausch der Ratifikationsurkunden in Kraft treten.
Zur Urkund dessen haben die Unterzeichneten, mit den nötigen Vollmachten
versehen, das Abkomm en unterzeichnet und ihre Siegel beigedrückt.
So geschehen in doppelter Ausfertigung zu London, den 1913.
No. 344.
[ED . N O T E .— T h e A n g l o - G e r m a n C o n v e n t i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e P o r t u g u e s e c o l o n i e s w a s
in itia lle d b y S ir E d w a r d G r e y a n d H e r r v o n K iih lm a n n o n O c to b e r 2 0 , 1 9 1 3 . T h e in itia lle d
t e x t is in t h e F o r e i g n O ffic e S e r ie s o f O r i g i n a l T r e a t i e s ( G e r m a n y N o . 7 4 ). I t w a s in i t i a lle d in
b o t h G e r m a n a n d E n g l i s h . T h e E n g l i s h t e x t i s i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h a t g i v e n supra, p p . 5 3 8 - 4 0 ,
N o . 3 4 1 , encl., e x c e p t f o r t h e s l i g h t c h a n g e s s h o w n t h e r e i n notes. T h e G e r m a n t e x t i s g i v e n i n
t h e im m e d ia t e ly p r e c e d i n g d o c u m e n t .]
No. 345.
f 1) [ T h i s d e s p a t c h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v i n g b e e n s e n t t o t h e P r i m e M i n i s t e r a n d to
M r . H a r c o u r t . I t w a s r e p e a t e d t o B e r li n ( N o . 6 3 A f r i c a ) ; t o L i s b o n ( N o . 1 0 7 A f r i c a ) .]
(2 ) [cp. D .D .F ., 3 ’« Ser., V o l . V I I I , p p . 5 0 1 - 2 , N o . 3 9 7 . ]
545
I told M. Cambon speaking in strict confidence that the Germans had not asked
as to give up Zanzibar. The scope of the Secret Agreement of 1S98 was of the nature
that he had stated. All that we were now doing was to make a revision of the
territorial spheres of interest under that Agreem ent. W e gained more on the east than
we had under that Agreement, but gave up everything on the west. The Agreement,
however, did not affect the Azores or anything north of San Thom é and Principe.
M. Cambon asked me how San Thomé and Principe came into the Agreement.
I replied that what it meant was that we disinterested ourselves in San Thomé
and Principé and everything on the west coast.
M. Cambon observed that, when the 189S Agreement was made, the Germans
must have counted upon our seizing Delagoa B ay in the event of war with the
Transvaal, and so precipitating a break-up of the Portuguese C olonies; but this had
not happened, and, though it was often reported that Portugal would be obliged to sell
her Colonies, he doubted whether she would do so.
I said that no doubt the Portuguese ought to sell their Colonies, for they needed
m oney, and could not develop their Colonies or make any use of th em ; but I agreed
that Portuguese feeling was such that they could not sell them. They might, however,
let them be developed by German and British concessions, just as they had, without
any pressure from the British Governm ent, years ago given a British concession for a
railway from Benguella on the west coast, though, as a matter of fact that happened
to be in the German sphere of interest under the 1S9S Agreement.
[ I am, A c .'
• E . G [R E Y ].
No. 846.
M IN U T E S .
T h e r e is n o r e a s o n w h y t h e R u s s ia n G o v [ e r n m e n ] t s h o u ld fe e l a n y a n x i e t y . A s t h e y h a v e
r a is e d t h e q u e s t io n i t m ig h t b e w e ll fo r M r . O ’ B e ir n e t o e x p la in t h a t n o n e w a g r e e m e n t is
u n d e r d is c u s s io n , b u t m e r e ly a v e r y s lig h t m o d ific a t io n o f a n a g r e e m e n t w h ic h h a s b e e n in
(* ) [T h is d e s p a t c h is e n d o r s e d a s h a v in g b e e n s e n t to t h e K in g , a n d a s h a v in g b e e n se e n
a t B e r l i n .]
[10900] 2 N
546
ex isten ce since 1898, (See the c o m m [u n ic a tio ]n to M . Cam bon 49515),(2) and w hich in this
m odified form it is hop ed soon to publish, when M. Sazonow w ill be able to con v in ce him self
that it does n ot bear any such con s tru ction as he appea rs to fear.
H . N.
N ov. 17
Eastern D e p [a r tm e n ]t to see.
II. S.
E. A . C.
N ov. 17.
A. N.
I th ou g h t 1 had already sent a teleg ram to M r. O 'B c ir n c a bout this. I n stru c t him as
proposed in the m inute.
E. G
No. 347.
No. 348.
The new agreement does not extend the scope of 189S agreement, but revises the
geographical limits of respective spheres o f interest. You m ay inform Minister for
Foreign Affairs very confidentially.(2)
X o. 349.
X o. 350.
t1) [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to th e K in g an d to the C abinet. It was
rep eated t o B erlin (X o . 69 A fric a ) on D ecem b er 3 .]
(2) [M a r g in a l n ote by S ir E d w a rd G r e v : “ S ir E. Crow e should first see this in case he has
any ob serv a tion s to m ake in th e record as he was p resen t th rou g h ou t th e con v ersation and
co n tr ib u te d to it. [E . G .] ” In itia lle d by S ir E y re C r o w e : “ E . A . C. D e c[e m b e r] 1.” ]
[10900] 2 X 2
518
H e said that it would be very annoying íor France if Germany obtained Kabinda
and the northern part of Angola, which practically commanded the mouth of the
C o n g o ; and so it would also be if the Island of San Thorne, which was opposite
Libreville, went to Germany. It would be annoying to Spain if the Island of
Principé went to Germany.
I told M. Cambon that I was quite aware that it must be inconvenient for France
that Kabinda and the northern part of Angola should be allotted to Germany, but
this was done in 1898, before any “ E n te n te ” with France had been established;
indeed, before the Boer war. B y the Agreement of 1898, Germany and we had under
taken mutnal obligations, with regard to certain spheres of interest in the Portuguese
Colonies of Angola and Mozambique, to support each other in excluding any other
influence than English or German respectively. The engagement as to Kabinda
which was part of Angola administratively, had existed since 1898, and there was no
means of escape from it. San Thorne and Principé had com e into the Agreement that
was now under discussion because in 1898 Germany had obtained the reversion of
the Portuguese part of Timor, and we now wished, in the interests of Australia, to
eliminate this German claim. W e had not ourselves acquired any interest in Timor,
but we had induced Germany to renounce her interest, and in return for this, we had
agreed not to put forward any claim of our own to San Thomé and Principé. In the
course of the present negotiations, it had been suggested that these two Islands should
com e into the Agreement in the same way as Mozambique and Angola, but we had
declined to undertake any obligation to support German claims with regard to the
Islands, and had confined our obligation purely to one of the renunciation of any
British claim. W e had done this because we did not wish to come into conflict with
any other Power about San Thom é and Principé, by having to support German
claim s; and the obligations that we had undertaken to support Germany were
confined to those that liad existed since 1898.
I impressed upon M. Cambon that, till the Agreement was published, what I had
told him must be regarded as very confidential.
He continued to say that there would be much annoyance for France, especially
in connection with Kabinda.
I said finally that this was one of the objections to the secrecy of A greem ents:
they had to become known sooner or later, and were apt to cause disappointment.
M. Cambon said that he would inform M. Pichón, l í e felt that, if Portugal had
to part with her Colonies, and Germany and England obtained the enormous increase
of territory that was provided by Angola and Mozambique, France ought to have
compensation somewhere, especially in respect of Kabinda. He also observed that,
as Mozambique was on the coast opposite to Madagascar, it would have been natural
for France to have some interest in Mozambique.
[ I am, Ac.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 351.
No. 352.
N o. 353.
Sir Edward G rey to M r. Carnegie.
F.O. 367/340.
5 63 1 7 /1 1 65 '1 3 /4 3 6 .
Tel. (No. 28.) Africa. Confidential. Foreign Office, D ecem ber 19, 1913, 5 -1 0 r.M.
Your tel[egram ] No. 30 C on f[id en tia ]! (of D ec[em ber] 13).C)
You should remind Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t of the explanation of principles
of the Anglo-German Agreement of 1898 already made to them (see Sir A. H ardinge’ s
despatch No. 17 Africa of March 8, 1912)(2) and inform them that any further
negotiations with Germany have remained strictly within the scope of that agreement
which there is no intention to extend.
No. 354.
the com m unication which I had made to Senhor Macieira. as contained in the latter
part of your telegram, and did not refer to the rest of the conversation. I trust that
m y action will meet with your approval.
Doctor Rosen told me that he was almost certain that the whole of the 1S98
Agreement was known to the Portuguese Governm ent.
I have, Ac.
LA N C E LO T D. C A R N EG IE.
M IN U T E S .
H e acted rig h tly .
I am in terested in D r. R o s e n ’ s surm ise th a t the P ortu g u ese governm ent know th e w hole
tex t o f the 1593 agreem ent. I have g ath ered the same im pression from m y several con versa
tion s w ith the P ortu g u ese M in ister here. I f it be correct, then sp ecial sign ificance m ust be
a tta ch ed to the la tte r ’ s recent earnest request fo r p u b lica tion . It w ou ld show th a t a t least in
b is op in ion there w ould be little da n g er o f the P ortu g u ese govern m en t b ein g p a rticu la rly
incensed by the term s o f the a greem ent o f 1395 b ecom in g generally know n. F o r it certa in ly
does not en ter in to M. G om es’ ca lcu la tion s to em b roil his g overn m en t w ith H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s]
G [ov ern m en t],
C opv C o l[o u ia l] Office (Secret).
E. A . C.
D ec [e m b e r] 29.
T he P ortu g u ese k now all about the 1393 a g reem en t and are relieved to be to ld th a t the
revised agreem en t is no worse.
E G.
No. 355.
0 ) rThe re co rd o f the con v ersation , b etw een S ir E y re C row e and M . T eix eira-G om es, on
w hich this despatch is based, is en d orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K i n g ; to th e P rim e
M in ister ; to M r. H a r c o u r t ; to L o rd C r e w e ; to L o rd M orley. T he despa tch was rep ea ted to
B erlin (X o . 73 A fr ic a ), w ith the om ission o f the sentences m arked b y lines in the m a rg in .]
( 2) [p. sup ra , p. 550, X o . 353.]
552
ought to be able to reconcile public opinion in advance with the unpleasant features
of the 1898 agreement. In this connection he again mentioned the visit of a British
man-of-war and urged that it ought to take place before the publication of the Anglo-
German Agreement, as it would certainly help to ensure a better reception for the
latter when it became known.
M. Teixeira-Gomes was informed that his remarks would be communicated to
me, and that they would no doubt receive most sympathetic consideration. It was
however pointed out to him that it was impossible at this moment to say anything
about the publication of an agreement which as a matter of fact had not vet been
signed; and that the visit of a ship to Lisbon was a question which concerned the
Admiralty in the first instance and which must be considered in connection with the
very complicated movements of our fleets and squadrons.
[I am, Ac.
E. GREY.]
Mi. 356.
F.O. 325/325/14/36.
(No. 5.) Secret.
Sir:— Foreign Office, January 5, 1914.
The Portuguese Minister again called at this l)ep[artmen]t on the 31st ultimo to
speak to Sir E. Crowe about the Anglo-German Agreement under negotiation and said
that the Portuguese M[inister for] F[oreign] A [flairs] proposed to make a statement
in answer to a Parliamentary interpellation at an early date, and had drawn up the
outline of what he intended to say. He wmild however like to have the authority of
H[is] M[ajesty’s] Government] for making the declaration.
It was pointed out to M. Teixeira-Gomes that it appeared preferable that the
Portuguese Minister for] F[oreign] A[tfairs] should himself decide wdiat he wrould
say and say it on his own authority. M. Gomes quite shared this viewr and had
intended to express it in his report to Lisbon, but he desired quite informally and
confidentially to read the draft statement, and proceeded to do so.
The gist of the draft wfas that in view of the reiterated statements of the German
Chancellor it must be accepted that an agreement had been negotiated between
Germany and England and was on the point of being concluded. It was to be hoped,
as the British Sfecretary] of S[tate] for l^oreign] A [flairs] was known to be
opposed to the signature of secret treaties, that the agreement, when completed, would
be published. As there was a treaty of alliance in existence between England and
Portugal the Portuguese Gov[ernmen]t was confident that the agreement would be
found to contain nothing prejudicial to the sovereign rights of Portugal or running
counter to the terms of the alliance.
It wras understood that a secret agreement had been signed in 1898 and that what
was being negotiated now would remain within the same limits.
I am, Ac.
E. GREY.
No. 357.
P ) [This despatch is endorsed as having been sent to the K in g and to the Cabinet. It was
repeated to Berlin (X o. 16 Secret) on January 12.]
( 2) [cp. M . Paul Carabon’ s report o f January S, 1914, D . D . F . , 3me Se r., Vol. IX , pp. 39-40,
No. 35.]
554
N o. 358.
I should be in clin ed to g iv e the w h ite p a p e r /4) to the G erm an A m bassador saying th a t the
T rea ties have alw ays been referred t o in com m u n ica tion s betw een the B ritish and P ortu g u ese
G o v [e rn m e n ]ts as b ein g in full force an d th a t on the latest occasion when th ey w ere confirm ed
in 1899 A r t fic le ] 1 o f the T rea ty of J a n [ u a r v ] 29, 1642, and the final a rticle J u n e 23, 1661,
w ere sp ecially referred to. B u t I w ill d o this verb ally when I retu rn on M on d a y and should
like t o discuss it w ith S ir A. N icolson and Sir E. C row e first.(5)
E. G.
13.1.14.
No. 359.
F.O. 3 1 2 4 /3 2 5 /1 4 /3 6 .
Sir Edward Grey, Foreign Office, January 8, 1914.
M. Cambon spoke to me to -d a y /1) at considerable length as to the Anglo-German
negotiations regarding the Portuguese Colonies in Africa. H e, and his G ov[ernm en]t,
are most seriously preoccupied at the deplorable effect on French public opinion which
will be produced on the publication o f the Convention with Germany. He dilated at
(i) [cp . D .D .F., 3me Sér., V ol. I X , pp. 4 0-2, No. 35.]
555
length on this point— but I need not trouble you with the considerations which he
put forward. In a few words he is extrem ely anxious that his G ov [ern m en ]t should
be able, when the treaty is made public, to be in a position to reassure French public
opinion that French interests have not been endangered or ignored by H [is ]
M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] in their a rra n g [em en J s with Germany. H e knows that
nothing is being done now which was not done in 1S98— but the French public will
not examine this point closely— and will m erely take the fact that H [is ] M fa je sty’ s]
G [overnm ent] have concluded with Germany an act. which in certain eventualities,
would leave to Germany an enclave (Kabinda) in the French Congo. M. C a r b o n says
this would produce an explosion against our entente— and he has in his m ind an idea
that he should write to us and say that there are reports we are dealing with
Germany tfcc., and that he would wish to rem ind us that under the Brussels A ct(2) no
modifications can take place in the territories lying in the Conventional basin of the
Congo without the consent of all parties signatories of that Act. I f wecould reply
that we were aware of our obligations under that Act, he thought thatthe French
G ov [ern m en ]t would be able to show their public that they had not been unmindful
of their interests— and also that we had had no wish of ignoring those interests. If
also we could com e to some arrang[em en ]t with France as to no impediment being
caused to the Madagascar trade with Mozambique were we to come into possession
of Mozambique, much could be done towards lessening the ill effects of the Anglo-
German arrang[em en ]t. I give but a hurried sketch of what M. Cambon said— but
it will be desirable to see whether some means cannot be devised for breaking the
‘ ‘ coup ’ ’ on French public opinion.
A. N.
It looks to me as if the publication and even the signature o f the new agreement
with Germany may be delayed for some time owing to the German anxiety about the
terms of the alliance with Portugal.
Let me see the passage of the Brussels Act to which M. Cambon refers.
H e may be assured that nothing will be done before I return to London and see
him again.
My mind inclines more and more to the publication of the agreement of 1898
and the confirmation of alliance with Portugal in 1899 by them selves before we have
actually signed anvthing with Germany.
The F rench public could not then mistake the matter.
E . G.
No. 360.
F.O. 4 8 3 9 /3 2 5 /1 4 '3 6 .
(No. 25.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office. ■
J anuary 29, 1914.
I reminded the German Ambassador to-d ay (: i of what he had said to me recently
about the publication of our Alliance with Portugal and the possible effect upon the
position of the German Chancellor. He had told me of the impression of the German
Foreign Office that all we had guaranteed by our Alliance was the Portuguese Colonies
(*) [T h is despatch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to th e K in g . It was sent to the C abinet,
w ith oth er papers, on M a rch 13, 1914, cp. in fra , p. 565, N o. 369, n o te (*). I t was rep ea ted to
L isb on (X o . 27 S ecret) on F eb ru a rv 4 .]
G ) [cp. G .P ., X X X V I I (I ), pp. 106 -1 .]
55C>
as they existed in the year 1373, or whatever the date of the alliance was. I had said
that such an idea had never occurred to me. I now told him that in 1899. though the
actual Treaty of that date had never been published, there had been, as at various
times previously, a general confirmation of the old Treaties of Alliance with Portugal,
and Article 1 of the Treaty of the 29th January 1642 had been specially confirmed,
as had also the final Article of the Treaty of the 23rd June 1661. I showed the
Ambassador these Articles in published copies of the Treaties of 1642 and 1661, and
pointed out that the obligation to defend and protect all conquests or colonies
belonging to the Crown of Portugal obviously applied to Colonies existing at any
present date.
The Ambassador told me that the authorities in Berlin were much concerned
about this point.
I suggested that one wav of meeting the difficulty might be to publish by itself
the Treaty with Portugal of 1899. which the Portuguese Government were always
urging us to do: and also to publish the Anglo-German Agreement of 1898. We
could then let public opinion digest these documents, for neither of which could the
German Chancellor be held in any way responsible. W e might subsequently publish
the revised Anglo-German Agreement, and people would then see that it had its
origin entirely in what had taken place in 1898, and could be judged only with
reference to that.
The Ambassador thought that this might be a way out of the difficulty.
[I am, &c.J
E. G[BEYJ.
No. 361.
0 ) [Copies of this despatch were sent to the K in g ; to the Prim e M in ister; to Lord C rew e;
to Lord M o rle y ; to Mr. H arcourt. It wTas sent to the Cabinet, with other papers, on M arch 18,
1914, cp. infra, p. 565, No. 369, note (') .]
557
to the islands of San Thomé and Principé. The possession by Germany of Principé
and San Thomé would be injurious to French interests and it would also be an injury
to Spain if Germany established herself at Principé. He knew that the King of Spain
felt strongly on the subject.
M. Poincaré reminded me that during the Morocco negotiations the French
Government had kept Ilis Majesty’s Government informed and had consulted them
on the subject of any concessions of territory which they contemplated offering to
Germany, and they had expected to be treated in like manner by Ilis Majesty’ s
Government in their negotiations with the German Government when there w?.s a
possibility of French interests being affected. Unfortunately this had not been done.
If the arrangements with Germany were made public the result on public opinion in
France would be deplorable. It would affect in a manner prejudicial to the
“ Entente.” the opinion now held by the French people of the trust to be reposed in
the friendship of England. Such publication would necessitate a protest by the
French Government in protection of French interests, for in the Franco-German
Agreement of November 1911 which was adhered to by England and Spain it was
stipulated that in the event of any territorial change in the Congo basin due to the
action of either of the contracting parties they would confer together and also with
the other Powers signatories of the Berlin Act. \\ hat a deplorable position it would
be that it should be incumbent on France to protest in defence of her undoubted
interests against the action of England.
In the evening of yesterday I had an interview with the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, who though apparently less perturbed than the President of the Republic,
spoke in a deprecating manner of the negotiations of His Majesty’s Government with
the German Government having been concluded without consultation with the French
Government and urged that the result should not be published as the effect on public
opinion in France would be very bad and would necessitate a formal protest by the
French Government.
I explained to Monsieur Doumergue that except as regarded the islands of San
Thomé and Principé and Timor there had been no modifications in the Secret Anglo-
German Agreements of 1S9S affecting French interests, and that the contingent
position of Germany in Kabinda and Loanda would not be changed by the fresh
arrangements.
Monsieur Doumergue said that he intended to instruct Monsieur Paul Gambon to
explain to you the views of the French Government.
I find that the stipulation in the Franco-German Agreement referred to by the
President of the Republic is Article XVI which says:— “ Dans le cas où le statut
territorial du bassin conventionnel du Congo tel que celui-ci est défini par l’acte de
Berlin du 26 février 1885,(2) viendrait à être modifié du fait de l’une ou de l’autre des
Puissances contractantes, celles-ci devraient en conférer entre elles, comme aussi avec
les autres Puissances signataires de l ’Acte de Berlin.” (3)
There is no doubt that what will particularly offend public opinion in France is
the renunciation by England of any claim to San Thomé and Principé, which islands
were not included in the Secret Anglo-German Agreement of 1898, for such renuncia
tion will be regarded as a gratuitous invitation or a suggestion to Germany that she
should establish herself there and this in spite of the injury which would be thereby
caused to French interests, and without even consultation of any kind with the French
Government.
In a Despatch dated the 18th April, 1912.Ç) in which I had the honour to
acquaint you that Monsieur Poincaré, then President of the Council and Minister of
Foreign Affairs had informed me that he had learnt from Monsieur Cambon that the
conversations between the British and German Governments in regard to territorial
questions in Africa were to be continued, I reminded you that during the Morocco
negotiations between the French and German Governments the form er had kept His
M ajesty’ s Government informed of such of the proposed territorial concessions or
exchanges as might in their opinion affect British interests, and I stated that I felt
sure that the French Government would expect like considerate treatment from His
M ajesty’ s Government in regard to any proposed cessions to Germany which might
affect French interests. A month later (May 15th, 1912) Monsieur Poincaré said to
me “ Quant aux questions d ’ échange de territoires, elles ne regardent pas d ’ une
manière directe le gouvernement français, mais il ne peut cependant pas être
indifférent à la question de Zanzibar à cause du voisinage des îles Comoros et
Madagascar et il aurait le désir d ’ être renseigné, le moment venu, sur les projets du
gouvernement anglais de même que le gouvernement français a tenu le gouvernement
anglais au courant des propositions territoriales pendant les négociations au sujet du
Maroc. ” (s)
The question of a cession of Zanzibar was dropped, but the discussion of other
territorial arrangements continued.
The French Government have no case against His M ajesty’ s Governm ent so far
as Kabinda and Loanda are concerned, but it is otherwise, 1 think, as regards the
islands o f San Thomé and Principé. They will naturally contend that if it was a
British interest to persuade Germany to waive her contingent claims on the
Portuguese portion of Timor compensation should have been provided for Germany
at the cost of Great Britain and not to the injury o f France in the Gulf of Guinea.
B y the Secret Convention of August 30t.h, 189S, Great Britain and Germany
agreed ‘ ‘ jointly to oppose the intervention of any third Power in the Provinces of
Mozambique, Angola and in Portuguese Timor, either by way of loan to Portugal on
the security of the revenues o f those provinces or by way of acquisition of territory
by grant, cession, purchase, lease or otherwise.” This stipulation was however made
in ignorance by the British and German Governments of thé antecedent pre-emptive
rights of Holland to the Portuguese portion of Timor. In these circumstances would
Great Britain have been bound to aid Germany in enforcing against Holland and
Portugal the German claim s? It would not have suited Germany to estrange
H olland by forcible action of her own without the co-operation of Great Britain.
I am very much afraid that if and when the fresh arrangements with Germany
are made public or become known there will be a great outcry in the French
Parliament and in the French press. It will be said that ‘ ‘ perfide Albion ’ ’ has played
her form er part and has placated Germ any not at her own cost but by the sacrifice
of the interests of her friend France without any consultation with or preliminary
warning to the Government of the Bepublic. This will be regarded as a poor return
for the conduct of the French Governm ent towards His M ajesty’ s Government in
regard to the question of French territorial concessions to Germany during the
M orocco negotiations resulting in the Franco-Germ an arrangements of November
1911.
I have, A’c.
FBANC1S B E B T IE .
M IN U T E S .
T he F rench m ake th e m ost o f the g rieva n ce th a t they w ere not consulted or w arned
con cern in g the in trod u ction o f San T hom é and P rin cip e in to the revised d r a ft convention.
A s a m a tter of fa ct, they w ere w arned, a lthough not u ntil the m a tter was practically
settled by the in itia llin g o f the d r a ft con v en tion tO ct[o b e r] 20, 1913).(6)
T h at the b rin g in g -in o f these islands w ould be ex ceed in g ly d ista stefu l to F ra n ce is o f course
a th in g o f which we w ere fu lly aware, and it was, perhaps, alw ays the w eakest spot o f the new
agreem ent.
T here is now a possib ility o f a way ou t o f the w hole difficulty : nam ely not to proceed with
the new convention.
Xo. 802.
Private.(*)
My dear Bertie, Foreign Office, February 13, 1914.
From your letter of the l*2th(2) it is clear that Poincare and Doumergue do not
understand that the new arrangement with Germany does nothing to which France
can take exception or which injures her in any way.
The thing to which France objects was in the agreement of 1898, when we had
no obligation to France.
To make this quite clear I am thinking of publishing the 1898 agreement by
itself and letting the new arrangement appear a month or two later. But nothing is
decided yet.
I have great difficulty in getting Cambon to understand the point, but surely if
we publish the 1898 agreement by itself they must understand. W e had no
obligation to France when that was made.
Yours sincerely,
E. GR E Y.
(1) [G rey M S S ., V ol. 16.]
( 2) [r . im m ed ia tely p reced in g docu m en t.]
No. 364.
F.O. 7 72 4 /3 2 5 /1 4 /3 6 .
(No. 88.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, February 18, 1914.
M. Cambon told me to-day(2) that he had had a long despatch from
M. Doum ergue,(3) about the Portuguese Colonies and our Agreement w-ith Germany.
M. Doumergue was very much concerned at the prospect of the publication of this
A greem ent; concerned, at any rate, as regards the effect it would have on public
opinion. The fact that England and Germany should have divided between them the
Portuguese Colonies, including such places as Kabinda and Loanda, intimately affecting
the Congo Basin, was bound to put the French Government in a position in which they
would have to make some protest or reservation. In 1911, the French Government
of the day had been very m uch attacked, because they gave Germany a means of
entrance into the Congo Basin. They had done this for the sake of peace, as part of
a general Agreement that took other considerations into account. Now-, through
Kabinda and Loanda, Germany would have two other means of access to the Congo,
and the power to close the Congo. Curiously enough, it was Germany who had
pressed France in 1911 for the Clause stipulating that all changes in the Congo Basin
should be discussed with the other Powers who were parties to the Berlin A c t : these
included Portugal. H err von Kiderlen had attached great importance to this. The
Clause, and even its drafting, had been discussed with u s; and we had advised that
it should be adopted.(4)
M. Cambon made no m ention of the Islands of San Tkom é and Principé, but
dwelt upon the effect that the publication of even the Agreem ent of 1S9S would have.
It was true that the fact of its having been made in 1S98, before there was any under
standing with France, would to a certain extent m odify the French view. But this
would be counteracted by the reflection that we had, by revising the Agreem ent,
confirmed it at the present day.
I admitted the force of what M. Cambon had said, to this e x te n t: that, had not
the Agreem ent already been made in 189S, I m yself, since I had been in Office, should
never have thought of entering into arrangements with Germany to divide the
Portuguese Colonies into spheres o f interest, each of us undertaking, as we did by the
1898 Agreem ent, to join in excluding any third Power from these spheres, without
some com m unication with France, though in 1S9S there was no reason for such
com m unication. The whole thing was an example o f the inconvenience of Secret
Treaties. If this Agreem ent had been published at the time, all the fuss would have
been over long aso. But it had been kept secret, and subsequently our relations with
France had changed : in fact, they had been most happily reversed. M y view with
regard to the 1S98 Agreement had been that, the longer it rem ained secret, the more
difficulty and inconvenience it would ca u se: I could not undo what had been done in
1898. and, therefore, I had thought it would be better to have the Agreem ent made
public, and get the publication over. W ith this object in view, we had revised some
things in the Agreem ent, and it was we, and not Germany, who had pressed for
publication.
M. Cambon said that some formula might be sought which might protect the
French position, but M. Doumergue had not given him any instructions to make
suggestions, and had sim ply asked him to talk over the matter with me.
I said that the present position was that I had suggested that the 1898 A gree
ment, coupled with the most recent renewal of our Alliance with Portugal (m ade in
1899 . should be published by themselves. The Germans had not replied to this
suggestion, and I thought that they hesitated about publication. I would wait for
their reply, and I would not now press the point of publication. If, later on, I found
that the Germans were anxious for publication, I would talk to M. Cambon again when
the matter was taken up afresh.
rI am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 365.
The facts were as follow : on the 28th o f October Monsieur de Kiderien-W àchter
suggested that the French Ambassador should address to him a secret letter declaring
that if the question o f France taking over the Belgian Congo were to arise, the
French Government would consult with the German Government before taking any
steps in the matter. Monsieur de Selves considered this demand quite inadmissible,
and that it might lead to a rupture o f the negotiations. He therefore proposed as a
compromise the following formula :—
“ Dans le cas où le statut territorial du bassin conventionnel du Congo
viendrait à être modifié du fait de l ’une ou l ’ autre des puissances contractantes,
celle-ci devront en conférer entre elles comme aussi avec les autres puissances
signataires de l ’ Acte de Berlin du 26 février, 1885.”
You thought that a more explicit formula, making mention of the French right
of pre-em ption which had been spoken of by Monsieur Paul Cambon, might arouse
apprehensions in Belgium , with a very undesirable political effect, that France,
Germany and perhaps E ngland intended to force Belgium to sell her colony for
division between them. You considered, however, that it was quite reasonable" that
if Belgium voluntarily disposed of her colony Germany should have an opportunity
of acquiring some considerable portion of it, and the matter might then be a fair
subject of negotiation on its merits.
Monsieur de Kiderlen-W iichter’ s object was that in the event o f the question of
France taking over the Belgian Congo arising, the French Government should be
bound to consult with the German Governm ent. Monsieur de Selves countered this
demand by making the question of any change in the territorial status quo in the
Conventional Basin o f the Congo a matter for discussion between all the Powers
signatory of the Act of Berlin. It would have been difficult for Monsieur de Ividerlen
to give good reasons for a refusal to adopt Monsieur de Selves’ counter-proposal, the
effect of which however was to protect France by Treaty stipulation against the
obvious intention betrayed by the German demand for the secret undertaking from
the French Government.
I have, Ac.
FR A N C IS B E R T IE .
No. 366.
No. 367.
F.O. 1 04 1 8 /3 2 5 /1 4 '3 6 .
(No. 42.) Lisbon, D. March 3, 1914.
Sir B. March 9, 1914.
The question of the Anglo-G erm an Agreem ent as to the Portuguese Colonies was
raised yesterday by interpellation in the Chamber of Deputies.
The attention of the Prime Minister, acting as Minister for Foreign Affairs, was
called to the continued reports in foreign newspapers as to the existence of an
agreement between Great Britain and Germ any establishing spheres of influence in
Angola in spite of the declarations on the subject of the form er Minister for Foreign
A ffairs; and also to the absence of any official dementi discouraging such reports.
This in com bination with the recent introduction in Angola of the regime of free port
[10900] 2 0 2
564
Senhor Machado told me last Saturday that the above-m entioned interpellation
was going to be made and gave me the gist of the reply which he intended to give.
As he evidently expected me to say something on the subject, I remarked that I had
nothing to add to what I had been authorized to communicate to Senhor Macieira,
which I repeated ("see your telegram No. 28 of the 19th December la st)./1) I also
observed that he was no doubt conversant with the substance of the Anglo-German
Agreem ent of 1898. His Excellency replied in the affirmative but added that he had
never seen the text. He asked me no further questions, having evidently been
informed by the Director General of the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, who had
sounded me a few days previously, that I had no fresh instructions on the subject.
Senhor M achado’ s reply in response to the direct question as to the existence of a
new Agreement contrasts with the previous categorical denials of Senhor Macieira
and amounts to an admission of the truth of the reports. It has caused very little
com m ent as yet possibly because the previous denials had found as little credence.
I have, Ac.
LAN CELOT D. CAB N EG IE.
(*) [r . supra, p. 550, N o. 353.]
No. 368.
N o. 369.
X ote by Sir Edward G rc y .( *)
( J) [T h is n ote is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to the C abinet on M a rch IS, 1914. F o r the
pa pers circu la ted at th e sam e tim e r. su p ra , p. 549, N o. 3 5 2 ; p. 554, N o. 3 5 6 : pp. 555-6, N o. 3 6 0 ;
pp . 556—6, N o. 3 6 1 ; pp. 560-1, N o. 3 6 4 ; pp. 562—3, N o. 3 6 6 ; p. 564, N o. 368.]
No. 370.
Sir E. Goschen to Sir Edward Greu.
Private k Seeret.(L
M y dear Grey. Berlin. March 28, 1914.
I have just received a letter from ,Tagow(2) to the following effect :—
“ I want particularly to talk to you about our agreement on the subject of the
Portuguese Colonies. As we know from Liehnow sky’ s reports Sir E. Grey attaches
considerable importance to our engagements being published. Although we con
sidered that this was contrary to our interests we had resigned ourselves to consent
to the publication of the Agreem ent when we learnt of the existence of a Treaty
concluded between the British and Portuguese Governm ents in 1899, a treaty which
in a sense renewed the old Anglo-Portuguese Treaties of Alliance dating from some
centuries back. B y this Treaty, com m only called the ‘ Treaty of W indsor,’ the
British G ov [ern m en ]t guarantees for Portugal in perpetuity her whole territory
including her colonies. Now, according to what Sir E . Grey has said to Liehnowsky,
he intends, at the demand of the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t to publish this treaty also.
You are sufficiently acquainted with our public opinion to be able to form an idea
of the disastrous effect which the publication of this Treaty either before, or sim ul
taneously with, our agreement, will produce here. There is no doubt but that we
shall be reproached with having made a ‘ fo o l’ s bargain ’ (marché de dupe) with
Great Britain— and that there will be a violent outcry against ‘ Albion ’ who will be
accused of duplicity in guaranteeing only one year after the conclusion of our
agreement o f 1S9S.— the Portuguese Governm ent against the loss of her Colonies.
Far from contributing to a * rapprochement ’ between the two countries our Colonial
Agreement will under such circumstances result in increased coldness.
I go still further and do not hesitate to tell you that I am convinced that the
publication of the Treaty of W indsor would give rise to an agitation in this country
which would seriously compromise the position of the Chancellor. Of course I have
let Liehnowsky know m y views— but what I have just told you is such a very delicate
point that I have not been able to be quite so explicit in m y instructions to him.
Therefore I will ask you to regard what I am saying to you as absolutely confidential.
But if, as I believe, Sir Edward Grey considers that it is to the interest of our two
( x) [G rey M S S ., V ol. 23. T his letter is en d orsed as h a v in g b een sent to the K i n g ; to th e
P rim e M in ister ; t o L o rd C rew e ; to L o rd M orlev ; t o M r. H a rc o u rt.]
(2) [ c p . G.P., X X X V I I (I i. pp. 113-4 ]
5G6
countries that M. de Bethmann H ollweg should remain as long as possible at the head
of the affairs of the Empire, I hope that he will resign him self to this sacrifice, a small
one, I venture to think from the English point of view, and give up the idea of
publishing the Treaty of W indsor. W e certainly wish that our agreement on the
subject of the Portuguese Colonies should be signed as soon as possible, but up till
now we have hesitated to make a definite proposal on the subject in London, precisely
because of this question which has as yet received no exact solution in the conversa
tions o f Sir Edward Grey and Prince Lichnow sky.”
I have only just had time to scribble down this rough but exact translation of
Jagow ’ s letter— which I only received just now. l i e wants me to go and see him early
this afternoon— so I have had no time to telegraph to you to ask what you would like
me to say. I will perhaps telegraph to you the substance of the foregoing— but in the
meantime I will, if Jagow presses me, confine m yself to repeating what you have said
to Lichnowsky.
I have not time for a word more so please excuse haste and believe me
Yours verv sincerely,
W . E . GOSCHEN.
No. 371.
Private. ( 2)
M y dear Grey, Berlin, March 29, 1914.
I sent you by Messenger yesterday a translation of a letter(3) which I had received
from Jagow7 on the subject of the publication of the Anglo-German Agreement and
the Treaty of W indsor. At his request I went to see him yesterday afternoon.
W hat he wants me to do is to tell you that I think that the publication of the Treaty
of W indsor would have the disastrous effect on German public opinion which he
described in his letter.
W e ll! I do honestly think that public opinion here would be upset and that the
Chancellor’ s enemies in the Reichstag, ahvavs on the look out for grievances against
him, would make hostile speeches and use the opportunity to add a few more nails to
his official coffin. I told Jagow that, while admitting the possibility and even the
probability of such an agitation, I could not admit that it would be justified. Such
excitement on the part of public opinion could, in my opinion, only come from
misunderstanding as to the nature of the Treaty and the Agreements. Broadly
speaking the Treaty of W indsor was merely the reaffirmation of our old Treaty with
Portugal, while the Treaty of 1898 or our new7 agreement would only com e into force
if Portugal wished, or circumstances compelled her, to sell her colonies. Herr von
Jagow answered that in the new agreement there was more than I had indicated (by
which I presume he meant Articles 8 and 9, particularly Article 8 )(4) and that at all
events the certainty remained that the reaffirmation of the old Anglo-Portuguese
Alliance only a year after the conclusion of the 1898 Agreement with Germany would
cause trouble here. I said that one thing was equally certain and that was that the
Portuguese Government would be in a very difficult position if the one Treaty was
published without the other. Jagow seemed to think that the Portuguese were such
a despicable people that it didn’ t much matter whether their Government was put
Xo. 372.
No. 373.
No. 874.
wishes than that anything should he done which would in any way render his position
difficult. As, therefore, the publication o f the Treaties would almost certainly have
that effect, and as. on the other hand, the signature of the Revised Anglo-German
Agreem ent without publication would bring the latter into the category of Secret
Agreements, against which your mind was firmly set, it seemed to me, personally, that
it might be better to let the whole matter drop for the moment, all the more that one
o f the chief reasons for which the 1897 [s ic : 1898] Agreement had been revised had
happily now ceased to exist. Herr von Jagow said that personally he was in principle
rather averse from dropping agreements after they had once been initialled, but
perhaps in this case signature m ight he postponed without inconvenience. Such
postponem ent was in any case the lesser of two evils. Finally Herr von Jagow begged
me to inform you confidentially of his views, which I had the honour to do in my
private letter of the 29th ultim o.(3)
A few davs later Herr von Jagow again returned to the subjectC) and asked me
whether I had inform ed you of his views with regard to the effect that the publication
o f the two Treaties would have upon public opinion in Germany. I said that I had
done so and that I was now able to tell him quite explicitly and unreservedly what
was in your mind as regards this subject.
You wished me to tell him that, while you must necessarily stand by the arrange
m ents which were made by the Governm ent of the day with Germ any in 1898 and
Portugal in 1899, you would certainly not do, nor, if you could help it, would you
publish, anything in connection w’ith this question that was likely to cause
embarrassment to the Im perial Chancellor or him self or to have an unfavourable
effect upon German public opinion. On the other hand, you wished it to be clearly
understood that you could not publish the Anglo-German Agreem ent without
publishing the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty of Alliance as confirmed in 1899, and that
you could not make any new Secret Agreement.
I then inform ed His E xcellency that under these circumstances you felt that the
only course for the present was that the whole question of the Anglo-German
Agreem ent respecting the Portuguese Colonies should be left as it w as; but that you
wished me, in expressing your opinion on that point, to give him the assurance that
His M ajesty’ s Governm ent would make no new agreement either with Portugal, or
any other Power, respecting the territory affected by the Anglo-Germ an Agreement
of 1898, or by the revised draft agreement, which had lately been initialled, without
previous consultation with the Im perial Government.
H err von Jagow seemed to be very grateful for this explicit statement of views,
and agreed that “ for the present ” the matter should be allowed to drop. H e hoped,
however, that soon, namely, when German colonial territory reached larger dimensions
and w’hen consequently public attention on colonial matters would be extended over a
larger field, the Imperial Governm ent would be in a position to raise no further
objections to the publication of both Treaties. In the meantime the Imperial
Governm ent considered themselves m orally bound by the initialled agreement.
I have, Ac.
W . E. GOSCHEN.
M IN U T E S .
No. 375.
F.O. 1 83 0 0 /3 2 5 /1 4 /3 6 .
(No. 123.) Secret.
Sir •— Foreign Office, M ay 2, 1914.
I have received your despatch No. 172 Secret of the 21st ultim o,(*) reporting the
conversations which you have had with the German S ec[reta rv] of State for Foreign
Affairs on the question of the publication of the Anglo-G erm an Agreem ent respecting
the Portuguese Colonies and of the Treaty of 1899 renewing the A nglo-Portuguese
Alliance.
Your E xcellency correctly stated the view which I hold on this matter, and I
entirely approve the language held by you to H err von Jagow during the course of
your discussions.
[I am, Ac.
E . G R E Y .]
0 ) [r . im m ed ia tely p r e ce d in g docu m en t.]
572
N o. 376.
Mr. Carnegie to Sir Edward Greg.
F.O. 2 9 1 0 3 /6 9 9 5 /1 4 /3 6 .
(No. 102.) Confidential. Lisbon, D. June 23, 1914.
Sir :— R. June 29, 1914.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs spoke to me very confidentially to-day about
the attitude of the Germans towards Angola. They had, he said, becom e very pressing
in their demands, and the Portuguese Government were at a loss to know howT far
they should go in acceding to them. The principal demand was for a concession to
construct a railway from some port in Southern Angola to connect with the Otavi
mines and the railways in German South-W est Africa, and permission had been given
to a party of German engineers to survey the harbour and country (see m y despatches
Nos. 72 of April 18 and 88 of May 21).(M The Portuguese Governm ent however
did not at all desire to see a virtually German line and port established in their
territory but wished to push on the construction of the Mossamedes Railway for which
the assistance of foreign, including German, capital would be welcomed. There
would be no objection whatever to building branch lines into the German colony.
Then there was the Ambaca Railway which the Government had proposed to take
over (see m y despatch No. 23 Commercial of March 17 )(2) but now certain
Oporto Bankers backed by a German group come forward and had offered to fulfil all
the engagem ents undertaken by the Ambaca Company involving an expenditure of
some £80,000, the neglect of which had necessitated the action taken by the Govern
ment. There being now no further reason for Government interference the railway
would be left in the hands of the Company the control of which would to all intents
and purposes pass into German hands.
In regard to the Benguella Railway the Portuguese Government felt considerable
uneasiness. Mr. W illiam s had asked them to guarantee the interest on the sum
required to com plete the line, but that was quite out of the question as thejr could not
do it. Mr. W illiams had rather attempted to blackmail the I’ortuguese Government
in the matter, hinting that he would hand the whole enterprize over to the Germans.
H e was nowr in Brussels and the Portuguese Government had every hope that the
Belgians, of whom they were not afraid, would find the m oney and take the railway
over, but the control would remain in Portuguese hands.
There was still another matter, H is E xcellency said, which he would mention
privately as it was connected with the affairs of the Marquis de V alflor(3) as whose
agent he had, as I know, been recently acting. The Marquis not long ago had an
offer, from a Frenchm an, of forty m illion francs for his property in the cocoa Islands,
and he, Senhor Freire d ’ Andrade, had gone to Paris to investigate the matter. H e
had found that the offer purported to come from a small firm who neither had nor
could raise anything like the abovem entioned sum. Further enquiries revealed the
fact that the proposed purchase m oney was to come from London, and though he had
no proof, he had a strong suspicion that the Germans were at the back of the whole
thing.
The German Minister, His Excellency continued, was soon returning to Lisbon
from leave and would no doubt press the demands already made and would probably
formulate new ones. The position of the Portuguese Government had become difficult
and dangerous and before deciding upon their line of action they wished to know
what attitude His M ajesty’ s Government wished them to adopt. Did H is M ajesty’ s
Governm ent entirely disinterest themselves about the fate of Angola, he asked, and
would they view with equanimity a com pliance by the Portuguese Government with
0 ) [M r. C a rn eg ie’ s despatch (N o. 72), D . A p ril 18, R . M ay 4, 1914, and his despatch
(N o. 88), D . M a y 21, R . J u n e 2, 1914, a re n ot rep rod u ced , as the con ten ts are sufficiently
in d ica te d above. (F.O . 1 9 5 5 8 /6 9 9 5 /1 4 /3 6 ; 2 4 4 4 9 /6 9 9 5 /1 4 /3 6 .)] ‘
(2) [N o t rep rod u ced .]
(3) [U n sign ed m a rg in a l n o t e : “ W e kn ow o f him as the ow ner o f a p la n ta tion in San Thom e,
bu t th a t is a ll.” ]
57 3
all the demands o f Germany and the Germanisation of that Province, or was there a
point beyond which His M ajesty’ s Governm ent would not wish the Portuguese
Government to go— for instance the grant of a port to the Germans— and would
His M ajesty’ s Government support the Portuguese Government if they refused to go
beyond this point ? He did not want to see a ‘ ‘ Panther ’ ’ sailing up a Portuguese
port in order to enforce some demand of the German Government to which the
Portuguese Government would have no alternative but to yield. I confined m yself to
replying that I would not fail to report his enquiry to you.
I have, &c.
LA N C E LO T D. C A R N E G IE .
MINTJTES.
The .Im & aca B a ilw a y (S. P a u l de L oa n d a ) is in th e B ritish sphere und er th e 1S98
con v en tion . I f the G erm ans do n ot ob ject to B ritish m oney in th e B en guella R a ilw a y we
ca n n ot o b ject to G erm an m oney in th e A m baca R a ilw ay .
As reg a rd s the B en gu ella B a ilw a y w e kn ow now th a t M r. "Williams has g o t all the m oney
he w anted, som e o f it from G erm an sources, th ou g h n ot as m u ch as th e G erm ans w ou ld have
liked to p rov id e. T here w ill n ot be G erm an con trol.
T he C ocoa islands are not m en tion ed in th e 1893 con v en tion s o r note. In th e revised
con v en tion o f 1913, w hich does n ot b in d (4) us, as it was n ot sign ed, th ey w ere on ly m en tion ed
as t e rr ito ry in w hich H [ i s ] M [a je s t y 's ] G o v e r n m e n t ] w ou ld n o t a ttem p t possession, o ccu p a
tion , con trol, o r ex ercise o f p o litica l in fluen ce. N o sp ecial rig h t o f G erm any in them is
m entioned.
I t is n ot clear w h at the P ortu g u ese M fin is t e r fo r ] F fo r e ig n ] A [fla ir s] m eans by a
dem and fo r a p ort b y G erm any. W e ca n n ot, I ta k e it, ob ject if G erm ans m erely ask fo r leave
to b u ild a ra ilw a y from a p ort in S. A n g ola , th ou g h w e should b e b ou n d to su p p o r t P o rtu g a l
if G erm any dem a nded possession o f a p ort a ga in st h er w ill.
T he re p ly to the P ortu g u ese G o v [e r n m e n ]t m ig h t be th a t H f i s ] M fa je s t y ’ s] G fo v e rn m e n t]
w ill o f course, as th ey a re bou n d, su p p ort P o r t u g a l in resistin g G erm an a gg ression d irected
tow ards th e dism em berm ent o f P ortu g u ese possessions b u t th a t in reg a rd to com m ercia l en ter-
prizes such as those in co n tem p la tion in A n g ola th ey ca n n ot a d op t any oth er a ttitu d e than
th a t o f d isin terested specta tors.
C. W . 0 .
J u n e 29.
I t looks ra th er as though the P ortu g u ese w ere a n g lin g to find ou t ra th er m ore a b ou t the
A n g lo-G erm a n secret a greem en t th ou g h , as a m a tter o f fa c t, w e b elieve th a t th ey do k now
p retty a ccu ra tely w hat its term s are.
I f it is tru e th a t M r. W illia m s has been a tte m p tin g to b la ck m a il th e P o rtu g u e se G o v fe rn -
m e n ]t by th re a te n in g to hand ov er th e B en gu ella R a ilw a y en terp rise to the G erm ans, we
Bhall h a rd ly be in clin ed to su p p ort him .
Q [u e r ]y . R e p lv as proposed.
D.
30.vi.14.
T he P ortu g u ese know all a bou t the 1893 a greem ent, and have b een to ld th a t th e 1913
a greem en t in volves no m ore. B u t th is does lo o k ra th er as if th ey w ere fishing fo r fu rth er
in fo r m [ a t io ] n a bou t the la tter agreem ent. A n y w a y th a t a greem ent enters in to th e con sid era
tion o f the re p ly — if any— th a t w e shall send t o this feeler.
I t m ay, in th e first place, be en q u ired w hether w e con sid er ourselves b ou n d b y th e 1398
or 1913 agreem en t. I t w [o u l]d be w ell to settle th is p oin t, th ou g h , as ex p la in e d la ter, the
p o in t is h a rd ly essential t o th e con sid era tion o f the m a tters ra ised in th is despatch. T ech n i
ca lly , I suppose, w e a re on ly b ou n d b y th e 1393 agreem ent. T he revised v ersion was only
in itia lled b u t n ot s ig n e d ; and, ow in g to G erm a n o b jection s to th e sim ultaneous p u b lica tion o f
our T rea ty o f A llia n ce w ith P o rtu g a l as confirm ed in 1899, the m a tte r has slid in to abeyance
fo r th e present. T he G erm ans have h ow ev er sta ted th a t th ey con sid er them selves m ora lly
b ound b y th e 1913 agreem ent. T hey w [o u l]d certa in ly hold, or a ffect to hold, th a t w e w ere
equally “ m o r a lly ” b ou n d b y th e la ter and in itia lle d a greem ent w hich is e x p lic itly sta ted to
rep la ce th e 1398 a greem ent. T he q uestion has n ot been definitely raised, and w e h a ve no
in terest th a t I can see in ra is in g it— rath er th e con tra ry. I f it w ere raised, it m ig h t be
difficult fo r us, ev en if w e so desired, to dissent from the G erm an view .
O stensibly th e m a tter is to som e e x ten t in v olv ed in the second pa ra [g r a p h ] o f this
d e s p fa t c h ], because the A m baca R a ilw a y is in the B ritish sphere as defined in the 1898
( 4) [U n sign ed m a rg in a l n o t e : “ T he G erm ans say th ey ‘ con sid er them selves m ora lly
b ound ’ by th e new A g r e e m e n t : it is n ot certa in q u ite w hat they m ean, and w e have not
ta ken up the p oin t. See 1 33 00 /14 .” (v. supra, pp . 569-71, N o. 374, and m m .]
574
agreem ent, b u t not in th a t describ ed in th e 1913 agreem ent. P lease see M r. O rd e’ s sketch m ap,
a tta ch ed to this despatch, w hich also shows the va riou s A n g olese railw ays 111 question.
O f these th ree railw ays, the M ossam edcs and M a la n g e (A m b a ca ) system s do not pay
w ork in g expenses, and are a h eavy ch a rg e on th e state. The Benguella (L ob ito) system is
m ore fa v ou ra b ly situ ated , and pays w ork in g expenses but w ill n ot pa
con stru ction u n til ex ten d ed to K a ta n g a . In fa c t the fu tu re o f all these railw ays as a
com m ercia l asset dep ends on th eir exten sion to the hin terla n d . I t is m a in ly for this p u rpose
th a t a b ill has been in trod u ced in the P ortu g u ese P arliam en t to em pow er the G o v [e rn m e n ]t
to raise £8,000,000. O ne at least o f th e im p orta n t g rou p s— M r. B lock ’ s, th e L isbon g ro u p —
in terested in railw ay con stru ction in A n g ola is m a rk in g tim e to see w hether this bill is
a d o p te d by P a rliam en t. A n d th e p rosp ects seem fa v ou ra ble. T h e P ortu g u ese R e p u b lic seems
ben t on a grea t effort in th is d ire ctio n , very la rg ely w ith the idea o f k eep in g out
co n tr o l as fa r as possible.
Unless, a fter all, the P ortu g u ese are g o in g to fu n k th e loan bill, I do not q u ite un d er
stand th eir trou b le over the A m baca R [a ilw a ]y . In M arch th e P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t
G azette pu blished a decree ta k in g over the R [ a ilw a ]y from the T ra n s-A frica n R a ilw a y Co.,
as a prov ision a l m easure in the in terests of the C olony o f A ngola, w ith o u t p reju d ice to the
settlem en t o f the n e g otia tion s b etw een the G o v [e rn m e n ]t and the C om p an y as to th eir
respectiv e lia bilities. T he G o v [e rn m e n ]t h a v in g on ce ta k en this step, ow in g to the fa ilu re o f
the Co. to fulfil its ob liga tion s, I d o n ot see th a t the G o v [e rn m e n ]t are in the least ob liged
to rescin d th e ir a ction , and allow a G erm an con cern to step in as a life-b u oy to the corpse
o f th e C o [in p a n y ], thus sq ueezing ou t the m uch ta lk ed o f G o v [e rn m e n ]t scheme. Had
th e G erm an g ro u p com e forw a rd b efore the C o [m p a n y ] fa iled in its engagem ents and was
ta k en over, and had p riv a tely finan ced th e C o [m p a n y ] to the e x ten t o f th e necessary £80,000,
th e position m ight have been different. As it is, th e A m baca railw ay prop osition seems to me
to be clearly “ up t o ” the P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t if they really m ean business w ith th eir
bill. As fa r as we are con cern ed , we ca n n ot help them in this, if they d o n ’ t m ean to help
them selves. I f w e w ere to assume th a t the 1898— and not the 1913— agreem en t was th e only
one th a t b ou n d us, we s h [o u l]d n a tu ra lly not wish to see an ex clu siv ely G erm an-financed
show in the Am baca sphere. B u t, as has been a lready p oin ted out, we c [ o u l] d h a rd ly ob ject
to G erm an p r iv a te ca p ita l and en terp rise em p loy in g itself in the Am baca region in w hatever
p r o p o r tio n — if th e G erm ans are not o b je c tin g to the W illia m s en terp rise in th e Benguella
system , w hich is in th e G erm an sphere both under the 1898 and 1913 agreem ents. I f it is
th e 1898 agreem en t w hich is in force, th e G erm ans w [o u l]d be p la y in g th e gam e by beh av in g
as w e d id tow ards W illiam s, i.e. by a d v isin g him to enlist G erm an ca p ital. B u t they d o not
con sid er the 1898 agreem en t to be th e v a lid one, and anyhow w [o u l]d proba b ly not “ play
the g a m e .” F u rth erm ore, to recu r to m y p reced in g ob serv a tion s to the effect th a t th e secret
agreem en ts are not really and e ffectiv ely in volved in this m a tter, I do n ot th in k that the
G erm ans could ob ject to W illiam s, even if th ey w an ted to, and equally w e cou ld not ob ject
to G erm an ca p ita l in the Am baca system , even if the 1898 a greem ent w ere in force. A r ticle 5
on ly deals w ith G overnm ent concessions, not w ith p r iv a te en terp rise. I have a lread y— on
26809(5)— v en tu red to suggest a p olicy o f n on -in terv en tion and in a c tiv ity in reg a rd to the
va riou s railw ay prop osition s in the S outh. I v en tu re to th in k w e m ust ta k e the sam e line
in re g a rd to A m baca. W e ca n n ot in terv en e to keep the G erm an g rou p out. I th in k we
s h [o u l]d confine our rep ly to th e lines in d ica ted at the b eg in n in g o f this pa ra g ra p h o f m y
m in u te, viz. tell th e P ortu g u ese G o v [e r n m e n ]t th rou g h M r. C a rnegie tha t, for the reasons
I ha ve g iv en , the rem edy appea rs to be in th eir own hands. I f they wish to a p p ly th eir bill,
they can, and th erew ith th e G erm an g ro u p vanishes from the tapis.
P a ssin g now to th e B enguella ra ilw a y q uestion, we orig in a lly p la yed the p a rt o f the
honest in term ed iary, and advised M r. W illia m s to com e to an a rra n g em en t w ith G erm an
ca p ita l. H e trie d and fa iled. I do n ot know how hard he tried , or w ho was to blam e fo r
the fa ilu re. A nyhow he c [ o u l] d not com e to an arra n g em en t sa tisfa ctory t o him self, and the
idea o f G erm an p a rticip a tio n d rop p ed out, th ou g h the G erm ans a p p recia ted our action.
F u rth erm ore, w e heard recen tly from L isb on th a t M r. W illia m s w as g e t t in g the m oney he
req u ired from local financiers. I th in k these tw o fa cts m ake it u nlikely th a t M r. W illia m s
w [o u l]d have tried , as alleged, to bla ck m a il the P ortu g u ese G o v [e rn m e n ]t by th rea ten in g to
hand the w hole con cern ov er to the G erm ans. T he a llega tion is also n ot con son an t w ith our
p rev iou s know ledge o f M r. W illia m s’ ch a ra cter. I f he d id try b la ckm a il, we sh [o u l]d
a ltog eth er revise ou r estim ate o f the m an, and w ith d ra w any sym pathy fo r him. B u t we
cou ld, and should, no m ore m ix up in the m a tter than when we d ecid ed no action to be
necessary on our p a rt on a d ifferen t estim ate o f the m an and d ifferen t in fo rm a tio n as to the
prosp ects o f his plans. (See m in u te on 26809.(s) )
T he w hole situ a tion is u n sa tisfa ctory , and it is to be hop ed th a t b efore lon g a suitable
o p p o rtu n ity w ill presen t itself fo r m a k in g it clear to the G erm an g overn m en t th a t the d r a ft
co n v e n tio n o f 1913 rep resen ts an a b ortiv e schem e w hich has been d r o p p e d and is w ith d ra w n
b eca use G erm any has refu sed to sign it on th e co n d itio n on w hich H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n
m en t] from th e b eg in n in g in sisted as a sine qua n o n : i.e. p u b licity .
E. A. C.
J u ly 4.
T h e w hole q uestion is discussed so fu lly in th e above m inu tes th a t I have no rem arks
t o m ake.
A. N.
No. 377.
F.O. 3 09 5 4 /6 9 95 /1 4 /3 6 .
(No. 111.) Confidential. Lisbon, D. July 2, 1914.
S ir;— R. July 9, 1914.
W ith reference to m y despatch No. 102, Confidential, of the 23rd ultim o,(2) I have
the honour to inform you that the Minister for Foreign Affairs asked me whether I
had anything to tell him in regard to the remarks which he had made to me about
the Germans and Angola. I replied that I had not failed to report to you what he
had said, and that there had scarcely been time enough to get an answer.
(!) [A cop y o f this d espa tch was sent t o the C olonial O ffice.]
( 2) [u. im m ed ia tely p reced in g d ocu m en t.]
577
Senhor Freire d ’ Andrade then said that the Germans were becom ing very
pressing in their demands for the Angola Loan of £8,000,000 (see m y despatch No. 88
of the 21st M ay),(3) which if obtained by them would include other concessions such
as the port and railway in South Angola. Parliament had now authorized the
Minister for the Colonies to raise part of it immediately, viz : £1,600,000. This
the German group wished to have, with an option on the rem aining £0,400,000, the
subsequent issue of which had also been sanctioned with the provision that the
conditions of the issue were submitted to and approved by Parliament. He would
like to see the loan taken up by an international group in which the Germans would
be of course at perfect liberty to participate. Meanwhile, H is Excellency continued
German policy in Angola resembled that of a skilful general who before making a
final attack occupied positions of advantage in various parts of the country. If the
Portuguese Government made no attempt now to hinder those manoeuvres they would
wake up one day and find that Angola had to all intents and purposes becom e a
German possession. The Portuguese Government were at a loss to know what policy
to adopt, and before taking any action they wished to ascertain the views of His
M ajesty’ s Government.
I have, Ac.
LA N C E LO T D. C AR N EG IE.
(3) [M r. C a rn eg ie’ s despa tch (N o. 88), D . M a y 21, R . J u n e 2, 1914, is n ot rep rod u ced , as
the con ten ts a re sufficiently in d ica te d above. (F .O . 2 4 4 4 9 /6 9 9 5 /1 4 /3 8 .)]
No. 378.
No. 379.
No. 380.
F.O. 3 1 9 8 2 /6 9 95 /1 4 /3 6 .
(No. 150.) Secret.
g ir Foreign Office, July 15, 1914.
’ I have received and considered your despatches Nos. 102 and 111 of the
23rd u lt [im o ](2) and the 2nd instant(3) respecting the apprehensions of the
Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t as to German aspirations in Angola and reporting an
enquiry by the Portuguese M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] as to the views of
H [is ] M [a je sty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] with regard to the attitude which should be adopted
by the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t towards German claims for concessions in that
I have to request that you will inform Senhor Freire d ’ Andrade verbally to the
following e ffe c t :—
H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] would look with genuine satisfaction on any
effective measures taken by the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t for the developm ent of
Angola, more especially if this can be done while relying entirely on Portuguese
resources. At the same time, H [is ] M [a jestv’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] would see no objection
to the em ploym ent of German capital, especially in the regions bordering on the
German colonies in S [ou th ] Africa. It is for the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t them
selves to attach to any concession they may desire to grant such conditions as will in
their own opinion safeguard their national and territorial rights, but in view of the
treaty obligations of Great Britain towards Portugal H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e r n
m ent] would naturally wish to be inform ed of any definite concessions o f ports,
railways, Ac., which the Portuguese G ov [ern m en ]t may contemplate granting to
foreigners other than British subjects in the Portuguese African colom es.(4)
I am, Ac.
E . G R E Y.
( 4) r M r UC a rn eg iei^ d esp a tch '^ (N o. 123 S ecret), D . J u ly 20, R . J u ly 27, 1914, rep orted his
action in a ccord a n ce w ith these in stru ction s. (F .O . 3 4 0 4 3 /6 9 9 5 /1 4 /3 6 .)]
[10900]
580
C H A P TE R XCVI.
M EDITERRAN EAN AGREEM EN TS.
[ED. N O TE.— A referen ce to the ex ch a n g e o f letters on N ovem b er 22 and 23, 1912, is made
in Gooch & Temperley, V ol. I X (I I ), p. 193, Ed. Note. cp. also D .D .F., 3me Sér., V ol. I l l , where
the references can be ob tain ed from th e Table Méthodique, pp. x x x i -x x x i ii , and ibid., Vol. IV ,
pp. x x x v -x x x v i.]
No. 381.
No. 382.
Minutes by Sir E yre Crowe, Sir A. Xicolson and Sir Eaicard Grey.
F.O. 371 1560.
19598/19598 12/50.
Sir E. Grey, Foreign Office, April 30, 1912.
I met Admiral Troubridge, General W ilson and Captain H ankey yesterday
afternoon, as arranged, in order to consult as to the probable effects on British policy
of our evacuating the Mediterranean, and the strategical considerations arising
therefrom.
The heads o f the W ar Staff and the General Staff urged very forcibly that, as a
basis for the observations which they were called upon to put forward it was essential
58-2
that they should have an authoritative statement on the questions o f foreign policy
involved. The whole problem centres round our relations with France, Spain, Italy
and Turkey and unless the Staffs are afforded some definite guidance as to the manner
in which those relations might be affected by our withdrawal from the Mediterranean,
they will, as they pointed out yesterday, be obliged to base all their work on such
political assumption as they may be able to form themselves. Such assumptions
would necessarily be made without special knowledge and without the authority which
wrould alone justify their acceptance by the Cabinet.
I verbally explained what appear to me the points of policy requiring to be taken
into account, but what is desired is a written paper put forward in the name of the
Foreign Office.
I said I would explain the matter to Sir Edwrard Grey who would, I had no doubt,
direct a paper to be accordingly prepared.
I propose to submit a draft memorandum (as brief as possible) for your
consideration.
E . A. C.
A p [ril] 30.
No. 383.
(■*) [ep. Pribram, V ol. II. pp. 214-6, fo r the tex t o f the d r a ft M ilita r y C on v en tion of
A u gu st 17, 1 89 2; also D .D .F ., 3 me Ser.. V ol. II. pp. 85-90, X o . 90. Annexe, w here th e proccs-
uerbat o f A u g u st 31. 1911, is g iv en — the m ost recen t o f the p e rio d ic re v isio n s ; v. also infra,
p. 617, X o. 418, and note ( 3).]
( 3) [cp. Gooch & Teinperley, V ol. I l l , pp. 169-203, C h a pter X X ; r. esp ecially pp. 170-1,
X o . 210, 173-4, X o . 212, ends, a nd min., p. 177, X o . 215, pp. l> 0 -2 , X o . 219.
No. 384.
N o. 385.
Sir A . Nicolson to Sir Edward G rey.
Private^1)
Sir Edward Grey, Foreign Office, May 6, 1912.
I transmit herewith a memorandum by Sir E yre Crowe in regard to the effect on
foreign policy in the event of a British evacuation in the M editerranean^2) The
question is so fully examined in the m emorandum that I need add nothing to the
matters discussed there.
I f the Admiralty consider that it is essential to concentrate all their naval forces
in the Channel and North Sea, and that therefore the naval force in the Mediterranean
must be very materially reduced, I can conceive only three alternative courses open
to us.
A. to increase the Naval Budget so as to enable an additional squadron to be
created for permanent service in the Mediterranean. This solution would presumably
be ruled out as imposing too heavy a charge on the Estimates.
B. to com e to an alliance with Germany so as to free a large portion of the fleets
at present locked up in hom e waters for the purpose of watching Germany. Such a
measure would
(1) place us in an inferior naval position to Germany who would be then very
m uch the predominant partner, and able to put unendurable pressure upon
us whenever she thought it necessary. Moreover the safety o f our vital
parts would be left dependent on the favour of Germany.
(2) It would throw the three Scandinavian countries, Belgium and Holland into
the arms of Germany who would in general estimation be the dom inating
Power.
(3) It would cause France and Russia to be at least cold and unfriendly— and
our position throughout the mid East and on the Indian frontier and
elsewhere would be seriously shaken and imperilled. These are three
indisputable facts. I do not allude to the probabilities of German pressure
on France and the risk of a European war, and the loss of our prestige
throughout the world who would regard us as having been com pelled to
make terms with Germany and becom e practically dependent on her. I
would therefore rule out this solution.
C. An understanding with France whereby she would undertake, in the early
period of a war and until we could detach vessels from hom e waters, to safeguard our
interests in the Mediterranean. She would naturally ask for some reciprocal engage
ments from us which it would be well worth our while to give. This to m y m ind offers
the cheapest, simplest and safest solntion. N.
0 ) [G rey M S S ., V ol. 55.]
( 2) [ v . im m ed ia tely su cceed in g d ocu m en t.]
No. 386.
Memorandum on the effect of a British Evacuation of the Mediterranean on
Questions of Foreign P o licy .f 1)
F.O. 371/1560.
1959 8 /1 9 59 8 /1 2 /5 0.
Secret. Foreign Office, May 8, 1912.
1. The evacuation o f the Mediterranean by the British naval forces would affect
the relations of Great Britain with the principal Mediterranean Powers in several
important ways.
0 ) [T h e t e x t above is th a t o f the m em ora ndum revised and a p p rov ed b y S ir E d w a rd G rey
and sent on M a y 8, 1912, t o the S ecreta ry o f the C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D efen ce, t o G eneral
W ilson , and t o A d m ira l T rou b rid g e. I t is based on the d r a ft by Sir E. C row e, cp. sup ra ,
p. 582, N o. 382.]
58G
P rivate^ 1)
M y dear Kitchener, London. May 8, 1912.
I understand that you are being kept informed from the Imperial Defence
Committee direct of the arrangements for the m eeting in Malta to which the Prime
Minister is goin g.(2)
The proposal of the Admiralty to withdraw ships from the Mediterranean raises
very serious questions. W e are on such good terms with France that it is not
necessary for us to keep ships in the Mediterranean to counterbalance the French
sh ip s: but we have no arrangement with France, such as an Alliance, which would
give us a right to assume that France would necessarily be involved in any war in
which we were involved, and would protect our Mediterranean possessions or
occupations for us. . . _
It may be contended that, if we were at war with Germany, we could let things
take their "course in the Mediterranean for the first two or three months, and after
having established unqueMioned superiority in the North Sea. or won in the war, we
could then recover every thing in the Mediterranean. But this raises very serious
questions for E gypt. For, if this prospect were admitted, it seems to me that it would,
here and now, very materially affect the investment of capital in E gypt and the
Soudan. W e could not I suppose, hold E gypt and the Soudan against an attack by
Turkey or any great European Power unless we had command o f the sea in the
Mediterranean. Apart from this, have we a force sufficient to control native risings
in E gypt or the Soudan, that might he the consequence of our being involved in war
elsewhere. And, if the answer is in the negative, liow can wye reinforce the British
Arm v in E gypt unless we have a considerable Fleet in the Mediterranean to insure
the safe transport of troops from Malta or elsewhere?
But all considerations of this sort will be m uch more familiar to you than they
can be to me. No decision will be com e to at the meeting in Malta : the decision must
be taken at home. I am writing this letter only to explain why I sent you a telegram
this m orning,(3) as to the importance of your attending the meeting in Malta, so that
the Prim e Minister may get your view7 there at first-hand.
Yours sincerely,
E. G B E Y.
( 0 [G rey M SS., V ol. 9 .]
(2) [In a subsequent p r iv a te letter t o L ord K itc h e n e r o f M ay 16, 1912, S ir E d w ard G rev
w r o t e : “ I un d ersta n d th a t th ere is n ot to be a form a l m eetin g o f the D e fe n c e C om m ittee in
M a lta , an d the P rim e M in is ter w ill no d o u b t com m u n ica te w ith y ou as t o w heth er an d when
he w ishes y ou to m eet him th e re .” (G rey M SS ., V ol. 9 .)]
(3) [S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s p r iv a te teleg ram o f M a y 8, 1912, D. 12-55 f . m , is n ot rep rod u ced
as the con ten ts are sufficiently in d ica ted above. (G rey M SS., A ol. 9 .)]
No. 388.
members of the British Cabinet and the advocacy in certain political and newspaper
circles o f a general understanding and co-operation with Germany make political
people here nervous. The French Gov ern m en ]t would like to know how they are
likely to stand in the event of war. I tliink that they would accept to leave to be
settled between the two Governments when a question of hostilities seems near
whether the two Countries are to act as allies, but they would desire to be arranged
now and to be re-arranged periodically as changing circumstances may dictate exactly
what assistance the British Army should give to France and where, and what the
mutual support should be navally so that when a critical moment politically comes
there should be an organized plan instead of confusion. Last Autumn the French
Government knew that if France and E ngland became active alii* s the British Arm y
would render certain services. 1 T hey would like to know that the arrangements
between the British and French W ar Offices will hold good in the event of the two
countries being W ar Allies. It would be necessary in an exchange o f notes to define
generally the respective and joint interests of England and France and to say that in
the event of their appearing to either to be in danger the two Governments will
consult together. I think that we shall have to do something o f the kind before long
unless we prefer to ran the risk o f being stranded in splendid isolation. W e cannot
expect the French not to make use of our desertion of the Mediterranean as a lever
to extract something tangible from us. I am no judge as to their capability to protect
in that sea our interests as well as their own. It seems a weighty task.
Yours ever,
FR A X C IS B E B T IE .
4) [rp . G ooch <£• T em p erley. V ol. V I I , pp. 625-32, X os. 639-40 ]
X o. 369.
No. 390.
Private. (2)
M y dear Grey, Cairo, M ay 19, 1912.
I am much obliged to you for allowing me to address you in this way. I shall
attend the meeting at Malta with great interest.
There is no doubt that the proposed reduction of the Naval forces maintained in
the Mediterranean must seriously affect and endanger our position in E gypt, besides
lowering our prestige and influence in the surrounding countries. I much hope
therefore that the proposed changes may not be found necessary.
Considering the matter from a purely military defence point of view, if the
scheme is carried out, it will, as far as I can see, result in making Egypt rely upon
India in the future for supports and reinforcem ents, instead of, as at present, looking
to Malta and England.
E gypt would thus becom e, not only a connecting link with India, but one of
India’ s outposts in case of war, which she would be obliged to d e fe n d ; and wireless
connection between India and Egypt would be a matter of supreme importance.
W ar with Germany alone would, I understand, remove the battle fleet from the
M editerranean; if this were only a temporary measure, I do not look upon it with very
great anxiety, as there would still remain enough smaller ships in the Mediterranean
to prevent a serious attack on Egypt by sea, as well as to stop the Turkish fleet from
taking part in any possible attempt by their arm y.
A successful invasion of Egypt by land by a Turkish army would be a most serious
blow to our position here, and one that would give us grave internal trouble. Any
such attempt, however, would have to be made through the desert lying East of the
Canal, and this would render the concentration of an army in large enough numbers
to force the passage in the face of gunboats supported by sufficient troops a very
difficult military operation. The Navy could doubtless spare the three or four gunboats
that would be necessary for service in the canal, and there should be time enough for
troops to arrive from India.
But wrar with Germany might mean war with the Triple Alliance, all the more so
if our fleet is reduced in the M editerranean; in such a case we could not hope to hold
the Mediterranean sea coast of E g y p t; and would have to defend the country internally
with supports from India, very much as the Turks are doing in Tripoli.
A military point of the greatest importance in the consideration o f the effect of
the proposed Naval changes in the Mediterranean is whether India would be in a
position to send to Egypt from three to four divisions of troops whenever they might
be required; I think that the Government of India should be able to do this unless
they have let the army run down.
Yours very sincerely,
K IT C H E N E R .
N o. 891.
[10900|
594
N o. 392.
Lord Kitchener to Sir Edward G rey.C ) .
Private.i2)
M y dear Grey, The Palace, Malta, June 2, 1912.
W e have had several consultations, and it has been no easy task getting some
better settlement of the questions involved as the Sea Lords were both very much
inclined to cut down the naval forces in the Mediterranean to the lowest possible
figure. However I found some support in Mr. Asquith and I think the result is not
unsatisfactory particularly if you get the points I have noted in the enclosed
m e m o ra n d u m ] which I was unable to obtain although I was supported in them by
Mr. Asquith.
In all our Defence schemes it has been laid down that the fleet m ay be removed
in time of war so we are no worse off than we were in that respect. I hope the
wireless system will be now decided on and carried out. I do not anticipate any
great difficulty about the Fort at Alexandria, as the present saluting fort is much
wanted by the municipality, and I expect the proceeds will about build the new Fort.
I m entioned to Mr. Asquith the importance to us of an entente with Turkey as
soon as this war allowed us to make friends with them. W e should o f course take no
responsibility for complications in Turkey in Europe ; but we might be very useful to
Turkey in Arabia, Syria and the Far East.
Please excuse this hurried letter as I am leaving today and have very little time.
I have enjoyed the trip very m uch. _
Yours very sincerely,
K ITC H E N E R .
No. 393.
No. 394.
To the non-expert mind this would seem not to be such a very impossible point
o f view, and I should not be at all surprised, if the shifting of our naval base from
Malta to Gibraltar is finally decided upon, to see increased activity in the German
dockyards and at all events in those of Austria and Italy.
Austria can probably always be influenced from here to develop her naval
strength, while it is quite certain that the rivalry between that country and Italy can
always be counted upon to ensure that a naval increase on one side will always be
followed by an increase on the other. So that Germany will only have to persuade
Austria, and Italy is sure to follow. Here they say that up to 1915 the com m and of
the Mediterranean would probably rest with the trip le Entente, but that after that
it must come to the Triple Alliance.
But m any things m ay happen before 1915, and one of those is, I hope, that we
shall have sufficient ships not only to make the North Sea safe, but to maintain our
old position in the Mediterranean as well..............(3)
Yours very sincerelv,
W . E. GOSCHEN.
(3) [T h e rest o f the le tte r deals w ith B a lk an p o litics and F ra n co-G erm a n relation s in
M orocco, b u t adds n oth in g o f in terest to docu m en ts p rin ted elsew here.]
No. 395.
N o. 396.
Sir R. Rodd to Sir Edward G r e y J 1)
F.O. 371/1381.
2 7 8 0 3 /2 7 80 3 /1 2 /2 2.
(No. 172.) Confidential. Posillipo, D. June 24. 1912.
Sir, R . July 1, 1912.
In m y despatch No. 169 of the 22nd instant(2) I have pointed out that, so far
as I can see, there is little or no real improvem ent in the feeling in this country
towards France. In considering the relations of the two countries at the present time
it is impossible not to be impressed with the bearing they must inevitably have on
the Mediterranean situation, which has been occupying so much public attention.
I have of course no knowledge of what the views or ultimate intentions of His
M ajesty’ s Government may be as regards the position there, but I feel it to be my
duty to record m y opinion that if the Mediterranean interests are to be left in the
first place as a charge to France, we shall greatly increase the prospect of Italy
becom ing the mere vassal of the Triple Alliance and of establishing a situation there
to the advantage of that com bination, and therefore presum ably prejudicial to
ourselves. In spite of much that has occurred to produce a feeling of soreness with
the traditional friend of Italy, and some deliberate efforts to undermine cur influence
in this country, I think the m ajority of Italians still believe in and appreciate our
essential goodwill and disinterestedness, and in the most influential quarters there is
due recognition of the entire fairness and loyalty of an attitude on our part which
contrasts favourably for us, in their opinion, with the record of other powers. This
feeling is, I think, a growing force, and the prejudice created by the utterances of
certain journals at the initiation of hostilities has largely subsided. 'British influence
in the Mediterranean remains, in m y opinion, the most potent factor to prevent Italy
from falling entirely under Triple Alliance control, and the dangers which this may
involve I have consistently done m y best to indicate. France cannot becom e our
substitute in this respect, and she now com m ands no confidence in that public opinion
which here directs the orientation of politicians. Russia it is true has taken a
certain hold on the popular mind as a well-wisher of Italy, but it is felt that as yet
she can play little part in purely Mediterranean questions. Germ any and Austria are
as cordially disliked as they have always been by the mass of the people, but the fear
of them will remain for Italians the beginning o f wdsdom, unless some counter
balancing weight is maintained in the opposing scale. It has been and m ay still be
in the hands of Great Britain to prov'd that counterpoise, which I venture to think
it is her interest to constitute hersJt. xhis aspect of the question should, at any rate,
not be lost sight of when Mediterranean issues are under consideration.
I have, Ac.
R E N N E L L RODD.
M IN U T E .
N o. 897.
Sir Edicard G rey to Sir E . G oschen .[l
F.O. 371 1377.
2S666 *27914 12 IS.
(No. 161.)
Sir, Foreign Office, July 5, 1912.
In the course of general conversation to-day, the German Ambassador referred to
the Debate in the House of Lords about the M editerranean^2 and said that amongst
the various hypotheses there discussed the question of the effect of good under
standings between Powers had been omitted. People generally had fallen into the
habit now-a-days o f discussing the relations between Powers in terms of naval strength,
and he did not think that this was wholesome.
I said that one could not leave naval strength out of account. If Germany, with
the greatest A rm y in the world, had continued to have only a small Fleet, while we,
with the greatest Navy in the world, continued, as at present, to have only a small
Arm y, the two nations might have been of considerable use to each other, and certainly
neither could have threatened the life of the other. But, if the German Fleet became
stronger than ours, Germany would be able to threaten our very life.
The Ambassador said that it would obviously be against G erm any’ s own interests,
even if it were in her power, to attack us. Almost after the first day of war, there
would be financial disturbances throughout the world that Germany would feel more1
than any other country. It would be of no use to her to annex territory of ours, and
he appealed to the history of the last few years to show how baseless was the
supposition that Germany desired territorial expansion.
I said that public opinion was not always guided by self-interest. W hen any
diplomatic difficulty arose between two Powers, there was a question as to which should
give way. and political power might be an object quite apart from territorial expansion.
So. even without attributing aggressive designs to Germany, people here could not but
ask to what use the German armed forces might be put at some future tim e, if her
Fleet became stronger than ours. If we, having the greatest Fleet, were to announce
that we intended to have an A rm y on the Continental basis, so that we should be able
to put m illions of m en into the field, would not the German Press take notice of this,
and say that it was intended as a menace to Germ any?
The Ambassador said that he did not think the German Press would take this
line.
I remarked that, if the experiment were not so expensive, it would be very
interesting that we should make it, in order to see what the German Press would say :
a suggestion which afforded us both some amusement.
[ I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
N o. 398.
No. 399.
No. 400.
1. The follow in g a greem ent relates solely to a con tin g en cy in w hich G reat B r ita in and
F ra n ce w ere to be allies in a w ar, and does not a ffect the p olitica l freed om o f eith er G overn
m en t as t o em b ark in g on such a war.
2. I t is und erstood th a t F ra n ce has disposed alm ost the w hole o f h er b a ttle fleet in the
M ed iterra n ea n , lea v in g her A tla n tic sea b oard t o the ca re o f F lotillas.
G rea t B rita in on the oth er hand has con cen tra ted h er b a ttle fleets in hom e w aters, lea vin g
in the M e d [ite r r a n e a ]n a stron g co n ta in in g force o f b attle and arm ou red cruisers and torp ed o
cr a ft. These disp osition s have been m ade in d ep en d en tly because they are th e best w h [icli] the
sep arate in terest o f each cou n try suggests, h a vin g reg a rd t o all the circu m stan ces and
p r o b a b ilitie s ; and they d o n ot arise from any naval agreem en t or con v en tion .
3. In the ev en t o f a w ar in w h [ie h ] th e G overnm ents are allies the fo llo w in g a rrangem ents
are a greed upon betw een the respectiv e A dm ira lties.
M ed iterra n ean .
G en era l P rin cip les.
B ritish ob jectiv e.
P ro te ctio n o f A n g lo -F re n ch in terests in E a stern B asin o f th e M ed iterra n ean i.e. E ast o f
M a lta :
F ren ch ob jectiv e.
P ro te ctio n o f A n g lo -F re n ch in terests in W estern B asin o f the M ed iterra n ea n i.e. W est of
M a lta .
C om bined a ction if possible fo r the pu rposes o f gen era l engagem ent.
T h e ships o f th e tw o N a tion s t o m ake use o f each o th e r’ s P o r ts as req uired.
S tra its o f D o v e r — P a tr o l.
F ren ch lines
W . H in d e r L t. ship to N ie u p o r t— S.E.
V a rn e L t. ship t o C ape G risn ez— S.E.
W . H in d e r t o S a n d ettie and V a rn e L t.— S.W . [sic]
E nglish lines
W . H in d e r t o N . F orela n d — E a st [s ic]
V a rn e L t. ship to D un gen ess— „ [s ic ]
W . H in d e r t o S a n d ettie and V a rn e L t.— S.W .
23.7.12.
T he F ren ch N aval A tta ch e said he w ould lay S ir F [r a n c is ] B [ r id g e m a n ]’ s proposals b efore
th e F ren ch N a v al W a r S ta ff early in A u g u st and w ould b e back w ith th eir replies or proposals
a b o u t S e p t [e m b e ]r 15th.
E . T R O U B R ID G E ,
C.O.S.
23.7.12.
N o. 40 1.
M inute by Sir A . X icolsonJ1)
Private, (*)
Sir Edward Grey, Foreign Office, July 24, 1912.
M. Cambon mentioned to me today that liis Naval Attache had shown him a
D [r a ]ft agreement of a technical nature regarding dispositions of British and French
fleets which had been given to him by the First Sea L ord .(3) The first Article of this
D [r a ]ft agreement laid down very clearly that neither G ov [ern m en ]t was committed
by the provisions of the D [r a ]ft Agreem ent. So far, so good— this was in accordance
with what you had said to him (M. Cambon). But the D [r a ]ft Agreem ent provided
for the immediate carrying out o f a disposition of the French Navy, which entailed
that 9 '1 0 th s o f the naval force of France would be sent to the Mediterranean. Now
this meant that the Channel and the Atlantic would be practically abandoned by
France, and would expose her to an attack by Germ any without any guarantee at all
that the British fleet would com e to her aid. In short the engagem ent to be taken
was really unilateral— France was to m ove practically all her naval force to the
Mediterranean and leave her other coasts unprotected, and E ngland was free to aid
France or not as she liked, and be under no obligation to do so— M. Cambon said that
it was possible these objections might occur to M. Poincare, and that the French
Admiralty before concurring in the proposed disposition of the French naval forces
would require that they should have some assurances that British naval aid would be
forthcom ing for the Channel and Atlantic coasts. M. Cambon had received no
instructions : the above were ideas which had occurred to him. H e is leaving for
Paris on Saturday 27th.
‘ A. N.
M IN U T E S .
T he passage re ferred t o had the sp ecific and sole o b ject o f p r e v e n tin g such a d ifficu lty ;
and it has been u n d erstood in the e x a c tly op p osite sense to w hat I in ten d ed .
T he w o rd in g w as as follow s (so fa r as I can rem em ber w ith ou t referen ce)
“ I t is u n d erstood th a t F ra n ce has a lrea d y m oved alm ost th e w hole o f her F le e t in to
the M e d [it e r r a n e a ]n le a v in g the d efen ce o f th e Channel to h er flotillas.
G rea t B r ita in also has con cen tra ted h er fleet in H om e W a te rs a n d lea ves a con
t a in in g squ a dron in th e M e d [it e r r a n e a ]n . T hese d isp osition s h a ve been m ade in d ep en d en tly
hv each pow er, n o t as th e resu lt o f any a greem en t hut beca use these a re th e a rra n g em en ts
b est suited t o th e sep arate in terests o f e ith e r P o w e r .”
I t rem ains to p r o v id e fo r th e co-op era tion o f th e fo r ce s thus in d ep en d en tly disposed.
W . S. C.
24.7.
N o. 402.
Sir Edward G rey to M r. Carnegie.(')
F.O. 371/1368.
32143 31-295/12 17.
(No. 364.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, July 26, 1912.
M. Carabon spoke to me to-day(2) about the document drawn up in the Admiralty
with his Naval Attached3) The docum ent was headed by an explicit statement of
non-com mittal, of which M. Cambon showed me a copy in English. It was based on
a disposition of forces by which the French left their Atlantic and Channel coasts
unprotected by their ships, and concentrated all their Fleet in the Mediterranean.
Such a document, headed by this explicit declaration o f non-com mittal, would
certainly, though M. Cambon had not yet heard anything from his Government on
the subject, provoke in Paris the question o f what assurance France would have that,
if she was attacked on her unprotected northern and western coasts, we should provide
protection for her there. Mr. Churchill had explained to the Naval Attache that the
docum ent was founded on the assumption that this disposition of naval forces had
been made by each Governm ent quite independently of the other, to suit their own
in terest; and that all that was being done was to arrange what use should be made of
the naval forces so disposed, if one Government came to the assistance of the other.
M . Cambon said that this assumption was an error. As long ago as 1907 there were
verbal com m unications with Sir John Fisher,(4) in which the French had said that
they could assure only the western part of the Mediterranean, and vre had said that
we could undertake the eastern part. Eventually, the French had said that they
would look after the whole of the Mediterranean, and Sir John Fisher had said that
we would look after the North Sea and Channel. It was in consequence of these
conversations that France had concentrated her fleet in the Mediterranean. Therefore,
if this written declaration o f non-com m ittal, which seemed out o f place in an arrange
ment between experts, remained at the head of the Admiralty docum ent, it would be
essential that there should be some understanding between the two Governments that
they would at least communicate with each other if there was menace, and concert
beforehand. M. Cambon suggested that private Notes might be exchanged to this
effect, and he referred to a note which Lord Lansdowne had given him on the
25th of May 1905.(5) The fall of M. Delcasse came soon afterwards, and nothing
further had followed at the tim e ; though there had been verbal statements by me in
January 1906.(6) If private Notes such as he suggested were exchanged, we should
still be able to say truthfully that no binding agreement existed between us, to
take action.
I said that there were great objections to exchanging any Note which was secret.
At the present m oment, if by some indiscretion the conversations between our experts
were revealed, and I was asked a question on the subject, I should be prepared to say
openly exactly what the state of things was between the two Governments. It was
now what it had been for several years past, why could not it be left as it was?
No. 403.
No. 404.
No. 405.
the experts for the present. The Cabinet were not— the m ajority of them— in a
disposition to make declarations such as he would like. H e said that he had been
inform ed by Cambon of differences of opinion.
I told him that so long as you remained he might be sure that there would be no
abandonment of the spirit of the Entente. H e naturally argues that the object of
the Entente is that the two Powers should stand together not for aggression but for
the maintenance of each other and defence against attack— unprovoked attack, and the
balance of power. To begin a Military or Naval Convention by saying that it means
nothing so far as the Governments are concerned is superfluous and quite out of place
in such a Convention. I f the Entente does not mean that England will com e to the
aid o f France in the event of Germany attacking the French ports its value to France
is not great, so says Poincaré. W e must wait until September and then see what are
the dispositions on both sides of the Channel.
Yours sincerely,
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
No. 406.
No. 407.
nothing, so presumably Russia did not wish to fall in with the proposal. In the
autumn France will, doubtless, recur to the question as to our naval arrang[em en]ts
with her. I know' howT divergent are the views as to our future naval arrang[em en]ts
in regard to the Mediterranean, and the objections which exist to any definite binding
a rran gfem en ]t with France in respect to those matters. W ere it possible to conclude
a naval arrang[em en ]t both with Russia and France, I am sure that our position
would be more secure— and it is probable that Germany, in view of such a strong
naval combination, would be disposed to slacken her rate of construction as she would
be convinced that she could not hope to compete. I fear, h ow e v e r that we are
precluded from entering into any snch understanding, owing to our unfortunate
Parliamentary exigencies— but failing it we shall have difficulty in persuading France
to take any of our Mediterranean burdens off our shoulders— and we will be compelled
to maintain a large force there as well as our preponderance in the North Sea.
Y [o u ]r s sincerelv,
A. NICOLSON.
No. 408.
England will have to reckon with the possibility of .Russian ships threatening the
route to India.
Of course what really rather worries the German journalist is the fact that this
naval convention should be concluded or announced so soon after the m eeting of the
two Emperors at Baltic P ort.f2'1 One or two papers have taken it upon themselves to
declare that the Germans were inform ed about it on that occasion, but, in default of
any confirmation of this on the part of the semi-official press, it is taken for granted
that this was not the case. The “ Tageblatt ” reminds its readers that sixteen days
after a particularly warm and affectionate m eeting of the two Emperors at Peterhof in
August 1S97 President Faure arrived at Kronstadt and three days later the Franco-
Bussian Alliance was announced, and the writer points to the coincidence that this
naval convention, unimportant though it m ay be, is announced within a m onth of the
meeting at Baltic Port, which was described officially in Germany as having been such
a “ brilliant success.” Still the German papers try to make the best o f it and say
they do not grudge France this bit of gilding for the Baltic Port pill, and they warn
their Western neighbour with one accord that the most immediate and perhaps the
most important outcome of the convention will be the flotation in Paris o f a new
Russian loan.
I have, Ac.
(F or the Ambassadori,
G R A N V IL L E .
(! ) [F o r the m eetin g at B a ltic P o r t on J u ly 4 -6 , 1912, v. G ooch <£• T em v erley, V ol. I X (I ),
p. 580, Ed. X o f e .]
No. 409.
T109001 2 p
610
Powers will make such dispositions o f tlieir naval strength as shall best conduce to the
preservation o f their own national interests. They will exchange full information as
to these dispositions, actual and prospective.”
I think that what might be acceptable to the French Government would be that
the naval agreement should state that the British and French Naval Authorities will
exchange full information as to the actual and prospective dispositions o f their naval
strength which they may make as best conducing to the preservation of their own
national interests. The document would, as Mr. Churchill says, then proceed to deal
with the best way in which the forces thus disposed could be utilised in a war in which
the two Powers were allies.
The two Governm ents would in some separate form lay it down that it is well
understood that the naval arrangements will only come into force if and when both
Governments are agreed that they shall act together navally in certain given
circumstances.
I only write this to prepare you for what I believe will be Poincare’ s attitude
when Cambon renews in September the conversations with you.
W e have withdrawn or are about to withdraw some of our ships from the
Mediterranean in order to have a larger disposable naval force in the H ome waters to
face Germany. We say that we do this for our own purposes and irrespective of
French intention to move the greater and more powerful part of their fleet into the
Mediterranean, and that the naval force wdiich we shall maintain in that sea will be
sufficient of itself to deal with the Austrian (and Italian ?) fleet. The French
contention is that this may possibly be, but that wTe would not have withdrawn the
ships from the Mediterranean unless we had felt confident that were we in difficulties
there the French fleet would come to our assistance and that it cannot reasonably be
supposed that the French Government would transfer the greater and more powerful
part of their ships to the Mediterranean and denude their Atlantic and Channel coasts
and leave them exposed to a German attack unless they had reason to suppose that in
such a contingency the British fleet would intervene.
What the French Government would like best would be an exchange of diplomatic
notes defining the joint interests of France and England and stating that in the event
of any of those interests being in the opinion of one o f the two Powers endangered it
will confer with the other as to whether any and if so what steps should be taken to
defend those interests, and if they be agreed that com bined armed action should be
taken the naval and military arrangements already agreed on between the French and
British experts will come into fo r c e ; or it might be put the other way, viz, that they
wyould not com e into force unless the twTo Governments after conference were agreed
that joint naval and military action was advisable.
If such an exchange of diplomatic notes be not acceptable to His M ajesty’ s
Government the French Government might for the moment be satisfied by an
exchange of declarations in some form or other to the effect that the hands of the two
Governm ents remain entirely free, notwithstanding any arrangements signed by the
experts, to determine whenever circumstances arise affecting their interests whether
the two Governments shall give each other armed support, and that only in the event
of their being agreed to that effect wfill the experts’ arrangements c o m e in to force.
Poincare is not the only French Minister for Foreign Affairs who has been
dissatisfied with the present uncertain conditions. Pichon, Cruppi and Selves have
one after another deprecated it to m e, and of course Clemenceau also. I put them off
with generalities and platitudes. You m ay remember that Clemenceau gave a very
enigmatical answer to a Senator or Deputy who inquired whether a Military'
Convention with England existed. Clem enceau’ s reply without savin» that there was
such a Convention implied that there might be.
Yours sincerely,
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
ou
[E D X O T E .— I n The W orld Crisis. 1911-1914. (1923), pp. 112-13, M r. W in ston C h urchill
rep rod u ces a m in u te o f A u g u st 23, 1912. in w hich he p oin ts out the difficulties o f th e p roposed
a rra ngem ent w ith F ra n ce. T he m in u te c o n c lu d e s: “ E v ery one m ust feel w ho know s th e fa cts
th a t we have th e ob liga tion s o f an a llia nce w ith ou t its advan ta ges, an d above all w ith ou t its
precise defin ition s.” T he m in u te was a ddressed to the P rim e M in ister and to th e F oreig n
S ecretary. X o c o p y has been fo u n d a m ong eith er th e official or p riv a te papers o f th e la tte r.]
No. 410.
I said that, in fact, this was what would happen under the existing conditions if
either of us had reason to fear attack by a third Power.
M . Cambon agreed that this was so in fact, but said that there was no written
understanding.
I said that I would consider the wc r is which he had given to m e. The Prime
I Minister was going abroad immediately, but I would discuss the matter with him on
his return.
[ I am. & c.]
E . G [K E Y ].
No. 411.
hasty in drawing conclusions from the transfer of French Atlantic battleships to the
Mediterranean, as this transfer was m erely a temporary measure taken in order to
enable those vessels to take part in certain manœuvres in the Mediterranean, while
there was no intention, for the present in any case, of definitely transferring them to
the Mediterranean command. The Ambassador stated that explanations in this sense
had already been given to the Italian G ov [ern m en ]t, and added that o f course no
decision could be taken by the French G ov[ern m en ]t in regard to their Atlantic
squadron until they knew exactly what the position was as between them and H [is ]
M [a je sty’ s] G [overn m en ]t.
[I am, &c.
E . G R E Y .]
No. 412.
Mr. Asquith to Sir Edward Grey.
Private. (’ ) 10 Downing S treet, W hitehall, S. IF.
M y dear Grey, October 11, 1912.
I d on’ t see any harm in Gambon’ s form ula(2); indeed it is almost a platitude.
I am not sure that he and Lansdowne were quite ad idem in their correspondence
in M ay 1905.
Yours,
II. H . A [S Q U IT H ].
No. 413.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir F . B ertie .G)
F.O. 371/1368.
4 6 3 0 5 /3 1 29 5 /1 2 /2 2.
(No. 533.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, October 30, 1912.
I told M. Cambon to-day(2)that, in thinking over his proposal for a draft letter as
to our naval negotiations, it had seemed to me well to embody the three points which
described the situation. One was that consultations took place between our experts;
another was that these consultations did not bind the Governments to a ctio n ; and the
third was that, in the event of a threatening situation, the Governments would consult
(*) [T h is despatch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g and t o the C a bin et.]
( 2) [cp. M . P a u l C a m bon ’ s lon g despa tch su m m a rizin g th e conversations, D.D .F., 3me Ser.,
V ol. I V , pp 318-22, N o. 301.]
613
together as to whether they were prepared to take action in com m on, and if so what
it should be. I then gave M . Cambon the following draft of a letter :—
“ F rom time to time in recent years the French and British naval and
military experts have consulted together. It has always been understood that
such consultation does not restrict the freedom of either Government to decide at
any future time whether or not to assist the other by armed force. W e have
agreed that consultation between experts is not and ought not to be regarded as
an engagement that commits either Governm ent to action in a contingency that
has not arisen and may never arise. The disposition, for instance, of the French
and British fleets respectively at the present moment is not based upon an
engagement to co-operate in war.
“ You have however pointed out that if either Government had grave reason
to expect an unprovoked attack by a third Power it might becom e essential to
know whether it could in that event depend upon the armed assistance of the
other.
“ I agreed that, if either Government had grave reason to expect an
unprovoked attack by a third Power or something that threatened the general
peace it should immediately discuss with the other, whether both Governments
should act together to prevent aggression and to preserve peace, and, if so, what
measures they would be prepared to take in com m on .”
M. Cambon, after reading the draft, asked whether the Cabinet were aware of it.
I replied that it had been read to them, and that I was in a position to write him
a letter drawn up as the draft stood. The substance o f it represented the actual facts
of the situation, but the form was perhaps a little brusque. I therefore gave him the
draft for consideration.
M. Cambon made no adverse comment 011 it, and took it away for consideration.
[ f am, & c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
No. 414.
N o. 415.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir F. Bertie .( ')
F.O. 371/1368.
49808 '3 1 2 95 /12 /1 7 .
(No. 5 6 4 a .) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, Novem ber 21, 1912.
I explained to M. Cambon that the words he had suggested in our conversation
on the 7th instant/2) would bind the two Governments, if they decided to co-operate
to carry out plans made by the General Staffs. But the plans drawn up at one time
m ight be impracticable or undesirable if an em ergency arose two or three years hence
under conditions which could not be foreseen.
For instance a European em ergency might come when our troops were engaged
in or required for trouble in E gypt the Soudan or India. I thought therefore that
the words used must leave it open to the G ov[ernm en]ts, even If they decided to
co-operate to reconsider plans previously made by the General Staff.
I therefore suggested the following words “ if these measures involved action
the plans o f the General Staffs would at once be taken into consideration and the
Governm ents would then decide what effect should be given to them .”
M. Cambon said that this would do perfectly and he accepted the words. He
asked me if I would now write him a letter in these terms.
I said that I would do so in English, and he said that he would reply with a
corresponding letter in F ren ch ./3)
[ I am, A c.]
E . G [B E Y ].
O [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the C a bin et.]
(2) [u. im m ed ia tely preced in g docu m en t.]
(3) [ v. in fra, pp. 614-5, N cs. 416 -7 .]
No. 416.
P ) [ cp. D.D .F., 3me Sér., V ol. I V , pp. 535-7, N o. 534, and Annexe I.]
615
prepared to take in com m on. If these measures involved action, the plans of the
General Staffs would at once be taken into consideration, and the Governments would
then decide what effect should be given to them.
Yours. Ac.
E. G E E Y .
No. 417.
N o. 418.
E xtract from the Annual R eport for France for the year 11)1*2.
F.O. 4 60 0 9 /4 6 00 9 /1 3 /1 7.
(No. 4 0 7 a .) Paris, D. August 1, 1913.
Sir, R. August 3, 1913.
1. In order to form a judgm ent as to the ability of the French Ministries to
carry out their views in regard to the foreign policy of the French Republic, it would
be advisable to read the chapter “ Ministerial and Parliamentary ” in my present
despatch (paragraphs 1*29-141, pp. 26-29) before those now following relating to the
foreign policy and the foreign relations of France.
2. In m y report for the year 1911 and in previous reports I stated that the bases
of F rench foreign policy are : the alliance with Russia, the Agreements of 1904 and
the good understanding with E ngland resulting th erefrom ; the Franco-Italian
Agreem ent of 1900 respecting Tripoli and M orocco; and the Franco-Spanish Agree
ments of 1904 and 1905 relative to M orocco; the understanding of 1907 between
France, Spain, and England for the preservation of the territorial status quo and their
respective rights in the Mediterranean and in the part of the Atlantic which washes
the shores of Europe and A frica ; and the Secret Agreement (1902) between the
Italian and the French Governments that, in the event of a German attack on France,
Italy will remain neutral, so that the French troops on the Italian frontier can be
directed against Germany.
3. The political situation was changed in the course of the year 1912 by the
following even ts: the Franco-Germ an Convention of the 4th November, 1911, relating
to M orocco, was finally ratified by the French Parliam ent; the French Government
concluded a treaty with the Sultan of M orocco for the establishment of a French
protectorate over his country (not yet officially recognised by Ilis M ajesty’ s Govern
ment) and a convention on the subject with the Spanish G overnm ent; the Italian
Governm ent came to terms with the Porte on the subject of Tripoli and the iEgean
islands occupied by Italian troops, imm ediately before which the Balkan States went
to war with Turkey, the result of which, together with the continued occupation by
Italy of some of the iEgean islands, raised the question of the balance of power in the
Mediterranean.
4. W ith the French people the en tente between France and England has become
the national policy and the means for the preservation of peace, viz., as the obstacle
which stands in the way of a German attack on France. W hilst, therefore, they regard
the en tente as an insurance against Germany, I do not think that either the French
Government or the French public are at all inclined to take advantage of expected
British aid against Germany to pursue an aggressive or hazardous policy or to incur
any reasonably avoidable risks.
5. As I have said in previous reports, whenever the French Government have to
deal with a matter relating to foreign affairs they never feel confident that any action
that they m ay take will not be made an occasion for obstruction or intrigue against
them by the German Government, whose agents and press take every opportunity that
presents itself to endeavour to impress on the French people the disadvantage and
danger of friendship with England— whose support they represent would not be forth
com ing in an em ergency— and the benefits to be derived from an understanding with
Germany. The German Government keep questions and grievances simmering in tho
pot alongside the fire, ready at any m oment to be put on it and boiled up for use when
thought advisable. The French people and Governm ent strongly desire peace,
and there need not be any fear of the French Government provoking war with
G erm a n y; but they are less in awe o f her than they were, and they would not submit
to German dictation as they would have done a few years ago, for they have become
confident in the capacity of their officers, the superiority of their artillery over that
617
of Germany, and the efficiency of their troops of all arms. They dread, however,
what a struggle with Germany would entail in sacrifice of life and m oney and the
possibility of defeat, but by no means do they believe in the probability of another
disastrous defeat such as that of 1870-1.
6. During the M orocco crisis the feeling against Germany was very strong, and
if war had becom e a certainty owing to the attitude and preparations of Germany the
French could not have been expected to forego the advantage of seeking a successful
battle on German soil to infuse spirit into the French troops so necessary at the first
set-off, given the élan in victory and depression in reverse characteristic of the French
race. In such case which would have been the real aggressor? France because her
troops had crossed the frontier in order to anticipate a German invasion, or Germany
because she had forced France into a position in which war had become inevitable?
7. The French Government and people look to Russia to support France as her
ally, and they feel that England will, for the sake of her own interests, come to the aid
of France in a war brought on by Germany. The French Government realise the
parliamentary difficulties which lie in the way of His M ajesty’ s Government form ally
binding England to give such aid, and the difficulty o f defining the circumstances in
which the French Government would have the right to call upon England to com e to
the assistance o f France. They would like to have something more definite than the
understanding o f 1904, something that w7ould assure to them the immediate material
aid of England on a prearranged plan in the event of a war being forced on France by
Germany. They have, however, to content themselves with the conviction that in the
event o f war between France and Germany England will be bound in her own interest
to support France, and that so long as Germ any believes that if she attack France she
will have to fight England also, there will not be war. It is for that reason that
French Ministers have regretted and deprecated the repudiation by His M ajesty’ s
Government, in reply to enquiries in the House of Commons, of the existence of any
engagement binding England to give armed assistance to France.C)
8. In France generally more confidence is felt in England than in Russia. W hat
the French Government and people object to as regards Russia is that France is
always expected to provide m oney, and is dragged about by the Russian Governm ent
into the support of what are often merely sentimental or unavowable Russian interests,
and by no means the permanent interests of France. Moreover, the Russian Govern
ment have not alw'ays acted loyally towards France w'here Germ any is concerned. H is
M ajesty’ s Government make no like demands on France, and have invariably given
to her what is generally known to have been a loyal co-operation and support in
accordance with their undertakings.
9. Great political importance was attached to M. Poincaré’ s visit to Russia,
during which a Naval Convention was, it is said, concluded(2) supplementary to the
Russo-French Military Convention of 19u2,(3) and to the visit of the Grand Duke
Nicholas to the French military manœuvres.
10. An important statement was made in the Chamber on the 31st December by
M. Poincare regarding the relations o f France, England, and Russia during the
Balkan war. (See paragraph 141, p. 29.)(4)
C ) [ cp . S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s sta tem ent in th e H ou se of C om m ons on M a rch 30, 1911,
p. 338, N o. 277 ; G ooch et T em p erley, V ol. I, p. 291, N o. 361, and V ol. I I , p. 82, No. 94.]
(2) [cp. supra, pp. 607-9, Nos. 4 0 7 -8 .]
(3) [cp. D .D .F ., 2me S ér., V ol. I, pp. 131-46, N o. 112; V ol. I l l , pp. 601-14, A n n ex es , w here
docum ents are p rin ted o f d a te F eb ru a ry 21, M a y 16-17, D ecem b er 21, 1901, and A u g u st 1903;
cp. also P. R e n o u v in : “ L es E n g a gem en ts de l ’ A llia n ce F ra n co-R u sse.” B e v u e d ’H is to ir e de
la G u e r r e . M on d ia le, O ctober 1934, pp. 297-310. T he M ilita r y C on v en tion was revised a t a
m eetin g o f J u ly 13, 1912, th e p rocès-v erb a l o f th e m eetin g b ein g g iv en in D .D .F ., 3 me S ér.,
V ol. I l l , pp. 258-64, No. 2 0 0 ; cp. also supra, pp. 582-3, N o. 383, and n ote ( 4).]
(4) [T h e p a ra g ra p h cited sum m arized M . P o in c a r é ’ s speech, d escrib in g it as g iv en “ ju st
before his ca n d id a tu re fo r the P rem iersh ip w as a n n ou n ced .” T he speech is g iv en in g rea ter
d eta il in P o in ca ré , I I , pp. 400-412. T he d a te o f the speech is said th ere to be th e 21st.
M . P o in c a r é states th a t he had su b m itted in a d v an ce to S ir E d w a rd G rey the passages
re fe rrin g to th e E n te n te cordiale.']
618
11. The policy of France being one of peace, she desires the relations between
England and Germany to be such as to obviate a recourse to arms between them, for
she feels that, whether her engagements bound her to become a party to such a war
or not, she would inevitably be dragged into it, either by being attacked by Germany
for the purpose of being forced to join against England, or in defence of her vital
interests in the contingency of a prospective defeat of England by Germany. Provided
that a rapprochement between E ngland and Germany have only for its object the
removal of any outstanding difficulties between the two countries, and it therefore
tend to the preservation of peace, no objection would be felt in France ; but, as I have
stated in m y reports, it is “ essential that the French public should not be led to
suspect that Ilis M ajesty’ s Government wish to have an agreement with Germany,
not only on specific questions that may be at issue, but on general policy.” It was
therefore with much misgiving that the French Government regarded the negotiations
between the British and German Governments, of which they were made cognisant
through the French Ambassador in London : and it was with alarm that they learnt
the readiness of His M ajesty’ s Government to agree to a formula which the French
Government considered would be a limitation of British freedom of action, detrimental
to the interests of France in the event of a dispute between her and Germany. Jn
present circumstances it is not conceivable that a French Government would act with
Germany against England, but it must be borne in mind that many people in France,
and military authorities, though they feel confident that, so long as Germany believes
that England will actively support ¿’ ranee, Germany will not attack France, fear that
if war should break out without much preliminary warning British military aid might
not arrive in time or be numerically sufficient to stay a German invasion of France
by land, and that in the absence of adequate British military aid the useful assistance
of England would be limited to dealing with the German navy and the cutting off of
supplies to Germany by sea. There is more universal and openly expressed hatred of
Germ any in France now than some years back. I think that this is due to the
attitude of the German Government and the tone of the German press in regard to
M orocco, and to the feeling that France is militarily stronger and more able to assert
herself than hitherto.(s)
18. The French press as reported by me in the last week of May took up and
discussed the question of an alliance between Great Britain and France which had
been raised by the “ M orning P ost.” Generally speaking the more important organs
of the French press, while showing sympathy with the desire for a closer union,
recomm ended that full time should be allowed for such an idea to ripen in the minds
of the British public as indiscreet comments in France with regard to it might do
more harm than good. Other French papers expressed more clearly the view that
the necessary preliminary to an A nglo-French Alliance would be the adoption of
com pulsory military service in Great Britain enabling the British arm y to be put on a
level with the principal continental armies and thus make the suggested alliance really
valuable to France in the event of a war with Germany. M. Poincare alluded to the
press discussion in the Chamber o f Deputies on the 14th June in the following
terms :—
“ La presse anglaise a récemm ent débattu la question de savoir s ’ il était
désirable de transformer cette entente en alliance proprement dite. Les avis se
sont partagés sur ce point de l ’ autre côté du détroit; mais les deux Gouverne
ments amis ne se sont pas mêlés à cette discussion. L ’ entente cordiale a pour
elle, à défaut de parchemin, la garantie d ’ une opinion, en immense majorité
favorable, dans chacun des deux pays. Elle laisse entière la liberté d ’ action des
(s) [P a ra g ra p h s 12-17 are om itted as they discuss aspects o f F ren ch p olicy not relevant to
the present su b ject.]
619
You informed M. Cambon on the 18th June that what M. Poincaré had said about
French relations with Great Britain seemed to you right and very well expressed.
No. 419.
[E D . A O T E .— N o record has been tra ce d o f con v ersation s betw een G rea t B rita in and Ita ly
on th is subject u n til O ctober, 1912. R eferen ces w ere, how ever, m ade t o the su b ject in th e course
o f th e A n g lo-F ren ch n eg otia tion s describ ed in th e p reced in g S ection . cp. sup ra p. 593
N o. 3 9 1 ; D .D .F ., 3me S er., V ol. I l l , pp. 119^-20, N o. 96.]
622
N o. 42 0.
Sir R. Rodd to Sir Edxcard Grey.
F.O. 371 1384. '
44837/44084 12/44.
(No. 330.) Confidential. R om e, D. October 20, 1912.
Sir, R. October 24, 1912.
I have the honour to report that the Minister for Foreign Affairs said to me when
I went to see him on my arrival in Rome, that the Marquis Imperiali had informed
him that you had expressed your readiness to discuss an arrangement for the safe
guarding of our mutual interests in North Africa. He had, he said, no further
indication than this what form of arrangement might be contemplated but if any
proposal with this object were submitted to him he would be glad to give it his most
serious consideration. I have, Ac.
R E N N E L L RODD.
M IN U T E .
T he Secretary of S ta te has spoken to th e M a rq u is Im peria li on th is subjcct.(>)
R . G. V.
O c t [o b e r ] 25.
R . P . M.
(>) [N o record can be tra ced of a con v ersation w ith the M a rq u is Im p eria li on this date.
On O ctob er 18, the A m bassador in form ed S ir A . N icolson th a t the M a rq u is di San G iuliano
w ished fo r fu r th e r in fo rm a tio n a bou t m utual in terests in N orth A frica . S ir A. N icolson 's note
is m in u ted by S ir E d w a rd G r e y : “ I have spoken a ga in to the Ita lia n A m bassador. E. G.
30.10.12.” (F.O . 371/1384. 4 4 0 8 4 /4 4 0 8 4 /1 2 22.) T his second con v ersation is record ed infra,
p. 623, N o. 423.]
!
No. 421.
Sir R. Rodd to Sir Edward G r ey .{1)
No. 422.
No. 428.
No. 424.
Minister for Foreign Affairs replied that renewal of Triple Alliance had not been
dealt with at Pisa, nor would it be settled now at Berlin. He regarded it as probable
that it would eventually be renewed, but if so it would be without any m odification:
in that case, French Ambassador enquired would agreement of 1902 be regarded as
holding good ? Minister for Foreign Affairs said that it would remain in full effect.
M IN U T E S .
T he 1902 a greem ent is presum ably th a t o f whose existen ce we heard in 1907,C ) to the effect
th a t, in the event o f an a tta ck by G erm any on F ra n ce, Ita ly w ould rem ain n eutra l, thus
e n a b lin g F ra n ce to den ude her Ita lia n fr o n tie r o f troop s. I d o n ’ t find th a t we knew the
ex a c t date o f the a greem ent b efore, it was supposed to have been m ade “ a bou t 1903.”
Q [u e r ]y . D.M .O . re f[e r e n c e ] our secret letter to the W .O. of M arch 5, 1907.(s)
C. W . 0 .
G. R . C.
4.11.12.
See_109.(6)
'0 9
E. A. C
N ov [em b er] 4.
A. N
A teleg ram such as this relatin g to a secret agreem en t betw een tw o oth er P ow ers should
have been m arked secret and not p rin ted for circu la tion in the sections.
E. G.
I have had it taken out.
O.
(4) [u. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. I X (1), p. 28, No. 24, n o te (2).]
(5) [T h e letter to the W a r Office o f M a rch 5, 1907, enclosed a despatch o f F eb ru a ry 25, 1907,
from th e m ilita ry atta ch e at Rom e. T his stated th a t the w ritten a greem ent betw een F ra n ce
and Ita ly up on whose ex isten ce he had re p orted on F eb ru a ry 9 was said t o have been m ade
“ a b ou t fo u r years a g o .” (F.O . 3 61/267. 6 8 3 1 /5 1 0 7 /0 7 /2 2 .)]
( 6) [T he referen ce is to S ir R . R o d d ’ s despatch (N o. 205), D. D ecem b er 28, 1908,
R . J a n u a ry 2, 1909. I t n a rra ted a con v ersation w ith an unnam ed a cq u ain tan ce in R om e on
the su b ject o f the p olicy of the M a rq u is d i R u d in i and M a rq uis P rin e tti in con n ection w ith the
T rip le A llian ce and relation s w ith G rea t B rita in and F ra n ce. (F .O . 371 /68 2. 1 0 9 /1 0 9 /0 9 /2 2 .)]
No. 425.
to whom he had already spoken vaguely of such a scheme., he said that he had now
received instructions to approach the matter officially. Signor Giolitti said he was
very favourable to such a proposal and that he was even ready to approve the
principle of a reciprocal guarantee. Monsieur Barrere has promised to keep me
inform ed as to the terms which it will be proposed to give such an arrangement, and
as to the progress of iiis negotiations.
I have, Ac.
R E X X E L L RODD.
M IN T T E S .
No. 426.
No. 427.
C0900] ' 2 g 2
628
however occurred to him that it might be argued that a country’ s utility to her allies
would be diminished by her agreeing to exclude certain areas from the field of
operations which had hitherto been unrestricted. He did not now lay down definitely
that it would be necessary to inform their allies of our intention to enter into such an
agreement as we were discussing, hut it was a point which he would have to study,
and if Italy did feel it incumbent on her, even then he saw no necessary reason to
anticipate objections on their part.
Meantime he thought it would be easier to consider the question, if a definite
formula were advanced. I said it seemed premature to draft a formula until we knew
whether the question of principle were accepted. To this he replied that the
acceptance of a principle might largely depend on the manner in which it was
formulated, and that the two seemed to him inseparable. I urged that when once we
knew frankly how far Italy was anxious or able to go, it would become easier to define
the scope of an agreement in the terms of a form u la ; without some expression of
opinion on her side we should not advance.
Finally he asked whether it was contemplated that such an agreement should be
public. I said I thought that you were as a general principle in favour of international
understandings being public, and that I had been quoting your own words in saying
that what we should aim at was a mutual assurance, “ which would give confidence
to public op in ion ,’ ’ that questions which might be disturbing the European atmosphere
would not spread to North Africa. From this I felt no doubt you would prefer such
an agreement to be public. His E xcellency said that this was entirely in accordance
with his own views.
As the French Ambassador has kept me fully inform ed of the instructions he has
received on the subject of a Mediterranean agreement, I felt it would be in accordance
with your wishes that I should tell him that I had now received instructions to sound
the Italian Government on the subject.
I have, &c.
R E N N E L L RODD.
M IN U T E S .
T he proposals m ade by S ir R. R o d d to the Ita lia n g ov ern m en t raise som e v ery in trica te
points. I t is not easy, from rea d in g th is despatch, [t o see] w hat he h im self had in his m ind,
o r w h ether he had a p e r fe ctly clear idea w hich he w ished to follow out.
S ir R . R o d d b ega n b y an in tim a tio n of w hat H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] desired,
I rea d this, as set ou t in the second p a ra g ra p h of the despatch, to m ean th a t if there were
at any tim e a grea t con flict o f policies d istu rb in g the E u rop ea n atm osphere, such conflict
should not em b ra ce E g y p t and T rip o li, and th a t these cou n tries should a ccord in gly be
“ reg a rd ed as ex clu d ed from the sphere o f oth er ob lig a tion s .”
H a v in g reg a rd to th e con n ection b etw een th is su g g estion and the F re n ch proposal to
e x ten d th eir secret agreem en t w ith Ita ly of 1902 to T rip o li and the N orth coast o f A frica
g en era lly, its m ea n in g w ould seem c le a r : J u st as the F ren ch succeed ed in 1902 in g ettin g
I ta ly p r a ctica lly to co n tr a c t h erself ou t o f the trip le alliance so fa r as con cern ed a quarrel in
w hich G erm any w ere to m ake a d elib era te a tta ck on F ra n ce, and ju st as I ta ly agreed not to
reg a rd the trip le a lliance as co v e rin g th e case o f disputes arisin g in T rip o li on the one hand,
o r in M o rocco on the other, so H [ is ] M [a je s t y ’ s] G o v e r n m e n t ] now h op e to ob tain an
a ssurance from Ita ly tha t, in any disp u te in v olv in g E g y p t, she w ill not consid er herself bound
t o su p p o rt G erm any in a possibly a n ti-E n g lish policy.
T h a t th e Ita lia n M in ister fo r F [o r e ig n ] A [fla ir s] u n d erstood S ir R . R o d d to m ean this,
is m ade clear by his rem arks as rep orted in the second h a lf of the present despatch, w here he
speaks o f loy a lty to the a lliance an d is answ ered b y S ir R . R o d d ’s allusion to B ism a rck ’ s
“ r e in s u r a n c e ” tre a ty w ith R ussia. A ll th is seems p la in sa ilin g , and a n y arra n gem en t we
cou ld g et on these lines w ould u n d ou bted ly be o f g rea t advantage.
B u t the M a rq u is di San G iu lia n o led S ir R . R o d d on to en tirely differen t g rou n d , and
in follow in g him there, S ir R . R o d d m ade su ggestion s w hich seem to me to g o q u ite beyond
w hat the above arra n gem en t contem p la tes, or ra th er w hich lead in another d ire c tio n altogether.
T his is a proposal th a t when E n g la n d and Ita ly are them selves actu a lly at w ar w ith each
oth er, E g y p t and T rip o li shall be con sid ered as n eutralized.
I do not know w hat a u th ority S ir R . R o d d had fo r m a k in g such a proposal, and it seems
to m e fu ll of difficulties. In a w ar w ith us, Ita ly m ay be eith er ou r only enem y, or engaged
a t th e sam e tim e as her pa rtn ers in th e trip le (o r any oth er) alliance. I do not suppose that
629
anyone con tem p la tes a w ar betw een E n g la n d an d Ita ly singly. B u t should such a w ar take
place, w hat a d v a n ta g e should w e deriv e from an a rra n g em en t p re v e n tin g us from a tta ck in g
T r ip o li? Such an agreem ent, w hilst co n fe rr in g n o a d v an ta g e to us. m ig h t be ex ceed in g ly
con v en ien t to Ita ly . A t the sam e tim e, it w ou ld b e open to all th e criticism s p u t fo r w a rd by
the M a rq u is di San G iu lia n o : W h a t g u a ran tee w ou ld th ere be fo r the observance o f such an
a greem ent by th e b ellig eren ts? T he n orm al, n ot t o say general, rule is th a t, w ith a w ar, all
trea ties lapse. C ertain ex cep tion s have from tim e to tim e been m ade from this rule. S ir R .
R o d d m entions th e G eneva con v en tion ! B u t is th ere a real a n alog y betw een a tre a ty reg u
la tin g m odes o f w a rfa re an d trea tm en t o f w ou n d ed soldiers, and such a t e rr ito ria l restriction
on w a r-op era tion s as the suggested agreem en t w ou ld in v o lv e ? S ir R . R o d d m ig h t h a ve q u oted
the provisions o f the B erlin A c t res p ectin g the possible n eu tra liza tion o f th e A fr ic a n t e r r i
t ories (i.e. th e C on g o basin) o f bellig eren ts. B u t at least th e B erlin A c t only suggests th a t
in a p a rticu la r w ar, b oth pa rties m ay a gree to leave u n m olested each o th e r’ s possessions in
th e C on g o basin. Such an agreem en t w ou ld have to b e m ade on the ou tb rea k o f a w ar and
fo r the pu rposes o f th a t w ar. It is not a g en era l a greem en t a p p licab le t o w h atev er co n tin
gencies m ay arise. X o r a re th ere any in d ica tio n s th a t these perm issive p r ov ision s of the
B erlin A c t are lik ely t o he p u t in to p ra ctice by a n yon e in a life or dea th stru gg le. I con clu d e
th a t in a w ar w ith Ita ly alone, th e p rop osed arra n g em en t w ou ld h a ve n oth in g t o recom m end it.
W h a t w ou ld b e th e position in a w ar in w hich w e w ere fa ce d b y th e w hole trip le a llia n ce?
T here can be n o question, then, o f E g y p t b e in g n eutra l. A t least I do n ot sup pose fo r a
m om ent th a t it is con tem p la ted to in d u ce G erm any an d A u stria to ta k e a co v en a n t not to
.treat E g y p t as h ostile. I t w ou ld b e an ex tra o rd in a ry com p lica tion , and a h igh ly a rtificia l
situ a tion , i f th ree P ow ers b ein g a t w ar w ith us, tw o o f them w ere h eld to be fr e e to operate
a ga in st E g y p t, b u t n ot the th ird . T he sam e d ou b t m ust arise in an a ccen tu a ted form , w hich
was in d ic a te d in the case o f a w ar w ith Ita ly alone, nam ely w hether such an a rtificia l a rra n g e
m en t cou ld be relied up on to stand. T he da n g er o f its b ein g broken w ill h a ve to be p r o v id e d
a ga in st a ll th e tim e. I f the Ita lia n s d id n oth in g to m ake T rip o li a base o f a tta ck upon
E g y p t, we n eed n ot trou b le in a n y case t o m ake ela b ora te p rep a ra tion s fo r defen ce again st
such an a tta ck . B u t we cou ld never be certa in th a t Ita ly m ig h t n ot be d oin g som ething.
A n d i f she d id , w e should have to ta k e cou n ter m easures, w hether th ere w as a self-d en y in g
cov en a n t or n ot. M oreov er any real a tta ck on E g y p t m ust be m ade eith er b y sea or from
S in ai. T he success o f a la n d in g dep ends on th e com m a n d o f th e E a stern M ed iterra n ean . The
d ecisive fa cto r w ill be, in th e h ypothesis re fe rre d to, th e en em y ’ s fleets. I t a ly w ou ld be free
t o let her navy ta k e p a rt in a b a ttle a t sea th e resu lt o f w hich w ou ld in fa c t d ecid e the fa te
o f E g y p t, th ou g h th e b a ttle itself m ay be fo u g h t h u n d reds o f m iles aw ay. The situ a tion w ou ld
be e n tirely u n logica l.
I th erefore th in k th a t this p a rt o f S ir R . R o d d ’ s pla n req uires a g o o d deal fu r th e r con
sid eration b e fo re it can be p roceed ed w ith, an d it seems t o m e a p ity th a t it was p u t forw a rd .
In these circu m stan ces I feel m uch sym pathy w ith th e Ita lia n M in is te r’ s req u est fo r a
m ore definite p rop osal, an d th ou g h it m ay be p refera b le n ot to com m it ourselves to o defin itely
t o th e Ita lia n g o v [e r n m e n ]t by p rop os in g a form u la , it w ould, I th in k be an a d v a n ta g e if
w e cou ld form u la te som e definite schem e fo r th e con fid en tia l in fo rm a tio n an d g u id a n c e o f
S ir R . R od d .
E. A. C.
D ec [e m b e r] 1.
Y e s : it w ill be u seful to have a d r a ft. O f cou rse i f w e d id g o to w ar w ith Ita ly the area
cou ld n ot be a rtificia lly lim ite d b y T rea ty. T he o b je c t should be t o prom ise n ot t o in te r fe r e
w ith each oth er in T rip oli or in E g y p t n or to a ttem p t t o d istu rb th e status quo— i.e. th a t
Ita ly w ill n o t a tte m p t to distu rb us in E g y p t a n d we w ill n ot a ttem p t to d istu rb her in
T rip oli.
I t w ou ld b e u sefu l i f w e co u ld see th e F re n ch d r a ft o f th eir p rop osed agreem ent:^ and
o u r secret a greem en t w ith Ita ly a bou t T rip o li should be referred t o : it m ay p r o v id e a
sta rtin g p o in t fo r ou r d ra ft.
E. G
630
P ro p o sed a g r eem e n t w ith I ta ly r e sp ectin g E g y p t and T ripoli.
In a ccord a n ce w ith S ir E. G rey ’ s m inu te, I sub m it herew ith a rou g h d r a ft o f a D eclara
tio n .(4) I do so w ith m uch d iffid e n ce ; and b eg to offer the follow in g e x p la n a t io n s :
I suggested in my p rev iou s m in u te th a t w hat we really desire is som e assurance th a t any
con flicts th a t m ay arise in or res p ectin g E g y p t w ill n ot be held to con stitu te a “ casus
foederis ” und er the term s o f the T rip le A llian ce, ju st as M orocco was in 1906 and in 1910
con sid ered to be ou tside the scope o f th e A lliance.
T o ob tain such an assurance, how ever, by a definite w ritten agreem en t seems to me a
d elica te m a tter. M oreover we know t h a t Ita ly has b ou n d herself to F ra n ce (1902 A greem ent)
to rem a in n eu tra l in a F ra n co-G erm an w ar i f the w ar w ere to be p rov o k ed by G erm any. I t
is certa in th a t G rea t B r ita in w ou ld nev er be in volved in a w ar w ith th e T rip le A llian ce in
w hich F ra n ce w ere the aggressor, so th a t we are p ra ctica lly assured th a t in any con flict in
w hich E n g la n d is a t all likely to be in v olv ed w ith the T rip le A llian ce (a g gressiv e a ction by
G erm a ny) we m ay cou n t up on Ita ly n ot jo in in g in h ostilities a ga in st us. I th in k we should
rest con ten t w ith th is and n ot risk c r e a tin g difficulties, suspicions, and offence, b oth at B erlin
an d V ien n a , b y d o in g a n y th in g w hich g ives the im pression o f ou r schem ing to d eta ch Ita ly
fr o m the T rip le A lliance.
I have th erefore restricted my p roposed D ecla ra tion to the specific problem o f E g y p t and
T rip o li, a d d in g h ow ever a prov iso t h a t the term s o f this D ecla ra tion do n ot con flict w ith any
oth er en gagem en ts w ith th ird P ow ers.
I have th ou g h t it necessary to a v oid any referen ce t o th e te r r it o r ia l status quo, because
we ou g h t n ot to b in d ourselves to m a in ta in the a ctu a l status quo in E g y p t. T he tim e m ay
com e w hen a ch a n ge o f the ten u re by w hich we h old ou r presen t p osition in E g y p t w ill be
un a voida b le, and a t such a m om ent w e should n ot be needlessly fe tte r e d by any a greem ent
w ith Ita ly.
I th erefore base the D ecla ra tion solely on the m u tu a l re c o g n itio n o f the a u th ority o f
E n g la n d and o f Ita ly in those region s as a necessary con d ition o f th e ir w elfare and d ev elop
m en t in the w ay o f ord erly and stable g overn m en t, and deduce th erefrom an o b lig a tion on
th e p a rt o f the c o n tr a c tin g S tates n o t to em barrass or en d an g er each o th e r’ s c iv iliz in g w ork
in the tw o A fric a n cou n tries un d er th e ir con trol.
The w eakness o f such a D ecla ra tion is, I a dm it, th a t it am ounts t o v ery little and is
alm ost superfluous. B u t th is is, I th in k , u n a voida b le, g iv en the problem as raised by
S ir R . R o d d . F o r p ra c tic a l purposes, we shall really be as w ell off w ith ou t as w ith such a
D ecla ra tion .
I ts ch a ra cter m ig h t, on the oth er hand, be im p rov ed and the D ecla ra tion m ade m ore
u seful, if it cou ld be a rra n g ed th a t F ra n ce also should b ecom e a pa rty t o it. In th a t case,
at least, it w ould look businesslike and w ould really cover some good g rou n d . I t w ould am ount
to a form a l re c o g n itio n th a t the 3 P ow ers a ccep t th e d iv ision o f N orth ern A fric a am ong
them selves as a necessary and beneficent a rra n g em en t w hich th ey a gree n ot to disturb.
I have, w ith this view , so w ord ed m y D r a ft th a t by the in tr o d u c tio n o f a few w ord s it
c ou ld be a d a p ted to sign a tu re by the three P ow ers.
E. A. C.
D ec [em b er] 6.
I agree.
A. N.
No. 428.
Sir R . Rodd to Sir Edward G rey.E )
F.O.. 371/1883.
533 2 4 /1 8 3 0 8 /1 2 /2 2 .
(No. 384.) R om e, D . D ecem b er 6, 1912.
Sir, B . D ecem ber 14, 1912.
W ith reference to my despatch No. 367 Confidential o f the 23rd ultimo, (2) I have
the honour to report that I asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs this m orning
(*) [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e
M in is te r.]
(2) [u. im m ed ia tely p r eced in g docu m en t.]
whether he had further considered the question of a North African agreement on
which I had approached him nearly a fortnight ago. The Marquis di San Giuliano
replied that he was still waiting for some more definite formula on which to pronounce
an opinion, to which I replied that in that case we had evidently not quite understood
one another, as I felt it was not possible to be more precise until we knew how far he
was prepared to accept the principle involved.
H e then said he had discussed the question with the President o f the Council and
they had both agreed that the suggestions made were a little too vague to enable them
to reply definitely. W hen the matter was considered from a practical point o f view
certain concrete difficulties occurred to him. The general idea was that the regions
in which we were respectively interested in North Africa should be excluded from the
area which might be affected by a state of war. It was hardly possible for him to
contemplate a situation in which Italy could be in a state of war with E ngland, and
there was something unusual in the idea of an agreement as to what should be done if
a state of war arose. The prevailing doctrine had always been that war extinguished
all agreements. I said we should be as reluctant as he would to consider the possibility
of ever being at war with Italy, but that I thought the underlying idea was that one of
our countries might, without having any definite issue of its own to fight for, be
compelled by existing engagements to embrace the quarrel of another state and that it
seemed desirable under these circumstances to secure for the native races for whose
well-being we were responsible, that they should not suffer from the consequences of
engagements we had undertaken with other ends in n ew . I quoted to him the
engagement taken b y Eussia in 1877 when at war with Turkey not to extend military
operations to E gypt.
He then said, with the object c f g i v i n g me a practical illustration of the difficulties
which he foresaw, that so far as we were concerned he did not believe that such a state
of war could ever exist, but with France it was perhaps not altogether inconceivable
and as France was, with Great Britain and Italy, the third power interested in North
Africa, Italy would no doubt have to enter into similar arrangements with the Eepublic
to those made with us. Now France had in Tunis a very strongly fortified harbour
and naval station at Bizerta. Suppose just for the sake of argument that there had
been a naval engagement and that the Italian fleet found itself at a given moment in
a position of superiority to a French fleet, and the latter took refuge in Bizerta.
W ere an arrangement in existence excluding the North African territories on the
Mediterranean from the sphere of warlike operations, would the French fleet become
neutralized b y entering such a neutral zone, or could Bizerta be used as a base of
naval operations again=t Italy, to which it stood in dangerous proxim ity?
He then suggested again that if some concrete proposal could be put on paper it
would be possible to consider it in all its bearings, and see how far it could be
practically applied. He thought there were other points of internal order and
administration which it would be well worth our while to consider, and begged me to
ask you to formulate some tentative form of text on which we could get to work.
My F rench colleague has as yet received no further instructions from Paris as to
the form o f agreement to be proposed.
Under the circumstances I feel that I ought also to await further instructions
from you before resuming the conversation with the Minister for Foreign Affairs.
I have, &c.
B E N N E L L EODD.
M IN U T E S .
( 4) [T eleg ram (N o. 552) D ecem b er 18, 1912, D. 1-10 p .m . (F.O . 371/1383. 53324 /18 3 08 /
1 2 / 22.)]
( 5) [w. im m ed ia tely su cceed in g docu m en t, encZ.]
No. 429.
regarded as neutralised, a proposal which goes considerably beyond any idea that His
M ajesty’ s Government have so iar entertained. I do not propose to go at length into
the difficulties and anomalies such an arrangement would entail, but I m ay point out
that, assuming England and Italy at war without allies, the fate of Egypt would be
decided at sea by the battle which would probably decide the issue of the whole
campaign, and E gy pt’ s neutrality would be of no advantage to this country. On the
other hand, inability on our part to attack Tripoli might be a decided disadvantage
to us. I share also the criticisms made b y the Marquis di San Giuliano : there would
be no guarantee that the agreement would be observed, and it would be just as
necessary to provide for the defence of Egypt as if it did not exist, for otherwise Italy
might be using Tripoli as a base of attack against E gypt.
As regards a war between Great Britain and Italy in which the latter were
supported by her allies, it is enough to observe that such allies would in any case be
free to attack E gypt, and the agreement would therefore be valueless.
In view of these various considerations, I am disposed to agree with the Italian
Minister for Foreign Affairs as to the advantage of having a definite draft form ula to
discuss, and I transmit to you herewith a tentative text of such a declaration as would,
in m y opinion, cover the desired ground. This draft is however on ly at present for
Your E xcellency’ s confidential inform ation and for any observations you m ay have
to offer in regard to it, as I do not think it advisable at this stage to commit His
M ajesty’ s Government to too definite a proposal to the Italian Government.
Your E xcellency will notice that the terms o f this Declaration are restricted to
the specific problem of Egypt and Tripoli, with the proviso that they do not conflict
with any other engagements with third Powers. The Franco-Italian Agreement of
1902 m ay be presumed— although we do not know its precise provisions— to safeguard
this country against Italy joining in hostilities against Great Britain arising out of
aggressive action on the part o f Germany. This renders it unnecessary to deal with
such a contingency in the proposed Declaration, and I am particularly anxious to
avoid anything which may create suspicion in Berlin and Vienna and give the
impression of an attempt on our part to detach Italy from the Triple Alliance.
No reference is made in the Declaration to the “ territorial status q u o ,’ ’ as it
would not be politic for Great Britain to bind herself to the indefinite continuance of
the present régime in E gypt, and as Italy is already pledged to support His M ajesty’ s
Government in any measures which they m ay hereafter find it necessary to take for
improving the position of E gypt.
In conclusion, I would add that I would certainly prefer, as you stated to the
Marquis di San Giuliano, that any Declaration or Agreement should be such as could
forthwith be published.
[ I am, &c.
E . G B E Y .]
Draft Declaration.
Recognising that the preservation o f peace and tranquillity in the North African
territories washed b y the Mediterranean, and the security of their borders from
external attack, which are essential conditions o f the welfare of the native populations
and o f the prosperity and progressive developm ent of those territories, are bound up
with the maintenance of the authority of the European Great Powers now severally
exercising therein rights of sovereignty, protection, or control :
The British and Italian Governments declare that they are firm ly resolved, on
their part, to maintain their respective rights in and over the aforesaid territories.
Each Government will refrain from any political or other action o f a nature to
endanger or embarrass the authority of the other in those regions.
634
The two Governments declare at the same time that they are not bound to any
third Power by engagements conflicting with the foregoing undertaking, and that they
will not enter into any such engagements in the future.
No. 430.
F.O. 1 48 7 /1 4 8 7/13 /2 2 .
(No. 3.) Confidential. Rom e, D. January 4, 1913.
Sir, R. January 11, 1913.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch No. 285
Confidential of the 20th u ltim o/1) on the subject of a proposed North African
A greem ent with Italy, containing a Draft Declaration transmitted for m y confidential
inform ation and for any observations which I may have to offer upon it.
I have carefully considered the terms o f this declaration, which, 1 take it, is to
be regarded as a basis for future discussion, subject to eventual amendment from
either side. The only observation which, for the present, it occurs to me to submit
has reference to the second paragraph, where it is stated that the contracting Govern
ments “ are firmly resolved, on their part, to maintain their respective rights in and
over the aforesaid territories.” The nature of the “ rights ” in question is suggested
in the previous paragraph defining them as ‘ ‘ rights o f sovereignty, protection or
con trol.” I have the honour to suggest as an amended drafting o f the beginning of
the second paragraph : ‘ ‘ The British and Italian Governments declare that they are
firm ly resolved, on their part, respectively to maintain these rights in and over &c.,”
m aking it clear that it refers to the rights of sovereignty, protection or control.
Italy, having at the present m oment certain consuetudinary rights as regards
the capitulations in E gypt, which we hope shortly to see modified, it appeared to me
that the text as it stands in the draft might be interpreted as a declaration of
intention to maintain all rights now existing in as well as over one of the territories
in question, nam ely Egypt.
In a speech which, in accordance with long established precedent, the French
Ambassador makes to the French colony on New Y ear’ s day, Monsieur Barrere, basing
his observations on the Marquis di San Giuliano’ s recent speech in the Chamber of
Deputies, referred to the advisability o f extending the agreements wThich France and
Italy had entered into for the defence of their respective interests in North Africa,
and not only have his remarks been very w’ell received by the press of all shades but
he tells me that he has privately received messages from m any parts o f Italy warmly
supporting the idea of such a policy. There is no doubt that the ostentatious and
rather premature renewal of the Triple A lliance/2) has not been m uch appreciated by
unofficial public opinion in Italy, and that is certainly one reason why some make
weight on the other side is likely to be sym pathetically received at the present
m om ent. The French Ambassador has not, however, hitherto received any further
instructions as to the terms of an agreement with Italy.
I have, Ac.
R E N N E L L RODD.
M IN U T E S .
P ossibly S ir R . R o d d ’ s su ggestion rem oves the chance o f an erron eou s in terp reta tion to
w hich he draw s a tten tion , th ou g h it seems to m e th a t th e a rg u m en t he foreshadow s cou ld be
as w ell a p p lied in one case as the oth er. I should have th ou g h t the sa feg u a rd was the use
o f th e w ord “ s e v e r a lly ” in th e first p a ra g ra ph .
G. R . C.
11.1.13.
No. 431.
Xo. 432.
No. 433.
F.O. 3 7 4 4 /1 4 8 7 /1 3 /2 2 .
(No. 31.) Secret.
Sir, F oreign Office, January 30, 1913.
I have received your despatch No. 15 secret of the 21st inst[ant/](1) on the
subject of the proposed agreement with Italy respect ing North Africa, in which Y [our]
E [x ce lle n cy ] states that you are making no further com m unication to the Italian
G ov [ern m en ]t on the subject pending the receipt of instructions to do so.
It appears to me that the present m oment is not very suitable for H [is]
M [a je s ty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] to seem to press the Italian G ov [ern m en ]t in a question
of this kind. It would, therefore, in my opinion, be preferable to wait until a more
favourable opportunity presents itself. In the meanwhile I should be glad if Y [our]
E [x ce lle n cy ] would endeavour to ascertain, if it can be done without raising delicate
questions, what is the state of the Franco-Italian negotiations on the same subject.
[ I am, Ac.
E. G R E Y .]
(! ) [v . im m ed ia tely p r e ce d in g d ocu m en t.]
No. 434.
F.O. 6 0 0 6 /1 4 8 7 /1 3 /2 2 .
(No. 23.) Secret. Rom e, D. February 2, 1913.
Sir, R- February 8, 1913.
W ith reference to your despatch No. 31 secret of the 30th ultim o,(*) I have the
honour to report that the French Ambassador the other day asked me whether we
were doing anything more with regard to a North African Agreem ent, and I replied
that so far as I knew, the question was quiescent and that I had no instructions to deal
with the subject. Monsieur Barrere said that so far as France was concerned no
further steps had been taken and he had heard nothing more from Paris.
I quite understand that the present moment m ay not be a very suitable one in
which to take up this matter. At the same time in view of the reference made in the
speech of the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Chamber in December last to the
W e w an ted i f I rem em ber rig h tly to see ex a c tly w hat the F ren ch m eant to propose.
E. G.
Yes, and S ir R . R o d d rep orted th a t the F ren ch w ere q u iescen t fo r the m om ent.
W e m ig h t perhaps now tell S ir R . R o d d th a t if the M i n i s t e r ] fo r F o re ig n A ffa irs again,
speaks t o him on the su b ject, he m ay ten ta tiv ely p u t fo r w a rd ou r d r a ft “ form u la .” (2)
E. A . C.
F e b fr u a r y ] 12.
A. X .
E. G.
( 2) [r . supra, pp. 633-4, X o . 429, en c l.; p. 635, X o . 431.]
No. 435.
No. 436.
M IN U T E S .
No. 487.
F.O. 8 4 9 3 /1 4 8 7 /1 3 /2 2 .
(No. 70.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, March 4, 1913.
I have received Y [o u r ] E [x c e lle n c y ]’ s despatch No. 37 of the 15th u lt [im o ](1)
in which Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cv ] suggests that, to avoid any possible m isconception on
the part of the Italian G ov [ern m en ]t, the M in is te r for] F [o re ig n ] A [ffairs] should
be inform ed that the question of the proposed North African Agreem ent between this
country and Italy is only tem porarily in abeyance.
Since writing that despatch Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] will have received m y despatch
No. 49 o f the 13th u lt [im o ],(2) in which I authorised you, in the event of the
No. 43S
[E D . N O T E .— R eferen ces to the M ed iterra n ea n q u estion w ere m ade in con v ersa tion s d u rin g
the m onth o f O ctob er both at R om e and L on don , r. G ooch <£• T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp . 136 -7 ,
N o. 151, and m in., pp. 13S-9. N o. 152. cp. also M . de F le u r ia u 's a ccou n t. D .D .F ., 3 r'« S er.,
Vol. V I I I , pp. 47S-S0, N o. 377.]
No. 439.
E n closu re 1 in N o. 439.
Captain B oyle to Sir R. Rodd.(2)
Sir, R om e, D ecem ber 13, 1913.
I have the honour to submit for your E xcellency’ s consideration the following
remarks upon the naval position o f Italy at the end of 1913.
I have, Ac.
W IL L IA M H . D. B O YLE.
Enclosure 2 in No. 439.
M emorandum by Captain B oyle on Naval Position of Italy at end of 1913.
A certain uneasiness has recently made itself manifest in that section of the
Italian press which interests itself in naval matters, more particularly as regards the
maritime position now occupied by their country.
This, if the circumstances be considered, is certainly not to be wondered a t;
indeed, it is surprising that more anxiety has not been shown regarding the very
difficult situation into which Italy has gradually drifted.
A country always dependent for her welfare upon the security o f her maritime
com m unications, she has by her recent acquisition of territory on the North African
coast added greatly to the responsibilities of her navy.
In spite of the numerous references from both press and platform as to the
com m anding position now held by Italy in the Mediterranean as a result of these
conquests, it must be clear that this is purely geographical, and that the fact of
holding two widely separated coasts is of little avail unless the fleet based upon them
is sufficiently strong to deny passage to the ships of possible enemies.
W ere any attempt made to enforce this control it would be at the expense of two
of the principal sea Powers, both o f whom are possessed of excellent bases either in or
adjacent to the waters in dispute.
Far from having strengthened her maritime position by the annexation of Tripoli
and Cirenaica, Italy has much increased her dependence upon the sea and, conse
quently, her vulnerability to attack from that element. The centre of gravity of the
country has, as it were, been shifted south— that is, away from those military Powers
with whom she is allied.
That this is to some extent recognised is shown by the nervous irritability
displayed at any reference in France to the determination of that country to be
predom inant in the Mediterranean Sea.
The resources o f Italy, either as regards finance or ability to build and arm ships,
greatly as these have increased in recent years, are not, and cannot be for some
generations, such as to render possible a com petition with France in the development
of a preponderating naval force in the Narrow Sea. She cannot hope to dispute her
rival’ s claim to look on the Mediterranean as aFrench lake without depending upon
the assistance of the fleet o f her ally, Austria.
As in the present state of European politics this support can probably be safely
counted upon, it may not be without interest to compare the naval strength of the
two countries combined, as against that of the French fleet kept in the Mediterranean
at the present time :— A llies. F
B a ttlesh ips (D ) .................................................................. 8 8
„ .................................................................. 13 12
Cruisers ... ... ... ... ... ... ••• 10 8
D estroy ers ... ... ... ... ... ... ••• 44 35
S u b m a r in e s .................................................................................... 20 18
Under the heading of battleships (D) have been included those ships that have
been built since the com m encem ent of the Dreadnought era, although the majority
do not belong to that class, and the local defence flotillas, school ships, and battleships
over twenty years afloat have been omitted.
( 2) [T h e t e x t o f th e enclosures g iv en a bove is ta k en from th e C onfid en tial P r in t , as the
o rig in a l docu m en ts w ere sent to th e A d m ira lty .]
641
The table, although, perhaps, not strictly accurate, is sufficiently so to give an
idea of the comparative naval strength as far as such a comparison can be made on
paper.
Whereas France has nine battleships of the latest type actually in course of
construction, her possible opponents have only five that have as yet been com m enced.
A glance at this table may give the impression (leaving out of consideration the
inherent weakness of an allied force) that with an average amount of good fortune the
allies may reasonably hope to achieve success.
But there are other factors to be considered that cannot be left out of account,
for as long as it is possible to reach the Mediterranean from the Atlantic, it is
impossible to consider the situation there apart from that of the sea at large.
W hereas the resources of the French navy are by no means exhausted by the
enumeration of the ships given above, the list includes every vessel of any value
belonging to the Adriatic Powers. I f it is held that, in the event of hostilities, France
will not be able to spare reinforcem ents from the Channel ports, owing to the fact
that the German empire will be found ranged in line with her allies, the position is
not materially altered, for in the present grouping of Powers it is fair to assume that
at least some British ships will be in the Mediterranean, and in a position to very
materially aid the French squadrons. Then, in glancing into the future, the rising
naval power of Russia must not be overlooked; it is such as will shortly place the
fleets of the Triple Alliance in a position of marked inferiority to those o f the Triple
E ntente.
But even nearer to her shores naval events are shaping that Italy cannot afford
to disregard. H er recent policy has raised against her a bitterly hostile spirit in
Greece, a Power that shares with her the position of doorkeeper of the Adriatic. That
country, already in possession of an efficient destroyer flotilla, will shortly own a
1st class battleship, and is now considering a programme to still further develop her
navy. W ith her m ilitary services controlled by British and French instructors, there
cannot be much doubt on which side the Greek officers’ sympathies would lie, and
these in recent years have proved their power to influence legislation in their country.
However, in this case it seems possible that public opinion would not require much
influencing, and that the prospect of a war of revenge for what are considered as past
humiliations would be welcomed by all classes of the com m unity.
The coast of Greece would form an ideal base for the Greek destroyers and
submarines to work from , possibly assisted by a British flotilla that in peace time had
been based on Alexandria. Such a com bination at the entrance to the Adriatic would
not only be a threat that neither Austria nor Italy could afford to ignore, and which
therefore must neutralise some part of their naval forces, but would on the Austrians
have the depressing influence that a hostile force on a line of retreat must always
exercise on those who feel their com m unications to be insecure. The idea of the
possibility of Turkey taking advantage of any such action on the part of Greece may
be dismissed when the proxim ity to Constantinople of the Russian Black Sea fleet is
considered, constituting, as it does, a threat that will effectually prevent any ill-tim ed
adventures by the Turkish fleet in the Higean Sea.
To attempt to outline the strategy of such a war would be out of place here, but
as the com m on danger lies to the west, it is in that direction that an offensive
campaign would have to be conducted.
At the com m encem ent of a European war France is likely to be preoccupied in
the passing o f troops from Africa to Europe, and a vigorous offensive by the allies at
this time might yield great results.
It m ay, however, well be asked if Austria will be prepared to see the whole of
her naval force leave her shores to act to the westward of Italy, thereby cutting itself
off from its base and becom ing dependent on the ports o f her ally.
And this frame of mind will be accentuated if the entrance of the Adriatic (only
40 miles in width) cannot be guaranteed as safe for the passage for her ships.
Only this month an influential Austrian paper has repeated a statement often
[10900] 2 T
G42
made before that Austrian naval policy aims at being in a position to control the
Adriatic.
If, however, the allies allow themselves to becom e entangled in secondary under
takings nearer at home— if, for instance, Malta plays the part of Lissa in 186G, France
will have ample leisure to concentrate her squadrons in preparation for an offensive
m ove to the eastward, while incidentally Malta will have fully justified the m oney
expended upon her upkeep.
Yet another factor in the situation is the development of a Spanish squadron,
and, in consequence, the Franco-Spanish rapprochement of this year has created some
uneasiness in Italy. If all these considerations be taken into account it cannot be
said that the future o f Italy in the Mediterranean is very bright, and if military needs
must eventually dictate the foreign policy of the country, it wrould seem as if the near
future might see Italy cultivating an understanding with the maritime nations, of
whom she is essentially one, rather than protract an unnatural alliance with the
military Powers whose attention is occupied to the north, east, and west, and whose
ability to aid her is limited.
That Austria has thought of this possibility is evidenced by the fact that during
the debate on the vote for further shipbuilding held this month it was urged in support
o f the Bill that the assistance that Italy might expect to receive from Austria by sea
was the only thing that made it worth her while to remain in the Triple Alliance.
It was also stated by the Minister introducing the Bill that Austria was not
building against Italy, but rather to be in a position to assist her.
But the assistance that Austria can give is not, under present circumstances,
likely to be sufficient to render Italy secure on the sea.
Italy is suffering from a growing maritime pressure brought about both by her
acquisition of territory which she can only reach by water (but which, it must be
borne in mind, is open to invasion by France), and also b y the support she has recently
given to Austrian policy in the Near East.
M IN U T E S .
T he con clu sion s reached are th a t Ita ly has becom e m ore vu ln erab le ow in g to the new
a cq u isition s in A fric a , and m ay be im p elled to join the trip le en ten te ra th er than th e trip le
alliance.
R . S.
A n in terestin g review o f the m a ritim e situ ation in the M ed iterra n ean .
E. A. C.
D ec [em b er] 29.
E. G.
No. 440.
French colleague in Rom e, although he does not seem to have any conclusive evidence
in support o f it.
In these circumstances it may be as well that I should officially record a conversa
tion which recently took place here between the Russian Ambassador and the Italian
Minister for Foreign Affairs.
The form er has just returned from spending a m onth’ s leave in Paris, and on the
M inister’ s enquiring of him what impressions he had brought back with him from
France, M. Kroupenskv, who affects a certain blunt frankness, replied that they
seemed to be convinced there that there had been, if not a modification of the Triple
Alliance when it was re-signed,(4) at any rate some subsequent addition which had
extended the obligations and scope o f that instrument.
The Marquis di San Giuliano said he on ly wished that he were at liberty to
publish the full text of the Alliance, of which indeed he had always been in favour.
All he could do was to state explicitly on his word o f honour that there had neither
been any modification of the text of the Triple Alliance when it had been renewed,
nor any subsequent addition of any kind whatever. On M. K roupenskv’ s observing
that he was very glad to have this explicit statement because it had even been said
in Paris that there were documents justifying the assumption which had been made,
His E xcellency replied that if any such documents existed in Paris he could only say
in the most positive manner that they were forgeries.
M y Russian colleague was evidently impressed with the genuineness o f the
repudiation by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the suspicions to which more than
one French representative has given expression.
I have, &c.
R E N N E L L RODD .
No. 441.
F .O . 1 4 8 3 6 /1 4 83 6 /1 4 /2 2.
(No. 117.) Confidential. R om e, D . March 30, 1914.
Sir, R . April 4, 1914.
I learn that immediately after Easter, unless circumstances should intervene to
prevent it, the Italian Minister for Foreign Affairs will pay his long deferred return
visit to Count Berchtold. Although this visit has long been on the order of the day,
and has therefore no special significance, the most will no doubt be made of this
occasion for emphasizing the continued cordiality of relations with Austria-Hungary.
On the other hand, I hear confidentially through sources which are certainly well-
inform ed, that the Italian Government have o f late been by no means satisfied with
the attitude o f their ally on various questions, and the press is once more beginning
to revert to the normal condition of complaint at the treatment of Italians in
Dalmatia and alleged persecutions at Fium e, while the long-standing grievance of the
non-concession of an Italian University or Faculty of Law in the Em pire is
reassuming a prominent place in the topics o f the day. Nor has the knowledge that
Austria-Hungary m ay becom e a rival in competition for economic concessions in the
neighbourhood of Adalia tended to promote good feeling. I am assured that it is only
the paramount necessity of first securing a settlement of the Albanian question which
entails a submissive attitude on the part of Italy, and that once Albania has been
fairly started on her path there will be a considerable change in this respect.
(») [T h is despa tch is en d orsed as h a v in g been sent t o the K in g . A cop y was sent to
P a r is.]
[10900] 2 T 2
644
On the other hand, the Foreign Department has through several writers in the
Rom an press, whose pens are at its com m and, been emphasizing the friendly support
which the aims of Italy for concessions in Asia Minor have received in England, and
the semi-official “ T rib u n a ” returns to the point this m orning in dealing, in what
appears to be an inspired article, with the repeated assumptions o f the Paris “ Temps ”
that some new clause has found its way into the terms of the Triple Alliance. After
com plaining that the “ T e m p s ” ignores all the semi-official announcements that have
been made on the subject, and charges Italy, after a long period of perfect agreement
with France and England in Mediterranean questions, with turning towards her
continental allies in the hopes of realizing her imperialistic aims, the article concludes :
“ The answer of Italy is the more easy inasmuch as it rests upon concrete
and not on imaginary impressions. The agreements of 1902 between France and
Italy remain unm odified.(2) This is one fact. The recent negotiations between an
Italian syndicate and the Smyrna Aidin Company, with reference to the Adalia
railway, together with the disposition displayed by the British Government
towards possible Italian econom ic activity in that region, which proves the
cordiality with which a collaboration between English and Italian activity is
regarded, constitute another fact. Now what do these facts point to, if it be not
that the international policy o f Italy— while rem aining faithful to alliances—
follows without any modification the tradition of her friendships? What do they
indicate if not that these preoccupations about the Mediterranean, so far as Italy
is concerned, are fa n ta stic?”
I have, Ac.
R E N N E L L RODD.
No. 442.
Xo. 443.
(*) [S ir R . R o d d ’ s despatch (X o . 33), D . J a n u a ry 23, R . J a n u a ry 31, 1914, is not rep rod u ced .
I t dealt w ith the qu estion o f th e leg a l sta tus o f the T rip olita n s since th e a n n exa tion .
M . B a rrere sta ted th a t he h op ed t o a rra n g e a com p rom ise, p r o lo n g in g th e con d ition s p rev a ilin g
b efore the a n n ex a tion fo r at least tw o years. (F .O . 4 425/4425 1 4 /2 2 .)]
646
No. 444.
F .O . 1 9 3 1 6 /4 4 25 /1 4 /2 2 .
(No. 158.) Confidential. R om e, D. April 27, 1914.
Sir, R . May 2, 1914.
I have the honour to report that the Minister for Foreign Affairs having expressed
the wish to tell me about certain difficulties that had arisen with the French Govern
ment, which formed the subject of m y despatch No. 149 of the 23rd instant, (2) I called
upon him this morning.
ITis Excellency began by saying that I had no doubt followed the recent campaign
in the French press against Italy regarding the questions of jurisdiction in Tripoli and
Tunis and the abolition of the capitulations in M orocco. He said the French were
never easy to negotiate writh, they had a very one-sided view o f the principle of “ give
and take.” But at the present moment he believed the attitude of the public and
perhaps of the Government in France towards Italy had been envenom ed by the
belief that there had been some modification in the Triple Alliance providing for
Mediterranean contingencies in a sense hostile to the republic. There was the story
o f a mysterious document, which he understood M. Cambon and Mr. Steed of the
Times believed in. M. Barrere did not, or said he did not. He gathered that this
story was to be traced to the brother-in-law and personal adversary of Count Berchtold,
who professed to have seen such a document. I f it existed, it wTas a forgery and
Count Carolyi had been imposed upon. H e had stated publicly more than once, and
would state to me again, that neither before, at, nor after the renewal o f the Triple
Alliance had there been any modification in or addition to its terms. W hat more could
he do to convince the French that there were no grounds for their apprehensions?
H e went on to say that there had been some talk two years ago of an African
agreement with us, and of an African or Mediterranean understanding wfith the
F rench. At the time it had been difficult to find aformula on which to work, and
then other circumstances had intervened. He had made it clear at the time that
Italy would not be able to enter into any agreement affecting the Mediterranean
without inform ing her allies. But he still saw advantages in resuming these
negotiations. It was to the benefit o f all to eliminate as far as possible by preliminary
the capitulations for Italian subjects in M orocco. The Italian Government were in
principle quite ready to do so, but their arrangement with France also gave them
most favoured nation treatment in M orocco, and they would be liable to be called in
question if they renounced certain definite advantages before other States had done
so, and thus placed Italian subjects there for an indefinite period in a position of
disadvantage. The French Government replied that Russia and Spain had already
abandoned the capitulations on behalf of their subjects. To this the Italian Govern
ment answered that so far as Russia was concerned the renunciation was purely
platonic, as there were no Russian subjects. As far as Spain was concerned the step
was the result of a specific agreement by which France did the same as concerned her
subjects in the Spanish sphere. There was there a “ quid pro q u o .’ ’ He had
expressed his readiness to abandon the capitulations as soon as His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment did so. Our case had its analogies to that of Italy as we had important interests
and a considerable number of subjects in M orocco. This apparently did not satisfy
the French who required immediate renunciation on the part o f Italy.
I then asked, if this point could he settled, did he anticipate the other issue
regarding Tripoli and Tunis would find an easier solution as Signor Martini had
seemed to think? His E xcellency said that he did not consider that the two questions
were correlated. Both of them had to be solved, and he hoped that M. Barrere, who
had gone to Paris, might return with more conciliatory instructions. If he did not
the situation would becom e difficult. He did not see that Italy could go any further
than she had declared herself ready to do to meet the views o f the French government.
On the other hand he was most anxious to see these points settled and to
eliminate any pretext for recrimination or tension. There were no real issues or
divergence of interests between Italy and France— no reason whatever why they
should regard one another with hostile feelings, and so far as he could see, no grounds
for conflict in the future. I f these two matters, which were really rather points of
“ amour propre ” than of any real intrinsic importance, could be eliminated, they
m ight go on to a general agreement, which would have a substantial value in clearing
away misapprehensions about the Mediterranean. He believed that this must be to
some extent an interest to us also, and that we should be glad to see all tension
between France and Italy removed. He therefore begged me to submit the foregoing
exposition of the situation to you in the hope that if an early opportunity offered
itself, you would use your influence in the direction of conciliation, and he would
much appreciate an indication of our intentions as regards the capitulations in
M orocco.
After our interview I received a message from the Minister for Foreign Affairs
asking that anything which he had said about African or Mediterranean agreements
might be regarded as strictly confidential between the two Governments, as any
reference to it* in Paris might lead to discussions in the press which would prejudice
the future liberty of negotiation.
I have, &e.
R E N N E L L RODD.
Iso. 445.
F.O. 21054/14630/14/2*2.
(No. 134.) Secret.
Sir, Foreign Office, May 6, 1914.
The Italian Ambassador said to-day that the Italian Government were quite
ready to proceed with us at once with the arrangement of an agreement about North
0 ) [T h is despatch was rep ea ted to P a ris (N o. 2 8 6 ); to B erlin (N o. 136).)
649
A frica; and they would do so with the French, if France would only be more
conciliatory to Italy.
I said that the Italians had opened this matter with both the French and us
W hen it hung fire, the French had asked us whether we meant to take it up again.
I could not do so unless it was taken up with them as well.
The Ambassador said that he wished me not to m ention the matter to the French
till the Italian Government had been able to inform B e rlin ; otherwise it would appear
in the French Press that Italy had approached France, and the German Government
would be annoyed at hearing the news in that way.
[ I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 446.
No. 447.
F.O. 1 82 4 1 /4 4 25 /1 4 /2 2 .
(No. 133.) Confidential.
Sir, Foreign Office, May 11, 1914.
I have re c [e iv e ]d Y [ou r] E [x c e lle n c y ]’ s d esp [atche]s Nos. 149 and 158,
C on f[id en tia ]l, of the 23rd and 27th u lt [im o ](1) resp [ectin ]g the present relations
between France and Italy, and the desire of the Italian G ov [ern m en ]t to learn the
attitude and intentions of H [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] in regard to the
Capitulations in Morocco.
Y [o u r ] E [xcellen cy ] s h [o u l]d take an opportunity of explaining to the Italian
G ov [ern m en ]t that, in accordance with the terms of the A nglo-French declaration of
1904,(2) H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overn m en t] desire to proceed pari passu with the
abolition of the Capitulations in M orocco and in E gypt, and that so far as H [is ]
M [a je sty ’ s] G [overn m en t] are concerned no progress can be made except on this
condition.
Y [o u r] E [x cellen cv ] s h [o u l]d also on this occasion rem ind the Italian
G ov [ern m en ]t that IT [is] M [a jestv’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] are still awaiting a reply to the
com m unication addressed to them by Y [ou r] E [x cellen cy ] so long ago as
D ec[em b er] 10, 1912,(3) in regard to the abolition of the Capitulations in Egypt, a
matter which had already been discussed by the two G ov [ern m en ]ts prior to the
recognition by H [is ] M [a jesty’ s] G [overn m en t] of the abolition of the Capitulations
in Tripoli.
No. 448.
consider German susceptibilities, partly because France had cooled towards Italy very
m uch, and partly because of the difficulties that arose owing to Italian feeling with
regard to Austria, which had been illustrated by recent demonstrations in Italy.
[ I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 419.
F.O. 2 3 5 7 8 /1 4 63 0 /1 4 /2 2.
Foreign Office, May 17, 1914.
Italy and the Mediterranean.
The Italian ambassador asked me to-day to tell Sir E. Grey that he had spoken
to Monsieur Cambon about last yea r’ s renewal of the triple alliance, giving him the
same assurances and explanations that he had given to Sir E . Grey. H e said
M onsieur Gambon seemed readily to accept the assurances and evidently wished to
convey the impression that he CMons[ieur] Cambon) had never attached much
importance to the reports and rumours current some time ago as to the alleged further
com m itm ents of Italy in respect to her policy in the Mediterranean. Monsieur Cambon,
he said, in fact declared that the subject had been a matter of much graver concern to
the British than to the French Government If1)
Marquis Imperiali then proceeded to discuss the question of some understanding
or agreement to be arrived at between Italy and Great Britain, into which France
would also have to come, respecting future policy in the Mediterranean. II [is]
E [x ce llen cy ] practically went over the same ground as he did in his recent conver
sation with Sir E. Grey. His object in speaking to me was to ask, or rather to beg and
implore, me to draw up a “ formula ” which should cover the desired agreement, and
which should be in a form to place on a more friendly footing the relations between
France and Italy, and at the same time be satisfactory both to England and to
Germany.
I naturally enquired what was the nature of the agreement contemplated by the
Italian G ov [ern m en ]t.............. (2) H e first suggested “ something like the North Sea
A greem ent.” I reminded him that he had himself, when discussing the matter with
Sir E. Grey, called attention to the weak spot of that suggestion : namely the fact
that under the North Sea Agreem ent the signatory Powers undertook to uphold the
status quo, whilst in the Mediterranean there were points where certain Powers could
hardly proclaim their determination not to have the status quo altered. Such a point
was, for us, E gypt, with which, m oreover, the wider question of the ultimate fate of
the Ottoman Empire was in a certain way connected. These were very delicate issues
and I felt sure that I I [is ] M [a jesty ’ s] G o v e rn m e n t] would be reluctant to enter
upon any course bringing those issues prematurely and needlessly into discussion.
The ambassador quite agreed and appeared instantly ready to throw overboard
the suggestion that the desired formula should be built up on the basis of the
maintenance of the status quo. But he continued to urge that some formula should
be found and that I in particular should sit down and find it.............. (3)
I am afraid that nothing I said as to m y inability to prepare or suggest formulas
in ignorance of what they were intended to contain, made any impression on His
E xcellency, who, when he finally left me, said : ‘ ‘ I rely on your finding the formula.
I am sure you will find it.”
M IN U T E .
I shall tell th e Ita lia n A m bassador th a t the Ita lia n G o v [e rn m e n ]t m ust m ake som e
proposal to us th a t w e can com m u n ica te to th e F rench.
E. G.
No. 450.
knew, conversations had taken place between the Italian Governm ent and the French
Governm ent on this subject, as well as between the Italian Governm ent and ourselves.
Som e time ago the French Governm ent had asked me whether I meant to take up
the subject again with Italy, and I had replied that I would wait till Italy resumed it
with us. That was how I had left the matter with the French Governm ent. I f I
proposed a formula to them, with a view of putting it before Italy, they would at
once ask whether Italy had raised the question with me again and, if not, why I had
departed from my intention of waiting till she did so. I suggested that as the Italian
Governm ent said they could not m ove without consulting the German Government,
they should tell the German G ov [ern m en ]t what had passed with both the French
Governm ent and ourselves, and, if they liked, suggest to the German Government
that the negotiations with France and ourselves should be continued on the lines of
the North Sea Agreement.
[I am, A c.]
E . G [R E Y ],
655
C H A P TE R XCVII.
G R E A T BRITAIN , FR AN CE AN D GERM AN Y, 1 9 1 2 -1 4 .
No. 451.
t 1) [T h is despa tch is based on S ir A. X ic o ls o n ’ s record of his con v ersation w ith B a ron von
M arschall. T he record is en d orsed as h a v in g b een sent to th e K in g ; to th e P rim e M in is te r;
to M r. C h u rch ill.]
(2) [F o r M r. C h u rch ill’ s speeches on S u p p lem en ta ry E stim ates on J u ly 22, 1912, v. P ari.
D eb ., o th S er., (H ou se o f Com m ons), V ol. 41, p p . 8 37 -5 9.]
656
demand an addition to the already heavy navy estimates which had been voted, it
was inevitable that he would have to explain at some length and detail the reasons
which led him to request the British public to make still further sacrifices in money
and men. There was nothing whatever provocative in such statements which were
m erely explanatory and in justification of the very heavy burden which this country
had assumed. _
The Ambassador remarked that notwithstanding the fact that Russia kept a
large armed force on the frontier she was on most friendly terms with Germany
and neither side was anxious or suspicious. Sir A. Nicolson referred H is Excellency
to the passages in Mr. Churchill’ s speech as to the difference between military and
naval forces.
The Ambassador remarked that there was no more pacific man in Europe than
the Em peror W illiam — a sentiment with which Sir A. Nicolson entirely agreed.
There was no man, His Excellency continued, who was more desirous of being on
the friendliest relations with this country. Sir A. Nicolson said that he was sure
the Ambassador would admit that this feeling was fully reciprocated here. Baron
Marschall added that it would be impossible for the German Em peror to sign a
decree for m obilizing the army or navy unless H is Majesty could prove to his public
that the vital interests of Germany were in imminent peril. Sir A. Nicolson could
quite understand, His E xcellency said, that mobilization in Germany meant millions
of German mothers and children being deprived of their bread-winners, and no one
in Germany would ever admit that such a measure would be necessary unless the
most vital interests of Germany were in danger. It was most unfortunate that
people in both countries had not fully realised that Germany had no hostile intentions
whatever towards us, or that we had any hostile intentions against Germany. His
E xcellency perfectly realised that we found it necessary and desirable to settle both
with Piussia and France all outstanding questions between the respective countries,
and he was glad that we had been able to remove the friction between ourselves and
the two countries which he had m entioned. At the same time he could not see why
these agreements should lead us to suspect and mistrust Germany, or hinder us from
being on the most intimate relations with her. Sir A. Nicolson told the Ambassador
that he quite agreed with him, and that he thought that the recent communiqué
which had been published in Germany in reference to the recent meeting of the two
E m perors(3) had put the position very fairly, by the German Government accepting as
a very natural situation the present grouping o f the several Powers. This grouping
really in itself was a good guarantee of peace. The Ambassador remarked that he
him self did not attach very great importance to Alliances and Ententes. H e thought
that when a moment of crisis arrived such arrangements did not govern the situation
and each country took the course which was dictated to it by its vital interests
irrespective of engagements which might have been concluded. Nearly every Alliance
or Entente contained in its preamble a phrase that it would becom e operative only
if one of the countries were attacked. It would always be extrem ely difficult to
determine who was the attacking party.
H is E xcellency regretted on general grounds that international affairs seemed
to be passing from the hands of diplomatists into those of the m ilitary men, and he
thought that diplom acy was being thrust into the background, and that the
interests of a nation and its importance seemed to be calculated on the basis of how
m any Dreadnoughts or battalions any country might possess. He remarked that we
seemed to have invoked a new phantom in the increases which were contemplated
in the Austrian or Italian fleets, and we appeared to consider it very necessary that
we should adopt measures to face the imaginary risks with which these increases
might threaten us. His Excellency could not for one moment conceive where was
the enem y Austria or Italy might have to face in the Mediterranean. Sir A. Nicolson
observed that in those circumstances it seemed curious that Austria should incur the
(3) [T he m eetin g betw een the E m p eror W illia m and the C zar took pla ce at B a ltic P o rt
on J u ly 4 -6 . cp. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. I X (I ), p. 580. E d. N o te .]
657
(4) [T h e t e x t o f the F ra n co-G erm a n C on v en tion res p ectin g M o rocco is g iv en in G ooch &
T em p erley, V ol. V I I , pp. 831 -6 , A p p . I V .]
[10900]
658
N o. 45 2.
King George V to Sir Edicard G rey.(')
Private.(2)
My dear Grev, York Cottage, Sandringham, D ecem ber 8, 1912.
Prince H enry of Prussia paid me a short visit here two days ago.(3) In the
course o f a long conversation with regard to the present European situation, he
asked me point blank, whether in the event of Germany and Austria going to war
with Russia and France, England would come to the assistance o f the two latter
Powers. I answered undoubtedly yes under certain circumstances. H e professed
surprise and regret but did not ask what the certain circumstances were. He said
he would tell the Emperor what I had told him. Of course Germany must know that
we could not allow either of our friends to be crippled. I think it is only right that
you should know what passed between me and the E m peror’ s brother on this point.
I hope to see you when I com e to London at the end of this week.
Relieve me,
Very sincerely yours,
G E O R G E R.I.
0 ) [T h is letter is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to th e P rim e M in is ter.]
( 2) [G rey M SS., V ol. (34. T he le tte r is prin ted in T re v e ly a n : U rey o f F allod on (1937),
p 230. P rofessor T rev ely a n has added a n ote in th e follow in g term s: “ D r. G ooch and
P rofessor T em perley had already fou n d this letter o f th e K in g ’ s, and decid ed on its pu blica tion ,
w hen I m ade my own search in th e archives. It will be published in due course in G. and T.,
X (I I ).” ]
( 3) [R e fe re n c e to P rin ce H e n r y ’ s v isit is m ade in G .P., X X X I X , pp. 119-20, n ote. F o r the
v isit of 1914 v. Ed. N o t e .]
No. 453.
Sir Edward G rey to King George F.C)
No. 454.
Private. (2)
M y dear Sir Edward, R om e, January 6, 1918.
After spending a long quiet evening from 8 to 11, talking round every subject
with the German Ambassador, who is about to be Minister for Foreign Affairs, I
must try and give you as accurate a picture as I can of the frame of mind in which
he is entering on his new work, reluctantly because he was happy and contented
here, because of the great difficulties he foresees and because o f some m isgiving
which he feels as to whether his health will prove adequate.
First of all as regards the present crisis, which we were less concerned to discuss
because he is not yet quite sure whether he will have to start imm ediately or, as he
hopes, only on the 18th. l i e feels if he went to Berlin tomorrow he would only he
able to follow in the lines already engaged rather than to take a lead, and he believes
that the Under Secretary, Zim m erm ann, will deal with the matters in hand quite
satisfactorily. H is own feeling as regards Austria is that she is very difficult to
manage because there is a total absence of leadership there. He thinks very little
of Count B erchtold’ s qualities as a statesman— that he is, in fact, another of
Aehrenthal’ s mistakes— though it should be said in defence of him that he did not
at all seek his present office. Germany is bound to give Austria support but it is
very difficult to do so because her policy shows so little consistency and m eth od;
views change from day to day, and her allies don’ t know what they are in for.
He is fully alive to the gravity of the Scutari question, but on that point does not
think Austria can be m oved, though he believes a com prom ise can and will be found
in making tangible material concessions to M ontenegro without the actual town of
Scutari, which has always been regarded as the capital of Albania,— concessions
which ought to satisfy her. H e agrees that the present sovereign of M ontenegro
must be maintained, the more so as it is undesirable that M ontenegro should be
absorbed by Servia, holding that the people of unmixed Slav stock are not capable
of political development, but he considers the sons of the K ing o f M ontenegro have
no capacity or character and doubts whether, when the K ing is gone, M ontenegro
will be able to preserve an independent existence.
The real preoccupation which he feels is for the Austrian Em pire itself. There
seem to him to be present there and rapidly maturing all the elements of dissolution,
and he believes the time is not so very far off when it m ay go the way o f the Ottoman
Em pire. Out of the break-up a Slav State or com bination m ay arise, which will be
numerically stronger than the Magyar com ponent, and the German element will go
to the wall. Its aggregation to the German Em pire would be (from his Prussian
standpoint) a disadvantage, because Germ any has already too m any C atholics;
German Catholics take their religion very seriously, and, as it is, they constitute an
imperium in imperio, recalcitrant to the essentially Germanic idea of whole-hearted
(*) ITh is le tte r is end orsed as h a vin g been sent to th e K in g an d to the P rim e M in is ter.]
( 3) [G rey M S S ., V ol. 25.]
[10200] 2 U 2
660
subservience to the State. Merged in the German Em pire the Austrian Catholics
would enable that party to swamp the progressive protestant element. This possible
disruption of the Austrian Empire, often contemplated but never perhaps with such
good reason, filled him as a German with misgivings, for, he said, “ the Austrians
are the only friends we have in E urope,” he evidently did not include the Italians.
This is, however, a matter of rem oter interest. What you will rather care to
hear will be his views as to how our mutual relations can be maintained or improved.
I gather that, exclusive of the contingencies which may arise from the present
complicated Balkan settlement, he does not see any particular tangible occasion of
difficulties in the near future. The problem is how to m odify a certain mental
attitude which has grown up in the two nations, and which it is no use pretending
to m inimize. H e does not believe in rushing things and assuming that all will be
well because for the moment there is a détente. It has gone too deep for that. He
frankly admits that for us the difficulty lies in our never having been able to know
what Germany really wants, and to a great extent the reason of this is that Germany
does not know herself. H er com m ercial prosperity had developed with extraordinary
rapidity. The desire for national expansion had grown up concom itantly with this
com m ercial development, but there had been no pre-conceived scheme of expansion.
W ith the Germans themselves it had taken no concrete form and its manifestation
rather took the shape of resentment at their having themselves neglected the
opportunities which others were seen in the meantime to be taking advantage ^of.
The M orocco affair, he candidly admits, was a defeat for Germany. H e maintains,
though here I don’ t quite agree with him, that German resentment on that account
is not against us, but against France, and he was equally ready to admit, when I
recalled recent history, that German action had been responsible for bringing us into
closer relations with F ra n ce; it was inevitable under the circumstances that we
should have been ranged alongside of her in the M orocco question and, as an
Englishm an, he would have approved of the M orocco agreement. However, that was
done with and buried. It had meanwhile taught its lesson and this brought him to
a point on which he felt very strongly. He greatly doubted whether the Ottoman
Em pire would long be able to maintain itself even in Asia. H e felt sure the end
had com e of a Power existing only in virtue of aggressive conquest and incapable of
higher developm ent. As long as it could, however, maintain some semblance ^of
coherence and authority he believed German interests lay in supporting the remains
of the Ottoman Em pire in Asia, and he thought our aim would be similar. Sooner
or later, however, he regarded the extinction of Turkish rule as inevitable. There
were not in Asia Minor and Syria the same elements as had been present in
European Turkey for the evolution of new States. There were the Armenians, it
was true, and the Syrians, such as they were. Both of them were impatient of
Turkish rule, but perhaps neither of them were ever likely to be able to assert
themselves as the Balkan peoples had done. There was, he thought, a far greater
likelihood, if and when the Turkish dom inion finally went bankrupt, of a partition.
Russia aimed at closing round the Black Sea— H e acquitted us of any covetousness
as regards Anatolia and Syria, notwithstanding certain indications of a movement in
Syria°towards assim ilation'to E gypt, but France affected to claim a traditional sphere
of interest in Syria. On the other hand a feeling had grown up in Germany— he
would not discuss how far it was justified, it was sufficient that it could not be
ignored— that Anatolia, where Germany had widely extended her com m ercial under
takings, and had entered on the Bagdad railway enterprise with a sort of national
enthusiasm, should not be definitely closed as a sphere of German interest. H e did
not think that any one in Germ any had as yet a concrete or definite ambition there.
But the point he was com ing to was this : should circumstances suggest a division
of Asia Minor and Syria into spheres of interest, a com bination of the three Powers
generally described as the Triple Entente, working with this object, to the exclusion
of Germ any and without consulting her, would inevitably mean war. Germany
could not endure a second M orocco in Anatolia.
661
I asked him what ambitions he could apprehend on our part in those regions
and he replied that he did not think we had any, but he mistrusted France and
Russia, and when there was a definite grouping of Powers such as now existed,
circumstances made them work together for com m on ends. I observed that where we
held we had a vital interest was in the Persian Gulf. H err von Jagow said he fully
recognized that, and Germany was entirely disposed to do so. They were anxious
for an equitable commercial exit for the Bagdad railw ay;— that might or might not
have been a wise undertaking— he seemed not to be very enthusiastic about it
him self— but it had taken hold of the German imagination. As far as the Persian
Gulf was concerned there was no difficulty in recognizing our political supremacy. I
said I thought if we could com e to terms on such a mutual understanding, one great
source of mistrust m ight be cleared away. I also urged upon him the necessity, if
we were to get on better, of our knowing more what German aims and ideals were.
There was no a priori determination on our part to raise opposition to Germany at
every point, but as long as we were in the dark it was inevitable that we should run
up against obstacles which a little light would enable us to avoid. I f Germ any had
been more frank with us long ago m any difficulties might have been avoided.
Jagow said he traced the era of misunderstandings as having begun in 1889.
Bismarck had not long before his fall written a letter to Lord Salisbury and suggested
a certain programm e for us and Germany to follow in Eastern policy.(s) Lord Salisbury
had returned a very cold answer, and when imm ediately afterwards the German
Em peror full of ideas and enthusiasm went to England, Lord Salisbury would not
go to W indsor to meet him and remained like Achilles in his tent at Hatfield. This
had greatly offended His Majesty and to the ensuing condition of soreness were to be
traced many subsequent developments including the unfortunate Kruger telegram.
At heart the Emperor was more English than the English, and his dream had
always been to march hand in hand with us,— these outbursts were really due to
“ depit am oureux.” It was a favourite phrase of his when some incident in which
we were concerned ruffled him to blurt o u t ; ‘ ‘ and this they say of me, of me the
Grandson of Queen V ictoria ! ” when his listeners would be more gratified if he had
referred to him self under the conditions as “ the German E m peror.’ ’ Jagow ’ s own
predilections would be the same as the E m peror’ s. H e believes wholly and only in
the Germanic stock. H e does not think the unadulterated Slav will ever have the
dom inion— he lacks what he calls the “ staatsbildender Geist,’ ’ the qualities essential
to the vital maintenance of the State. H e thinks the Russian Em pire would have
been nowhere without the virtues of the non-Slav element in the Baltic provinces
and the dynasty of the R om anow s; and he holds that the Latin nations have mostly
run their course and that their m entality is too different for the Germanic nations
ever to be perm anently associated with them. The assimilative Germanic nations
have learned much from them and are able to put what they have learned to
profitable use. It ought not to be impossible for England and Germ any to clear up
their misunderstandings, difficult as the task may seem after 20 years of widening
divergence, but there is between them no record of humiliation or disaster imposed
by one on the other and therefore no ingrained national hatred.
Eventually we came to naval questions and, rem em bering how strongly he had
expressed him self once to me on the subject of Admiral Tirpitz, I asked how he
thought he would get on with him. Perhaps now that they are to be colleagues he
feels the obligation to be more discreet. In any case, he said that he did not think
that Tirpitz was, or wanted to be, a politician. But it had becom e an obsession with
him to make his fleet the most perfect instrument that organization and concentra-
(3) [T h e referen ce is presum ably to B ism a rck ’ s ov ertu re a t the b e g in n in g o f 1889, em bodied
in his despa tch to C ou n t H a tz fe ld t o f J a n u a ry 11, v. G .P ., I V , pp . 400-3. S a lisbu ry ’ s a ttitu d e
on the receip t o f this com m u n ica tion is d escribed ibid., pp. 403-6. This o v ertu re how ever was
not con cern ed w ith th e N ea r East. cp. also Cecil, V ol. I V , pp. 115-20. T here is possibly som e
con fu sion w ith B ism a rck ’ s letter to S a lisbu ry o f N ovem b er 22, 1887, v. G .P ., I V , pp . 376-80,
to w hich Sa lisbu ry rep lied on N ovem ber 30, v. ibid ., pp. 386-8. cp. also Cecil, V ol. H ,
pp. 7 2 -7 .]
662
tion of purpose could devise. Ilis only thoughts were how to improve and augment
the fleet which was largely his creation, and with this end in view he was capable
of putting forward arguments in order to overcom e opposition which it was really
dangerous to use. It did not imply that Tirpitz meant mischief, but to him all was
legitimate that served his purpose in producing his ideal of a fleet. Personally he
had deprecated the exaggerations of German naval policy. H e wanted his country
to have an adequately powerful naval armament, but it was absurd to aim at
com peting with us to whom the fleet was all in all. As things stood now, he thought
Germany should com plete the naval programme actualty in hand and stop there,
and so far as his influence might go he should oppose any further augmentation, even
if we augmented ours. The two programmes ought not to be regarded as correlated.
All the same he did not really hold with the policy of agreements for the limitation
of armaments which were contrary to the national sentiment.
H e asked me whether I thought the Conservative party, should they return to
office, would be less disposed than the Liberal party to work for a better under
standing with Germany. I said that I thought in foreign relations we pursued a
consecutive and consequent policy, and that the political colour of the part}r in office
made no difference. He also asked me about various individuals, whether they were
likely to be anti-German. I said and he agreed with me, that it was in m y opinion
a mistake to endeavour to label individuals as Germanophil or Germanophobe.
People who did so were liable to make erroneous assumptions, and the fact that a
particular individual’ s culture or temperament had associated him rather with
German than French or Italian studies did not mean that he was less interested than
any other in his own country’ s advantage. Jagow seemed to think that in Germany
they had been too curious to go into these questions and that we must look to other
and more practical bases for the improvem ent o f relations.
I asked him whether he had in his fo rm e r-experiences found any difficulty in
submitting his views to the Em peror. H e said he found no difficulty when an
opportunity was offered of seeing H is Majesty alone. The Em peror was then a
sympathetic and receptive listener, and accepted a difference of opinion in very good
part. It was by no means however easy when a number of other persons were
present. The Em peror had a quickness and brilliancy of repartee which put his
interlocutor at a disadvantage, as the latter had to take into account the obligations
not to put His Majesty at a disadvantage before witnesses. Hitherto the Emperor
had always been most ready to listen to him and had known him since boyhood.
H e expressed his great appreciation of the message you had authorized me to
give h im (4) and said it was very encouraging to begin on this mood which he welcomed
from one whose frankness and sincerity he had always recognized and done justice
to, the more so as it was a quality rare in his experience in diplomatic life. He
meant to do all in his power to help on that understanding which he believed in
with all his heart as the right and normal relation— and a little touch of the old
junker which is inherent in him came out as he said “ if only we could stand together
you would see how the others, Austria, Italy and all of them would com e to h e e l! ’ ’
V ery sincerely yours,
R E N N E L L RODĐ.
M IN U T E .
V e r y in terestin g. .
E. G.
No. 455.
Private.(2)
M y dear Rodd, London, January 13, 1013.
Your letter with its account of your conversation with Jagow is verv interesting
and helpful. (3)
You were quite right in saying that one of our difficulties in past years has been
that we never know what Germany really wants. Metternic-h used to say to me with
reproach that there was a time when we leant upon Germany. It is quite true that
we used to do s o ; the French Press used even to talk at that time of the “ Quadruple
Alliance,” so as to include us. During all that time, the attitude o f Germ any war
never reallv that of a friend. The Germans used to give Lord Salisbury to under
stand that when Germany wanted something she must have it, because as we wero
on bad terms with France and Russia we could not afford to quarrel with Germany.
Such an attitude would not do now that the days of isolation are over. W e must
have friendship if we are to give friendship.
The Press Bureau in Berlin has always been an obstacle to good relations
between us. A Press Bureau is used to make m ischief, and some German
Diplomatists have done a good deal of m ischief-m aking. That was the bad side of
Bism arck’ s policy, or rather a bad m ethod which he used in his policy.
I f we could only have ten years of a man like Jagow to deal with, really
controlling the policy of Germany, we should be on intimate terms with her at the
end of the time, and on increasingly good terms all through it.
I quite agree that France, Russia and ourselves cannot treat Asia M inor as
Morocco. If there is to be a partition, Germ any must be well in it, and I should not
think of trying to exclude her. Indeed, we could truthfully say the same thing to
Germany about Anatolia as we said to France about S y ria : that we have no political
designs there. Security as regards the Persian Gulf and its littoral is all that we
want, and it can perfectly well be reconciled with the development of German
interests.
As to the Navy, we must keep ahead of the German N a vy; and every year the
justification for our shipbuilding must be given openly to Parliament, which involves
a comparison with the German strength. Having but a small Arm y, we cannot rest
the defence of Great Britain and the Capital o f the Empire on diplomatic agreements
or relations. H our Fleet was not superior to the German Fleet, our very
independence would depend on Germ any’ s g ood w ill; and even granting that people
like Jagow would not take advantage of such a situation, there must be others who
would take advantage of it, or be compelled by public opinion in Germany to do so.
The Prussian m entality is such that to be on really good terms with it one must be
able to deal with it as an equal.
H ence the persistent and inevitable com parison here of German and British
Navies. These comparisons are resented in Germany as evidence of a gratuitous
No. 456.
E.O. 371/1649.
3 9 2 8 /3 9 2 8 /1 3 /1 8 .
Germany, N.A. No. 2. Confidential.
A R eview of the Policy and Position of the Germ an Naval Expansionist Party.
Sir, Berlin, January 20, 1913.
I have the honour to forward some remarks reviewing the policy and position of
the German Naval Expansionist Party. To facilitate such review it is necessary to
glance back over the past few years.
The remarks I make herein on .the past are substantiated by personal observation
and by evidence which I received from com petent observers at various times since
August 1910. Some of this evidence, as to German thought and opinions during my
predecessor’ s time, was of a nature which leaked out after the period at which these
opinions were current.
For convenience I sub-divide m y remarks under the following headings :—
1. Prior to 1912.
2. Naval “ Novelle ” of 1912 and events leading up to it.
3. Remarks on the effect on the German Large Navy Party of the British reply
to the German “ Novelle ” of 1912, before the offers of Colonial assistance
became known.
4. Remarks on apparent effect in Germ any of the British Colonial offers of
capital ships.
5. Remarks on the possible effect on the German Naval Expansionist Party of
a Programm e for 1913 of 8 or 9 capital ships if adopted by Great Britain
and her colonies.
6. Concluding remarks.
1. P rior to 1912.
F rom the evidence above alluded to, I submit that the following points
stand o u t :—
(a) The Large Navy Party of Germ any did at one time think they saw a chanc
of rivalling E ngland on sea, whatever interested Germans m ay say to the contrary.
(!) [E n closu re in S ir E. G osch en’ s despa tch (N o. 23), D. J a n u a ry 24, R J a n u a ry 27, 1913.
T h e despatch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to th e K in g . T he o rig in a l te x t w as sent to the
A d m ira lty on F eb ru a ry 6, 1913.]
665
This fact is patent to an observer living in Germany in recent years; and it is now
(1912-13 being more disclosed by the German critics of the Naval Expansionist
Party.
(b) B y each successive amendment of the Fleet Law the Expansionist Party felt
that they secured an advantage over England, and so each time somewhat reduced the
Naval superiority held by England.
(c) The voting of 8 Battleships by England in 1908-9 was a blow to the hopes,
aspirations and declarations of the German Large Navy Party, and form ed a temporary
check to the Great Naval activity before prevailing in Germany, evidence o f which I
reported on in the autumn of 1910. From this check, which may be called the first, the
German Expansionist Party recovered to a certain extent by spreading the idea that
the British increase was temporary, and not continuous, and could therefore be lived
down.
“ On the part of our Fleet fanatics the strength of our Navy is usually
represented as being very limited, while the armament of other nations is
described as being very powerful and threatening. But when it can be proved
that there is the possibility, which certainly exists, of our overtaking the British
Navy, then trouble is taken with rare power of conviction to make it clear that
the fighting value of our Naval Defences rapidly approaches that of the B ritish.”
(b) There is little reason to doubt that the Novelle of 1912 was, as originally
designed, greater in its demands than the ‘ ‘ Novelle ” as published and passed
into law.
I submit that the German Naval Expansionist Party really received a Second
check when they became aware in the spring of 1912 of E ngland’ s strong objections
to the, as then proposed, German Naval “ N ovelle.”
(c) It is apparent to a student of Naval Affairs in Berlin during the last
2^ years, that the political element of Naval Officers at the Reichs-M arine-Am t have
made during recent years, and particularly during the winter of 1911-12, a strong
bid for political and social power.
Their efforts to advance the cause of the Navy in Germany and to increase the
power of the Reichs-M arine-Am t, wei’e com m ented on to me by Germans in other
branches of life during the winter o f 1911-12. These efforts were also to be noticed
in studying the tactics of the Naval Political element in the Reichstag.
6G6
In the winter of 1912-13 this element, devoid of the inspired agitation in support
of German Fleet “ Novelles,” and faced with the probability of a British-Colonial
increase in 1913, appear to be “ laying on its oars,” and to be leaving such tentative
efforts as are being made to fan the ‘ ‘ Navy F i r e ” to other branches of the Naval
Expansionist Party.
3. Rem arks on the effect on the Germ an Large Navy Party of the British reply to
G erm an “ N ovelle ” of 1912, before the offers of colonial assistance became
known.
During the past four months I have endeavoured to ascertain the opinion held
as to the British reply, as made public by the First Lord of the Admiralty, to the
German Naval ‘ ‘ N o v e lle ” of 1912. Owing to the Leave season I heard practically
no com m ent until October 1912.
From what I have heard and read since then I am left with the impression that,
though the Large Navy Party were somewhat disappointed in being robbed by the
B ritish reply of some of the advantages of the German “ Novelle ” of 1912, still they
felt that their Bill had done something towards reducing the superiority of the British
Fleet, though it had not achieved so much success in this direction as the preceding
“ Novelles ” were considered to have effected. In that view they were undoubtedly
encouraged by the following considerations :—
(a) It was widely reported in Germ any that England could not undertake the
effective building of an increased shipbuilding programme.
(b) Another report was to the effect that even if E ngland could build the ships,
it was impossible for her, under any voluntary system, to obtain the necessary men
for m anning them.
(c) It is thought, or pretended to be thought, in some German circles connected
with the Navy that E ngland’ s political affairs would render it difficult for any British
Governm ent to justify Naval increases, when the German Naval ‘ ‘ Novelle ” of 1912
and its predecessors figured less prom inently in the public mind. Also the German
Professors, and Expansionist Party, have spread the idea in Germ any that England
is decadent.
4. R em arks on apparent effect in Germ any of the British Colonial offers of capital
ships.
The feeling of satisfaction with progress achieved alluded to in Paragraph 3
was, I am of opinion, current prior to the offer of the Malay States of an armoured
vessel and the announcement of Canada’ s contemplated Naval Policy, containing as
it did the proposal to contribute three Super-Dreadnoughts, becom ing widely known
in Germany.
The rumour of the gift from India m ay be dismissed, but in dismissing it I would
say that it was probably not without its effect, in that it pointed the minds of the
opponents of Naval increases in Germ any to a British reserve source of strength,
which might be brought into being should further German Naval increases take
place.
In m y letter No. 85 of December 11th, 1 9 f2 ,(2) I submitted some of the views
expressed in Press articles on the Canadian offer of three Battleships.
Since the publication of those articles various indications support me in the view
that disappointment at what threatens to be the Third check to Naval ambitions is
present amongst the German Naval Expansionist Party, and that this Party is making
attempts to discount the value of the Colonial offers in the minds of the German
public.
(a I submit that some study of the German Xaval Expansionist P arty’ s methods
appears to show that their aim is, by the aid of successive “ Xovelles,” to reach such
a point of Xaval strength in relation to E ngland, that in a period of political quiet
between the two countries it would be difficult for E ngland to make a large Xaval
increase to rem edy the Xaval balance in her favour, without disturbing the peaceful
conditions and so incurring odium from certain s( crions of opinion in both countries.
Such odium would, if Germ any had reached the point the Expansionist Party desire,
then be utilized to the advantage of that Party.
The point of relative strengths desired must also be one which, in time o f political
tension between the two countries, would render it easy for Germ any to obtain an
adequate answering Xaval increase, should England at such time of tension augment
her Xavy. Has Germany, at the present time, reached such a point*?
Despite certain manœuvres on the part of the Expansionist Party in the last
2 years, which m ay be described as savouring of the ‘ ‘ bluffing ’ ’ order in regard to
the present prospects of relative Xaval strengths, I am of opinion that Germ any has
not reached such a point.
(b) I f this is so. I submit it seems likely that the fulfilment of the British-Colonial
proposals of 8 or 9 capital ships for 1913, will probably have the effect of creating
G68
another in the series of recent checks to the ambitions of the Naval Expansionist
Party, and by materially assisting the arguments of the Party in Germany who are
in opposition to the Naval Expansionist Policy, might have the effect of stopping plans
for the further increase of the German Fleet.
On the other hand it appears probable that the com m encem ent in 1913 of less
than the numbers of British-Colonial Ships above indicated, now that these numbers
have been so m uch discussed in the Press of England and Germany, would assist the
German Large Navy Party and give point to their assertions that England and her
Colonies are not at one in the Naval question, that E ngland’ s Naval Policy is not likely
to be continuous in strength, and that Germ any has therefore only to go on to succeed
in the ambition set up for her by the Naval Expansionist Party.
I am convinced, in that case, opportunity would then be taken later for another
German Naval increase; a logical grafting point for which could be found, as is the
custom o f German Naval and Military increases, in the Battleship and two Small
Cruisers of the 191‘2 “ N ovelle,” the date of laying down of which is held u p;
provided such further increase had not to be produced at an early date.
(c) I would submit for consideration that the use of Germany in England as a
Naval Standard of comparison evokes much resentment amongst even the moderates
in Germany. I f it is possible not to use Germany as a standard of comparison in
publishing a larger British Programm e than indicated in 1912, the German
Expansionist Party will be robbed of one o f their principal weapons of agitation in
Germany. Instancing the requirements of the Mediterranean and the Colonies would
probably not at the present time arouse feelings of resentment in Germany. From
rumours current in Germany it seems doubtful if Austria and Italy will care about
incurring further increased Naval expenditure after their recent efforts in that
direction, unless again spurred on ..by Germany.
(d) It is worthy of consideration whether, noting the lead England would gain
by a Programm e of 8 or 9 ships, it is possible for Germany to keep up the financial
pace, taking into consideration the demands of G erm any’ s army, which must retain
its position as the first arm of that c o u n t y ’ s defence, despite the Naval agitation.
R ecognition of this fact was not wanting amongst the Left W ing Parties o f the
Reichstag at the time o f the General Election of 1912, and during last winter. Also
German Military support of the Naval Expansion has, up to date, been somewhat
grudgingly given, though the influence of the Naval P olicy over the Arm y Authorities
appears to have increased latterly.
(e) I should however report that the old arguments for increasing the Navy are
now cropping up again to a certain extent, nam ely for an earlier replacem ent o f the
School Cruisers by Battle Cruisers in order to ensure a m inimum annual Building
Program m e of Capital Ships up to 1917 in clu sive; when the replacem ent of the Fleet
on a 20 j^ears’ ship age limit will come into force at the rate of com m encem ent of
3 new capital ships per annum.
6. Concluding Remarks.
(a) I submit that it appears a matter o f doubt at the present time if the German
Admiralty, notwithstanding the Naval Expansionist Partjr agitation for more Battle
Cruisers, would be prepared to again imm ediately embark on a reply increase to a
British-Colonial Programme of the magnitude referred to in the heading to
Paragraph 5, on account of the uneasy feeling which they are aware their past
German Naval increases have evoked in the British Colonies, which anxiety Germany
is m uch more anxious now to allay than to increase.
(b) I am, and have so reported to Your E xcellency from time to time, perfectly
convinced of the sincerity of the large m ajority of German Naval Officers in their
deprecation of ill-feeling between England and Germany, and in their expressed desire
for a better understanding between the two countries.
I believe that even the German Naval Political Section, whose careers are
dependent on promoting Naval increases, individually share these very friendly views
669
towards E n gla n d ; though collectively, and as a policy, they seem unable to express
these views to the German Public, though they convey them to the British ear at times
when there is no possibility of German Naval increases being brought forward.
(c) I would however point out that German Naval officers entertain legitimate
ambitions for their Service, which they hope to fulfil if they can carry the country with
them. M y Naval experience in Germany teaches that it would be wiser for England
to remove temptation out of reach, lest ambition fulfilled by the German Large Navy
Party should lead in the future to a wider spread loss of sincerity in Naval circles
towards E ngland than it has done in the past.
I would quote the words of a German Naval Officer to me in September 191*2.
This officer said, after speaking of the events of the previous 12 m on th s: “ I find
it difficult amongst m y mess-mates to maintain the old friendly feelings I hold towards
England.” Of course the feeling indicated m ay be temporary and not continuous, and
only dependent on the tension of 1911, but it shews that a dangerous spirit has been
present fairly recently.
I believe I rightly interpret the large m ajority of German Naval Officers when I
say that there is nothing they more desire to see than an England strong on sea and
on land, and at the same tim e friends with Germany. W ords to this effect have often
been used to me by the best and rising type of German Naval Officers.
Should however these officers’ ambitions for Naval power be further aroused they
would tend to swell the power of the German Naval Expansionist Party. This Party
must at the present be regarded as the potential enem y of England.
I am of opinion that the present time, in respect of the position of the Naval
Expansionist Party in Germany, is a m ore favourable moment for a large British
Naval increase than is likely to occur later.
I would point out strongly that m y experience shews the present position of the
Naval Expansionist Party in Germany to be one in which the offensive powers of that
Party are for the moment exhausted, and the Party is akin to an enem y in retreat; the
moment is the psychological one for England to use to the utmost in hitting this enem y
the harder.
The events of previous years have shewn that lack of a strong Naval Policy on
E ngland’ s part only widened the ambitions and power of the German Naval
Expansionist Party.
I have, &c.
H U G H W ATSON,
Captain and Naval Attache.
No. 457.
Sir E. Goschen to Sir Edward G rey.( J)
P.O. 371/1649.
7 4 8 2 /6 2 0 9 /1 3 /1 8 .
(No. 58.) Confidential. Berlin, D. February 10, 1913.
Sir, B. February 17, 1913.
The statements made by Admiral von Tirpitz before the Budget Committee of
the Reichstag on the 6th and 7th instant(2) have excited considerable interest here
and given rise to all sorts of rumours. I also notice that much importance is
attributed to them in England. M any of the Berlin newspapers at once jum ped to
the conclusion that a Naval Agreem ent had been arranged between Great Britain
and Germ any and published statements to that e ffect; while others took the
precaution of sending representatives to this Em bassy to inquire whether such was
No. 45S.
Memorandum.
Admiralty Archives Case 0091.
Secret. 10 Février, 1913.
Action com binée dans la M éditerranée.(*;
1. Dans l ’ éventualité d'une guerre où la France et la Grande Bretagne seraient
alliées contre la Triple Alliance, les deux Puissances s ’ efforceront de coopérer dans la
Méditerranée,— comme ailleurs-au mieux de leurs capacités respectives et autant que
la situation générale le permettra. La Mer du Nord sera le théâtre décisif des
opérations navales, et il est absolument nécessaire au succès final de l ’ ensemble des
opérations, que la Grande Bretagne conserve la liberté complète de concentrer sur ce
champ d ’ opérations, telles forces qui sont nécessaires pour vaincre l ’ ennemi. Le
Gouvernement Britannique ne peut en conséquence admettre aucun accord spécifiant
C1) [A n E n g lish t e x t o f this d ocu m en t is p r in te d w ith a F ren ch tra n sla tion in D . D .F .,
3 me S ér ., V ol. V , pp. 4^6-9, N o. 397, A n n e x e I I .]
672
No. 459.
Private.f 1)
Mv dear Goschen, F ebruary 15, 1918.
I have not said anything to Lichnowsky about Tirpitz's reported statement to
the Budget Com m itteef21) because 1 am under the impression that the German Govern
ment would not like anything that looked as if we were going to make Tirpitz’ s
statement the starting point for proposals about a naval agreement.
But Jagow ’ s and Tirpitz’ s statements as reported have made a good impression
here and they will certainly affect very favourably the tone of Churchill’ s statement
about our Naval Estimates in Parliament when he comes to make them next month.
If the matter comes up in conversation you can take this line.
Yours sincerely.
E. G B E Y .
0 ) [G rey M SS ., V o l. 23.1
( 2) [ r su pra, pp . 669-71. N o. 457, and note (2).]
No. 460.
Private, f 1)
Mv dear Grey, February IS, 1913.
The K ing sent for me this m orning, as he had been disturbed by the rather
alarming news which the papers had been circulating during the last two days. I
gave him a resume o f the present situation, which to m y mind has not appreciably
changed for the worse— indeed as regards Boumania and Bulgaria for the better
rather— as they both seem disposed to accept mediation.
H [is ] M [a je sty] read to me a long letter from Prince H enry recording that he
had com m unicated to the German Em peror the opinion which the K ing had expressed
to P [r in ]c e H enry at Sandringham (2) in regard to our helping our friends— an
opinion, the K ing said to me this morning, which “ I as an honest man was bound to
give.” I entirely agreed with him. Prince H enry said that the Em peror had been
struck by what the K ing had said but still more by the fact that Haldane on the
same day had used practically precisely the same language to P r[in c e ] Lichnowsky.
0 ) [G re y M SS., V o l. 55.]
(2) [r . supra, p. 658, N o. 452.]
[1 0 9 0 0 ] 2 X
674
The Em peror observed that he now knew where he stood : that he was always in
favour of peace, but in view of the possible or probable attitude of G [r e a ]t Britain in
future complications he could not be blamed if he were to make every preparation to
meet every possible eventuality. There w7as a good deal more in this strain, with
some half-veiled reproaches to us— but evidently what nettled the German Emperor
most was that Haldane had also replied in the same sense as the King.
The Em peror observed that he supposed that G [rea ]t Britain understood the
great responsibility as regards peace which she was undertaking by the attitude she
assumed. The usual sting in the tail.
Granville had a most interesting conversation with the Em peror two or three
days ago.(3) His report has just reached the office and I will hand it to you so soon
as the D ep [a rtm en ]t transmit it to me. Granville is in waiting.
All the Powers, Italy excepted, have agreed to the message for Tewfik. Imperiali
sees me today, and if he has re c [e iv e ]d approval I will hand it to Tewfik this
afternoon.(4)
Y [o u ji-s sincerelv,
A. NICOLSON.
(3) [v . Gooch & T e m p e rle y , V ol. I X (I I ), pp. 503-5, No. 624, encl. 1
(•*) [u. ibid., V ol. I X (I I ), p. 512, E d . n o te .)
No. 461.
P ) [T his despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e M inister.
A c o p y was sent to the W a r O ffice.]
675
largely to be attributed to this fact. The public are frequently reminded that he
comes from French Lorraine, and he is credited with sharing the feelings of his
fellow-Lorrainers who pass for being the most patriotic o f all Frenchm en.
Just as the last “ nationalist ” revival, following upon the Fashoda affair in
1898,(2) was directed against Great Britain, so the present one, following upon the
Agadir incident, is directed against Germany. Public attention is now constantly
called to the two lost provinces, and cries of “ Vive 1’ A lsace-L orraine! ” are
frequently raised when regiments appear in the streets. Theatrical managers are
utilizing this tendency of public opinion and producing plays of an ultra-patriotic
character. A plav at the Theatre Rejane called “ Alsace.” which deals entirely with
the question o f ‘ ‘ La Revanche,” is at present one of the most popular pieces in
Paris, and the tirades in it against Germany are received with rapturous applause by
the audience.
The M inistry doubtless count on the current of chauvinistic feeling in France,
on the apprehensions arising from the uncertain nature of the European situation
and, above all, on the sentiments aroused by the announcement of further increases
in the German Arm y, to secure public support when Parliament is asked to sanction
the financial measures necessary to strengthen the French Arm y, and possibly
proposals for extending in some form or other the period of service with the colours.
I have, &c.
FR AN C IS B E R T IE .
M IN U T E S .
( 2) [F o r the F ashoda in cid en t, v. Gooch & T e m p e rle y , V ol. I, pp. 158-93, C h a p ter I V (I I ).]
No. 46*2.
O [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a vin g been sen t w ith S ir E. G osch en’ s despatch (N o. 58)
o f F eb ru a ry 10 (v. su pra , pp. 669-71, N o. 457) to the K in g ; to the P rim e M in is t e r ; to the
L o rd C h a n ce llo r; to L o rd C r e w e ; to M r. C h u r c h ill; to the C hancellor o f th e E x c h e q u e r ; to
L o rd M orlcv. A cop y was sent to the A d m ira lty on M a rch 5 .]
( 2) [r . su p ra , pp. 669-71, N o. 457.]
(3) [cp . G .P ., X X X I X , pp. 15-17, and n o te .]
[10900] 2 X 2
676
On the day before yesterday, however, the Protocol of the proceedings, which is
printed for the use of the Budget Committee alone, found its way, either by accident
or design, into the columns of the “ Tageblatt.” I thereupon asked H err von Jagow
whether he could give me an official copy of the protocols, and he was good enough
to send me one of them, namely that of the second day which contained the report
of his speech. As this tallied almost exactly with the Berliner Tageblatt reproduction
I presume that the protocol of the first day published by that paper is equally
correct.
I have now the honour to furnish translations (by Mr. Gurney) of the two
protocols, which contain not only the statements made by H err von Jagow and
Admiral von Tirpitz, but also the observations made in committee which led to, and
subsequently commented upon, those statements.
I see nothing in these official reports which lead me to change the opinions I
form ed on first reading Admiral von Tirpitz’ s statements, and which I ventured to
lay before you in m y despatch under reference. But there are a few other points lo
which I should like to call your attention. But first I must not omit to repair an
error into which I was led by the abbreviated report supplied originally by the Press.
I said that Admiral von Tirpitz referred to the “ speech of the First Lord of the
Admiralty and to the ideas, but not the reservations, which it contained.” This is
not correct, though it would have been correct had I said the ideas and not all the
reservations it contained. For, as you will see in the protocol, Admiral von Tirpitz,
in his quotation from Mr. Churchill’ s speech, included the w ord s: ‘ ‘ Further than
that it is idle to speculate. I must not however be taken as agreeing that the ratio
of 16 to 10 could be regarded as a sufficient preponderance for British naval strength
as a whole above that o f the next strongest Naval Power.”
There H is Excellency stopped, and made no mention of the further reservations
made by Mr. Churchill, reservations which, as you may remember, caused Admiral
von Tirpitz to take anything but a favourable view o f the speech when it originally
came under his notice. It was perhaps natural that Admiral von Tirpitz should not
mention that portion of Mr. Churchill’ s speech; but, in view of the persistence
shown by members of the Committee in their demands for inform ation as to whether
Great Britain had made any other naval proposals to Germany, one cannot but think
how interested they would have been to have heard Admiral von T irpitz’ s views as
to Mr. Churchill’ s statement that any retardation or reduction in German construc
tion within certain limits would be prom ptly followed in England, as soon as it was
apparent, by large and fully proportionate reduction. Admiral von Tirpitz, however,
failed to remind his hearers of that practical proposal, though he had every
opportunity of doing so.
It is impossible for me in the short time at m y disposal before the departure of
this week’ s messenger to go fully into all Admiral von Tirpitz’ s statements. But
there are one or twro of his utterances to which I would venture to call your attention.
In one of these utterances he states that the wishes o f the Naval Administra
tion, to which he had called the attention of the Beichstag last year, did not refer
to an increase of the German Navy but m erely to the quicker replacement of some
antiquated cruisers.
In considering that remark it must not be forgotten that the replacement of
those antiquated cruisers will almost certainly mean their replacement by modern
‘ ‘ battle cruisers,” which are, I believe, essentially fast ‘ ‘ battleships.” It would
seem therefore that should the washes of the Naval Administration be fulfilled, and
the replacement in question take place at an early date, the German Navy wrould, as
a matter o f fact gain an increase in strength and England be faced with a stronger
German fleet at an earlier date than has been anticipated.
Admiral von Tirpitz followed that observation by saying that even his last
‘ ‘ Novelle ” had not so much the object of making a moderate addition to the German
Navy as o f rendering their battle fleet more ready for war. Of course here His
Excellency alluded to the form ation of a third squadron which was to be fit and ready
for service at any time; still there may be two opinions as to the addition to the fleet
of three battleships and two small cruisers outside the fleet law being such a moderate
increase to German naval strength as His Excellency’s words would seem to convey.
Later on the Admiral uses words to the following e ffe c t: “ W e have no intention
of passing the actual limits of the Fleet Law and I hope by these words to rem ove all
uneasiness.”
I feel sure that His E xcellency on this occasion meant what he said, as, for
reasons I gave in the despatch under reference, it is not likely that he will for some
time be in a position to make further naval dem ands; but I believe that I am right
in stating that similar statements in the past have on m any occasions preceded the
introduction of fresh amendments to the Fleet Law of 1 9 0 0 -0
W ith regard to the statement of Admiral von Tirpitz to the effect that if they
could arrive at a suitable agreement with Great Britain, then the Fleet Law could be
regarded as having done its work, I would state that the perusal of the whole of his
remarks leads me to the conclusion that an agreement which to his mind would be
suitable would be one, which, leaving out Mr. Churchill’ s limitations, would fix the
proportion of the whole of both the British and German fleets at the ratio of 16 to 10.
As I mentioned in m y preceding despatch on this subject, a considerable section
of public opinion here, basing its conclusions on the original hearsay reports of the
proceedings in the Budget Committee, and therefore unaware of any of
Mr. Churchill’ s reservations, is nourishing the belief that an agreement to the above
effect has already been practically concluded between the two Governments.
I have, Ac.
W. E. GOSCHEN.
A ccording to the “ Tageblatt ” report, Ilerr Ledebour then spoke again to the
effect that Admiral von Tirpitz had given evidence of want of faith in the readiness
of the British Government to deal loyally with Germany.
To this Admiral von Tirpitz rep lied : ‘ ‘ Nothing is known to me of a readiness
on the part of England to enter into naval negotiations.”
H err Erzberger (Centre) said that he considered the statement of Admiral von
Tirpitz as of extreme value politically, since it contained the declaration that the
ratio of 16 to 10 offered by the British Government was acceptable for Germany.
The Secretary of State had expressed doubts whether his readiness would be
reciprocated by England. This shewed how necessary it was that there should be a
connection between the Ministry of Marine and the Foreign Office. The explanations
of Admiral von Tirpitz were politically of extraordinary value; he begged that they
might be embodied in the protocol, since he was convinced that the explanations
would largely contribute to term inating the strained relations with England.
Dr. W iem er (RadicaL agreed with Herr Erzberger that the proceedings during
the present debate were extrem ely welcome. He would consider it highly desirable
that similar explanations to those now given should also be given in the Reichstag.
This would materially contribute to an understanding with England. W hether
proposals would come from England in regard to the proportion of naval construc
tion, remained to be seen; and it must be considered with every care but without
prejudice how far such agreements could be carried out. But he expressed the hope
that should such proposals come from England, the German Government would not
at once adopt an attitude of refusal, but would submit the proposals to an objective
examination.
H err von Tirpitz then said :
After H err Ledebour bad stated that the gratification evoked by these explana
tions was modified by the fact that Admiral von Tirpitz bad only spoken from his
personal point of view and after Herr Bassermann and Count Westarp had pointed
out the difficulties of the question of guarantees, Admiral von Tirpitz again spoke as
follows :—
“ I can only agree that the handling o f this question in the Press must be
conducted with great care. Misunderstandings in this connection are only too likely
to arise. England can in m y opinion not be in doubt that we would be willing to
enter into negotiations, if she would begin them .”
The following is the translation of the Protocol reporting the proceedings in the
Budget Committee on the 7th in s ta n t:—
The general discussion of the question o f the relations of Germany with England
was coijtinued.
H err von Jagow, Secretary of State of the Foreign Office spoke as follows :—
“ One of the last statements— unless I am mistaken quite the last— made by m y
late predecessor in the Reichstag dealt with our relations with England. H err von
K iderlen stated on that occasion that throughout the recent crisis our relations with
England had been specially trustful. H e pointed out the good sendee rendered to the
cause of an understanding among all the Powers by the frank conversations conducted
in entire confidence between London and Berlin during all the phases of this crisis,
and he expressed the expectation that they would continue to render this sendee. It
affords me special satisfaction that on the first occasion which has presented itself
for me to speak in this place, I can affirm that this expectation has been absolutely
and entirely fulfilled. The intimate exchange of views winch we are m aintaining
with the British Government has very materially contributed to the rem oval of
difficulties of various kinds which have arisen during the last few months. W e have
now seen that we have not only points of contact with England of a sentimental
nature but that similar interests also exist. I am not a prophet, but I entertain the
hope that on the ground o f com m on interests, which in politics is the mo^t fertile
ground, we can continue to work with England and perhaps to reap the fruits of our
labours. I should like however to point out to you, Gentlemen, that we have here to
do with a tender plant, which must not be prevented from blossoming by being
touched and discussed too soon.”
Dr. H echscher (Radical stated that he welcomed the statement of Herr von
Jagow. His party attached the greatest importance to the existence of good relations
with England. They had not yet abandoned the hope that in England too the idea
would gradually penetrate that friendly relations with Germany were not only
possible but natural. The statement of the Secretary of State o f the Foreign Office
however was somewhat at variance with the statement of the Secretary of State of
the "Ministry o f Marine. He could not continue the debate until it was known whether
the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Marine could succeed in bringing his views
into harm ony with the statement of the Secretary of State of the Foreign Office.
Admiral von Tirpitz then spoke as follows :—
“ I do not quite understand in what Dr. Heckscher sees a divergence between my
statement of yesterday and that made by the Secretary of fctate of the Foreign Office
today. I agree with the latter in every respect. Besides I have always endeavoured
in debate to touch as little as possible on the political relations between us and
England. If I expressed an opinion vest* rday in regard to these relations, I did
so under compulsion. I imm ediately begged you at the time to regard m y statement,
which I desired should be understood solely from the m ilitary point of view, as
680
H err Noske (Socialist) stated that his party had always advocated good relations
with England. He was opposed to the agitation conducted by the Navy League.
Herr Gröber (Centre) said that he too considered that there was some divergence,
or at least the appearance of a divergence, between the statement made by Admiral
von Tirpitz the day before and that just made bv Herr von Jagow. He welcomed
the announcement of Admiral von Tirpitz that the ratio mentioned was acceptable
from the German point of v ie w ; this announcement was of great value, even if it
were only the expression of an expert opinion. Hitherto the principal difficulty in
the way of the discussion of an understanding with England had lain in the fact
that it was said that no formula could be found for the ratio. H e was of opinion
that if an agreement were reached in principle, it would also be possible to agree as
to the guarantees. Though the declaration of Herr von Tirpitz was of great value
and though the Secretary of State of the Foreign Office had described the political
situation as a whole in a very friendly manner, yet no individual fact had been com
municated which the Committee was in a position to verify. He begged that the
details might be discussed at any rate in the Committee, even if confidentially. He
especially desired that the Secretary of State of the Foreign Office should state how
he viewed the statement made on the previous day by the Secretary of State of the
Ministry of Marine.
H err Bassermann (National Liberal) welcomed the “ rapproch em en t” between
E ngland and Germany. The only question was how far it had been rendered
necessary for England by her Balkan interests. He had always urged that an under
standing with England would be possible on two con dition s: firstly that England
should recognize that the size of Germ any’ s navy was exclusively determined
according to her own interests; and secondly that England should not meet every
attempt to extend the German sphere of influence by an unfriendly policy on her
part. The armaments question could not be passed over in silence in the Reichstag.
H e was indeed of opinion that there was no need for such anxiety in this connection.
The strength of British policy consisted in the fact that it was carried out openly and
without any attempt at secrecy. In reply to the observations of H err Noske in regard
to the activity of the Navy League he remarked that since Admiral von Köster had
been at its head, the Navy League had pursued a very quiet policy. The previous
day’ s statement of the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Marine had been clear
and simple. The Secretary of State had, however, also pointed out that the
difficulties began with the guarantees. These difficulties were, in his (the speaker’ s)
opinion so great that success was not to be expected.
Admiral von Tirpitz then spoke as follows :—
“ I desire again to emphasize that no differences exist between m y statements
and those of the Secretary of State of the Foreign Office. Even the statements of
H err Gröber have not convinced me of such differences. I explained the point of
view of m y military department. The Secretary of State of the Foreign Office dealt
with the general political questions. I desire to point out once more that the
proportion of 16 to 10 for the battle fleet aimed at by the British Minister of Marine,
Churchill, exists already in fact and to read to you now the following extract from
the speech made by that Minister last spring.(5)
“ ‘ The actual standard of new construction which the Admiralty has in fact
followed during recent years, has aimed at developing a 6 0% superiority in vessels
of the Dreadnought type over the German Navy on the basis of the present German
Navy Law. There are other and higher standards for the smaller vessels, with which
however 1 do not desire to com plicate this argument, since they do not materially
affect the finance.
(5) [fp . Pari. Deb., 5th Ser., (H ou se o f Com m ons), V ol. 35, pp. 155 5-6.]
681
“ ‘ I f Germany adheres to her existing Navy Law we believe that that standard,
if no unexpected developments occur in other countries, could continue to be a guide
for our finance for the next four or five years, that is to say so far as that class of
capital ships is concerned. Further than that it is idle to speculate. One thing
further I must certainly say. It must not be assumed that I would agree that the
ratio of 16 to 10 is a sufficient preponderance for British naval strength as a whole
over the next strongest Power.’
“ I said yesterday quite clearly that I too considered the ratio of 16 to 10 for the
two battle fleets acceptable, a ratio which in fact already exists. For there are
provided 8 British battleship squadrons against 5 German battleship squadrons;
that is the ratio of 16 to 10. The British Minister of Marine. Churchill, spoke of
numbers of ships: I reckon in squadrons of 8 ships each. That is simpler and
easier of control. I am far from taking back one word of what I said yesterdav. My
utterances are entirely in accord with those o f the Secretary of State o f the Forei<m
Office.”
Dr. W iem er (Radical) then urged that in the statement of the Secretary of State
of the Foreign Office the most important fact was that the British as well as the
German Government were convinced of the existence of not only ideal but also real
com m on interests. He admitted that the statement of the Secretary of State of the
Foreign Office was not quite in accordance with that of the Secretary of State of the
M inistry of Marine, since it said nothing about the essential point' of any negotia
tions, nam ely the establishment of a ratio for naval forces. He begged the Secretary
of State of the Foreign Office to confirm the statement of the Secretary of State of
the Ministry of Marine. He further requested that the portions of the speech of the
British ^Minister of Marine, Churchill, read by the Secretary o f State of the Ministry
of Marine might be added to the Protocol. H e hoped that an earnest effort would be
made by negotiations between the German and the British Governments to bring
about an understanding with England. As regards the discussion of the armaments
question in the open sitting of the Reichstag, there was no need for special anxiety.
H e hoped that the proceedings in the Reichstag would produce an atmosphere of
confidence throughout Germany outside the Budget Committee and the Reichstag.
H err von .Jagow said :
“ If I have said nothing positive as to the substance of our conversations with
England, it is because binding agreements in regard to definite questions do not exist.
M e have however been able in the course of the exchange of views on the present
acute Eastern question to note with gratification a very welcome com m unity o f views.
As regards the question of the relative strength of our Navy to that of England, I
would of course have no objection to raise, from the standpoint of m y department, to
the idea of the establishment o f this ratio at 10 to 16, which the Secretary of State of
the Ministry of Marine characterises as acceptable. These are military questions, on
which I cannot claim to give an expert opinion.”
H err Erzberger (Centre'' welcomed the statement of the Secretary of State of the
Foreign Office, which amounted, he said, to the political and diplomatic signature of
the technical naval statement of the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Marine.
A fter this statement there could be no further talk of a difference between the views
of the two Secretaries of State. He also thought it would not be so difficult to find
guarantees for the ratio, though it was not necessary to discuss this question in public.
H e begged that all the proceedings of the British House of Commons on the
armaments question might be com m unicated to the Reichstag as an annex to the
protocol of the Budget Committee. H e also drew attention to the development of
the Russian Navy and the advance of Russia to the sea. The debate in the British
House of Comm ons had, he said, led to the proceedings in the Budget Committee.
N othing had hitherto been done publicly to contradict Churchill’ s mistake. I f the
Government did not do anything, it could be done by the Reichstag.
682
H err Ledebour (Socialist) said that the Socialists had always advocated an
understanding with England. If the Government had acquired the conviction that
real interests now bound Germany and England together, he inferred that Germ any’ s
foreign policy had hitherto been even more despicable than his political friends had
assumed. That the united econom ic interests of England and Germany ought to
render a war between these States quite impossible, must be publicly made known
with absolute clearness. Open discussion of all political matters was the only right
course. In England no one allowed his mouth to be shut. For Germans to wrap
themselves in a mantle of silence was only to arouse mistrust against their country.
The publication of the proceedings of the Budget Committee in the present and the
previous day’ s sittings could only facilitate the negotiations between England and
Germany. He pointed to the experiences made in this connection by the former
Secretary of State of the Foreign Office, von Kiderlen-W aechter, and Baron
Marschall.
Count W estarp (Conservative) said that if an improvement in relations with
E ngland had of late been observable it was due to the quiet and determined manner
in -w h ich Germany was building her navy. H e recalled the impression created by
the vote without discussion of the Navy Estimates in 1909 and the Navy Bill last
year. The feeling in England would not be improved by wearisome discussions of
the numerical ratio, and he who would not be convinced in England would also not
be convinced by speeches in the Beiehstag. H e proposed that, however valuable the
discussion of Germ any’ s relations with England might have been, the Navy Estimates
should be voted as quietly and silently as possible.
H err Bassermann (National Liberal) said that the result of the discussion might
be taken to be that there existed a desire for greater publicity in the conduct of
foreign affairs. The inform ation obtained nowadays originated frequently from
discussions in foreign parliaments. On the other hand the German people had, in
view of the heavy burdens which they had to bear in the interest of territorial defence,
a claim to be inform ed as to the general lines of policy. It was further evident that
differences of opinion did not exist between the Secretary of State of the Foreign
Office and the Secretary of State of the Ministry of Marine. Such doubts would
however be avoided if the Imperial Chancellor would furnish inform ation in the
Committee in regard to the general lines of foreign policy before the discussion of the
Arm y and Navy Estimates. The question of an armaments agreement was more
difficult than before. He did not consider it desirable for Germany to be drawn into
disarmament negotiations or into a disarmament Conference.
Dr. H eckscher (Badical) said that Admiral von Tirpitz had defended himself
with exaggerated sensitiveness against the charge that he had made a difference
between his explanations and the statements of the Secretary of State of the Foreign
Office. He admitted that the later statements of Admiral von Tirpitz and the
explanations of Herr von Jagow were now in agreement in many essential particulars.
It was thus of special importance to point out that Herr von Jagow had declared his
concurrence in the numerical ratio announced. The recent episode o f the European
crisis had shown how necessary the “ rapprochement ” between Germany and
England was, and 011 what a real foundation the rapprochement could take place.
England had, as Herr Bassermann had rightly stated, placed herself by the side of
Germ any in the Balkan crisis on account of British interests; that showed however
that it was not sentimental but political considerations which determined the attitude
of England, and political considerations were those which lasted longest. He agreed,
in conclusion, with Count Westarp in thinking that nothing had made such a strong
impression on British opinion as the developm ent of the German navy and especially
the adoption of the last Navy Bill in the Beiehstag. It was a result of practical and
dispassionate considerations that the desire was gaining ground in England to come
to an understanding with Germany.
I)r. Siidekum (Socialist) said that the establishment of a ratio of strength of
16 to 10 between the British and German Navies was not indeed in accordance with
6S3
the ideals of his party, but it was welcomed as an advance. The question o f relative
strength must be discussed in public in order to improve the confidence o f the two
peoples towards each other. H e agreed with the statements of Herr Bassermann to
the effect that the Committee must demand inform ation from the Imperial Chancellor
in regard to the main lines of foreign policy. He did not hesitate to demand that for
this purpose the estimates for the Im perial Chancellor should be referred to the
Committee.
This closed the debate.
M IX T T E .
It is w ell t o b ear in m in d th a t we have even now no official statem ent o f w hat A d m ira l
von T ir p itz a ctu a lly said. R em em b erin g past e x p erien ce w e m ust alw ays rem a in p rep a red to
be to ld th a t w hat we m av q u ote w ere not th e w ord s reallv used.
E. A. C.
F e b [r u a r v ] 24.
A. X . ’
E . G.
No. 463.
remembered that these remarks were not supposed to be made public at all having
been delivered in the bosom of the Budget Committee— whose proceedings are secret.
If Tirpitz repeats them in the Reichstag— then it will be time enough to say
something.
Please tell me what you think. B y the way I wrrote my despatch before speaking
to W atson— but I have read it to him and he corroborates every word I have said.
. . . .C>
Yours ever,
W . E . GOSCHEN.
No. 464.
4. As to the position in 1913 and the reasons for the present taking up o f the
sixteen to ten figures of proportion, or rather o f a part of the First L o rd ’ s words,
after a year has elapsed since their utterance, critics here remark that, if Germany
now, so to speak, lets the case go against her by default, the naval party will put
themselves in a bad position by allowing the British and colonial access of strength
to enable England to take a long le a d ; and that Germany will so lose the advantages
which Admiral von Tirpitz is held to have gained for his countrv between the vears
1900 and 1909.
Another criticism is that if Germany does so allow the case to go against her
without action on her part, the German naval expansionist party will be put in a
weak position in Germany from which it will be difficult for them to press for future
naval increases. Further, that if they do then press for increases, their critics on
the score o f the expenses and futility of such naval com petition against E ngland
will grow in numbers and power.
5. I f these critics are correct, what is Admiral von Tirpitz’ s present case?
party, as written prior to the recent sittings o f the Budget Committee alluded to in
paragraph 1 o f this despatch.
I would particularly indicate the following despatches : Secret of the 24th May.
1911 5>: Secret of the 2nd July, 1912^* : No. S5 of the 11th December, 1912C : and
Xo. 2 o f the 20th January. 1913fs : all dealing with Germany.
I have. &c.
H U G H W A T S O X . Naval Attaché.
i s > [C a p ta in W a tso n ’ s secret despatch o f M ay 24. 1911, is not rep rod u ced . It was forw a rd ed
to S ir E d w a rd G rey oil J u ly 13. 1911. It re fe rre d t o the a ttitu d e o f A d m ira l von T ir p it z
tow ards E n g la n d and the rem ark s m ade b v him in an in terv iew w ith the C hilean X a v a l
A ttache. (F.O . 371 1123. 2"170 44-51 11 i s ',]
( 6> [C a p ta in W a tso n ’ s secret despatch o f J u ly 2. 1912. is not rep rod u c
con v ersation w ith P rin ce H en ry o f P russia “ on the subject o f relativ e sta n da rd s o f X a v a l
S tren g th s o f E n g la n d and G erm a n y.’ ’ P rin ce H e n r y " e x c la im e d w ith som e w arm th a ga in st
E n g lan d re g a rd in g th e G erm an fleet as a m enace, and said fu r th e r th a t it was a bsurd tor
E n g lan d t o a n v lon ger claim su p rem a cv at sea. th a t she had alrea d v lost it .’ ’ F.O. 371 1377.
31294 31294 12 IS.»]
( 7) [C a p ta in W a tso n ’ s despa tch (X o . So C on fid en tia l o f D ecem b er 11, 1912. is n ot rep ro
du ced. I t con ta in ed a sum m ary o f tw o a rticles b y C ount R ev en tlow and K a p ità n zu r See
P ersius. C ou n t R ev e iitlo w ’ s a rticle, d a ted D ecem b er 7. dealt w ith “ the recen t offer o f the
C anadian G overnm ent in respect of th e Im p eria l fleet o f E n g la n d .” K a p ita n P ersiu s referred
t o the same subject, w ith p a rticu la r em phasis on th e recen t speech o f M r. B orden . (F .O . 3 7 1 /
1379. 53496 -53496 12 Is. ]
( 8> [r . sup ra , pp. 664—9, X o . 456.]
Xo. 465.
No. 466.
Private. ( 2)
M y dear Bertie, March 11, 1913.
Cambon observed to me to-day that the Prime M inister’ s statement(3) about our
being under no obligation to send a military force to the Continent, though true,
might have an unfortunate effect; it was a pity it could not have been wrapped up
in some less abrupt form.
I said it was an interruption made in Lord Hugh Cecil’ s speech and in such
circumstances could not contain explanations.
Cambon also deprecated the special m ention o f Germany in the Prime Minister s
speech. (“)
0 ) [T h is le tte r is end orsed as h a vin g been sent to the P rim e M in ister and to S ir A.
N icolson .]
P ) [G rey M SS., V ol. 15.] .
(3) [I n th e course o f th e D eba te on th e A d dress on M a rch 10, 1913, L ord H u g h C ecil sta te d :
“ T h ere is a very genera l b elief th a t this cou n try is un d er an o b lig a tion , n ot a trea ty obli
ga tio n , b u t an o b lig a tion a risin g ou t o f an assurance g iv en b y th e M in is try in the course of
d ip lo m a tic n eg otia tion s, to send a v ery la rge a rm ed force ou t o f this cou n try to operate in
E u rope. T h at is the gen era l b elief. I t w ould be v ery presu m p tu ou s o f anyon e w ho has not
access to all the fa cts in the possession o f the G overn m en t ”
T he P rim e M in is t e r : “ I ou g h t to say th a t is n ot t ru e .”
P a ri. D eb ., 5th S er ., (H ou se o f C om m ons), V ol. 50, pp. 4 2 -3 .]
(4) [M r. A squith spoke w ith sa tis fa ctio n o f the co -o p e ra tio n b etw een G rea t B r ita in and
G erm a ny in N ea r E a stern A ffairs, v. ibid., pp. 3 3 -4 .]
GS9
I replied that, after what H err von Jagow had said, as reported in the German
Press, and after all that had passed, it was necessary for us to make some reference
to G e rm a n y : what the Prime Minister had said was after all less than what
H err von Jagow had said, and it was preceded by a special statement respecting our
friendship with France and Russia, and by a general reference to all the Powers.
Yours sincerely,
E. G R E Y .
No. 467.
Questions asked in the H ouse of Commons, March 24, 1 9 1 3 .0
F.O. 13882 13882 '13, 50.
Sir William B yles asked the Prime Minister whether he will say if this country is
under any, and, if so, what, obligation to France to send an armed force in
certain contingencies to operate in E u ro p e ; and. if so, what are the limits of our
agreements, whether by assurance or treaty with the French nation.
Mr. K ing asked the Prime Minister (1) whether the foreign policy of this country is
at the present time unhampered by any treaties, agreements, or obligations
under wliich British military forces would, in certain eventualities, be called upon
to be landed on the Continent and join there in military operations: and
12' whether, in 1905. 1908, or 1911. this country spontaneously offered to France
the assistance of a British A rm y to be landed on the continent to support France
in the event of European hostilities.
The Prim e Minister (Mr. Asquith’»: As has been repeatedly stated, this country
is not under any obligation not public and known to Parliament which com pels it to
take part in any war. In other words, ii war arises between European Powers there
are no unpublished agreements which will restrict or hamper the freedom of the
Government or of Parliament to decide whether or not Great Britain should participate
in a war.(2) The use that would be made of the naval or military forces if the
Government and Parliament decided to take part in a war is, for obvious reasons, not
a matter about which public statements can be made beforehand.
[10900]
G90
No. 468.
systematically accumulated by England in the North Sea. Again Mr. Churchill said
that it was necessary to keep pace with the increase in the size o f ships and guns
constructed by other countries. But it was in reality England who had built the first
Dreadnought and compelled other States to follow her lead and she was also the
first to construct guns of a calibre exceeding 3 0-5 centimetres.
Mr. Churchill’ s proposal for a universal suspension of shipbuilding sounded very
well, but it was an idealistic one and did not take account of the realities with which
the various States were confronted. E ach State set up for itself, according to its vital
needs, a standard for the development of its armaments. Its strength was naturally
relative but if it could not approach that of the strongest State, it could outdistance
others and not only better its general position but add to its desirability as an ally.
To suspend construction therefore meant not the maintenance of a satisfactory position
already won but the interruption of progress towards the attainment of a satisfactory
position. It was obvious that the maritime position of Germany towards E ngland had
considerably improved but England did not afford the only standard of comparison,
and every yea r’ s delay would involve an interruption in G erm any’ s advance as
compared with other nations if not in relation to England.
The Conservative “ Post ” has a very bitter leading article on the subject,
criticizing adversely both the tone and the substance of Mr. Churchill’ s speech. After
disputing the accuracy of his assertions as to the excellence of English shipbuilding
and the capacity of England to build as many ships as might be necessary to maintain
her superiority at sea, it goes on to characterize as grotesque and absurd his suggestion
for a year’ s cessation of shipbuilding. E ven if the proposal were adopted, what, it
asks would becom e of the thousands o f workpeople who would thereby be thrown
out of em ploym ent, and o f the vast yards and other works maintained for the special
purpose o f naval construction. And what guarantee would Germany have that
England would not shamelessly deceive her by seizing the opportunity afforded by
the German pause to outstrip her uncom fortable opponent by increasing her colonial
fleet? England could also at any time, by means of the ships built by her for foreign
customers, make good any deficiency in her shipbuilding due to such a pause. That
no reliance could be placed on England in this respect, it says, was shewn by the ease
with which, by the creation of the colonial fleet, she had succeeded in destroying the
possibility of any practical arrangement with Germany.
The “ Post ” is of opinion that one object of Mr. Churchill’ s speech was to create
difficulties for the German Government and to allay the enthusiasm of the German
people for the development of their N a v y : but it sees in it also a more serious aspect.
It was in itself a suspicious circumstance that E ngland should have treated Germany
recently with such extreme amiability, though it was partially explained by the fact
that Germany was then doing her best to advance British interests in the Balkans.
Mr. Churchill had now shown the true object of this friendliness. E very time that
England had made such a suggestion for the limitation of armaments, it had been
after a period of studied affection in the diplomatic relations between England and
Germany similar to that just experienced. So it had been in 1910 and before
Agadir, and so it was now. It was equally certain that following the same procedure
Germany would again feel the whip as soon as it became evident that the sugar
treatment would yield no result. England could easily find a pretext and would do
so as soon as Germ any again attempted to pursue an active policy in any part of the
world. In this connection it quotes Mr. Churchill’ s statement that Great Britain
could never allow another Naval Power to approach her so nearly as to deflect or
restrict her political action by purely naval pressure and reads in these words a
repetition of the old claim that England should be regarded as the arbiter of the
world.
It concludes with the usual phrase that if England really desired an under
standing with Germany, she must first prove b y deeds the sincerity of her intentions.
The Conservative “ K reuz-Zeitu ng.” which has in the past not been conspicuous
for its Anglophil tendencies, criticizes Mr. Churchill’ s speech in a temperate spirit.
692
It expresses satisfaction at the friendly tone of the speech, “ all the more since no
sensible German desires war with E ngland,” but it points out various objections to
Mr. Churchill’ s proposal for a year’ s pause. In the first place it says it could hardly
be admitted that Germany should alter her building programme as fixed by law at
the bidding of the Minister of a foreign State. In the second place, Germany would
be placed at a serious disadvantage by such a pause. Apart from the fact that time
was an essential factor in the creation of a fleet, such a pause, though it would benefit
the over-burdened British shipbuilding industry, could only affect adversely the
German industry, which was not so overburdened. The English yards wTere working
day and night and clamoured for an extension of time for the com pletion of their
contracts, but such was not the case with the German yards which wanted not time
but work. As regards the question of personnel too England could only gain by a
delay. England had m oney in abundance but not sufficient yards and not sufficient
personnel, and therefore she needed time. This implied no blame on Mr. Churchill,
since he intended to ask for further grants, as soon as circumstances permitted, to
m aintain the superiority of the British Navy, “ a superiority which already existed
and which nobody wanted to contest.”
I have. &c.
\V. E . GOSCHEN.
P.S. March 30th.
The following paragraph, which would seem to be semi-officially inspired, appears
in the “ Lokal-Anzeiger ” this m orning :—
“ The speech of the British Minister of Marine in regard to the competition
in naval armaments lias been received in m any quarters in Germany in a more
unfriendly manner than it deserved. In consequence of misunderstandings in
the translation encountered by the official telegraph bureau, the impression was
created here that Mr. Churchill had made use of several expressions which wTere
calculated to wound our legitimate susceptibilities. Ail examination of the English
text of his speech shows that there is no ground for this. It must on the contrary
be recognised that Mr. Churchill clearly endeavoured to pay all due regard to
the German standpoint on the navy question and that he was further desirous
of him self advancing the good political relations which have developed between
the two countries these last months. The fact is incontestable that the friendly
co-operation of German and British diplom acy for overcom ing the Balkan crisis
has already borne good fruits. It can therefore only be hoped that this
co-operation may continue to be preserved in the future from unnecessary
interruptions.”
W . E . G.
No. 469.
O [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g and to th e P rim e M inister.
A co p y was sent to the A d m ira lty on A p ril 10.]
( 2) [i>. Pari. Deb., 5th Ser., (H ou se o f Com m ons), V ol. 50, pp. 1496-1503.]
693
(3) [i\ P a ri. D eb ., oth S er., (H ou se o f C om m ons), V ol. 50, pp. 1757-1767. cp. also G ooch <b
T em p erley, Vol. I X (I I ), p. 659, X o . 813. R e fe re n ce is th ere m ade t o H e r r v on B eth m a n n
H ollw eg ’ s com m ents on th is speech in th e R e ich sta g on A p ril 7, 1913. v. G .P., X X X I X ,
pp . 35-6, n o fe .]
(4) [i\ im m ed ia tely p r e ce d in g d ocu m en t.]
G94
No. 470.
Sir Edicard G rey to Sir F. Bertie.
Private. (*)
M y dear Bertie, April 10, 1913.
Cambon told me to-day that Prince H enry of Prussia was com ing to England
im m ediately,(2) and that this visit, following upon the apprehension caused by the
language of the German Minister for Foreign Affairs to the Italian Government
about the possibility of war, and other indications, seemed to make it certain that the
object of Prince H en ry’ s visit was to ask us to give an assurance of neutrality.
I said that I had not before heard of the visit :( 3) but, as Cambon thought that
it m ight have this object, I would tell him very privately that, when Prince Henry
of Prussia was last on a visit to this country, he did what he ought not to have done :
attempted to get an assurance from the K ing of our neutrality. This assurance was
declined.(4) Prince H enry went away considerably annoyed, and I hardly thought
that he would repeat the question.
Yours sincerelv,
E. GR E Y.
t1) [G rey M S S , V ol. 15.]
( 2) [ v . Gooch & Temperley, V ol. I X (I I ), p. 675, Ed. note. cp. also D .D .F., 3 mt Ser V ol. V I .
p 314, N o. 259.]
(3) [cp . Siebert, p. 673. C ount B en ck en d orff states there, u n d er da te A p ril 11, that
P rin ce H e n r y ’ s “ a rriv a l was so u n ex p ected th a t the F o re ig n Office was advised o f it only
y esterd a y .” ] '
( 4) [r . supra, p. 658, N o. 452.]
P rivate. ( ‘ )
M y dear Grey, Admiralty, April 10, 1913.
Please look through this file.f2)
I am proposing to approve the letter to the C [om m a n d er]-in -C [h iefls subject to
the following note :—
“ This letter is supplied for your guidance and consideration. You are not
to act upon it until you receive the message in code ‘ Proceed in accordance
with Admiralty letter M. 0416.’ ”
This will safeguard the diplomatic situation and enable it to be judged at the
moment.
I do not think the matter fit for official correspondence between Departments.
Yours v [e r ] v sincerelv,
W INSTON C H U R C H IL L .
(*) [Grey M SS., Vol. 43.]
(2) [r . im m ed ia tely p r e ce d in g E d . V o t e .]
No. 47-2.
Private. ( ‘ )
Dear Churchill, Foreign Office, April 11, 1913.
I can see no objection to provisional in stru ction s: when the em ergency arises
the Adm iralty or the Government must decide what effect is to be given to them.
It has been believed in Belgium that in the event of our being engaged in war
with Germ any we intended at once to land a force in Belgium to operate against the
Germans.
I assured the Belgian Minister the other day that we should never be the first
to violate the neutrality of Belgium or any eountry.(2)
This would not be consistent (so long as Germ any respected the neutrality of
Norway) with seizing a Norwegian harbour to make it base of operations against
Germany. But an attack upon an enem y’ s ships actually in Norwegian waters is
another matter.
...................................................n
I f our enem y is the first to violate the neutrality of another country we are of
course entitled to treat that country as brought within the area of war.
German ships of war found in Norwegian waters on the outbreak of war would
presumably have been put there for strategic reasons.
Yours sincerelv,
E. G R E Y .
(1) [G rey M S S ., V ol. 48.]
( 2) [v . G ooch d T em p erley, V ol. V I I I , p. 409, N o. 330.]
(3) [T h u s in o rig in a l.]
Ü9G
N o. 473.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir A . Nicolson .(*)
Herr von Schoen from Paris. Cambon told me that Jagow’ s tone was more friendly
than his words, so he had not taken the matter au grand sérieux but had replied
“ E h bien! celà me donnera à moi aussi l ’ occasion de prendre un petit con gé.” To
which Jagow answered “ Mon cher Ambassadeur, il ne faut pas être égoiste à ce
point là.” And so the matter ended in a laugh, but a laugh which has rather too
bitter a ring in it for m y taste. Cambon told me he passed rather an uneasy night
after this conversation because he thought that things might take a very serious
turn if the German Government did publish the German officer’ s report. H e looked
anxiously in the papers next day and was m uch relieved when he saw that there was
no mention of it.
Cambon begged me to keep all this to m yself, as he had made up his mind not
to say anything to his Government about the threatened recall of Schoen. He felt
sure, if he did so, that it would leak out in the French Press, and that in the present
excited state o f public opinion in both countries might lead to war. But he told me
that I might tell it ‘ secretly ’ to you, as I told him that I should like you to know
what was going on. But he begged me to ask you to keep it to yourself. As a
matter of fact I ’ ll bet that Cambon has reported it privately, perhaps to his brother,
perhaps to M. Pichon with whom he is 011 good terms. But it is rather alarming,
isn’ t it? It is these beastly military proposals, it seems to me, which are at the
bottom of the m agnifying of all these incidents, as the Governm ent here are. I expect,
anxious to make a ‘ Stim mung ’ and create an atmosphere favourable to their being
rapidly passed and to the way to people’ s pockets being made easier.
I think you will agree with me that the air is too electric to be pleasant and that
a few more incidents may lead to trouble.
April 26. Cambon is delighted that he did not report Jagow’ s words about the
recall of Schoen. as the whole of the rest of the conversation appeared in the German
papers this m orning taken from the ‘ Gaulois! ’
He tells me that he is going to report Herr von Jagow’ s words to M. Pichon in
a private letter and at the same time to explain why he had not done so officially.
In this letter he will also give a list of the conversations between him and
Herr von Jagow which he has reported confidentially to the French Foreign Office
and which have prom ptly appeared in the French Press, adding that under such
circumstances diplomacy becomes impossible.
Yours very sincerely,
W . E. GOSCH EN.
No. 474.
M I N U T E S .(4)
T h e M ilita r y A tta ch é m ay com m u n ica te w ith the G eneral S ta ff on these points.
A s reg a rd s teleg ra p h ic com m u n ica tion b etw een F ra n ce and R ussia, th ere is no objection
t o m a k in g tria l o f it.
W h eth er p r io r ity w ere g iven in an em erg en cy w ould o f course dep en d u p on circum stances.
So lon g as G rea t B r ita in , F ra n ce and R ussia w ere a ctin g tog eth er no d ou b t it w ould be so.
E. G.
N o. 47 5.
Captain Watson to Sir E . G oschen . ( ’ )
S e c r e t .i2)
Rem arks o f His M ajesty the E m peror to Xaval Attaché.
Germ any.
S iï’ Berlin, May 12, 1913.
As reported in m y Despatch Germany No. 25 of this date,(3) I today presented
His Majesty the Em peror with the British Navy List.
H is Majesty before luncheon in the Palace held a short conversation with me,
the sense o f which was as follows :—
On presenting the Em peror with the Navy List, His Majesty chaffingly
remarked that by the time the book was given him it was already out o*f date.
His Majesty said he was delighted to hear that ^ ice-Admiral Jellicoe was com ing
to Berlin, and that he had given orders for him to be asked to the Gala-opera. His
Majesty said he would like to see the Admiral personally. W ith regard to Admiral
Pohl (Chief o f German Admiralstab) having had some doubt as to whether he could
dine with Captain W atson on M ay 21st to meet Admiral Jellicoe and the German
officers in the ‘ S ey m ou r” Pekin Expedition, the Em peror said “ oh, he must go,
tell him so from m e .”
After luncheon His Majesty sent his Naval adjutant for me and had about
f hou r’ s conversation. His Majesty rem arked, apropos of his remarks about Admiral
Pohl before luncheon, that he had given the Admiral “ o rd e rs ” to dine with m e.
The E m peror then turned the conversation to Naval training, and said he
considered the recent step of taking Merchant Sendee officers for the British Navy
to be a great mistake ; it was unfair to the regular line o f officers and held out no
prospect o f advancement to the Merchant Service officers themselves.
Also His Majesty remarked that a regulation had been issued that “ Deck
office rs” (W arrant officers) should mess in the officers’ Messes— a great mistake in
j his view. Such regulations were the evil result o f having Civilians to administer
■ the Navy.
His Majesty alluded to the outrages o f the Suffragettes, and said that in his
opinion the on ly way to deal with them was to flog them.
H is M ajesty spoke with pleasure o f the approaching visit o f His M ajesty the
K ing to B erlin ; and said that it had given him great pleasure that Germ any and
1 England had been working together in the Balkan affairs.(4,) “ B ut,” H is Majesty
said, “ I d on’ t agree with a number o f things Sir E . Grey has d on e; I have however
' consented to them when put before m e, because I wanted to work with G rey. As
! for the Ambassadors’ conference I consider it a most “ clum sy impossible machine ”
j and some o f the decisions are quite unworkable. Albania, for instance. There must
I be International administration. The lot of a Prince o f Albania would be impossible.
Notices would have to be put up all round the country, like in American bars,
“ D on ’ t shoot the Pianist, h e ’ s doing his b est.” The condition of the country makes
it impossible for a Prince, there’ s nowhere for him to make his Headquarters, there
are no R evenues, no roads, no railways, absolutely nothing. It will becom e a second
Macedonia. I have been asked to nominate a Prince for Albania and have declined.
Four times during last winter have the Diplomats been to me to suggest candidates.
I The first one they suggested was a Moham m edan. I said “ all rig h t.” The next
was a Catholic. I replied “ all right.” The next was a Roman Catholic, I agreed
to that. W hen the fourth suggestion came it was a Protestant, to which I agreed;
but said to the Diplomat who brought the suggestion that “ I thought you would
suggest a Jew, because then they would cut his head off, and his m oney would serve
to enrich the cou n try.” I was talking to that splendid fellow Mahmoud Mouhktar
Pasha the other day about Albania, and he said it was an impossible country to rule.
Personally I d on ’ t know the country, but as I see it from my house at Corfu, it
appears a black country.
Again on the subject of the Blockade of the Montenegrin coast, I never agreed
with the principle of it, but consented to it to please G rey.(5) I always thought a
Naval blockade o f an Alpine State was ridiculous. H owever as England said she
would bring troops from Malta, should it he necessary to land, I agreed to it. But
when the time came when troops might have to be landed, England suddenly said
‘ ‘ no, we are sorry, we must think o f public opinion, we cannot land any English
troops, they are not intended to he shot at by M ontenegrins.” His Majesty then
remarked ‘ ‘ If they are not intended to he shot at, what are they intended for, and
England should remember that she is not the only country that has to consider
public opinion, but that Germ any has to do so a lso.” (His Majesty seemed perhaps
a little heated over this.)
His Majesty then remarked with pleasure that Admiral Milne had given the
German Admiral (Triimmler) a hint of com ing trouble, which had enabled His
Majesty to send out the ‘ ‘ Strasshurg ” and “ D resd en ” at high speed, and they
arrived just in time to prevent a little coup (I understood His Imperial Majesty to
indicate that the French were implicated in the coup he alluded to). (H [is]
H m p erial] M [a jesty] spoke with pride o f the high average speed the ships had
maintained on their passage out (17 knots), and also of the fine type of ship the
Constructors had evolved in the newest o f the German “ T o w n ” Class of cruiser.)
H is Imperial Majesty spoke with pleasure of the way in which the German and
British ships had co-operated in the Mediterranean. He also spoke with contempt
of the, as reported to him , appallingly indisciplined state of a French cruiser in
the Mediterranean, the “ Jurien de la G raviere.” H [is ] I[m p eria l] M [a jesty] spoke
with amusement o f the very clever sketches in Punch over the Balkan business, and
over the Germ an-English Fleet questions, and said he had sent those on the latter
subject to Admiral Tirpitz.
H is Imperial Majesty then alluded to Lord Roberts, and remarked “ but I don’t
like what he is saying about me and G erm any.” On my suggesting that I had seen
an explanation by Lord Roberts as to the meaning that had been “ r e a d ” into his
w ords; H [is ] I[m p eria l] M [a jesty] said there was no question o f “ rea d in g”
anything into them, he had read the text of them him self.
“ It is too ridiculous,” H [is ] I[m p eria l] M [a jesty l remarked, “ the suggestion
that I want to go to war with England and invade her. If I had wanted to go to
war, nothing you have in the way of preparations would have stopped m e ; and if
T d o n ’ t want to go to war you are not going about it in the best way to encourage
me. W hat should I do if I did capture you, take away St. Paul’ s Cathedral or the
W allace C ollection ?”
“ Your Territorials are useless, your old Volunteers were m uch better, with Lords
W antage and W em yss I saw a Brigade about the year 1890 do really splendid work
together with the Regulars, they were just as good as the regulars; it was only a
matter o f training them properly and that Wantage understood. The Volunteers
were in accordance with the spirit o f English people. But these Territorials are
useless. But the supply o f men trained to arms hinges on the question I asked
employers in London, “ are you ready to let your clerks etc. go away for Military
Service ” ? and also “ W ill you keep the billets open for them if they go ” ? ; to my
astonishment the answer to both questions from these English employers was “ N o.”
If that’ s the point of view taken in England then nothing can ever be done to get
(5) [v. Gooch & Temperley, V ol. I X (I I ), p. 640, N o. 789, note (3).]
701
proper training. In Germany the employers find the men they em ploy are all the
better for a period of Military Training. But as regards England whatever your
Military System, the Navy must remain first, and the Arm y second. That is what
I would order in E ngland.”
His Im perial Majesty then referred to the attitude of E n gla n d : “ Sir E . Grey
is always harping on ‘ ‘ Balance o f P ow er.” The real matter is that the balance of
power was upset in Europe when you ranged yourselves on the side o f Bussia and
France. It was due to m y poor Lncle, who in a misguided moment was persuaded
at Beval to sign the agreement, and join England to an alliance o f two Nations who
have offensive agreements against G erm any.(B) Since that these Nations have
traded on the fact that they have England backing them up. ‘ ‘ Now I have to put
every man and bit of steel into readiness that I ca n .” If England had stayed out
of it, the balance of power would have been preserved, her joining has upset it. Of
course Grey argues that it is now three Powers on each side ; but on the one side
are two Nations who are wanting to go to war (m eaning France and Bussia) and on
the other side is Germany who does not want to go to war.”
His Majesty also spoke o f the upsettal of European politics owing to the Balkan
war being another reason for the German arm y increases. Of the successes o f the
Balkans, H [ is ] I[m p eria l] M [a jesty ] said that on September 30th 1912, when he
heard o f the preparations o f those countries, he called his House Party at Bominten
together, and said “ Mark you this means a new racial m ovem ent, such as occurred
in the olden times, it is a big Slav m ovem ent, such as modern diplom acy has never
had to deal with, and it will drive back the T urks.”
His Im perial Majesty then spoke of the Admiralty and o f Mr. W inston Churchill
and remarked very decidedly that he had not asked the First Lord to Kiel Begatta,
but that the First Lord seemed to have a habit o f turning up uninvited, as he had
done that at the Kaiser Manoeuvres, and that the Em peror had been forced to take
notice o f his presence there as being an English Cabinet Minister. H [is ]
I[m p eria l] M [a je sty] seemed to indicate that it would be the same at K iel, though
the First Lord would be there purely privately (Apparently Lord Lonsdale had on
the occasion o f the Kaiser Manoeuvres inform ed the Em peror as to the First Lord
com ing without invitation to the Manoeuvres'1. The Emperor remarked that he did
not know how to take the First L ord, what he said to him he thought Mr. Churchill
transposed later. He was a man who could not be trusted, he turned 15 points to
starboard too often.
His Majesty then spoke o f the Balkan affairs and said “ 1 was very glad o f the
Balkan source o f co-operation with E ngland. Things seemed to be hopeless between
the two Nations, and I felt I had exhausted all m y efforts to bring about better
feelings between the Nations. M y people were getting angry at the position o f affairs.
The attitude o f the countries to each other reminded me of a scene in the “ Corsican
Brothers.” The two Nations were shaking hands with each other, but always looking
away from each other when doing so.”
In alluding to the relations between England and Germany, His M ajesty said
that L ord H aldane’ s visit to Berlin last year was a fiasco, it was beginning to do
good and then the Cabinet threw over Lord H aldane.i7)
The E m peror’ s last remarks were “ I like your Captain o f a Cruiser who recently
at a dinner at Constantinople of the assembled Nationalities drank to the ‘ ‘ two
white Nations ” (England and G erm any).”
they were only auxiliaries to war. That the introduction of three years Military
Service in France would ruin the country industrially, as it could not afford to spare
all her young men for so long a period out of civil life. (It struck me at the time
that the last remark was expressly made by a Court official, who had been talking
to me before on Franco-Germ an matters and their relations to E ngland, for me to
hear.) The German Generals enquired of the Austrian Military Attache if in
Austria they took all possible men for Military Service, to which he replied No,
that there was still a surplus to draw upon.
From the conversation o f the Court official (Master o f the Horse) indicated, T
form ed the opinion that he is uneasy, both as to how the present Military increase
will go down in Germany with the public and in the Beichstag, and also as to
G erm any’ s outside relations to other Powers. The official remarked to me that it
had been very unpleasant for Germany to have had to stand by Austria in recent
yeans, and instanced the recent affair of Durazzo. He said if it had come to war
over such a matter it would have been difficult to have put the matter in a good
light to the German people in order to enlist their good will in the war. On my
assenting, he added “ but I think the German people would have taken it well,
they rather are inclined for a game like war, Germany having had such a very large
amount o f fighting in her history.
“ As to England it is ridiculous, as you with your long residence in Germany must
see, that Germany could ever want to invade E ngland .”
I have, Ac.
H U G H W ATSON .
Captain and Naval Attaché.
No. 476.
Private. ( 2)
My dear Grey, B erlin, May 28. 1913.
Their Majesties have just left B erlin,(3) and I must write to you a few lines to
tell you what a splendid success the visit has been. There has not been a hitch of
any s o r t; everything has gone sm oothly, the arrangements have been perfect and
the K ing and Queen have, I hope and believe, enjoyed themselves very much and
have not been over fatigued by the numerous festivities, apart from the wedding
itself, which have been arranged in their honour. It has been a real pleasure to me
to hear the enthusiastic way in which everyone, both at Court and in Berlin society,
in fact everyone who- had the privilege of approaching Their Majesties, have spoken
of th e m ; and the general feeling tvas put into words by Herr von Jagow when he
said to me that he should feel satisfied if Their Majesties had enjoyed their visit
half so much as the German Court and people had enjoyed having them here amongst
them. The papers have as yet been very quiet on the subject of the visit, and while
stating that the meeting o f the three most powerful sovereigns of Europe cannot
but be regarded as an event o f the highest political importance, have abstained as
yet from drawing any extravagant conclusions. The visit has, as you will have seen,
been given every appearance o f a State visit, which, considering its perfectly natural
cause, is not a bad thing, as it will almost certainly obviate the necessity of a formal
State visit later on.
After saving G oodbye to Their Majesties at the station, the Emperor talked to
me for some time. After expressing to me His pleasure at having had the King
and Queen as His guests and saying m any charming things o f Their Majesties,
especially calling my attention to the enthusiastic reception they had received from
the public, H is Majesty told me that He had never known a E oyal visit at which
politics had been so freely and thoroughly discussed, and He was glad to be able to
inform me that H e, the K ing and the E m peror o f Russia had been in thorough
agreement on all the points which they had had under review.
From His M ajesty’ s account, the point on which all three Sovereigns had
agreed most heartily was that K ing Ferdinand (to whom His Majesty applied a
strong epithet) must be called to order and kept in order! He also told me that the
Em peror o f Russia had sent K ing Ferdinand a telegram couched in the strongest
possible terms and that He (the Emperor) had followed suit by instructing His
representative at Sofia to speak to the K ing in similar terms. W hat these terms
were I have not heard.
I shall be able later to tell you more o f what the Press thinks on the subject
of the visit; as yet I can only speak of what I have heard from the Court, the
official world and m y own circle o f friends. Amongst these there is but one opinion,
nam ely that the visit was an unqualified success and that there was an intimate and
cordial flavour about it which is sometimes lacking in such visits. Making all
allowances for the enthusiasm of the moment caused by the personal charm
exercised by Their Majesties and the wonderful popularity they gained on all sides
during their stay in Berlin, and by the festive character of the occasion which brought
them at, politically speaking, such a particularly favourable m oment to Berlin, m y
impression is that the visit has done real good and that its effect willperhaps be
more lasting than is usually the case with State visits o f foreign Sovereigns.
The Chancellor told me that he had had the most useful and interesting
conversations with the K ing and that he had been greatly struck with His M ajesty’ s
thorough grasp of every detail o f the international situation and much gratified by
His friendly tone towards Germany. The graciousness and intelligence of the Queen
seemed also to have made a deep impression on him , and he told me that he had
rarely enjoyed a conversation more than that which he had had with H er Majesty
during the luncheon at this Em bassy.
Yours verv sincerelv,
‘ W . E . GOSCH EN.
No. 477.
Private. (2)
! M y dear Nicolson, Berlin, May *28, 1913.
You will have probably seen m y letter to Sir Edward Grey of yesterday’ s date(3)
and you will have seen from it how successful the visit of Their Majesties to Berlin
has been and how charmed everyone has been by the K ing and Queen and what
pleasant memories they have left behind them. You will also have seen the substance
of what the Em peror said to me at the station after the departure of Their Majesties.
I have told Cambon just enough to let him see that there was nothing said here
; which could in any way affect the solidarity o f our entente with France, and he told
me that what he had heard from Jagow and Sverbeef, from the Em peror o f Russia
(*) (T h is le tte r is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to th e K in g and to the P rim e M in ister.
T he en d orsem ent is in itia lled hv S ir E d w a rd G rev .]
( 2) [C a rn ock M SS ., V ol. V I ¿ t 1U13.J
(3) [u. im m ed ia tely p reced in g d ocu m en t.]
I
704
and me seemed to indicate that nothing but good, as regards the present international
situation, could result from the m eeting of the three sovereigns. He told me that he
had only had five minutes conversation with the Czar, but that those five minutes
had been full of interest. The Czar had at once spoken to him of the recent mutinous
conduct of French soldiers and had said “ Such incidents are unpleasant, but have
no real importance ; we have had m any such ; they caused annoyance for the moment
but were soon forgotten and that will be the case with those which have occurred in
France. Here they have been dinning them into my ears and pointing out to me
with emphasis what a sad state the French army must be in, but I can assure you
that nothing that they have said has made the slightest impression on m e.” That was
all the conversation which Cambon had with the Czar, but if the conversation was
short it must be admitted that it was pregnant! . . . .(4)
Yours very sincerely,
W . E. GOSCHEN.
No. 478.
Private, f 1)
My dear Goschen, Foreign Office, June 2, 1913.
I am much obliged to you for your letter which reached me by last m essenger.(2)
The visit certainly seems to have been a complete success and has established, I
think, a very pleasant and friendly atmosphere. At the same time I trust that we
shall not be so giddy as to go too far in showing our appreciation of the very friendly
welcome which was extended to the K ing and Queen. Already I see certain
indications o f the Germans following their usual habit of im proving friendly
relations by putting on the screw and we must be very careful that their effusions
are not taken too light-heartedly.............. (3)
[lo u r s , Ac.
A. NICOLSON.]
(») [C a rn ock M SS., V ol. V I o f 1913.]
( 2) [t\ im m ed iately p r eced in g docu m en t.]
(3) [T he rem a in in g pa ra g ra ph s o f th is letter relate chiefly t o B alkan affairs. T hey add
n oth in g o f im p orta n ce t o in fo rm a tio n g iv en elsew here.]
No. 479.
particularly, very upset about Mr. Churchill’ s statement.(4) Jagow only said that it
was unfortunate that the Navy question should turn up just now and hoped that it
wouldn’ t spoil the effect of the visit. The Chancellor, however, told me that he was
very much perturbed by the First L ord ’ s statement, but particularly by the article
which had been written upon it in the ‘ Daily News ’ (*) which had been freely repro
duced here and which had made a disagreeable impression. He didn’ t know how far
, it was correct for the ‘ Daily News ’ to say that Mr. Churchill had deceived everyone
by first saying that the Canadian ships had nothing to do with his naval programme
and were | extra ’ and bv now stating that the rejection of the Canadian Naval Bill
rendered it necessary for Great B ritain’ s naval requirements that 3 battleships
should be laid down at once. What he did know was that people here reading this
in a Liberal English newspaper would believe it and that it would make a very bad
impression on their minds. Personally he did not care whether the ships were laid
down at once or n o t ; it would have no effect on his policy. But what he did care
for was the impression made on public opinion which would, he was afraid, sadly
interfere with the great progress towards better relations which had undoubtedly
taken place and tend to mar the excellent effect which had been produced by the
B oyal visit. li e spoke very earnestly and seemed greatly perturbed, and indeed it
is unfortunate that the Naval question should just come up at this particular m om en t;
but anyway it can’ t be helped, and I expect public opinion in England would have
been equally ill-humoured if His M ajesty’ s Government had done nothing in view
of the action o f the Canadian opposition. The ‘ Tageblatt ’ has a long article
to-night by ‘ Persins ’ labelled “ Churchill’ s inconsistency.’ ’ I will have it
translated, but I d on’ t think we shall have time to do it before the messenger goes.
Jagow is rather perturbed by a statement made to him by the Turkish
Ambassador to the effect that sooner than give up the islands off the coast of Asia
Minor she will not hesitate to go to war again! Jagow asked him how they were
going to war without ships, to which Mahmoud Muktar replied that they could easily
buy some. And to the qnestion “ W here are you to find the m o n e y ? ’ ’ answered
“ O h! there w on’ t be any difficulty about that.’ ’
Yours verv sincerelv.
\Y. E. GOSCHEN.
No. 480.
Private.(2)
T el. Berlin, July 3, 1913.
Em peror told Naval Attaché at Kiel that he had heard that the First L ord of
I the Admiralty intended in his next Naval Statement to refer again to Naval
M IN U TE BY KING G E O R G E V.
No. 481.
1 >Sr“ H . H A.
S“ ” ' W . S C.
9 7.
R ea d by S ir E. Goschen.
E . G.
10.7.13.
No. 4S2.
are diffuse and not without their com ic side— he has done excellent work and while
doing his duty to his own country unflinchingly, has also captivated the hearts of both
the Seniors and Juniors of the German Navy. He will be greatly missed here by all
hands.
Yours ever,
W . E. GOSC1IEN.
M IN U T E .
V e r y ch a ra cteristic.
H . H . A.
No. 483.
F.O. 4 75 5 0 /4 7 5 5 0 /1 3 /1 8 .
(No. 368.) Berlin, D. October 15, 1913.
Sir, R. October 20, 1913.
I have the honour to transmit, herewith, a report which I have received from
Captain W atson, Naval Attache to His M ajesty’s Embassy, forwarding some remarks
on naval affairs during the period o f his appointment as Naval Attaché to this
Embassy.
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCHEN.
0 ) [T his despatch is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to the P rim e M in ister. I t was sent to
the A d m ira lty .]
711
E n clos u re 1 in N o. 4S3.
Naval Policy.
]. W hen I first came to Berlin the naval questions at issue between England
and Germany had hardly recovered, at any rate in the press, from a somewhat petty
and undignified method of reproachful attack and counter-attack directed by each
nation against the other. Charges of secret acceleration in ship construction against
Germany, o f duplicity against England, were still current. It seems certain that
Germany did actually collect the material, or even lay down one of the ships of the
1909-10 programm e before the German Naval Estimates were actually passed.
Inform ation which I received when I first came here showed that the German naval
preparations in the years prior to 1909 had been, if not actually of feverish activity,
were [s ic ] of a nature of forced preparations, which ail competent observers in Germany
count as haring been a definite attempt to “ jum p ” Great Britain at a moment when
that country was reducing her Naval Estimates. At the same time it is fair to state
the German view, which is that Great Britain threatened Germany by withdrawing
all her ships into the North Sea. and, further, that Great Britain inaugurated a period
of naval secrecy in respect of programmes and ships. G erm any’ s naval authorities
have certainly proved themselves apt pupils and followers in the policy of secrecy.
Of the withdrawal of the British ships to the North Sea, Germans somewhat logicaliy
say that it was one of the principal steps which has enabled them to pass successive
naval amendments to the Fleet Law. There is no doubt whatever that the petty
irritation and remarks that were noticeable in E ngland at the growth of the German
fleet had also a potent effect in increasing the number of supporters of a large
German navy policy, and that the reduction of the British Naval Estimates in certain
years had previously whetted the ambitions and raised the hopes of the German
naval authorities and their supporters in the production of increased navai
programmes.
I would revert to the statement of Gross-Admiral von Tirpitz of the 29th March,
1909,(31 in which his E xcellency said that 10 battleships and 3 battle cruisers would be
ready in the autumn of 1912. and not before. It will be remembered that in July
1909.(4) it was stated by the First Lord of the Admiralty for the second time that
England must expect to see 13 German Dreadnoughts completed by the autumn
of 1911, and 17 by April 1912. It seems fair to examine which of the statements has
been proved by time to be correct. From such inform ation as I have at m y disposal
in this office, it appears to me that Gross-Admiral von Tirpitz’ s statement was
substantiated, but in saying this I would remark that the prolonged German
dockyard strike of 1910 appears to show that the times for shipbuilding as given by
Admiral von Tirpitz in 1909 (viz., three years for a battleship in private yards, and
three years and four months in Im perial yards), appear to admit of a very considerable
margin for delays.
So much for the time previous to my appointment. I have only alluded to it
in respect of points which were not visible at the time, and which became more clear
after I relieved Rear-Adm iral II. L. Heath.
With regard to August 1910 to the spring of 1911, so far as naval questions went
in Germany, the paramount and absorbing topic to people in naval circles, except to
the British naval attache, was that of spies and spying. It is probable that this
period was the result o f the times of the inauguration o f greater secrecy in both
countries. Over-secrecv bred a greater amount of spying, and spying helped to breed
suspicion between the countries. Germany carried the secrecy to an absurd extent,
and even the main details of her ships were not published, not even on the launching
of the ship. They were gradually found out, and at about the time of commission
were perhaps made public. England published the main details of her ships at the
time of launch. It is pleasant to be able to place on record that 1913 appears to
show a greater openness on the part of Germany in this respect, details o f ships only
just laid down having this year been published in semi-official journals; and in other
respects I would report that I have observed less desire to maintain such close secrecy
in ordinary naval matters than was niv experience in 1910.
One other point stands out as regards 1910-11, and that is Gross-xVdmiral von
T irpitz’ s still existing indignation at having had, as he considered, his word doubted
over the question o f shipbuilding before alluded to. His Excellency, as I reported
at the time, made so much parade of his grievance against Mr. M cKenna during the
winter o f 1910-11, that a strong feeling was left behind in the minds of observers
that the parade of his indignation was largely due to a desire to work up political
capital. A doubt was also engendered in the minds of some whether his Excellency
is really so great a man as has been thought.
The political affairs of M orocco appear to have had at this time little effect on
naval policy, but in autumn 1911 the hints of naval increases grew stronger,
beginning with the speech o f Ilis Majesty the Emperor in September 1911 at
IIam burg(5) ; and the large navy party, actuated from the German Admiralty Press
Bureau, astutely fed the fires of indignation aroused in Germany, or supposed to have
been aroused, by certain reports in England of the intention of our fleet to fall on
Borkum.
These preliminary hints o f a naval increase led to the production of the naval
“ N ovelle.” Friction is believed to have been created between the heads o f the
navy and anny over their respective “ N ovellen.” The naval increase, which was
generally understood to have been shorn o f some o f its original proposals in relation
to more battle cruisers, passed the Reichstag and became law.
This period also saw the head of the navy rumoured as a candidate for the
Chancellorship; it also saw his position later becom e less secure and his chances
of becom ing Chancellor somewhat small.
The speech of the First Lord of the Admiralty o f March 1912(b) gave the taxpayers
o f Germany food for thought as to where the naval com petition was leading Germany.
I would remark here that the cam paign in support o f the “ N o v e lle ” o f 1912
( 7) [v . Pari. Deb., 5th Ser., (H ou se o f C om m ons), V ol. 35, pp. 155 2-8.]
714
the German battle fleet 011 a 20-year age basis of replacement com m ences. There
seems little doubt that the large shipbuilding yards o f Germany require increased
German naval orders, or else orders from foreign nations, in order properly to support
the large resources they have collected in view of German naval expansion. Should
they get their desires, however, it seems likely that additional plant may be laid
down, and be made the basis o f a demand for more naval activity through the
so-called “ armour plate p a rty.”
Up to date (13th October, 1913) the routine o f the year in respect o f naval
policy and currents o f opinion acting on it has pursued its normal way, though there
have been one or two indications of suggestions for naval increases being put forward
when and as convenient. The programme of the Navy League is a standing one,
always there for the Admiralty to fall back on and use or m odify as desirable.
At the moment o f writing it seems unlikely that a proposal for a German naval
increase would have much chance o f success in the Reichstag at p resen t; the voice
o f the taxpayer in respect of taxation for naval purposes appears to be decidedly
against it.
The governing factor in respect o f Gross-Admiral von Tirpitz appears to be
whether the Centre party will continue its opposition to him or not during the coming
Reichstag session. It is not out o f place here to remark that during the last three
years the naval demands for m oney have often met with sturdy opposition in the
Reichstag, and m any existing votes have also been pared down. But another election
m ay o f course result in a decreased number of Social Democrats and Radicals being
returned as compared with the election of January 1912.
In regard to the prospect of Anglo-Germ an questions affecting the position of
the naval expansionist party o f Germ any. I am of opinion that if Canada herself gives
the three battleships the party in Germ any will suffer a loss of prestige, as their
writers have consoled themselves with the thought that Canada would never give
them. If Great Britain is obliged to vote them there will probably be some squeals
in G e rm a n y ; but the new army expenditure and the growing vote for upkeep of the
fleet, which is now7 com ing home to the nation, should prevent any possibility of
further German naval increases maturing.
W hether German naval material will continue to be about one and a-half years
behind England in progress of design may be doubted. I f the com petition in naval
designs continues, it seems probable that the increased talent of the German ship
building trade may at any time produce a design of greater originality than it has
possessed in the past. At the same time it would seem that part of the reluctance to
change types of ships or guns has been due primarily to the cost of change— a cost
which Krupp, with its gun m onopoly, would charge on the Government. The
m onopoly of Krupp, and its power over the Government, has been often shown in the
last two years. At the same time it should be remembered that Krupp is a very
active agent for the Fatherland at hom e and in m any foreign countries. The heads
of big firms, such as Herr von Bohlen und Halbach, Herr Ballin (H am burg-Am erica
L ine), H err von Gwinner (Deutsche Bank), the Princes’ Concern (now in financial
straits), H err Thyssen, and others, have all had very potent and patriotic influences
in many places for the furthering of plans for the advancement of Germ any’ s sea
power.
5. From various sources I have forwarded a certain amount of inform ation from
time to time on the fleet exercises, but my personal knowledge of the fleet work is
small.
In gunnery I am under the impression that the German navy is now going in
for longer range firing than in the past.
I have no inform ation on the torpedo work of the fleet.
Such reports as I have forwarded from time to time on the fleet work showed
that the observers were much struck by the tactical work of the fleet and by the
individual efficiency of the ships at gunnery practices and internally.
The German naval officers still com plain much of the three years’ service, under
which they are every year called upon to make trained men out of a fresh lot of
conscripts totally strange to sea life. At the same time the more forceful officers
indicate that, though the evils do exist, the means adopted tend to eliminate them,
and that the constant freshening of brains due to the annual training is even good for
the ship. Certainly the German naval officers go far to lessen the defects of a system
by their thorough methods.
Officers.
6. The development of the battle fleet and cruiser squadrons and the con
tinuance of the very good destroyer flotilla work is now giving the German navy flag
officers and senior captains, who should be in no way inferior to their corresponding
numbers in the British navy, in view of the practice in fleet work they now have.
The work and aim of the training of the fleet appears to be consistent and thorough,
and I see no reason to think that the German naval officers of 1913 are inferior to
their British comrades. The class from which the officers now in the junior ranks of
the German navy have been drawn appears to be better than in older days.
One remark of a senior German naval officer to me is of interest. He said :
“ Our great defect as Germans is to lose ourselves and the object in view in a mass
of detail.” He also added, however, ‘ ‘ W e naval officers are less prone to that than
are our cou n trym en ; also it has its good side, as it leads to absolute thoroughness
and continuity, and is invaluable for our system of service in regard to the
personnel.”
Of the ages and prospects of prom otion in the Imperial German navy I have
from time to time forwarded remarks thereon as information came to hand. From
what I know of the German naval officer I feel convinced that in the day of trial he
will be proved more capable than the officers of navies with which we are politically
m ore closely allied.
717
In the last two years the number of flag officers and Kapitàne zur See who are
placed at the disposal of the Comm anders-in-Chief at Kiel and W ilhelm shaven has
increased. It is the equivalent of our “ half pay when waiting for appointment,
the German officer receiving the full pay of his rank, less the allowances he receives
when afloat.
One point is worthy of note. The old German naval officer fond of table
indulgence has nearly passed away. The modern German naval officer and his wife
are strenuous sport lovers. Leave is spent in active exercise. Golf, tennis, hockey,
and football are really well played. Shooting and walking tours are the sport of the
older officers.
M en.
7. It would probably be a fair appreciation to say that the following units should
be considered as being able to bear favourable com parison in regard to efficiency in
their respective duties to men doing similar duty in the British navy :—
(a ) The whole of the German naval long service personnel.
(b) The personnel of the destroyer flotillas, owing to the usually previous sea
going experience of such conscripts as go to the flotillas.
(c) The technical ratings who volunteer for any period over three years’ service
in the navy.
(d) A portion of the conscripts in their third year of service.
Discipline.
S. Undoubtedly the discipline in the German navy is severe. It is necessarily
so for the due training of the first year conscripts. But m y evidence goes to show
that it is not nearly so severe as in the German arm y. After all what is to he
expected hut severe discipline from a nation one of whose Monarc-hs ordered the army
in Berlin that when they saw anyone smoking in the streets they were to tear away,
or knock out, the offending pipe or cigar from the mouth of the person contravening
the orders His Majesty had then issued against sm oking?
As to wearing of plain clothes, it is certainly growing amongst naval officers in
Berlin whenever ] ossible. I have heard senior officers remark that the regulations
for the wearing o f uniform are out of date, and that they should be revised to bring
them more in accordance with the spirit o f the age and to give the officer more
freedom when on leave. I do not suppose that the question of wearing plain clothes
has yet permeated to the warrant officers, petty officers and men.
9. In conclusion, I would remark that the impression I have received o f the
German navy, and o f the organisation operating it, is that it possesses continuity
of purpose and training, and singleness of aim to the highest degree.
M IN U T E .
No. 484.
No. 485.
N o. 486.
Private.C2)
My dear NicoLson, Berlin, October 24, 1913.
I am exceedingly sorry to hear from you that you are troubled with a bad ‘ limb ’
and I hope that by the time you get this letter you will be all right again.
Y es! the German Press is very down on Churchill’ s speech.(3) It was quite
certain that there would be an uproar here if the Naval H oliday was again mentioned
— in fact I told Sir E. Grey so when I saw him last. One could almost have foreseen
the very language they have used. I am not looking forward to my meeting with the
Em peror— on Monday next I think-—as he made such a very special point of the
Na'ral H oliday not being brought up again— in his conversation with W atson at
Kiel. But the worst is that it brings up the whole naval question again— a question
which had rather gone to sleep— and which Lic'nnowsky and I have scrupulously
abstained from awakening. It seems a pity that political exigencies of the moment
should have led the First Lord to bring it all up again. It may be that he has more
than that in his mind and thinks that the further ‘ Novelle ’ foreshadowed by the
Em peror if the Naval Holiday was again m entioned— may come to pass and free his
hand by enabling him to say to the extreme Badical supporters of the Government
for in sta n ce:— “ W ell I have tried m y best to reduce armaments but Germany will
have none of it— so I must go ahead and ask for the m oney necessary to maintain
our maritime suprem acy.’ ’ But this method would seem to be rather a roundabout
one— and one cannot help thinking that a determined execution of what he outlined
in 1912 would have had a far greater effect upon German shipbuilding than what he
has now done. But I confess to being rather a fanatic in this matter and cling to
the belief that the best way of taking the wind out of the sails of the Big Navy Party
in Germ any is to state frankly that if threatened with further efforts to reduce our
supremacy we shall make a big effort, by loan if necessary, to render that supremacy
unassailable.............. ('*)
Yours verv sincerelv,
W . E. GOSCHEN.
M IN U T E .
I will d icta te a rep ly to S ir E. G oschen e x p la in in g the position a bou t naval arm am ents.
Tt w as essential a fte r the pu blic sta tem en t o f Bethm ann H ollw eg th a t he a w aited proposals
a b ou t a naval holida y to say som eth in g to our ow n people. T he a ltern a tive to w hat Churchill
did say w ould have been to say p u blicly th a t we u n d erstood the G erm an G o v [e rn m e n ]t w ould
dislike any proposals and th erefore th a t we should m ake none. T he G erm ans w ould have
resented this still m ore.
E. G.
D on e O c t [o b e r ] 28, 1913.(5)
O [T his letter is en d orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e M inister.
The en d orsem en t is in itia lled by S ir E d w a rd G rey.]
( 2) [C a rn ock M SS., V ol. X of 1913.]
( 3) [ v . T he Tim es, O ctob er 20, 1913, pp. 9 -1 0 .]
( 4) [T h e rem a in in g p a ra g ra p h s o f this letter q uote v ariou s statem ents from G erm an news
p a pers on M r. C h u rch ill’ s speech on the B alkan situ ation and the q uestion o f the possible
cession o f Z a n zib a r and W alfisch B av to G erm a n y.]
0 ) [ v . in fra , p. 722, N o. 488.]
7*21
N o. 48 7.
Mr. W inston Churchill to Sir Edward G rey.
[10900]
722
N o. 488.
P rivate. ( 2)
My dear Goschen, London, October 28. 1918.
I have seen your letter to N icolson(3) about Churchill’ s speech, referring to a
“ naval holiday.” (4)
It was absolutely necessary that some reference should he made to it in public.
All that the public knew about it hitherto was that Churchill made the proposal some
months ago, and that the German Chancellor thereupon said in public that he would
await proposals from us. W e were bound to discuss this question with our own
people, and the alternative was either to speak as Churchill did, or else to say
publicly and definitely that we had been given to understand that the German
Governm ent did not wish to hear any more of the matter, and that in deference to
their objection we had dropped it. This would, however, have been a breach of
confidence on our part, for all the com m unications made to us have been of the most
private character, and the most important have com e direct from the Emperor. It
would also have had the appearance of fixing upon the German Government in the
most abrupt and invidious way the responsibility for not proceeding further.
W hat Churchill has done is to elicit German opinion in the Press in a way that
does not fix responsibility on the German Governm ent. l i e has also pointed out that
reduction of naval expenditure, or a “ naval holiday,” is no longer a matter for
which England and Germany alone can be responsible, but that it is a great European
question that can only be dealt with by England and Germany in concert with their
respective friends and allies.
The German Government had put us in a very difficult position by saying
publicly that they would await proposals, and then saying privately that they would
resent any that were made. They must realise that we have to be frank in a matter
of this importance with our own people, and I think that Churchill handled a very
difficult situation in the only way in which it could be done with fairness to the
British Governm ent and the British People and himself, while yet showing regard for
German feeling, and avoiding any attempt to fix directly on the German Government
in public the responsibility for not carrying the matter further.
(5) . * . - . .
As to the policy of concentrating our ships in the North Sea : All the best naval
opinion here is unanimous in regarding the steps taken as necessary. W e must have
sufficient force in home waters to protect ourselves against any attack that might be
made upon us suddenly. The more the Germans build, the more we shall have to
concentrate, unless of course we increase our Fleet to such a size that we can have
not only sufficient force in home waters but also a great m any ships abroad. In such
a case there would not be the same proportion of concentration, but it would be
because our Fleet was much larger and our expenditure greater.
Yours sincerely.
E . GR E Y.
Private.( 2)
My dear Grey, Berlin, X ovem ber 8, 1913.
Very m any thanks for your enlightening letter(3) about the First L ord ’ s speech
which will be of great assistance to me should I ever be attacked by the Chancellor
about it. I doubt, however, whether he will say anything about it though, from what
I hear, he has spoken very sharply on the subject to others. They cannot get it out
of their heads— and the idea is diligently fostered by the Pan-German Press— that
in proposing the Naval H oliday the First Lord has something up his sleeve,
something that would be advantageous for the British, and detrimental to the German
Navy.............. (4>
Yours verv sincerelv.
\Y. E . GOSCH EN.
No. 490.
Private.(2)
Dear Sir A rth u r;— Paris, D ecem ber 4, 1918.
I have been in Paris so few days that I cannot possibly venture on any opinions
regarding the fall of the Ministry, and still less on any attempts at prophecy. I may
say, though, that the general idea, dans le m onde at least, seems to be that
the President will not ask Caillaux to form a Ministry, but someone who can form a
“ MiHiStere de d eten te." o f much the same com plexion as the last, and in that case
we may hope that Tichon can stay on. It seems to be generally realized how
necessary he is at the Foreign Office in the middle of these negotiations with
Germ any &c.
In the course of a conversation I had with Paleologue yesterday on the subject
of the German Military Mission to Turkey, he told me that he had been very hopeful
of some acceptable solution being found as a result of the friendly spirit shown both
by the Em peror and by Zim m erm ann to K okovtzoff, but that he was a little less
hopeful now as the Germans seemed to be in a very uncom promising humour. H e
referred to the Saverne incidents/3) and said that he had heard of some very
disquieting remarks that had heen made at Berlin, and then, after a little hesitation,
told me, in the strictest confidence, that the K ing of the Belgians had inform ed them
that the Em peror had declared to His M ajesty that war between France and Germ any
was inevitable, and that General von Moltke, the Chief of the Staff, had used the
same expression to His M ajesty and had added that it was even desirable, and that
“ dans un bref délai.” I asked whether there was anything going on between
Germany and Belgium in the way of negotiations which could explain these remarks
as having been intended to put pressure on Belgium , but Paléologue said he knew of
nothing of the sort and he added that K ing Albert was such a serious wrell-balanced
man that his account of what had passed could not be taken lightly.
I think it was M. Jules Cambon to whom the King reported these remarks, and,
if so, you will probably have learnt them from Sir Edward Goschen, but it is safer to
repeat the inform ation in case Sir Edward has not heard it.
Yours very sincerely,
G R A N V IL L E .
No. 491.
the trouble, been at once given a long leave or been transferred to another town—
very little more would have been heard of the affair. Then if the Chancellor had
made his second speech first, and if the Minister of W ar had not spoken immediately
after him— thus giving the appearance o f their both speaking in accordance with
instructions from Military Headquarters : and if above all the Chancellor had been
able to read out the orders which I hear that the Em peror, immediately on hearing
of the incident, had sent to the Military Authorities— to the effect that the erring
lieutenant should be severely reprimanded and that the corps o f officers should be
told to be more careful in their dealings with the civilian population— I think the vote
of censure would have fallen very flat.
The general opinion amongst such members o f the Reichstag as I have seen is
that the matter is now settled and that the vote of censure will have no effect upon
the Chancellor’ s position.
Most people here speak highly o f the calm and dignified attitude of the French
throughout the affair.
_ There is a notice in this evening’ s paper to the effect that General von Sanders
will be received by the Em peror on M onday next— and will be in Constantinople by
the end of the week— taking up his military duties on the 20th instant.(6)
December 6. I have recorded in a despatch the decision o f the Em peror in the
Zabern affair after receiving the Chancellor’ s report. M y despatch also records an
interesting com m unication made by the Head of the Im perial Chancellor’ s Office—
to the effect that the Chancellor was indisposed when he made his speeches and by
a lapse o f m emory om itted to mention the communications he had received from
the E m peror as regards the steps taken by His Majesty to calm the excitement in
Zabern.
I f this is true it is a pity— and I think it is true because a Member o f the
Bundesrath hinted to me that there had been certain inexplicable omissions in the
Chancellor’s speech.
This Zabern affair has put everything else in the background— so I have had
little else to write about.
L ichnow skv (with whom I passed two very pleasant days and had excellent
sport) tells me that he expects to be in London about the 14th instant.
Thanking you very much for your last interesting letter,(7) I remain,
Yours verv sincerelv,
' W . E . GOSCHEN.
No. 492.
P rivate.(*)
My dear Goschen, Foreign Office, D ecem ber 8, 1913.
I am very sorry that to-day I have so very little time to write you, but I must
send you a line to thank you for. the letter which I received by the last Messenger. (2)
Your Zabern incident has certainly created a very great stir and I daresay it
will have stillfurther consequences. I must say that it wasrather hard on the
No. 493.
0 ) [M a r g in a l n o t e : “ M .A . 44.” ]
728
E n c lo s u re in N o. 493.
(No. 44.)
Sir, Berlin, D ecem ber 11, 1913.
I have the honour to forward herewith a translation of an article by the wrell-
known military writer, General of Cavalry F . von Bernhardi, on G erm any’ s financial
and econom ic preparedness for war.(3) This essay appeared in the N ovember number
of “ Der G reif,” a new m onthly periodical which made its first appearance in
October last.
Bernhardi is convinced that the German Empire is fully equal to meeting the
financial strain even of a prolonged war ; the recent additions to the w ar treasure
will, m oreover, in the author’ s opinion, greatly facilitate the work o f overcom ing the
first financial difficulties during mobilisation.
The writer of the article under review' considers the problem of food supply
during war time as a difficult but not an insoluble one, and suggests measures for
im proving existing conditions. H e believes that the industrial state of Germany
during a war would present less favourable features than the question of the people s
food supply. For this state of affairs the general also suggests remedial and
precautionary measures. _
There are three conditions on the importance of which the general lays special
stress :—
1. That the trade routes to the Balkan States and Turkey should be kept open.
2. That the German navy should be supreme in the Baltic.
3. That a wise diplom acy should exclude the possibility o f a war being forced on
Germany. German statesmen must, on the other hand, ^foresee an
inevitable war, prepare for it systematically, and seize the initiative at the
most favourable moment.
Such policy as this certainly does not present any new features to Bism arck’ s
fellow-countrym en.
The English of the attached translation is a little rough in places, but the
m eaning is, I think, quite clear throughout.
I have, &c.
A L IC E B U S S E L L .
Military Attaché.
(2) [T h e t e x t o f L ieu ten a n t-C olon el R u s sell’ s despatch is ta ken from th e C onfidential P rin t,
as th e orig in a l d ocu m en t was sent to th e W a r Office. P rin te d cop ies w ere sent to the B oard
o f T r a d e ; to th e C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D e fe n c e ; to th e A d m ira lty .]
(3) [N o t re p rod u ced .]
No. 494.
Private. C)
M y dear Nicolson, Vienna, D ecem ber 19, 1913.
. . . .(2) T sch irs[ch ]k y has talked to me two or three times about German
politics. H e says the parties which voted against the Chancellor in the Zabern
affair have all got bad headaches after their orgy (haben alle schon Katzenjammer)
and will not play the fool again in a hurry. Germany is com pelled to back up her
No. 495.
F.O. 1 95 5 /8 4 /1 4 /1 8 .
(No. 6.) Munich, D. January 13, 1914.
Sir, R. January 15, 1914.
The Chancellor of the E xchequer’ s energetically phrased denunciation of the
“ organized insanity ” of m odem armaments has excited intense interest in Germany.
E very paper has reported his words and also the com m ents of the British press
thereon. ( 2)
But it is one of the advantages of the Press Bureau that, except in the case of the
Social Dem ocratic journals, it can dictate what events shall be com m ented on and
what shall not. In the present case those who direct it have apparently decreed that
com m ent would be out of place, and their astuteness has been amply rewarded by
the press controversy in England, which has been fully reported here.
Nothing could make pleasanter reading for the average German than the
inform ation, from English sources, that the British Cabinet is hopelessly divided on
the question o f the next Navy Estimates. In the present instance this satisfaction
has not been denied him.
The Prim e Ministers, both of Bavaria and W ürttemberg, have spoken to me on
the subject, and both asked if Mr. Lloyd G eorge’ s words implied a split in the
Cabinet. I replied in both instances to the effect that England was the country of
free discussions, that the Cabinet was a large one and that without doubt differences
of view must occasionally arise between Ministers charged with different functions,
but we had the Prim e M inister’ s assurance that the present Cabinet was absolutely
united and, as far as I could see, Mr. L loyd George had done nothing more than
M IN U T E .
N o. 49 6.
(*) [T h is despa tch is en d orsed as h a v in g been sent t o the K in g and t o the P rim e M in ister.
C opies w ere sent to th e W a r Office an d to St. P etersb u rg h .]
(2) [M r. H o w a rd ’ s despatch (X o . 8), D. J a n u a ry 27. R . F eb ru a ry 9, 1914, is not rep rod u ced ,
as it dea lt m a in ly w ith R usso-Sw edish relations. (F .O . 5S52 5 8 5 2 /1 4 /4 2 .)]
(*) [T h e o m itte d pa ra g ra p h s deal w ith the q u estion o f naval an d m ilita ry stren g th .]
732
N o. 497.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G rey.C )
F .O . 4 6 0 7 /4 6 0 7 /1 4 /1 8 .
(No. 45.) Confidential. B erlin, D. January 31, 1914.
Sir, R . February 2, 1914.
I have the honour to transmit herewith a report which I have received from
Captain Henderson, naval attache to His M ajesty’ s E m bassy, giving an account of
an interview with H [is ] R [o y a l] II[ig h n ess] Prince H enry of Prussia.
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCITEN.
Enclosure in No. 497.
P rin ce H en ry g ives us a re-hash o f w hat has been recited fo r our benefit “ ad nauseam ”
fo r years. W h en G erm a ny w ants to in crease her n a va l progra m m e (i.e. ev ery 2 -3 years) she
sta rts on the m ost scu rrilou s a n ti-B ritish ca m pa ig n . W h en , to defen d our consequen tly
in crea sin g n a va l estim ates, w e have t o ex p la in to the B ritish elector the cause and reason,
E n g la n d com m its an u n p ardon a ble sin in m en tion in g G erm any !
B u t h ow ever com p lete our ju stifica tion in p o in tin g to G erm any as th e “ fon s et orig o
m a li,” e x p erien ce su p p orts C a pta in H e n d e rso n ’ s a d v ice th a t we do b etter to a ct vig orou sly
and to say as little as possible. I have no dou bt th a t, a p a rt from the necessary con sid era tion
o f p a rlia m en ta ry ta ctics, the A d m ira lty w ill n ot dissent from th e soundness o f th e advice.
E. A. C.
F e b [r u a r v ] 2.
A. N.
iso. 498.
P .O . 5472 547*2/14/18.
Tel. (N o. 42.) Urgent. Foreign Office, February 5, 1914, 7 -3 0 p . m .
Times report( l) represents Admiral Tirpitz as saying that idea of a holiday year
could not be realized, but that positive proposals had not yet reached Germany and
if they did would certainly be examined with good will.
The sole reason why positive proposals from us have not reached Germany is
that private intimations reaching us from high German sources gave us to under
stand that such proposals would be unwelcome and would impair good relations
between Germ any and ourselves.
It was in consequence of these intimations that I spoke at Manchester as I did
on Tuesday(2) to deprecate our being pressed in this country to make proposals.
But now when Parliament meets we shall be reminded thatGerman Chancellor
after Mr. Churchill first mentioned Naval holiday said he would awaitproposals and
Admiral Tirpitz’ s fresh statement will be quoted.
This being so it is essential that we should know for use in Parliament exactly
what Admiral Tirpitz meant and also whether proposals for a Naval holiday would
be resented.
W e desire not to make any proposal that would be unwelcom e, but being quite
ready ourselves to make proposals, if they would be welcome, we must either make
No. 499.
M IN U T E .
N o. 500.
Sir E . Gosclien to Sir A . Nicolson.(l)
Private. (2)
M y dear Nicolson, Berlin, February 6, 1914.
The message which I com m unicated to H err von Jagow today(3) on the subject of
the ‘ Naval H oliday ’ is probably very embarrassing for the German Government.
They d on’ t like the idea and if they say officially “ make your proposal and we will
consider it ” they will have the odium of eventually refusing it and will have lost
their convenient answer to all inquiries, namely, that the proposal has never been
officially made to them. Admiral von Tirpitz must I think be sorry that he said “ Tf
it is officially made we will give it our sympathetic consideration,” as this remark
has very naturally caused His M ajesty’ s Government to say “ W ell, if you mean
this we will make the proposal officially,” and he obviously did not m ean his remark
to be taken seriously as the idea of the Naval H oliday is anathema to him and, as far
as one can judge, to most people in Germany except the Socialists. Jagow told me
that he would consult Tirpitz, and gave me to understand by an expressive gesture
that the latter would find a way to wriggle out of the dilemma some way or another.
As Jagow told me today they are against the Naval Holiday both on the general
principle that the idea is Utopian and unworkable, and because the conditions are so
different here from what they are in England. W ith us there are always orders from
foreign Governments to he carried out, and so m any vessels building for our
Mercantile Marine and so m any shipbuilding yards where men can find work, if not
in one, then in another : here the shipbuilding yards are few in number and the
interruption for a whole year of Naval construction would throw innumerable men on
the pavement, without their being able to find work elsewhere. I am very anxious to
see what their official answer to His M ajesty’ s Government will b e.............. (4)
Yours very sincerely,
W . E . GOSCHEN.
( x) [T h is letter is en d orsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e M inister.
T he en d orsem en t is in itia lle d bv S ir E d w a rd G rey .]
( 2) [C arn ock M SS ., V ol. I o f 1914.]
(3) [t>. im m ed iately preced in g docu m en t and n o te (3).]
(4) [T h e o m itted p a ra g ra p h s o f this le tte r re fe r to B a lk an affairs. T h ey a dd n oth in g of
im p orta n ce to in fo rm a tio n g iv en elsew here.]
No. 501.
(1) [ Cp. T he Tim es, F eb ru a ry 9, 1914, w here th ere is an a rticle from the B erlin corres
p on d en t e n titled “ S ix teen to T en .” A c o p y o f this a rticle is filed w ith th e above docum ent.
F .O . 6 3 1 0 /5 4 7 2 /1 4 /1 8 .]
( 2) [v. The Tim es, O ctob er 20, 1913, p p . 9-10. cp. supra, pp. 718-9, No. 485, and n o te ( 2).]
737
German G ov [ern m en ]t : but that in any case the idea of such a holiday seemed to
him impossible to carry out under existing conditions in Germany. German
programme for next year provided only for construction of replacing ships; to delay
them one year would mean making them up next year and this irregular increase in
number of finished vessels would upset German finances and dislocate work in ship
building yards and military arrangements. The entire suppression of replacing ships
for one year would bring total number of ships below that ordered by Laic therefore
impossible.
M inister’ s remarks show that Im perial G ov[ernm en t do not consider idea of
naval holiday possible in practice. If H [is ] M [a jesty ’ sn G o v e rn m e n t] wish to make
proposals to German G ov [ern m en ]t on basis o f 5 squadrons to 8, each consisting o f 8
battleships, Im perial G ov [ern m en ]t would examine them. These proposals must
make some provision that other Great Powers do not add too heavily to their
armaments. Translation of above aide-m ém oire and revised extract from M in is te r ]
of M arine’ s speech follows by post.
M IN U T E S .
T he G erm an G overnm ent con tin u e to speak w ith tw o tongues.
I feel confid ent th a t if w e m ake a “ definite p r o p o s a l” w e shall not be trea ted stra ig h t-
forw a rd ly in th e n eg otia tion , and I reg a rd any such n eg otia tion w ith so u n scru p u lou s an
adversa ry as h igh ly dangerous.
E. A. C.
F e b [r u a r y ] 11.
A w a it te x t o f aid e m ém oire
A. N
E. G.
No. 502.
F.O. 6 3 3 6 /5 4 7 2 /1 4 /1 8 .
I (No. 55.) Berlin, D. February 11, 1914.
I Sir, R. February 12, 1914.
W ith reference to m y telegram No. 21 o f the 10th instant(2) I have the honour
to transmit to you herewith translation of a memorandum regarding the speech
delivered by Admiral von Tirpitz before the Budget Committee of the Reichstag on
the subject of Anglo-German naval relations which was handed to me yesterday by
H err von Jagow .(3)
A translation of the revised proof of Admiral von Tirpitz’ s remarks which was
enclosed in the memorandum is likewise transmitted herewith.
I have, &c.
W . E. GOSCHEN.
M emorandum.
(Translation.!
The Im perial Secretary of State for the Navy declared quite generally in the
Budget Committee that official proposals for the limitation of armaments— e.g. on
the basis of 10 to 16 had not reached the German Government.
. .
O [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent t o th e K in g and to th e C abinet. A
cr.py was sent t o the A d m ira lty .]
( 2) fv. im m ed ia tely p r eced in g d ocu m en t.]
(3) [ c p . Ct.p., X X X I X , pp. 79-80. cp. also H e r r v on B ethm ann H o llw e g ’ s rep ort to the
E m p eror W illia m o f F eb ru a ry 8, ibid., pp. 7 7 -8 .]
[10900] 3 B
738
He then added that he could not regard the remarks made by Mr. Churchill on
the occasion of a speech in M anchester(4) concerning a Naval H oliday as an official
proposal. He wished nevertheless to add at once that he did not consider that the
idea of a holiday was possible to carry out under existing conditions in Germany.
The German programme for the next years provided only for the construction of
replacing ships. To delay these for one year would mean making them up in the next
year. This would upset German finances and dislocate work in the ship-building
yards and also the military arrangements owing to the irregular increase in the
number of new vessels that would be completed.
If the construction of the replacing ships for any one year were permanently
abandoned, the total number of effective ships would be brought below that ordered
by law and this was therefore impossible.
A revised proof of that part of the official report of the sitting which contains the
above declarations of Admiral von Tirpitz is enclosed herewith.
These declarations show that the Imperial Government does not regard the idea
of a holiday year in armaments as possible in practice.
If Ilis Britannic M ajesty’ s Government intends to make proposals to the
Im perial Governm ent on the basis of a proportion between the English and German
battle fleets at the ratio of 5 squadrons to 8, each squadron consisting of 8 Battleships,
then the Imperial Governm ent will examine them. These proposals would have to
make some provision that other great Powers do not add too heavily to their
armaments.
Berlin, February 10, 191 1.
Estim ates for the administration of the Im perial Navy, A nnex 6. Ordinary
Expenditure. Chapter 45 (Title 11.
(Translation.)
The reporter Dr. Pfleger proposes first of all to enter upon a general debate and
to discuss the question of our relations to England. H e requests the Imperial
Secretary of State of the Navy to define his attitude towards the questions raised by
the English Admiralty and requests inform ation as to the manner in which the
proposals for the limitation of the naval armaments had been brought to the official
knowledge of the German Government and whether, and if so how, the official
proposals had been answered by us.
The Im perial Secretary of State for the Navy, Admiral von Tirpitz, said :—
The political side of the question will be dealt with by m y colleague of the
F oreign Office.
In connection with the explanations which I had the honour to give on this
subject, I should like to say that my views regarding the question of armaments
have undergone no alterations of any kind. I have nothing either to add to, or to take
away from , the observations which I made at that time.
You will remember that m y colleague of the English Admiralty declared at that
time that he would regard it as sufficient if the proportion of strength between the
English and German Navies were in the ratio of, say, 16 : 10. I declared then
here in the Committee that such a proportion would be acceptable. It corresponds
also to the spirit of the Fleet Law\ Our naval policy has never pursued aggressive
tendencies against England, but has rather followed the aim of attaining a respectable
measure o f naval strength. M y remarks referred particularly to organisation.
The First Lord of the Admiralty stated that the English Fleet ought to consist of
eight squadrons and I thereupon pointed out that according to the standard laid
down by our Fleet Law we ought to have five squadrons, each consisting of eight
[10900J 3 B 2
74U
N o. 503.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G r e y .I 1)
F . 0 . 1 2 6 9 5 /1 2 6 9 0 /1 4 /]8 .
(No. 124.) Berlin, D. March 21, 1914.
Sir, R . March 23, 1914.
I have the honour to transmit herewith a report which I have received from
Captain Henderson, R.N., Naval Attaché to His M ajesty’ s Embassy, on an interview
with Admiral von Tirpitz on the subject of the British naval estimates.
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCHEN.
Enclosure in No. 503.
No. 504.
F .O . 18899'8195 14 17.
(No. 240.)
Sir, Foreign Office, April 25, 1914.
At the end of m y interview with M. Doumergue on the 23rd instant,(2) he showed
me thecom m unication that he suggested should be made to the Press on the subject
of the K in g’ s visit.(3) The following is a copy of his draft :—
“ Au cours des entretiens qui se sont poursuivis entre Sir Edward Grey et
Monsieur Gaston Doumergue à l ’occasion de la visite de Leurs Majestés le Roi
et la Reine d ’ Angleterre, les différentes questions intéressant les deux Pays ont
été envisagées et l ’ identité des vues des deux ministres sur tous les points s’ est
affirmée.
“ E n constatant les résultats de l ’ action concertée des deux Gouvernements,
Sir Edward Grev et M . Gaston Doumergue sont tombés d ’ accord sur l ’ intérêt
des Puissances de la Triple Entente à associer d ’ une façon de plus en plus
intime leurs efforts en vue du maintien de l ’ équilibre européen et de la p a ix .”
After reading it, I said that I had no objection to the first paragraph, but the
second paragraph would be open to the misconstruction that we had concluded some
new Agreem ent in the nature of an Alliance, and this would cause considerable
trouble in E urope, especially in the Press.
After some discussion, it was agreed that the second paragraph should read as
fo llo w s:— “ E n constatant les résultats de la politique poursuivie par les deux
Gouvernements avec le Gouvernement Im périal russe, Sir Edward Grey et M . Gaston
Doumergue sont tombés d ’ accord sur la nécessité pour les trois Puissances de
contribuer leurs constants efforts en vue du maintien de l ’ équilibre et de la p a ix .”
I subsequently pointed out to M . Margerie, after dinner in the evening, that we
feared that the word “ con certée” might give an impression that we had been
attempting to exercise pressure upon other Governm ents, whereas the only impression
that we wished to convey was that we had been acting in agreement.
[I am, & c.]
E . G [R E Y ].
N o. 505.
F .O . 19113/8105 14/17.
(No. 118.)
S ir, Foreign Office, April 2 7 , 1914.
I saw the German Ambassador to-day,( 2) and told him that the reception of the
King and Queen during their visit to Paris last week had been exceedingly cordial,
particularly so on the part o f the crow d: it had been even more cordial than we had
thought possible.(3) The King and Queen had been very much touched by it, and we
were all much gratified. 1 had also been impressed by the fact that the mood of
the Krench, both of the Governm ent and, as far as I could judge, o f the crowd,
was very peaceful and unaggressive. This had made their exceedingly cordial feeling
for us quite unembarrassing.
I was sure that the French had no desire to make difficulties. At the moment
when I arrived in Paris, there was a hitch about accepting the modifications that
Germ any. Austria, and Italy had proposed in the com m unication to be made in
Athens. I had found that the French were just as anxious as I was toremove the
difficulties in the way of accepting the modifications, and as amatter of fact that had
now been done and the Note had been presented.(M
The German Ambassador said that he was sure that my impression of the
disposition o f the French was correct. W ith regard to what I had said about the
crowd, he mentioned that, when he had travelled in France, he had always found
them a most good-hum oured people.
[ I am. A c.]
E . G [B E Y ].
(*) [T h is despatch is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the C a bin et.]
(2) [cp . O .P., X X X I X , pp. 6 03 -9 .]
(3) [cp. D .D .F .. 3"1' Sér., V ol. X , pp . 292-3, No. 176.]
( ') \y. G ooch <t- T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp. 248-9, N o. 26S.]
No. 506.
F .O . 21033,19733/14 3.
(No. 74.)
Sir, Foreign Office, May 6, 1914.
Count MensdorfT came to see me to-day on his return from holiday.
A fter enquiring about the E m peror’ s health, of which he gave me a more
favourable account, I expressed the great pleasure with which I had read what
Count Berchtold had said about British policy. It was things of that kind that gave
one a little pleasure in public work.
Count Mensdorff said that Count B erchtold’s reference to Great Britain had met
with very warm approval in the Austrian Press, and there had just appeared a most
favourable article in the “ Frem denblatt ” about the approaching visit o f the British
Fleet. G)
No. 507.
(' [T h is despa tch is endorsed as h a vin g been sent to the K in g and t o the C a bin et.]
No. 50S.
\ Private. .2
i M y dear Nicolson. Berlin. May 15, 1914.
. . . \ou will read in one of my d e sp a tch e d a short analysis of the hook
I on the Crown Prince written by Lim an— the publicist not the general. It :s a
most tactless production and deserves even severer criticism than that meted out
, to it by the Frankfort Gazette. It is in fact a comparison between the Crown Prince
<11 [T h is le tte r is en d orsed as h a vin g been sent t o the K in g and to the P rim e M in ister.
T he en dorsem ent is in itia lled bv S ir E d w a rd G rev .]
( 2> [C a rn ock M S S ., V ol. I l l o f 1914.]
(3) [T h e op e n in g pa ra g ra ph s o f th is le tte r re fe r t o H e r r von J a g o w 's speech in the
R eich sta g , an d t o an a rticle in the Lot: a I .I n s t ip r r .]
(4) [S ir E. G osch en ’ s despatch (N o. 199). D . M ay l'l. 1914. R . M a y IS. 1914, is not rep ro
d u ced as th e con ten ts are sufficiently in d ica ted above. (F .O . 22070. 2 2070/14 IS .)]
744
and the Emperor highly unfavourable to the latter. It is a book which, as the
Frankfort Gazette says, can serve no useful purpose, and which will do no good to
Germany in general or the Grown Prince in particular. I do not believe for a
moment that the book will encourage the Crown Prince to go still further in the
direction of what Herr Lim an considers to be German ideals, which are truculent
to say the least of them, but it cannot do him much good to see some o f his most
reprehensible outbursts, in which he has publicly placed him self in opposition to the
policy adopted by His Father and His Father’ s responsible advisers, elevated into
heroic and patriotic actions such as stamp him as an ideal German Em peror in the
future.
The Crown Prince, as everybody knows who is at all intimately acquainted with
him , requires holding back and not urging on. He has m any charming and lovable
qualities, but discretion is not one o f them, and his impulsive nature leads him to
say m any things that were better left unsaid. I have known him now for five years,
but much as I like him I cannot find that during those years he has become an atom
more reticent or careful in expressing his views on subjects upon which one in his
exceptional position would do better to be silent. As an example I may mention
that only recently in conversation with a young m ember o f m y staff whom [h e]
has only known for a few weeks, he gave his opinion on various subjects with
extraordinary freedom . He said amongst other things that unless Pmssia changed
the present order of her going, Germany would one of these days read her a bitter
lesson which she would not easily fo r g e t : the Russians, he added, were incurable
liars and incapable of running straight. For France he expressed the greatest
contem pt, and he maintained that the day o f the Latin races was past. They had
com pletely degenerated and were now practically worn out. The future was to the
Anglo-German race, and if England and Germany were wise they would join
together in a regular Alliance and keep the other nations in order. I confess that
I have heard at all events some o f these opinions expressed in still higher quarters
but I expect there would he ructions if it was ever known that the Heir Apparent
poured them into the oars of his young friends in the intervals of a game of Lawn
Tennis.
Yours very sincerelv.
W . E . GO SCH EX.
No. 5i)9.
No. 510.
the Kiel week. H owever, we are sending a squadron to visit three Russian ports,
so I hope that no jealousy will be created in Russia.
You will see from the print that there is very little of interest taking place at
this moment in E urope, and were it not for the troubles in Mexico we should be in
comparative calm here.
I am afraid that the health of the Austrian Em peror is causing a good deal of
uneasiness in his immediate entourage. It is naturally not very satisfactory that
a man of his age should have been an invalid during six or seven weeks without any
marked im provem ent. I do not m yself think that there will immediately he a great
change on the accession of his successor, although there is no doubt that the advent
of Franz Ferdinand will cause a good deal of disquietude.
W e are a little perturbed by the exceptional activity which the Germans are
showing in pushing their trade in the Persian Gulf, and they seem to have succeeded
for this year in practically capturing the whole o f the trade on the Ivarun. W e
shall have to give some support to our com pany on that river. I have little doubt
that before long the Germans will come forward with the demand to be consulted
on all Persian and Gulf questions owing to the commercial interest which they have
succeeded in establishing. In fact it will be M orocco over again.
W e are not ourselves very happy as to the outlook in Persia. I do not mean
to say in regard to the internal situation, but owing to the fact that Russia will
probably before long com m ence construction o f railways in the North which will
enable her trade to compete very successfully with ours in the South, and it is
unlucky that just at this moment we are confronted with German com petition also
in those regions. W e have so long enjoyed what was practically an undisputed
m onopoly in the South of Persia and along the Gulf, that our people seem to have
considered that such a state of things would last for ever, and they have been
rather unprepared for the rude awakening which has come upon them. However,
we have carefully avoided introducing Persia into our discussions which have been
going on, as you know, during the past fewT weeks here with the German Embassy
in respect to the Bagdad Railway and the oilfields in Mesopotamia, although
Kiihlm ann has on more than one occasion, I hear, endeavoured to lead up his
conversation as to some com m on policy in Persia. It was certainly a com fort that
Jagow made no reference to Portuguese matters, and I do sincerely trustthatthat
question w-ill be hung up for some time to come.
W e are entering into a phase o f great anxiety and crisis in this country. Though
I do not intend to bother you with my views on the question I must say that I do
not see much hope of a peaceful solution, though everybody is crying out that it is
absolutely necessary that one should be found. Next week will be an important one.
I do not know for how long it will be possible for Elster to passively maintain the
severe strain which has been put upon h er................(4)
[Yours ever,
A . NICO LSO N.]
(•‘ ) [T he final pa ra g ra p h o f this letter refers b riefly to the v isit o f th e K in g and Queen of
D en m ark t o L o n d o n .]
No. 511.
No. 512.
(■*) [T h is teleg ram was despa tched 011 M ay 26, 1914, 5-55 p .m .]
(5) [r . su p m . p. 744, X o . 509.]
No. 513.
Private. O
Sir Edward Grey.
Prim e M in is te r / Admiralty, May 26, 1914.
I am convinced that no discussion other than by me and Tirpitz personally
w [o u ]ld be useful on the points m entioned. These sort of questions becom e much too
crude and form al when treated through routine channels. E v e n - kind of guarding
condition to meet all possible contingencies w [o u ]ld have to be hammered o u t ; and
there w [o u ]ld not be m uch confidence or good-will left at the end.
I must o f course defer to G rev’ s opinion on the telegram.
W. S. C [H U R C H IL L ],
26.5.
( i ) [G rey M SS ., T o i. 49.]
750
N o. 514.
C1) [T his le tte r is end orsed as h a v in g been sent t o the K in g ; to the P rim e M in is te r; to
M r. C h u r ch ill; to S ir A. N icolson . The end orsem ent is in itia lled b y S ir E d w a rd G rey.]
(2) [G rey M SS ., V ol. 23.]
(3) [N ote b y M r. T y r r e ll: “ I have th a n k ed him and said I w ould let y ou know . W . T .” ]
No. 515.
N o. 51G.
Sir E . Goschen to Sir Edward G r e y J 1
Gist of S peeches.
The speech ended with the statement that France possessed 13 battleships in
service, 10 under construction, and 4 projected for 1915. Russia will shortly have
at lier disposal a very valuable modern squadron of armoured ships.
The foregoing was followed by a speech delivered by Professor W olff, o f Berlin,
on the econom ic position of England and Germany.
P rofessor W olff said that the British merchant fleet amounted to 12,000,000
register tons against 3,000,000 G erm an; the English output o f coal is worth nearly
a milliard m o re ; and England had 56,000,000 cotton spindles running against
hardly 11,000,000 German.
In some industries, such as iron, steel, and electricity, England w-as behind
Germany.
There could be no doubt that the financial reserves of Germany were greater
than those of England.
The total burden of taxation in Germany amounts to some 4 -3 m illiards; in
E ngland, owing to the Lloyd George finance reform of 1914, it will reach
4 -9 milliards.
The British nation therefore pays 6,000,000 M. more in taxes than the German
nation. At the same time, the German population is 20,000,000 more num erous;
the German national wealth 50,000,000 higher than the E n g lis h ; the English
national incom e amounts to the same as the German, v iz., 40 milliards.
E ngland’ s high burden o f taxation is attributable to her fleet, arm y, and debt.
It will be very difficult to increase the L loyd Georgian incom e and inheritance taxes—
the form er 13 per cent, and the latter 21 per cent.— even from children.
It was to he feared that the result of all this wrould be that English capitalists
would evade these taxes. The principal indirect taxes, v iz., spirits and tobacco, are
not capable of being raised any further.
It was o f the greatest importance that Germany has at her disposal much
stronger reserves o f taxation than E ngland.
E ngland therefore need not hope that by forcing armaments Germany will be
the first to lose her breath.
M IN U T E S .
I t is o f in terest to n ote th a t the G erm an G o v [e rn in e n ]t w ere officially rep resen ted at the
m eeting. T he b urd en o f the a rg u m en ts used is th a t—
(а) B e tte r relation s w ith E n g la n d are du e to E n g lish fea r o f the G erm an navy.
(б ) E n g lan d is a t the end o f her finan cial resources w hilst G erm any is m ore lig h tly ta xed
and at the sam e tim e has la rg er ca p ita l reserves to draw upon.
E. A. C.
J u n e 10.
A. N.
753
T he com p arison as to ta x a tio n seems to have been very cru d e, e.g., th ere w ere no ded u c
tions from ou r ta x a tio n fo r rep ay m en t o f debt o r con trib u tion s fo r local purposes.
F. D . A.
T he G erm an levy on ca p ita l did not look as if G erm an reserves w ere g re a te r th a n ours.
E. G.
No. 517.
Private. ( 2'
M y dear Xicolson, Berlin, June 13, 1914.
. . . .( 3) The papers are attributing considerable political importance to the fact
that Tirpitz has accompanied the Em peror to Konopischt, all the more that the
Head of the Austro-Hungarian Navy is said to be there too. It has been officially
denied that anything of a naval-political nature will be discussed, and you will
remember that Jagow went out of his way to tell me the same thing. But for m yself
I don’ t in the least see why between Allies anything they like should not be discussed,
and it is difficult to imagine that with the Heads o f the two Navies together the
conversations will not extend over the whole naval field. Talking of naval matters,
most o f the Berlin papers, and especially, of course, the Tageblatt, have received
Sir E. G rey's statement respecting an Anglo-Bussian Naval understanding C4' with
considerable scepticism, in fact they point out that they have always said that
Sir E. Grey would deny the truth of the rumours on that subject and that his denial
need not be taken too seriously.
As yet the Press has written quite soberly and sensibly about the visit of the
British squadron to K iel, and say that, though of course it is a sign that Anglo-
I German relations are steadily im proving, too much political importance must not
! be attached to the visit..............(5)
Yours very sincerelv,
‘ W . E . GOSCH EN.
[10900]
754
C H A P TE R XCVIII.
F .O . 10302/10302/11 18.
(X o. 95.) Berlin, D. March G, 1914.
Sir, II. March 9, 1914.
In view of the nervousness prevailing in Vienna in regard to Russian intentions,
reported by Sir M. de Bunsen in his despatch X o. 32 of the 13th ultim o,I an article
upon the subject o f Russo-German relations which was recently contributed to the
“ Cologne G a zette’ ’ by its St. Petersburg correspondent, is not without interest.
This article declared that Russia was certainly not at the moment in a position
to support by force of arms any political pressure she might desire to exert. It
would he folly for Russian diplomacy to set at stake its last weapon before it had been
perfected. Xo apprehensions need therefore be entertained as to any immediate
danger o f war from Russia, however loudly the Russian sabre might be rattled in
its scabbard by the French. Of course in three or four years time the value of the
Russian army would he a very different affair. The amelioration of Russia’ s financial
situation and the raising of her credit had set her on the path o f progress, the goal
of which would be attained in the autumn of 1917, should there meanwhile be no
interruption. The com pletion of her artillery and war material was being pushed
forward on an unexampled scale, without waiting for the final establishment of the
gigantic arsenals at Zaritzin on the Volga, in the heart of Russia.
During the war fever in the spring of 1913. the want of siege artillery was
sharply felt. It was not love of mankind, nor a Christian desire for peace, that
kept Russia back from crossing the German and Austrian frontiers. Had the Russians
possessed guns to shell the German forts in East Prussia, the Commander of their
forces on the Vilna, General von Rennenkam nf, who at the time made several
significant visits to Petersburg, would have gladly set his troops to lay waste the rich
lands on the German side o f the frontier. This want of artillery was very clearly
recognised by the French allies. Against whom would Russian policy be most inclined
to direct the weapon, which would he at its disposal in a fevl years? Two years ago
it was hinted, and now openly said— even in official military periodicals— that Russia
was arming for a war against Germ any. Just as surely as, during the Russo-
Japanese war. Germany allowed Russia to withdraw her best troops from the Polish
frontier, would Russia com pel Germany to retain at the least a large force on the
Eastern frontier if the latter were engaged in war with her face to the W est. The
official Russian policy should at any rate serve to destroy once and for all the legend
of historical Russo-German friendship.
0 ) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and t o the C abin et.]
( 2) [i;. Gooch d: Tcmperlcy, V ol. X (I ), pp. 310-1, X o. 346.]
755
The article appeared almost simultaneously with one couched in a somewhat
similar strain in the “ G erm ania,” the Centre organ, and has excited considerable
com m ent in the Press generally.
The “ Berliner Tageblatt " in a leader scoffed at the alarmist nature of the
article, and put forward the opinion that it was the work of irresponsible persons.
It believed that these pessimistic views were not shared by diplomatic circles in
Germany. It had, of course, for a long time been known that Russia was reorganising
, her arm y, but everybody knew that this was being done in view o f certain obligations
which Russia had undertaken vis-a-vis of France. The language o f the Russian Press
had certainly been very unfriendly towards Germ any, esptcially since the despatch
of the military mission to Constantinople. But in responsible circles there was held
to be absolutely no reason for any uneasiness at the present moment.
The “ Vossische Z< itung ” also threw cold water on the Cologne Gazette article,
and observed that it was a most curious coincidence that Mr. Ram sey [s ic ] MacDonald
— just before the publication of the article— should have stated in the H ouse of
Commons that “ everything pointed to the probability that in Germany the
armament firms were about toorganise a panic as a means of exerting pressure on
the G overnm ent.” The “ Vossische Zeitung ” goes on to say that such a panic
would also be very welcome to those who might desire to make further demands in
regard to the “ W ehrbeitrag.” It points out. however, that whatever may be the
motive of the article in question, it will certainly suffer the fate of previous alarmist
articles, such as the famous “ W ar in s ig h t ” and “ On the edge of the K n ife ,”
and fail to excite a panic. It had been a long established axiom that, in the words
of Bismarck, “ to force a war before on e’ s opponent had completed his armaments,
was like com m itting suicide through fear o f death .”
It might well be that Russian policy was not at the moment very friendly to
Germany, and that the Russian forces on the frontier were being strengthened at
the instance of France. But all that was nothing new. W hen Bism arck, however,
conducted German policy no panic-stricken talk was indulged in, but Germany quietly
took her own counter-measures. She should, o f course, continue to prepare herself
against any unpleasant surprise, but should on no account allow herself to get
nervous or excited over the doings o f her neighbours. It was a matter of indifference
that Russia should be in a state of readiness for war by the autumn o f 1917. Much
might happen before then to render a war between the two Empires impossible. In
i any case it was a matter of importance for com m erce and industry that confidence
in peace should be restored, and it was sincerely to be hoped that the bacillus of
unrest would not fructify.
The “ Lokal-Anzeiger ” published an article in much the same sense as that
of the “ Vossische Z eitu n g .” pointing out that more harm than good would be done
by attempts to arouse alarm over the very natural desire on the part of Russia to
reorganise her arm y. It further quoted a denial by the Petersburg organ of the
Russian Finance Ministry that there is the slightest foundation for the statements
of the Cologne Gazette.
It is somewhat significant that a sharp fall was experienced yesterday on the
Berlin Bourse, which m ay almost certainly be ascribed to the Cologne Gazette
article.
I have. tS:e.
W . E . GO SCH EN.
M IN U T E .
M. S a zon of has taken u m brage at th e a rticle in th e C ologn e G azette.
I t has been p oin ted ou t th a t A u stria n m ilita ry ex pa n sion s are b e in g pushed on m uch
m ore ra p id lv th a n the R ussian m easures.
R G. V .
M a rch 9.
R S
E. G.
[10900] 3 C 2
75G
N o. 519.
Sir M . de Bunsen to Sir Edward G r e y .{ 1)
F.O . 1 03 9 9 /0 9 0 1 /1 4 /3 .
(No. 43.) Vienna, D. March G, 1914.
Sir, R . M arch 9, 1914.
A renewed outcry against the suspected hostile designs of Russia has been
occasioned by an article in the Vienna “ M ilitarise® R undschau,” attributing to the
Russian Military Authorities the intention to hold in the com ing spring an extensive
series o f manoeuvres designed to test the capacity of the army for rapid mobilization.
The cost of the proposed exercises is given at something over ten millions sterling.
After striking this note of alarm, the inspired military organ concludes with the
advice to its readers not to take the matter too seriously. France having supplied
Russia with ample means for m ilitary purposes, it is not unnatural that the latter
country should utilize the present period of peace to put its army through a thorough
course o f instruction, and it is unnecessary to assume any hostile intention, at least
for the present.
These smooth phrases have not sufficed to lay the public apprehension, and,
though I have not •heard the matter mentioned during m y conversations at the
Ballplatz, it cannot be denied that a certain vague uneasiness continues to exist with
regard to possible Russian schemes of aggression. These are generally held here to
be directed against Austria-H ungary, and, judging from numerous articles in the
Press, their object is supposed to be the invasion of Galicia and the shifting of the
Russian frontier southwards to the Carpathians.
On the other hand a widely quoted article from the Cologne Gazette attributes
the Russian warlike preparations to the insistence o f France, which is said not to be
satisfied with the capacity of Russia to co-operate effectively with the French army
in the event o f a European war, and to require that the Russian army should be
re-distributed in a manner to enable it to be launched against Germany rather than
against Austria-H ungary. To-day a telegram from St. Petersburg, published in the
newspapers, denies the whole story of the proposed test mobilization. The irritation
against Russia is however not at all likely to cease. Frontier incidents are of almost
daily occurrence along the Galician border, which is said to be infested with Russian
spies. The flame has been fanned by the verbatim reports which have heen allowed
to be published o f the trial o f an Austrian officer and of his brother the former of
whom was sentenced to nineteen and the latter, in the Civil Court, to under five
years imprisonment for the sale o f military secrets to the late Russian Military
Attache, Colonel Zankiewutch. The part played by the latter in suborning Austrian
officers was related in detail in the colum ns o f the Press, from which it has always
been customary in the past to exclude the names of implicated foreign officers. The
‘ ‘ Neue Freie Presse ” made these disclosures the text of a violent article against
the activity of Military Attaches in general, but pointed out that the Russian Military
Attaches had always been the greatest offenders in this respect. The popular
animus against Russia has been further stirred by the trial of the Ruthenian priests
and peasants, 32 o f whom have been at last convicted at Marmaros Sziget in Eastern
H ungary o f having been made the victims of an organised Russian attempt to under
mine their allegiance to the Dual M onarchy. The unwillingness o f Servia to come
to terms with this country in the matter of the Oriental Railways is also ascribed
here to Russian influence, and the suspected understanding between Servia, Greece
and R oum ania,(2) in view of a possible renewed disturbance of the peace in the Balkan
peninsula, is regarded as affording further evidence o f the activity of Russia in
re-establishing her influence in those regions b y seeking to promote the formation
of a new Balkan league., with its point directed this time against Austria-Hungary
alone. Some consolation is derived from the alleged failure of Russia to induce
Bulgaria to join the league in question, and Albania is advised to join forces with
that country in resisting Servian, that is. Panslavist Russian., aggression.
The fear o f Russia is perhaps partly feigr.ed as a means o f securing the assent
of the Austrian Reiehsrat to the increased armaments already sanctioned by the
Delegations and by the Hungarian Chamber, as well as to those to be brought
forward this summer for the service o f the years 1914 and 1915: but some real
apprehension undoubtedly does exist in the public mind, and great emphasis is
consequently laid in the daily Press on the closeness o f the tics by which the Powers
of the Tripie Alliance are said to be more than ever united in a com m on policy of
defence against assanlt from whatever quarter. Special strt ss is laid, in this
connection, on the friendly attitude o f Italy, which is represented as seeing eye
to eye with this country in all matters relating to the Balkans and to the Adriatic.
This point is brought out in an autograph letter adlressed a few days ago b y the
Em peror Francis Joseph to the Due Avarna, Italian Ambassador, on the com pletion
by him of ten years’ activity here in that capacity. His E xcellency is thanked by
the Em peror for having contributed materially by his personal efforts to bring about
the relation o f intimate friendship so necessary for the maintenance o f the joint
interests o f the two countries. The Duke has also received from the King o f Italy
the Grand Cross o f the Order o f the Annunziata on this occasion. Great importance
is already ascribed to the anticipated effects o f the promised visit o f the Marquis di
San Giuliano to Count Berchtold at Abbazia in April next. The conversations of
these two Statesmen are expected to confirm in a conspicuous manner the identity
of the views o f the two Governments in the questions now calling more especially
for their attention.
Monsieur Sehebeko, the new Russian Ambassador, who only came to Vienna
in December last to present his credentials and has sirce been absent in Russia,
is expected in a day or two to take up his post here.
I have. &e.
M A U RIC E D E B U N SEN .
M IN U T E .
No. 520.
Gazette.” (3) His Excellency added that he had accepted these assurances in a friendly
spirit as he did not attach importance to incident, but that he knew as a fact that
article had been inspired by Counsellor o f German Embassy.
Minister for Foreign Affairs explained that projected Russian armaments were
for purely defensive purposes. Russia had to defend extended frontier on side of
Austria and Germany, and to be on her guard against Japan in the Far East.
Measures she was about to take would in three years’ time add some 460,000 men to
her peace effective.
M IN U T E .
It does look as if th e G erm an G o v [e r n m e n jt press-burcau w ere w ork in g u p a w ar-scare for
som e u lte r io r purpose.
E. A. C.
M [a r ]c h 9.
E. G.
(•'') [rp. G .P., X X X f X , pp. 547-50, and notes.]
No. 521.
F .O . 1 1 1 5 8 /1 0 03 5 /1 4 /3 8.
(No. 58.)
Sir, Foreign Office, March 10, 1914.
The German Ambassador, having spoken to me to-day(2) about the mistake in
Athens, as recorded in my telegram, number 68 to Your E xcellency,(3) observed that
he hoped that the incident would not be taken notice of in the Press, as this would
be unfortunate, especially at the m oment when there was trouble in the Press about
Russia.
I said that, as far as I was concerned, I had had the news about the communica
tion in Athens in m y possession for two days without taking any notice of it; but
now that it had been announced in the Greek Chamber of course it must be known.
I also said that if the Powers took to acting separately we should have to
consider whether we should not withdraw altogether from Albania.
As the Ambassador had spoken of the agitation in the German Press about
Russia, I said that I was unable to understand from what it arose. Since the question
of the German Command in Constantinople had been settled, (4) now some six weeks
ago, M. Sazonof had, so far as I could recollect, not referred to that question; and,
neither in anything that M. Sazonof had said to m e, nor in anything that Count
Benckendorff had said, was there any indication whatever that there was anything
in the Russian mind, or any question pending between Russia and Germany, to give
rise to the apprehension that was being expressed in the German Press.
Prince Lichnowsky said that the German Press must not be regarded as officially
inspired, or as necessarily deciding German opinion : especially what was called tlio
Pan-Germ an chauvinistic Press. H e him self was unable to understand what was
the origin of this agitation. There was nothing of which he was aware to cause it,
unless it wTas the creation of nevT Russian Arm y Corps towards the Austrian frontier.
(*) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the C a bin et.]
( 2) \rp. G .P., X X X I X , pp. 5 5 7 -8 .]
(3) [S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s teleg ram (N o. 68), o f M a rch 10, 1914, D. 11 p . m ., is n ot reproduced.
I t referred to a com m u n ica tion m ade in A thens on M a rch 8, 1914, bv rep resen ta tives o f the
T rip le A llian ce reg a rd in g th e reorga n isa tion o f A lbania. (F .O . 1 0 8 4 3 /1 0 2 5 9 /1 3 /5 3 .) v. G ooch <i
T em p erley, V ol. X (1), pp. 108-9, X o. 123, and w in.-, rp. also ibid., pp. 110-1, X o. 124, and
v o te (4).]
(*) [u. G ooch & T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp. 338-423, C h a pter L X X X V I I , passim .]
759
I said that of course the Russian Arm y was growing stronger, but I had no
indication of any sort that it was being strengthened with anv aggressive purpose,
or with reference to any particular question now pending between Germany and
Russia. The danger of a Press campaign was that it made the public opinion in
each of the two countries concerned think that there was illwill on the part of the
other co u n try : and. once this was presumed, though most incidents were accidental,
any incident that happened to occur was looked upon in an unnatural light and
attributed to some sinister m otive.
[I am. &e.]
E . G [R E Y ],
No. 522.
No. 523.
(3) [cp . G ooch 11- T em p erley, V ol. X (I ), pp. 338-423, C h a p ter L X X X V I I , passim .]
(4) [cp . ibid., pp. 424-525, C h a p ter L X X X V I I I , passim .]
(5) [F o r the E m p eror W illia m ’ s v isit to C orfu cp. ibid., pp. 251-2, N o. 272, and n o te (2).]
761
in exacting disclaimers of newspaper articles from the Governments to which they
were accredited, they would have no time left for anything else.
As a specimen of the n ew s of the more Chauvinistic section of the Press I may
quote some extracts from an article by the notorious General Bernhardi, which
appeared in the “ P o s t ” of the 7th instant. This article, which is entitled “ The
Dangers o f the Military Situation,” is chiefly directed against the development of the
French Arm y, and suggests that France is secretly planning to surprise and capture
Metz. General Bernhardi also makes a good deal of capital out of the anti-Bussian
agitation and reproduces the usual alarmist reports with regard to Russian military
preparations. It continues :—
“ And so France, it seems, holds today all the trumps in her hand. If she means
to play the game at all she must begin it without delay. H er only rem aining task is
so to open the contest that Russia and E ngland must join in with her, and that
Austria should be as much fettered as possible in the Balkans.
“ And what conclusions ought we to draw from this situation? I cannot, of
course, judge what is possible or impossible from the purely political point of view.
But one thing is certain : we must be prepared for every eventuality and therefore
even for a war in the immediate future, and we must make ready for it from a military
point of view with every means in our power. If we wish to regard the future with
any confidence, we must devote our last man and our last penny to increasing our war
strength both at sea and on land. At the same time we must reckon with the
possibility o f a strategic coup ’ on the part of the so-called French ‘ covering troops ’
(Deckungstruppenh and we must on the other hand remember also that the
probability o f victory increases if we succeed in taking the initiative ourselves, in
beginning the war in either one direction or the other with a strategical offensive and
in proceeding on offensive lines even in defence.............
No. 524.
I
70*2
controversy over the German military mission to Turkey had been greatly exaggerated
and had in no wav affected Russo-German relations. The same might be said of
Paissian armaments, for, as had already been pointed out, it was known that a
reorganisation of the Russian army was impending and had indeed begun, at the time
when the big German Arm y Bill was introduced. The assertion, also, which had
appeared in some newspapers that prominent officials of the Imperial Foreign Office
had expressed pessimistic views as to G erm any’ s relations to Russia. was entirely
devoid of foundation.
It was easy enough at any time to enlarge upon the dangers of Panslavism,
especially when supported by French Chauvinism. Discussions similar to those now
going on as to an approaching conflict with Russia had constantly arisen in the past,
when, as for instance in 1888, they had been supported by precisely similar arguments
to those at present employed. The “ Vossische Zeitung ” had aptly quoted a speech
made by Prince Bismarck in the year above mentioned, in which he had scoffed at
the idea that the concentration of Russian troops near the German and Austrian
frontiers need constitute a source o f anxiety for Germany. It was useless, he had
said, to make official representations against such concentrations— the proper course
for Germ any to pursue was to adopt precautionary measures. This advice held good
in the present juncture, and the necessary counter-measures had been taken by the
passage of the last Arm y Bill and the voting of the armaments contribution.
Professor Schiem ann’ s weekly article in the “ Ivreuz-Zeitnng ” is. of course,
largely devoted to a discussion of Russo-German relations. lie accuses the Russian
Press of a persistent animosity against Germany and Austria and he expresses
indignation that the Russian nationalist organs should represent the “ after all very
moderate ” article in the Cologne Gazette as an open attack on Russia. The attitude
of Germ any and Austria was a defensive one, and their military preparations had for
their object the defeat and punishment of any aggressive movem ent on the part of
their Eastern and W estern neighbours, which seemed to he ever growing more
im m inent— “ that the two countries were acting together there could be no doubt.’ ’
I have, &c.
W . E. GOSCHEN.
No 525.
M IN U T E S .
No. 526.
the subject discussed on all sides I cannot say that I have derived much enlighten
ment from the various views expressed. There are of course racial, historical, and
geographical reasons of a permanent character sufficient to render difficult at all times
the relations between this M onarchy and Russia. No fait nouveau, however, unless it
be that o f the increased armaments to which Russia is resorting in com m on with the
other great countries of the Continent, is alleged to explain why the present time has
been chosen for a controversy which could be hardly m ore embittered if a war were
on the point o f breaking out. The outburst of ill-feeling is ascribed rather to general
tendencies, such as the dreaded advance of Slavism, than to any concrete cause of
offence on one side or the other, and it is noteworthy that, though this country has
m ore reason to be alarmed in this respect than Germany, the Press attack on
Russia has been decidedly less virulent here than in Berlin. Indeed one or two
articles which I have recently read in the Vienna Press would seem to indicate that
the continuance of the German onslaught is becom ing a little embarrassing here.
M. de Tschirschky, German Ambassador, speaks always with great bitterness of
the attitude of Russia towards his own country. H e has m ore than once described to
me the position of Germany as that of an island threatened to be swamped with the
rising tide of revolution which flows in upon it from the East and from the West. In
his eyes Germany stands for the maintenance on the Continent of the idea of law
and order. France he holds to be a decadent nation, doomed sooner or later to become
the prey o f anarchism. Russia he regards as being in danger o f internal convulsions
which will drive the Czar and his Governm ent into foreign adventures at the dictation
of the Panslavist Party. Russia has been bought by 18 milliards o f French money
and is now the obedient vassal of France in military matters. His Excellency speaks
of recent French demands at St. Petersburg as having induced the Russian Military
Authorities to resort to measures of a very alarming character. To this cause he
ascribes the alleged plans for new lines of strategic railways leading straight to the
German frontier. He points to the retention with the colours of 400,000 men who
have com pleted the ordinary period of service. Germany he believes, has becom e the
prim ary objective of these forces. The attitude of France and her ally has become
distinctly menacing. The situation is well nigh intolerable for the intervening
country. I f Russia succeeds in setting up again the Balkan Alliance, Germany will
be affected thereby almost as directly as her principal ally. She cannot be expected
to acquiesce in a hostile com bination of this kind, which will threaten the very
existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. E ngland will have to choose, sooner
or later, into which scale it will best suit her interests to throw her weight. W ill she
support a Germanic or a Slavonic solution of the pending questions?
The above is perhaps sufficient to show that the ex-Germ an Foreign Minister is
in a very uneasy frame of mind. H e seems firmly convinced that Germany is
entering on a struggle in which she will represent the cause of light against darkness,
and that of civilization against barbarism. H e spoke to me yesterday at some length
to the above effect. I confined m yself to saying that, as a general principle, it was
probable that England would continue to pursue her traditional policy of opposing
the dom ination of any one Power over the rest of Europe, and that she would be
likely to sympathize with the Power she held to have been unjustly attacked. He
said in that case England would be found on the side of Germany, for Germany
would never embark on a war of aggression, as France certainly would if she had the
power. The French quarrel with Germ any was not really due, he added, to the loss
of her Eastern Provinces. B efore the icar of 1870 the Alsatians u e re in little esteem
in F ra n ce.(2) W hat the French could not forgive was their deposition from the
dominant position in Europe, and their hatred o f Germany for having brought this
about would be as intense as it now is even if no territory had been taken from them.
M. de Tschirschky said he did not apprehend any immediate conflagration m
Europe. The leading statesmen were honestly striving to prevent war. Popular
forces, hovexer, were at work in m any places which might easily compel them to
embark on perilous courses.
I have, &c.
M A U RICE DE BUN SEN .
No. 527.
On m y asking whether it was true that the first-mentioned article had been
inspired by the Minister o f W ar, his E xcellency replied in the negative, though he
I admitted that some o f the details given about military measures m ight have°been
supplied by som e subordinate official of the M i n i s ® of W ar.
On the other hand, a leading member of the staff o f the “ Bourse G azette,’ ’
form erly in the Russian Diplomatic Service, assures me in confidence that the editor
received his instructions direct from the Minister o f W ar, who, in an audience which
he had with the Em peror two days previously, had been authorised to reply to the
* attacks of the German press by a strongly worded article.
French Chargé d ’ Affaires tells me that, at Council of Ministers held on
' 12 th March, Minister for Foreign Affairs had opposed the course advocated by the
I Minister of W ar, but without success. W hether this was the case or not, the French
Charge d ’ Affaires’ inform ation confiim s the fact that the Em peror was much incensed
\ by thè German press campaign, and is determ ined to show that Russia is not gom«?
| to be bullied.
I Unless the article had been officially inspired, the “ Bourse G a zette’ ’ would
have been fined for publishing unauthorised inform ation about Russian armaments.
I am therefore inclined to believe that the article was so inspired, and change of
attitude on the part o f the German press, due to intervention of Minister for F oreign
. Affairs at B erlin, now makes the Russian Government anxious to conceal this fact.
\ If this is the case, it would appear from the simultaneous publication of two such
» contradictory articles that Minister of W ar has won over the Em peror to the adoption
I of a stronger policy than that pursued by the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and that
the position o f the latter would have been com prom ised had not the German Govern
No. 528.
F .O . 1 2 7 1 6 ,108 0 2 /1 4 /1 8.
(No. 75.) St. Petersburgh, D. March 18, 1914.
S ir :— E . March 25, 1914.
I have in previous despatches reported on the self restraint displayed by the
Eussian Press in replying to the provocative article published in the Cologne Gazette,
and on the change of tone which marked its utterances as the plan of a campaign
of intimidation was taken up by other organs of the German Press. W hile dwelling
on E ussia’ s desire for peace, the Press has let it clearly be seen that Eussia is not
going to be dictated to and that, confident in the strength of her arm y, she is ready
to face all eventualities.
In m y telegram No. 70 of the 15th instant(2) I referred to the simultaneous
publication by the “ Eossia ” and the “ Bourse G a zette’ ’ of two articles representing
respectively the views of the Ministers o f Foreign Affairs and of W ar. The former
was couched in conciliatory language and held out a hand clothed in a velvet glove,
while the latter met provocation with provocation and made an ostentatious display
of a mailed fist. It is not perhaps surprising that the Ministers of W ar and of Foreign
Affairs should advocate different methods of meeting the attack made on Eussia by
the German P ress; but it is curious that they should both have been received in
Audience by the E m peror on the 10 th of this month and that two such contradictory
articles should have been published two days later. According to one account which
T believe to be correct, General Sukhomlinoff, who saw the Emperor after
Monsieur Sazonow, expressed the opinion that it was necessary to adopt a firm attitude
and to give Germany to understand that Eussia was prepared and did not fear war.
The Em peror apparently acquiesced and authorised the general to publish a strongly
worded article to that effect. A ccording to another account, given me by the French
Minister, the question was subsequently discussed in a Council of M inister® in which
Monsieur Sazonow strongly opposed the publication o f such an article but without
succeeding in winning over any of his colleagues to the adoption of more conciliatory
tactics. W hether this latter account is correct or not, there is strong evidence to
show that the Em peror and the m ajority of his present advisers are in favour of
giving a new course to Eussian foreign policy and of adopting a firmer and more
resolute attitude than that which characterised it during the recent Balkan crisis.
Germany, it is argued, will go on trying to exploit Eussia so long as she thinks that
she can do so with im p u n ity; and the fact that the German Press has now received
the m ot d'ordre to discontinue its anti-Eussian campaign is attributed in some
quarters to the outspoken language of the article in the “ Bourse Gazette.”
Monsieur Sazonow however gave me to understand that the change which has taken
place in the attitude o f the German Press was due to the representations which he
had made through the Eussian Ambassador at B e rlin ; and he even attempted to
deny that the article in question had really been inspired bv the Minister o f W ar.
W hile it is but natural that His Excellency should wish to take the credit o f having
accomplished by diplomatic and conciliatory methods what the Minister o f W ar
proposed to achieve by rattling his sabre, the fact remains that, if Ilis E xcellency
is to retain his position as Minister for Foreign Affairs, he will have to conform his
| policy to the views which now find favour both in Court and Government circles.
Eussia is determined to place her house in order and to ensure it against the
danger of any attacks from without by a large increase o f her army. W ith a
population, which is now estimated at about I S O , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 , she has almost unlimited
resources to draw on , while her finances are on such a satisfactory footing that they
will hardly feel the strain of the additional expenditure which these military measures
will entail. The Government are taking the Duma into their confidence and have
I been holding conferences with the prominent members o f the various parties, with
a view to facilitating the voting o f the necessary credits. Since his appointment as
| President o f the Council Monsieur Goremykine has been untiring in his efforts to
establish better relations between the Government and that Cham ber; and if those
j efforts, as there seems some reason to hope, are crowned with success and if he is
j able to secure a good working m ajority, the hands o f the Government will be
strengthened both at home and abroad. Even the Council o f Empire, which is the
| one doubtful factor in a possible combination between the Executive and the Duma
for the passing of moderate measures o f reform , would hardly be able to persist in
its present obstructive tactics if it knows that those measures have not only the
support of the Government but the approval of the Em peror. Though it is impossible
to speak with any certainty o f what is going on behind the scenes, the belief is gaining
ground that Monsieur Gorem ykine’ s tenure o f office will be longer than was originally
supposed and that Monsieur Ivrivoscheine who is expected back at St. Petersburg at
once will not immediately succeed him as President o f the Council. W hether
Monsieur Krivoscheine remains at the M inistry o f Agriculture or whether, as is also
reported, he eventually replaces the reactionary Monsieur Maklakow as ¡Minister of
the Interior, he is certain to make his influence felt. A confirmed Nationalist,
i Monsieur Krivoscheine advocates the adoption of a strong foreign policy, and unless
J Monsieur Sazonow adapts him self to the altered, eireumstanc. s of the situation, it
■ ie doubtful whether he will for long retain the confidence of the Emperor.
Though Monsieur Sazonow professes to attach but little importance to the recent
utterances o f the German Press and though the official relations between the two
Governments remain unchanged, it is difficult to forecast the future till the motives
underlying this anti-Eussian campaign have been more clearly established. W hether
the object o f the German Government was to prepare public opinion at home for some
new Arm y Bill or, by the exercise of pressure at St. Petersburg, to render the Eussian
‘ Government more amenable in the approaching negotiations for the new Treatv
i o f Commerce, or whether this ebullition o f temper on the part o f the German Press
| is to be regarded merely as an echo of the friction occasioned by the late Balkan crisis
and the von Sanders incident, the real cause o f G erm any’ s uneasiness and nervous
irritability! must be sought in the steps now being taken by Eussia to strengthen her
military position. The temporary advantages, which Germany has secured by her
Arm y Bill o f last year, will in a few years time be eclipsed by the counter measures
which Eussia has been obliged to take in self defence. B y the year 1917 she will
have increased by some 4G0,000 men the peace strength o f her arm y, which will
then amount to 1.750,000 m en; while she will possess a fleet in the Baltic, which,
I though not very formidable in itself, will nevertheless prove a thorn in the side of
Germany, should that country be at war with E ngland. Unless therefore Germany
is prepared to make still further financial sacrifices for m ilitary purposes, the da vs
of her hegem ony in Europe will be n u m b ered ; as, even without the co-operation
of E ngland, Eussia and France combined will then be strong enough to confront the
united forces of the Triple Alliancp. There are. however, still three critical years
768
to pass before that result is achieved. In the race for armaments Russia has more
staying powers than G erm any; and, as Germany is aware of that fact, there is
always the danger that she may be tempted to precipitate a conflict before Russia is
fully prepared to meet it. During these crucial years, therefore, Russia will stand
in need of our support; and, should we fail to give it when she appeals for it, England
will no longer be numbered among her friends.
I have, &c.
G E O R G E \V. BUCHANAN.
M IN U T E .
M y own personal opinion is that Germany will do her utmost to win over Russia— finding
that threats do more harm than good— and that the new factors in Russia will not he
indisposed to listen to overtures— especially having regard to the internal situation hoth here
and in France.
A. N.
E. G.
No. 5*29.
Private. (A
M y dear Nicolson, St. Petersburgh, March 18, 1914.
You will have seen from the telegram (3) reporting m y conversation with Sazonow
about the Swedish gendarmerie, that 1 utterly failed to overcome his opposition to the
em ploym ent of that force in North Persia. I never thought that he would consent to
it, as, however unreasonable his objections, he has always given us clearly to under
stand that the Cossack Brigade was the only force which Russia would tolerate there,
if the Russian troops had to be withdrawn.
I have dealt fully in a despatch with the German Press cam paign.(4) What
Germany hoped to gain by it is more than I can say, as the only result has been
to make Russia more determined than before to strengthen her means of defence
and to be on her guard against any possible surprises. The reason for it, however, is
not so far to seek. Germany is discovering that instead of having improved her
military position by the Arm y B ill of last year, she will in three years be much worse
off than before. France has, in consequence, reverted to the three }rears service and
Russia will, by that time, have increased her army by some 460,000 men and raised
its peace effectives to the enormous figure of 1,750,000. It is not surprising, therefore,
that Germ any should show signs of nervous irritability. The question of absorbing
interest is what will she d o? W ill she bring in another Arm y B ill? I f she does,
Russia will go one b etter; and in this race for armaments she can always outdistance
Germany. Russia is conscious of her latent strength and is determined to use it.
She is and will, I believe, rem ain thoroughly pacific, but she has had enough of the
weakness and vacillation which marked her policy during last year’ s crisis. She is
also, perhaps, aw7are that she cannot count on our armed support in all eventualities,
and she m ay wish to be strong enough to act independently of us. Can Germany
(*) [This letter is endorsed as having been sent to the K in g ; to the Prime M inister; to
Lord Crewe; to Lord Morley. The endorsement is initialled hy Sir E. Grey.]
(2) [Carnock M SS., Vol. II of 1914.]
(3) [Sir G. Buchanan’ s telegram (No. 71) of March 15, 1914, D. 8-25 p . m ., R. 11 p . m .,
reported a conversation with M. Sazonov on March 14. Sir G. Buchanan stated in this
telegram that he had been unable to overcome M. Sazonov’s opposition to the employment of
Swedish officers in the Persian g en d a rm erie. (F.O. 11 45 7/10 36 /1 4/34 .) On this subject cp.
G ooch d T em p erley, Vol. X (I), p. 1001, S u b j e c t I n i » x , sub S w e d e n , P ers ia an d .]
(4) [v . immediately preceding document.]
769
afford to wait till Russia becomes the dominant factor in Europe or will she strike
while victory is still within her grasp? I w-ill not attempt to answTer this question but
the danger and the temptation are both there. Till she has completed her armaments,
Russia will have need of our support; and her eventual attitude towards us will
depend on whether we stand firmly by her in any crisis which may arise during the
intervening years.
(")
Ever yours,
G E OR GE W. BUCHANAN.
(s) [The remaining paragraphs of this letter refer to matters connected with the Court.]
No. 530.
F.O. 1276 7 /1 0 30 2 /1 4 /1 8.
(No. 76.)
Sir, St. Pelersburgh, March 19, 1914.
The “ Novoe Yrem ya ” published in its yesterday’ s edition an unsigned article
giving an extract of a conversation said to have taken place in ‘ ‘ one of the Petersburg
salons ” respecting the German Press campaign and incidentally concerning the whole
question of armaments and of the grouping of the Powers in Europe.
One high Government official described the present armament of Europe as a mad
race by each country to catch up and if possible to outstrip the other. He expressed
the opinion that the steps taken by the Russian Minister for W ar will undoubtedly
evoke renewed efforts on the part of Germany to increase her military strength.
France cannot of course remain indifferent and so the race will continue ad infinitum.
This led to a discussion as to how- to put an end to this state of affairs. The recent
Press campaign had shown that neither Russia nor Germany desired war and if
General Sukhomlinov, under instructions from the Emperor, was carrying out a
programme of military reform, it was only because Russia wished to be strong and
was in no way to be attributed to any chauvinistic leanings on her part.
The “ Novoe Yrem ya ” then proceeds to give the views expressed as to the general
political situation in Europe by “ a highly authoritative State official who has recently
returned from abroad where he had opportunities of conversing with representatives
of the ruling circles ’ ’— a description which, though I have no proofs in support of the
conjecture, would seem to fit no one so exactly as Monsieur Kokovtsoff. This official
declared that the present grouping of the Powers was the source of much uneasiness,
and he said that during his stay in Germany and in France well inform ed persons had
repeatedly said to him that the general situation would undergo a radical change if
it was possible to bring about the new political programme and that an alliance between
Russia, France and Germany together with England would constitute the greatest
guarantee for peace. The speaker was here interrupted by one of his listeners w-ho
declared that France would never conclude an alliance with Germany owing to Alsace
Lorraine. But the speaker replied that this question had been raised both in Berlin
and later in Paris and he added that, although the French would of course never
become reconciled with regard to Alsace Lorraine there was a body of opinion m
Berlin which was sanguine as to the possibility of a satisfactory solution. It was no
secret that on the death of the aged Emperor of Austria the whole edifice of the Dual
Monarchy at present held together by the personal prestige of the Monarch, would
crumble to the ground and would bring down the Triple Alliance in its fall.
[10900]
770
Germany could then acquire Austria’ s German territories in place of Alsace, while
Eussia would take Galicia. H ungary and Bohemia would become independent S tates:
and the Slavs would pass over to Slav States. The speaker declared that this plan
existed but was, as yet, spoken of with bated breath in Berlin and Paris. W ere it to
be carried out, the inevitable result would, in his opinion, be the creation of a
“ meridional a llia n ce” in place of the present “ p a ra llel” alliances.
The speaker maintained that Austria was in a worse position than Turkey and
had gradually lost her importance among her allies. It was well known that Italy
found it very difficult to go hand in hand with Austria and looked longingly towards
France and Eussia. He had been told by Italian statesmen that they had often
inform ed representatives of Eussian ruling spheres that it would need very little to
create a wave of Italian public opinion hostile to the alliance with Austria and Germany
and in favour of Italy being ranged on the side of France and Eussia. In any case, a
new grouping of the Powers could only be of benefit to Italy. The best proof of the
ever growing general conviction of the impending break-up of the Austrian Empire
was Eoum ania’ s changed attitude towards the Dual Monarchy. In conclusion, the
speaker declared that the realization of the programme he had outlined would lead to
a cessation of the present mad com petition of armament and would form the basis
of a durable peace. He also declared that a new grouping of the Powers based on the
im pending break-up of Austria was a subject which had been frequently discussed of
late by influential circles in Berlin and Paris and had form ed the subject of much
com m ent in St. Petersburg.
In its edition of to-day the ‘ Novoe Yrernya ’ continues to give extracts of the
conversations which it reported in its yesterday’ s issue. To-day it gives the opinions
expressed by another high statesman “ who was for m any years at the head of the
Governm ent and who has always followed, in accordance with his high position,
questions of foreign policy.” This statesman is very generally supposed to he
Count Witte.
H e stated that, shortly after the accession of the present Em peror of Eussia, the
German Emperor visited St. Petersburg and honoured him with a very lengthy
conversation on the subject of foreign affairs, which took place in the German
Embassy. The speaker expressed to the German Emperor his opinion that the
tranquillity of Europe would be guaranteed by an alliance between Eussia, France and
Germany. This idea proved of the greatest interest to His Majesty who, however,
declared that he had no desire to direct its point against England. The speaker replied
that other Continental Powers would join this alliance which would represent
enormous strength. The statesman in question declared that, while the German
E m peror did not conceal his desire to enter into relations with the French, His
Majesty declared that at the moment the strength of the alliance should be directed
against America, and he once more emphasized his wish to be on good terms wTith
England.
Continuing, the speaker declared that at that time correspondence, which began
with a Note from the German Government, took place between St. Petersburg and
Berlin in which his views, as expressed to the German Emperor, were discussed. The
speaker declared that the Em peror W illiam , throughout his conversation with him,
emphasized the danger of America to which he, the speaker, replied that he saw no
danger from America to Eussia especially as Eussia had but recently afforded the
W ashington Cabinet important services in connection with its quarrel with South
America. The Speaker then went on to say that after this speech there followed some
stormy years for Eussia and that it wTas not until after the Eusso-Japanese W ar that
he once more met the German Em peror and again the question of an Alliance between
Eussia, Germany and France was mooted. On this occasion the German Emperor
regarded the question with great enthusiasm and appeared to be ready to adopt the
suggested Alliance wdiich seemed to His Majesty practicable, not by coaxing France
hut by com pelling her to enter the Alliance. The speaker, however, maintained that
the Alliance could have been effected by the development of good relations. This.
conversation took place after the signature o f the Peace Treaty at Portsmouth. During
that time England had supported Japan who,— it seemed to the speaker— would not
have tackled Russia had it not been for British support.
England then proposed an Agreement with Russia which the speaker opposed as
it seemed to him that an alliance of the three States and the realisation of his political
programme was possible. H e continued to consider that a continental Alliance was
practicable and would, if realised, govern the whole world. Under such conditions it
appeared to him that the Agreement proposed by Great Britain was superfluous, as
an Alliance of the three Powers would be a sufficient guarantee of peace. Continuing,
the speaker said that Monsieur Isvolskv thought differently and consented to the
conclusion of an Agreement with England. As long as Russia was a participant in
the Triple Entente the idea of an Alliance between France, Russia and Germany lost
all real ground.
“ It appears to m e ’ ’— the speaker continued— “ that with the present political
grouping we shall be perpetually dangling in mid-air. Russia is between two stools.
On the one sits Germany and consequently the Triple Alliance. On the other the
Triple Entente. W e cannot continue to sit 011 the edge of one stool with one foot on
the stool of the Triple Alliance. Under these circumstances it is futile to speak of an
Alliance of the three States. The whole .plan has been upset by Monsieur Isvolskv.”
The speaker was then asked by his listeners what he thought of the break up of
Austria, and replied by pointing out the number of years Europe had been talking of
the break up of Turkey, yet Austria was stronger than Turkey. Besides it must be
remembered that Austria was a Christian State and possessed a higher culture than
Turkey. ITe suggested that although Austria was undoubtedly passing through
troublous days any attempt to divide up Austria would meet with considerable
difficulty. In a word, the difficulties which would be met with in the process made
the dividing up of Austria very problematical. The speaker then reverted to his idea
of a Franco-Germ an rapprochement, and expressed the opinion that, as a basis for
pourparlers in this sense, Germany might make certain concessions in Alsace
Lorraine and in this manner satisfy the self esteem of the French. But in conclusion
he again expressed the opinion that his plan for a new grouping of the Powers under
existing conditions seemed to have little hope of realisation.
I have, Ac.
GEORGE W . BUCHANAN.
No. 531.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward Grey.
F.O. 12718/1 0 30 2 /1 4 /1 8.
(No. 77.) Confidential. St. Petersburgh, D. March 19, 1911.
Sh-, R. March 23, 1914.
I have the honour to transmit to you herewith copy of a despatch which I have
received from Commander II. Grenfell, Naval Attache to this Embassy on the subject
of the Russo-German Press campaign and the naval situation in Russia.
I have. Ac.
GE OR GE W . BUCHANAN.
the world its complete confidence as to the satisfactory condition, now and hereafter,
of Russian armed force, more especially with regard to the particular date of 1917,
I must beg to be allowed to represent to your Excellency that it is impossible for me
to share this optimistic estimate, at any rate so far as the naval situation is concerned.
There is small chance of the new naval programme being com plete by 1917, but
if even by some miracle this should prove to be the case, it does not at all follow that
Germany intends to he seriously alarmed. I happen to be upon extremely good
personal terms with m y German colleague, and have a fair idea of the sense in which
he is reporting to his Government concerning the value of Russia’ s naval developments
in the Baltic. H e, as a seaman, equally with m yself, has recognised the fundamental
mistake of the Russian Admiralty in devoting its energy and m oney principally to
increase of purely material strength rather than to the far more urgent problem of
building up a system of honest administration and the creation of a well-trained,
capable, well-paid, and contented personnel. Germ any’ s older type battleships,
together, say, with her four earlier Nassau class Dreadnoughts, will amply suffice to
mask any strength by sea that this country is likely to possess before the year 1918.
The shattering revelations of the Japanese war discovered, not only to us, but to
the whole world, the feet of clay of this lum bering colossus ; is it, therefore, reasonable
to imagine that within the subsequent period of less than ten years, politically marked
as they have been, not so much by progress as by reaction, the old corruptive
influences form erly at work have already ceased to propagate their evil fruit?
I am, &c.
H. G R E N F E L L , Naval Attaché.
No. 532.
(D [This letter is endorsed as having been sent to the K in g ; to the Prime Minister. The
endorsement is initialled by Sir E. Grey.]
(2) [Carnock M SS., Vol. II of 1914.]
(3) [v. supra, pp. 354-5, No. 223.]
picturesque, to an unpopular one, was certainly a matter for some misgiving. W hat
troubled him m uch m ore was the want of cohesion in the M onarchy which was
becom ing more marked every day. The people in the M onarchy who had hitherto
had some, and at all events the most, Im perial feeling, were the Austrian Germans.
These were also falling victims to the ‘ nationality ’ fever, and were beginning to
follow the example of the other nationalities in Austria and looking entirely after
their own interests and neglecting those of the Empire. This was the most disquieting
symptom of all as the Austrian Germans had always been the best and most reliable
element in the State and really the chief factor in keeping the Em pire together. As
for the rest H ungary was striving harder than ever to increase her independence,
and to m agyarize her heterogeneous populations; the populations of the Servian
provinces were gravitating towards Servia, and the Hungarian Roumanians towards
Roum ania, while Slovaks and Croats were struggling for the recognition as separate
nationalities. W hen one came to think of it, it was almost chaos, and he could not
help sometimes appraising the alliance value of a country in such a state.
I think I have reproduced his words fairly correctly, but if the words are not
absolutely his own, what I have written gives the substance of what he said absolutely
correctly.
I wonder whether these views are held generally in political circles, for if they
are, it would explain not only the enormous increases in the German army, and their
sensitiveness as to the increases in the military strength of France and Russia, but
also the prom inence recently given to the W itte conversations and the m any ballons
d ’ essai which have recently been sent up with regard to a fresh grouping of the
European Powers. In this case the recent tirades against Russia could only be
regarded as a blind. But m y own belief is that Jagow ’ s observations were the result
o f the temporary depression which must sometimes com e upon Austria’ s friends. But
there is no doubt that the fact, if it is a fact, that the Austrian Germans are getting
demoralised and will not in the future form a reliable bulwark against the Slavs, must
be a source of considerable preoccupation to the Directors of German Policy.
I have had to break off short, as I have had suddenly to write a letter to
Sir E. Grey on the subject of the publication of the “ Treaty of W indsor ” (4) which is
preoccupying -Jagow very much.
Yours verv sincerelv.
W . E. GOSCH EN.
No. 538.
probability, that before long she will find herself in an isolated and critical position,
unless she steers an entirely different course to that which she has hitherto followed.
On the other hand we must not forget that Russia has never had any quarrel of a
serious character wTith Germany, but on the contrary in critical moments in the
history of each country Russia and Germany have afforded each other mutual
assistance and have acted in close co-operation. Furthermore Russia must feel that
both her ally and her friend are plunged in most serious crises and are, at any rate
for the present, perfectly powerless to act with any efficiency as factors in European
politics. This perhaps is going a little too far as regards France, but in regard to
ourselves I do feel that if the situation develops much further on the present lines
we shall really be regarded as of little account in foreign affairs. In any case
whether France and ourselves wrould be an efficient ally and friend, or not, it is
perfectly clear that we are both steering towards what would be regarded in Russia
as a revolutionary and ruinous course. It would then indeed be strange if Russia
were to feel that it was to her interest to be linked with countries in such a condition,
and whose prospects for the future were so doubtful and obscure. She would in the
nature o f things be disposed to gravitate towards that great central Power, which in
any case on the surface has the appearance o f stability and where the monarchical
system is firm ly established. I do not mean to say that Russia intends to denounce
her alliance with France or to break off her understanding with us, but I do think
that she must feel that it would be safer to be on far better relations with Germany
than she has been recently. Of course one obstacle to the improvement of such
relations has been the support which Germany has felt it necessary to give to Austrian
aims and policy, but if it be true that Germany is beginning to doubt whether Austria
is really a country which it is worth while supporting in the measure which has
hitherto been the case, I do foresee the probability that Russia and Germany will
soon join hands. These I daresay you will consider as mere speculations, but I do
think that we should consider very carefully and bear in mind the possibilities which
I have ventured to indicate.............. (3)
[Yours, &c.
A. N ICOLSON.]
(3) [The rest of this letter refers briefly to internal affairs in Great Britain ; to the question
of the German Military Mission in Constantinople. It adds nothing of importance to the
material printed elsewhere.]
No. 534.
( ') [This letter is endorsed as having been sent to the K ing and to the Prime Minister.]
U) [Carnock M SS., Vol. II of 1914.]
(3) [Sir G. Buchanan's despatch (Xo. 531, D. March 4, R. March 9, 1914. is not reproduced
for reasons of space. It dealt chiefly with the Russian desire for railways, with or without
British co-operation, in Persia. (F.O. 1 0 3 3 1 /6 5 9 /1 4 /3 4 .)]
776
treating them separately we are likely to have to do all the giving and Russia all the
taking.
Revelstoke has just left after a stay of five days. He seems to have been
favourably impressed with Bark, the new Minister of Finance, though he doubts
whether he will be strong enough to carry through the gigantic task entrusted to him.
From all I hear nothing is likely to come of the E m peror’ s rescript about the Alcohol
M onopoly and things will go on just as before. A great deal will depend on whether
Krivoschein is well enough to take up the post of President of the Council. He is
undoubtedly the ablest man available and I am told he is not nearly so reactionary
as he is supposed to be.
Is it a fact that it has been arranged that Cambon and Benckendorff are to confer
with Sir Edward on all questions in which the Triple Entente is interested, so as to
save time and to ensure the adoption of an identic attitude by all three Governments?
Sazonow said something to me about it the other d a y ; and I only ask as if these
questions are treated in London I need not telegraph his remarks about them. . . .(*)
Ever yours,
G. BUCHANAN.
M IN U T E .
All that happens about discussions in London is that Cambon and Benckendorff come to see
me together about Near Eastern questions when they have similar instructions. They have
come once so far.
E. G.
10.3.14.
(4) [The final paragraph of this letter is omitted as it relates to personal matters.]
No. 535.
No. 53G.
P .O . 15087/15087 14/38.
(No. 93.) St. Petcrsburgh, D. March 31, 1914.
Sir, R . April 6 , 1914.
It is hardly necessary to state that a great deal of interest has been aroused
here by the series of “ con versations” recently published in the “ Novoe Yrem ya ”
on the subject of a possible regrouping o f the European Powers.
In m y despatch No. 76 of the 19th instant D I gave a summary o f the conversa
tions reported in the “ Novoe Y r e m y a ” of that and the previous day. The High
official “ who had recently returned from a b roa d ” is now most generally supposed
to be not M r. Kokovtsov, as suggested in m y despatch, but the Minister o f War
General Sukhom linov, who visited Berlin and Paris last autumn about the time ol
the celebration o f the anniversary o f the battle o f Leipzig. I should add however
that Monsieur Sazonow inform ed me that General Sukhom linov had nothing to do
with the conversation attributed to him , and that an official dém enti to the same
effect has lately been issued.
However that may be, there is no question but that the Statesman whose views
are expressed in the “ Novoe Yremya ” o f the 19th instant is Count W itte. A further
conversation with the same Statesman appeared 5 days later, on the 24th instant.
He then referred once more to the question o f a new grouping of the Powers, which
he said deeply interested him . Had he remained in power he probably would have
succeeded in carrying it through. It was most difficult of accomplishment now , while
the Triple Entente existed, but nevertheless he considered that it offered the only
means o f securing a permanent peace. The Count said further that he had no
unfriendly feelings towards England, but he held that so great a Power as Russia
should adopt a policy under which her hands would be as free as possible.
Count W itte’ s statement that the German Em peror has at various times seriously
considered the possibility of an Alliance with Russia is borne out b y a story related
to me two days ago by a Mr. Sehelkin form erly a Russian Diplomatist and now a
journalist connected with the “ Bourse G azette.” Mr. Sehelkin stated that when
I>oration of the German Provinces of Austria in the German Empire, while the
Southern Slavs would be absorbed by Servia and the Roumanians o f Transylvania
by Roum ania. Austria, His M ajesty held, was at present a source o f weakness to
Germany and a danger to the cause of peace, and it would make for peace were
Germany to have no Austria to drag her into war about the Balkans.
Though the Emperor thus contemplates the disiutegration o f the Austrian
Empire as a possible eventuality, He appears, from what Monsieur Sazonow told me,
to regard a fresh grouping of the Powers on the lines suggested by Count Witte as
a purely Utopian idea. It does not, however, follow that His Majesty is entirely
satisfied with existing arrangements. M. Sazonow has more than once o f late spoken
to me o f the necessity o f converting our understanding into an alliance o f a purely
defensive character and in so doing, he has, as I have reason to believe, voiced the
views of the Em peror. The uncertainty which His E xcellency feels as to what
England would do, should Russia be involved in war with Germany, causes him
much preoccupation, and this preoccupation has notably increased since the Ulster
question has entered on an acute stage. During the past fortnight he has repeatedlv
spoken to me o f the anxiety with which the various phases of the present crisis are
being followed by the Russian Government and the Russian public, and he has
expressed his apprehension lest internal dissensions and disaffection in the army
might so weaken E ngland’ s position as to render her voice of no account in the
' Councils o f the Nations.
Very similar views respecting Russia's relations to England have been expressed
to me recently by m any other persons besides M. Sazonow, and, though I am well
aware that the question o f an alliance is impractical at present. I record what thev
have said as showing how difficult we may find it in the long run to maintain our
understanding with Russia unless its basis can be enlarged. Persia has hitherto
been looked on as the rock on which it might one day suffer shipw reck; but it is in
Europe that danger now seems to threaten it. There is, I regret to say, a growing
| tendency in this country to regard England as a fair-weather friend who cannot be
| depended on to stand by Russia should the storm burst.
I have. Ac.
GE O R G E W . BUCH ANAN.
[EJJ. A O T E . — In consequence of the commercial losses resulting from the closing of the
Straits during the Tripoli and Balkan W ars, in view of the increasing fragility of the Ottoman
Empire, and as a result of the anxieties generated by the Liman Mission, Russian relations
with Turkey were thoroughly explored in the winter of 1913-14 (i\ Gooch <£• T e m p e rle y ,
Vol. X (I), passim ). In a lengthy Memorandum of December 8, 1913, M. Sazonov, while
I declaring his desire to preserve the sta tu s quo as long as possible, advised the framing of
i plans to seize the Straits in the event of European complications, and thereby to prevent a
solution of the question contrary to Russian interests. (S tieve: D e r D ip lo m a tisch e S c h rift-
vceclisel Isw olsk is. 111, pp. 374-3S3.) The Tsar approved the Memorandum, and, in accordance
I with the desire of M. Sazonov, summoned a Conference of Ministers to discuss the situation.
Before it met, M. Sazonov circulated a memorandum, dated January 5, 1914, to serve as a
' basis for discussion, in which, after referring to the Liman negotiations, he sketched out
I measures of compulsion to be used against Turkey if Russia’s demands were unsatisfied, but
insisted on the necessity of making sure beforehand of French and British support. (Stieve:
IswoJski und d e r W e ltk r ie g . pp. 234-246.) The Conference, over which M. Kokovtsov presided,
I was held on January 13, 1914. It was decided that the negotiations with Berlin in reference to
the Liman Mission should be continued so long as there was anj- prospect of success. Unless,
I however, the active co-operation of France and Great Britain were assured, it would be
I impossible to proceed to measures of coercion which might involve a war with Germany.
I Though the dangerous issue of the Liman Mission was soon settled, a further meeting was held
on February 21. (Stieve: Isw olsk i u nd d er W e ltk r ie g , pp. 247-266.) The Conference, over
which M. Sazonov presided, recommended preparatory measures, amoug them an increase and
more rapid mobilisation of a landing force, the collection of naval transports, the strengthening
of the Black Sea Fleet and the building of strategic railways in the Caucasus. The recom
mendations of the Conference were approved by the Tsar on April 5.]
780
N o. 537.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward G rey . ( l)
F.O. 1531 2 /1 5 31 2 /1 4 /3 8.
(No. 100.) Secret. St. Petershurgh, D. April 3, 1914.
Sir, E. April 7, 1914.
The Em peror having been pleased to receive me in Audience this morning, I had
the honour of having a long conversation with H is M ajesty(2) on the general political
situation.
His Majesty began by referring to the Irish question and to the acute crisis
which had arisen out of it, saying that it was one which H e found it very difficult
understand. H e trusted, however, that it would not take such a serious turn as to
affect our position abroad. I replied that I saw no reason to fear this and that it
appeared from Lord M orlev’ s recent statement in the House of L ord s(3) that, in spite
of some regrettable misunderstandings, there had been no question of any
disobedience or want of discipline on the part of either the officers or the men of the
army.
Speaking next of the European situation, the Emperor said that the only
question which caused Him any anxiety was that of Albania. (4) l i e did not know
whether it would be possible in the long run to keep Austria and Italy in line wit
the other Powers or whether they would not leave the Concert and adopt a policy of
partition. In the latter case they were almost certain to quarrel, and, as this would
mean a weakening of the Triple Alliance, it would have some countervailing
advantages. He was very sorry for the Greeks as they were being rather hardly
treated both with regard to the present situation in Epirus and the question of the
islands. If the latter were to be neutralized, it seemed but fair that the Powers should
guarantee them against attack by Turkey. H e did not, however, know what could be
done. It was the old story. Europe was divided into two camps and it was impossible
to get the Concert to work together.
This led His Majesty to say that Pie would like to see a closer bond of union
established between England and Eussia, such as an alliance of a purely defensive
character.(s) On m y rem arking that I feared that this was impracticable at present, the
Em peror said that we might at any rate conclude some arrangement similar to that
which existed between His M ajesty’ s Government and the Governm ent of the French
Eepublic. I replied that I was ignorant of the terms of this arrangement. His
Majesty said that H e was also unacquainted with them but that H e believed that, if
we had not actually a military convention with France, we had discussed and agreed
on what each country was to do in certain eventualities. On my observing that the
despatch of an expeditionary corps to có-operate with the Eussian army was, for
material reasons, out of the question, the Em peror said that, even if it was feasible,
it would serve no useful purpose, as He had men enough and to spare at home. It
might, however, be advantageous to arrange beforehand for the co-operation of the
British and Eussian fleets. B y the year 1917 H e hoped to have 8 Dreadnoughts in
the Baltic, and, in the event of war, the Germans would have to detach more than
that number o f ships to watch them. H e would never propose that a British fleet
should be sent to the Baltic on account o f the dangers to which it would be exposed
(L [This despatch is endorsed as having been sent to the K in g ; to the Prime Minister;
to Lord Crewe. It was sent, marked secret, on April 20, to Paris (as No. 216) ; to Berlin (as
No. 106); to Vienna (as No. 5 9 ); to Rome (as No. 104); to Constantinople (as No. 224); to
Tehian (as No. 93).]
( 2) [This interview is described by Sir G. Buchanan in M y M ission to R ussia (1923), Vol. I,
pp. 183-5.]
(3) [v . P a ri. D eb ., 5th S er., (House of Lords), Vol. 15, pp. 696-705.]
( ’ ) [cp. G ooch & T em p erley, Vol. X (1), pp. 1-129, Chapter L X X X I V , passim,.']
(s) [cp. “ Note pour le Président du Conseil,” D .D .F ., 3m* S ér., Vol. X , pp. 180-5, No. 111.]
781
from mines in the Belt and from attack by a superior German fleet passing through
the K iel Canal. The existence, however, of a Russian fleet in the Baltic would ea°se
the situation for the British fleet in the North Sea, At present, Ilis Majesty continued,
our understanding was confined to Persia, and H e was strongly o f opinion that that
understanding ought to be extended, either by some sort of arrangement such as He
had suggested, or by some written formula which would record the fact of Anglo-
Bussian co-operation in Europe.
I told the Emperor that I could not speak on this subject in the name of H is
M ajesty’ s Governm ent, but that I personally should welcome any arrangement that
would tend to consolidate Anglo-Russian relation?. I could not, however, but ask
m yself whether, supposing that England had last year been the ally of Russia, she
could have rendered her any more effective sendees than she had actually done as her
friend. On several occasions during the prolonged Balkan crisis she had been able
to play the role of mediator at Berlin and V ien n a ; and it was thanks to her friendly
intervention that a more or less satisfactory settlement of the Servian port question
had been arrived at and that Austria had yielded about Djakova and Dibra which
were blocking the way to a friendly settlement of the all-important question of
Scutari.( 6) It was doubtful, I thought, whether we could have accomplished so m uch
either at Berlin or Vienna had we approached those two Governm ents as the ally
of R ussia; whereas the fact that we were only a friend who might be turned into an
ally should Germ any and Austria force a war on Russia, made them m uch more
ready to listen to us. I f Russia had had to yield on the question o f Adrianople, this
was not so m uch due to anything which His M ajesty’ s Government had done or left
undone as to the desire of the French Government that Russia should take no action
that might possibly provoke German intervention. In the question of the German
military mission to Constantinople, Ilis M ajesty’ s Government had again used their
friendly offices at Berlin with very considerable success.
The Em peror admitted the truth of what I had said about the French and the
Adrianople question and also acknowledged the m any services which H is M ajesty’ s
Government had rendered Russia during the crisis. There might, he said, be
something in the argument which I had used, but H e would nevertheless prefer to
see our present understanding assume a more precise and definite character.
As the conversation 'then turned on the proposals published in the ‘ Xovoe
Vrem ya ’ respecting a new grouping of the Powers, on which I reported in m y
despatch No. 93 of the 31st ultim o,(7) the E m peror remarked that Count W itte had a
bad m emory and had placed in the mouth of the Em peror W illiam things which he
had him self said. The idea of such an alliance as Count W itte had suggested was
ridiculous at present. Austria might or might not be m oving towards disintegration,
but he did not believe that Germany wished to accelerate the process. It was, His
Majesty then proceeded to say, com m only supposed that there was nothing to keep
Germany and Russia apart. This was, however, not the case. There was the
question of the Dardanelles. Twice in the last two years the Straits had been closed
for a short period with the result that the Russian Grain industry had suffered very
serious loss. F rom inform ation which had reached Him from a secret source through
Vienna H e had reason to believe that Germ any was aiming at acquiring such a
position at Constantinople as would enable her to shut in Russia altogether in the
Black S ea.(s) Should she attempt to carry out this policy H e would have to resist it
with all H is power, even should war be the only alternative. The Em peror said
nothing further to explain what steps Germany proposed taking in order to give effect
to the policy with which His Majesty credits her. On m y remarking a little later on
that, while determined to abide by our understanding with Russia, we were following
the example which His Majesty had set us when H e concluded the Potsdam
(6) [cp. G ooch d T em p erley, Vol. I X (II), pp- 1122-24, S ubject Index, sub A l b a n ia ,
Frontiers.~\
(7) [v immediately preceding document.]
( 8) [r. su p ra, p. 779, Ed. A'oie.]
782
A greem ent^9) and were endeavouring to place our relations with Germany on a more
friendly footing, the Em peror said that we were quite right to do so and that He also
wished to live on good terms with Germany.
In the subsequent course of the conversation, the Em peror spoke of the interest
which Tie took in the trans-Persian Railway scheme and said that H e hoped that we
should be able to arrive at a satisfactory understanding about the alignment. I
therefore told His Majesty that this question was now under the consideration of His
M ajesty’ s Government and that I should shortly be instructed to submit proposals
which would, I trusted, prove acceptable to the Imperial Governm ent.( 10) I ventured to
add that what preoccupied me most about the future of Persia was the fear that
circumstances might render it difficult for His Majesty to withdraw His troops and
that Russia might in consequence remain in permanent occupation o f North Persia.
The Em peror assured me that this was far from His thoughts. The Viceroy of the
Caucasus was, His Majesty said, constantly pressing for the recall of these troops, but
whenever there had been a question of it, the merchants of Tabriz had petitioned for
their retention, as they were afraid o f the anarchy which was almost certain to follow
the departure of the troops. I had not the courage to suggest that these petitions
had probably been drawn up at the Russian C onsulate; but, as H is Majesty had
alluded to the extension of the Cossack Brigade, I inform ed H im of what I had been
instructed to say to M. Sazonow about the employment of Swedish Gendarmerie.(u )
I pointed out that the Cossack Brigade which had been originally form ed as a body
guard for the Shah, was not so well fitted to maintain order on the roads as the
Swedish Gendarm erie; but the Em peror was evidently so little acquainted with the
facts of the case that I did not pursue the matter further.
In conclusion, His Majesty once more expressed His desire for the maintenance
o f the closest possible relations between the two countries.
I have, Ac.
GEO R G E W . BUCHANAN.
P.S. Mr. Sazonoff whom I saw this afternoon told me that what the Emperor
had said about Germany and the Straits was founded on secret military information
which might or might not be correct. There was, however, no doubt that Germany
aimed at acquiring a moral protectorate over Turkey and, if she succeeded in this,
she would one day convert it into an effective one. Russia would never take any
aggressive action against Turkey so long as she remained an independent State, but
she would never permit her to becom e the dependency of another Power.
Reverting next to the question of our understanding His Excellency said that, if
an Alliance was out of the question, it must at any rate be given such a definite
character that Germany would know that, were she to embark on an aggressive policy,
she would in certain eventualities be confronted bv the united forces of England.
France and Russia. Such an understanding would, His E xcellency maintained,
guarantee the peace of Europe, as Germany was too much afraid of the British Fleet
to risk a war in which that Fleet would be opposed to her.
G. W. B.
M IN U T E S .
An interesting Despatch which might, I submit, be printed (Secret Series) and sent to
Paris, Berlin, Vienna, Rome and Constantinople: also, the last two paragraphs to Teheran.
As regards an alliance, I doubt much whether the public here would ever be willing to
entertain an idea in the case of Russia of any en te n te resembling the Anglo-French Under
standing.
(9) [cp. Gooch if; T em p erley, Vol. X (I), pp. 549-723, Chapter L X X X I X , passim .]
(in) [cp . ibid., Vol. I X (I), pp. 767-8, No. 809, encl. (3) and (4 ).]
( n ) [r. supra, p. 768, No. 529, and n ote (3).]
783
I v en tu re, how ever, stron gly to advoca te an am ple exch a n g e o f view s and som e a greem ent
o f a definite n a tu re resp ectin g P ersia, th ou gh even there form id ab le obstacles are in the w ay
c.f. M. K o ro s to v e tz ’ s trea tm en t o f S ir W . T ow n ley.
Q u [e r v ] : D istrib u te cop ies as proposed above, and a p p rov e H [ i s ] E x [c e lle n c v ]'s language.
L. 0 .
7 A p r[il],
A n in terch a n g e o f view s betw een the resp ectiv e naval staffs, w ith ou t in any w ay b in d in g
th e G o v [e rn m e n ]ts , as has occu rred w ith F ra n ce m ig h t be taken in to con sid era tion a n d w ould
u n d ou bted ly have g rea t advantages.
(T his d e s p [a t c h ] s h [o u l]d be k e p t fo r S ir E. G rev— b e tte r not send it t o him b v post.)
A. X . ‘
M.
S ir G. B u ch an a n con d u cted his pa rt o f the con v ersation very w ell.(12)
I f th e F ren ch a greed we m ig h t let the R ussians know w hat has passed betw een m ilita ry
and naval a u th orities on each s id e (13) but w e ha d b etter postpon e discussion o f a n yth in g as
lon g as we can.
E. G.
16.4.14.
N o. 538.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir A . Sicolson .( ’ y
P riv a te .^
M y dear Nicolson, St. Pctersburgh, April 16, 1914.
. . . .(3) As regards the question of doing something to strengthen our
understanding with Russia, I think that it would be better to await the result of the
K in g’ s visit to Paris(4) before saying anything to the Russian Government in reply
to the tentative suggestions made to me by the Emperor and Sazonoff. From what
Paléologue tells me, I gather that the French Government are rather preoccupied with
regard to the possibility of maintaining the Anglo-Russian understanding for any
length of time on its present rather shaky basis and would like to see it take a more
precise and definite shape. It is therefore more than probable that Poincare will
speak both to the K ing and to Sir Edward on the subject, though whether he is likely
to put forward any concrete proposal I do not know. W hat the Emperor and Sazonoff
apparently want is a written agreement which would make it clear to the world that, in
the event of Russia being involved in a defensive war, England would give her armed
support. They argue that the publication of an agreement of this character would
secure the peace of Europe, as the Germans would never force a war on Russia did
they know that they would have to deal with the British fleet as well as with the
Russian a rm y; but as such an agreement would virtually amount to a defensive
alliance I do not imagine that there is much chance of His M ajesty’ s Government
agreeing to it. The Naval agreement of which the Emperor spoke as an alternative
to an alliance is perhaps more feasible, as without binding ourselves to support Russia
at sea in the event of her being at war, we might enter into an interchange of views
with regard to a com bined naval plan of campaign, should a war break out in which
both countries had becom e involved. The two fleets would then be in a position to
co-operate effectively with one another without having to wait till the naval staffs had
been able to consult together after the outbreak of hostilities.
Another way might be to extend by an exchange of notes the scope of the Anglo-
Russian Agreement of 1907,(5) which is the only official record of our understanding,
so as to ensure Anglo-Russian co-operation in Europe as well as Asia. The difficulty
here would be to find a formula which would not, on the one hand, commit us to a
regular alliance and which would not, on the other, be of so platonic a charactei as
to leave things virtually as they are at present. In a conversation which I had with
him a few days ago, Sazonoff again reverted to the subject, saying that, unless
something was done, the Triple Entente would soon becom e a quantité négligeable.
Germany, lie maintained, was bent on establishing her hegem ony in Turkey and she
would one day push matters too far, with the result that we should all be diagged into
war W e had made an alliance with Japan; but that alliance, it was true, had been
directed against Russia. W hy could we not then conclude an agreement with Russia
that would" guarantee us both'against German aggression. I le did not care what form
that agreement took; but, if we wished to maintain peace, we must proclaim to the
world "the solidarity of the Triple Entente.
I fully realize all the difficulties in the way of an agreement of this nature, but
I ca n ’ t help feeling that we shall be running a great risk if we do nothing to
consolidate our understanding. Russia is rapidly becom ing so powerful that we must
retain her friendship at almost any cost. If she acquires the conviction that we are
unreliable and useless as a friend, she may one day strike a bargain with Geimanv
(1) [T h is letter is endorsed as h a v in g heen sent t o th e K i n g ; to the P rim e M in is te r; to
L o rd C rew e; to la u d M orley. The endorsem en t is in itia lled by S ir L . G rey .]
(2) [C arn ock M SS., V ol. TT o f 1914.] ,
(3) [T h e op en in g p a ra g ra ph s o f this le tte r are om itted as they deal w ith th e B a g da d a»
T ra ns-P ersia n R a ilw a y and are n ot relev an t to this ch a p ter.]
(«) [cp. supra, p. 741, N o. 504, and note ( 3) ; p. 742, N o. 5 05 ; in fra , pp. <85-8, Nos. 539-41,
and E d. N o t e .]
(*) [v. G ooch & T em p erley, Vol. I V , pp. 618-20, A p p . I.]
and resume her liberty of action in Turkey and Persia. Our position then would be
a very parlous one.
You will have seen from m y telegram that the .Russian Government want to buy
the two Dreadnoughts which Armstrongs are building for the Chilean Government.
Gregorovitch told me that they are required for service in the Baltic, and he expressed
the hope that H is M ajesty’ s Government would do all they could to facilitate the
purchase. It is quite a new departure for Ilussia to order battleships abroad, and the
fact of her doing so now shows the serious view she takes of the international
situation.^6;
E ver yours,
G E O E G E . W . BUCHANAN.
( 6) [T h e p ostscrip t to this letter is not re p rod u ced as it refers only to th e q uestion o f the
possible a ction o f the T u rk s a fte r the a cq u isition o f th e ir new D rea d n ou g h t.]
No. 539.
[10900]
78G
N o. 540.
Sir A . Xicolson to Sir M . de B u nsen .(M
P riva te .
My dear de Bunsen, Foreign Office, April 27, 1914.
. . . .(2) The Paris visit(;!) went off very successfully and the reception accorded
to the King and Queen far exceeded all expectations. It is quite untrue for the German
and Austrian press to assert that proposals were made to us either directly or indirectly
for converting our present understanding into an Alliance. The French quite
understand that such an Alliance is not possible and would not be feasible for anv
Government here. It is quite true— but I do not quite know how the papers have any
specific knowledge of the subject— that the Emperor of Russia and Sazonoff would like
to see our understanding with Russia extended, and perhaps rendered more binding.
This, I may tell you privately, was simply and solely with a view that our respective
naval authorities should come to some understanding as to what action should be
taken by them respectively in certain possible eventualities. I do not know whether
an exchange of views between the naval authorities on either side would lead to any
real practical results. Of course Russia would I daresay like to see her naval forces
in the Baltic strengthened by a British naval contingent. It would be quite impossible
for us, in case we were at war with Germany, to detach any ships into the Baltic,
firstly because we could not reduce our numbers in the North Sea, and secondly it
would be a most risky operation to place ships in the Baltic where they might be
bottled up without any great difficulty. Of course Russia does not require any
military help from us. even supposing we were in a position to afford any. She has
enough men and to spare. Still 1 do think there may be a little disappointment at
Petersburg if we do not give some evidence that we are anxious that our relations
with Russia should be given a more precise and definite form. It is very difficult to
know how this could be managed, but I do fear— and I know the French are haunted
with the same apprehension— that if we do not try to tighten up the ties with Russia
she may become weary of us and throw us overboard. In that case we should be in
an exceedingly awkward position, as she could cause us an infinity of annoyance, to
put it mildly, in the Mid and Far East, without our being in any way able to
retaliate. I do not mean to say that Russia would necessarily become really hostile
to us, but even were she to becom e indifferent to our wishes a situation would be
produced with which w7e really could not cope. She would act entirely as she pleased
in Persia, on the borders of Afghanistan and also in Mongolia, and we should be
quite incapable of taking any steps to moderate her altitude, whatever it might be.
She could, without being hostile or even if you like unfriendly, cause immeasurable
iamage to our prestige and seriously shake our political position in India and the
adjoining countries. This to me is such a nightmare that I would at almost any cost
keep Russia’ s friendship. Of course as a matLer of pure policy, apart from public
opinion here, there is no doubt that the right course for us to take would be to
transform both our understandings into definite alliances, and I am quite sure, though
of course there would be great searchings of mind in B eilin and Vienna, that such
a course would undoubtedly do more than anything else towards the preservation of
peace in Europe. A close com bination of France, Russia and ourselves would form
such a pow7erful factor that no other group would ever venture to tackle us. As matters
at present stand, with the exceedingly loose ties which bind us to France and Russia,
we always run the risk of being severed by some unexpected event. Moreover, the
uncertainty of onr attitude leads not only to misgivings in the minds of our friends, but
encourages also in the minds of other parties the hope that they may be able to break
( i f [C arnoek M SS.. V ol. I I of 1914 ] . . . .
( 2) [T h e op en in g p a ra g ra p h o f this le tte r is om itted as it is chiefly con cern ed w ith personal
m a tt e r s ]
(3) \ep. supra, p. 741, X o. 504, and note (3)\ p. 742, No. 5 05 ; p. 784, No. 538; infra.
pp. 7*7-8, No. 541, and Ed. N o te .]
7S7
up so fragile a com bination as that of the Triple Entente. However, the question of
an Alliance is of course out o f the question so long as the public in England remain
in their present mind, so it is hardly worth seriously taking into consideration.p* . . . .
[Yours. Ac.
A. N ICO LSO N.]
( 4) [T h e final pa ra g ra ph s are om itted as they refer to B alk an questions. T hey a d d n oth in g
to in form a tion g iv en elsew here.]
No. 541.
Sir Edward G rey to Sir F . D trtie.{'
F.O . 192SS 15312, 14 38.
(No. 249. Secret.
Sir.. Foreign Office, May 1. 1914.
On the 23rd u lt[im o] I had a long conversation with M . Doumergue at the
Quai d'O rsay. Sir W illiam Tyrrell was with m e, and M. Cambon and M. Margerie
were present also, i 2
M. Doumergue spoke at length and with great emphasis on the necessity for
doing something to make relations with Russia more secure. He evidently assumed
that Germ any would make great efforts to detach Russia from the French Alliance,
and might possibly be successful. In that case, France and England would be left
a lo n e ; for Italy, who had at one time been the least certain and effective member
of the Triple Alliance, was now taking Austria's place in it. Italy had ambitions in
the Mediterranean, and Germany was showing a disposition to consolidate Italy’ s
position in the Triple Alliance by keeping a German squadron in the Mediterranean.
Russia was anxious for some better understanding with us. and it was essential that
we should do something. The French knew that an Alliance between Britain and
Russia was out o f the question, but could not we at least promise to discuss matters
with Russia, if necessary?
I said that I thought it not impossible, if the French agreed, that we should
communicate to the Russian Government exactly what the state o f things was between
France and ourselves. W e might let them know o f the note that I had given to
M. Cambon. 3 and of the conversations that had taken place between the Military
and Naval Staffs. 1 Russia would then be able to ste exactly how things stood,
and what scope they left for any conversations with her. She would understand
that both the French and British Governm ents were left entirely free to decide
whether, in case of war. they would support one another or not. Russia would
realise also that, if the British Government did decide to engage in a Continental
war, any use that they could make of their m ilitary forces would be on the French
frontier: and. therefore, there could be no use in military conversations on the parr
of Russia and England. In making the com m unication we could ask Russia what
she wanted.
M. Doumergue agreed with this, and said that Russia did not want any military
arrangement as far as we were concerned.
I said that the matter would then be reduced to a conversation between the
Russian and British Naval Staffs. It could not amount to very much, but it would
be something, and I would consult the Prim e Minister about it on my return to
London, and see whether we could agree to such a conversation.
I may inform Your E xcellency, though I did not enter upon this detail with
M. Doumergue. that, unless it were to give the “ coup-de-grace.” atthe very end
(*) [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to th e K in g and to th e C a bin et on
M a v 2. It was rep eated to St. P etersb u rg h (as N o. 161), ?< r. x, on M ay 1 .]
> ) [r p . 'D D F.. 3 ”*' S er.. V ol. X . pp. 264-70. N o. l o o ]
(3) [t\ su p ra, pp. 614—5. X o . 416 ]
C ) [ r supra, p. 7S5, X o. 539, and n ote (3).]
[10900] 3 E 2
788
of a war, when we had been practically victorious, it would not be considered safe
in time o f war for the British Fleet to enter the Baltic, lest the Fleet should be
caught in a trap and find its communications cut off. If, therefore, there were naval
conversations with Russia, they would, so far as I can see, amount simply to letting
Russia know that our naval forces would be used outside the Baltic, and that Russia
could put her own naval forces to the best use inside the Baltic.
Later in the evening, after dinner, M. Poincare spoke to me and expressed
him self satisfied with what he had heard that I had said to M. Doumergue.
I pointed out, in the course of conversation with M. Poincare and M. Doumergue(5)
that it was more difficult for us in the case o f Russia than in the case of France—
] would not say to enter into engagem ents, for we had no engagements with France,
— but to hold out to Russia any hopes of assistance from us. W hether we engaged
in a Continental war or kept aloof would depend on public opinion in Great Britain
when the time came. If there were a really aggressive and m enacing attack made
by Germany upon France, it was possible that public feeling in Great Britain would
justify the Governm ent in helping France. But it was not likely that Germany
would make an aggressive and m enacing attack upon R ussia; and, even if she did,
people in Great Britain would be inclined to say that, though Germany might have
successes at first, Russia’ s resources w’ere so great that, in the long run, Germany
would be exhausted without our helping Russia. Besides this, the French Govern
ment were a free Governm ent, wdiile the Russian Government were n o t ; and this
affected the sym pathy of-p u b lic opinion in Great Britain.
W hen I made this latter remark to M. Poincare, he said that there was the same
difficulty in the French feeling for Russia.
On this I observed that I knew this to be so, hut in France the utility of an
Alliance w7ith Russia was felt, while in England the matter required much more
explanation.
M. Poincare observed that it was not an Alliance that wras suggested, for there
could be no question of anything more between England and Russia than existed
between E ngland and France.
I found that everyone conversant with politics, both those in office and such
men as MM. Clemenceau and Delcasse, were im m ensely impressed by the growing
strength of Russia and her tremendous resources and potential power and wealth.
[I am, A c.]
E. G [R E Y ].
No. 543.
squadron to Kiel during the Kiel W eek, which has just been announced, would be
an inadequate consolation for the friends of peaceful progress. W e would heartily
welcome our visitors, but at the same time we could not overlook the fact that such
festivities are passing manifestations and that an agreement is an abiding fa ct.”
I have, &c.
W . E . GOSCHEN.
M IN U T E .
No. 545.
Private. (2)
M y dear Nicolson, Berlin, May 23, 1914.
Your letter(3) was most interesting, especially the Russian part o f it. It is extra
ordinary to me how many people, even including our own countrym en, fail to see
the importance of our maintaining our Entente with Russia. I see that the Crown
Prince is not the only one to make the statement that if Great Britain had an
alliance or entente with Germany, the two countries could rule the world. F or I
notice in the Print that Prince H enry used language to that effect in conversation
with Norman. Jagow is too sensible to make remarks like that openly but he too
would like to convince us that it would be more to our interest to go with Germany
than with Russia. He sent the other day for Mackenzie, the Times correspondent
here, to talk to him about his speech and the British Press. The conversation
appears to have been o f a friendly character and, after a discussion as to whether
the Germans or Russians began the late Press controversy between the two countries,
it seems to have travelled over a pretty wide field. But Russia seems to have been
the chief topic. Jagow tried hard to convince his hearer that our understanding
with Russia, particularly as regards Persia, was not only not advantageous to us
but absolutely disadvantageous. H e said that regarding things from a business
point of view, he would not like it very much if he was an Englishm an to see the
Persian trade falling so fast into the hands o f Russia. He did not apparently suggest
a com m on policy for England and Germ any in Persia, but no doubt that was what
he was thinking of. He did not take a rosy view o f the future as regards the Balkans.
He said that Russia was straining, and would in the future strain, every nerve to
get back all her old influence in the Balkans, and Austria would strain every nerve
to prevent this. This struggle for influence would be a matter of comparative
indifference to Germany, if it were not for the fact that her obligations to her ally
might drag her into the conflict. The impression left upon Mackenzie hv the whole
conversation was that Jagow is, at all events for the moment, very anti-Russian.
Sverbeef, when I last saw him , did not seem to think so, but I have not seen him
quite lately as he has gone to E m s. Cambon is also away.
Jagow sent for me yesterday to tell me confidentially that he would like to finish
off the business of the recognition o f the recent annexations to the Balkan States,
and that he thoroughly agrees with Sir E . G rey’ s point of view, hut that he is for
the moment powerless in this respect as the Austro-Hungarian Government have
t 1) [T h is lette r is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to th e K i n g and to the P rim e M in iste r.
T h e endorsem en t is in itia lle d by S ir E d w ard G rey .]
( 2) [C a rn o ck M S S ., V o l. I l l of 1 91 4 .]
( 3) [v. supra, pp. 7 4 5 -6 , N o . 5 10 .]
793
begged him to hold his hand until certain economical questions which they were
discussing with the Balkan States— i.e. S ern a — are settled. Speaking o f Albania,
he said, in answer to a question from me, that the first intimation he had received
o f the arrest o f Essad Pasha and the landing o f Austrian and Italian sailors was
from the Press but he added that the matter had been so pressing that there had
been no time for consultation with other Powers / 4 Of one thing Jagow seemed quite
certain, viz. that it was a thousand pities that Essad had not been shot. He was
much amused by a remark in a German paper to the effect that it was by no means
certain whether the latest developments arose from a plot o f Essad against the
Prince, or a plot o f the Prince against Essad. He was also rather amused by a report
he had received from the German Consul-General at Budapest saying that he had just
seen Turkhan Pasha who had told him that he was going to Vienna to attend a
dinner, but that his subsequent m ovements were uncertain as he was not quite sure
whether he was still Prime Minister of Albania or n o t !
Jagow says that he has read in the newspapers that Turkhan is com ing to
Berlin. H e hopes to goodness it is not true as he has nothing whatever to say to
him. In fact he wishes to have as little as possible to do with Albanian affairs. I
said I was sorry for the poor Prince, to which he replied “ Yes. but why the devil
did he go th ere.” His presence is in fact awkward for the German Government
as they wish to hold aloof from Albanian political affairs and are in perpetual dread
that danger to the Prince m ay call for their intervention. You will have seen from
m y telegram that Jagow is dead against the sending to Durazzo of the International,
particularly the German, troops.(5)
An article has just appeared in the ‘ Tageblatt ’ headed “ A Russian proposal
for an Anglo-P.ussian Naval understanding.” I think I must s nd it to you but
unfortunately there is no time by this bag. The gist of it is that a correspondent
in whom the ‘ Tageblatt ’ has every confidence has reported that such a proposal
was made during the R oyal visit to Paris and that it has not, at all events yet,
been rejected.
The ‘ Tageblatt ’ says that this report comes from such a good source that it
cannot be wholly disregarded; and while makir.a light of the danger to Germany
o f such an understanding, it points out that its effect would be to impede the growth
o f the good relations between England and Germany which to the satisfaction of
all sensible people in both countries has recently shown signs o f such healthy
developm ent.
This the Article hints is probably the chief aim o f the author of the proposal—
viz. Isvolski.
If this article had appeared in the ‘ Post ’ I should have seen in it a design to
prepare the ground for a Naval Novelle, but the ‘ Tageblatt ’ is usually against naval
expenditure. At any rate it points out that the proposal tcill serve as a pretext for
further Naval demands on the part o f the Naval League and the Big Navy Party.
The Article concludes by saying that the visit o f a British Squadron to Kiel will
scarcely be a consolation for the advocates o f good Anglo-German relations. “ W e
will give our visitors a hearty reception hut we cannot overlook the fact that such
Gala visirs are mere passing pageants, while an Understanding abides. ” You might
perhaps think it worth while to say a word to Lichnowsky on the subject o f this
Article which regards the proposal and its non-rejection as facts.
Yours verv sincerelv,
‘ W . E . GOSCIIEN .
No. 546.
F .O . 2 36 4 5 /2 3 14 5 /1 4 /3 8.
(No. 154.) St. Pctersburgh, D. May 24, 1914.
Sir, R . May 27, 1914.
I have the honour to transmit to you herewith a translation, made by Captain
Sm ith, of the statement made in the Duma yesterday hv the Im perial Minister for
Foreign Affairs.
I have, &c.
G E O R G E W . BUCHANAN.
Speech of M. Sazonov, M inister for Foreign Affairs, delivered in the Imperial Duma,
M ay 23, 1914.
(Translation.)
G en tlem en ! Before you proceed to discuss the estimates for the Ministry for
Foreign Affairs, I wish, with the gracious permission of His M ajesty, the Em peror,
to furnish you with a review of the present international situation, and as far as
possible to explain the action of Russian diplom acy of late.
H aving passed through a serious crisis last year, which was accompanied by
violent upheavals in the Near East more than once threatening an extension of
com plications beyond the limits of the Balkan Peninsula, we, fortunately, have
now entered a calmer period. Although there is yet much to put in order there is
no longer that tension which still hut a short time ago evoked serious concern.
The unanimity displayed by the Powers of the Triple “ entente ” to which Russia
belongs materially assisted in the happy outcome of the above-m entioned crisis.
As you know, in foreign policy, Russia continues to rest on her steadfast alliance
with France and on her friendship with England. On the significance of the Franco-
Russian Alliance it is scarcely necessary to dilate further as it has already given
sufficient proof of its productiveness during the twenty years o f its existence.
Conviction of its necessity for the welfare of the two States which it binds has become
deeply imbued in the two peoples. The impending visit during the present summer
of M. Poincare to Russia will give a fresh opportunity to display the mutual and
cordial feelings with which Russia and France are imbued.
B earing in mind that concordance of policy constitutes the fundamental condition
for the solidarity and productiveness of an Alliance, the Imperial and French
Governm ents are in constant com m unication with each other for the purpose of a
joint consideration of all questions interesting them. The friendly relations which
have been established between France and England, and also between England and
Russia, have permitted an extension o f this intercourse and Great Britain now takes
part in these councils. As I have already stated, this fact has proved of undoubted
service in the matter of a preservation of the peace during the recent difficult
m oments through which we have passed, and has in its turn induced us, upon the
conclusion o f last year’ s conference of Ambassadors in London, to lav on the
Representatives of Russia and France in the British Capital the duty of joint
consideration with the British Minister for Foreign Affairs of a whole series of
795
No. 547.
F.O. 2 62 8 3 /2 4 8 6 9 /1 4 /3 4 .
(No. 217.)
Sir, F oreign Office, June 10, 1914.
I spoke to the Eussian Ambassador to-day about your E xcellency’ s telegram
No. 130 of yesterday,(2) recording that M. Sazonof had begun a conversation by a
violent attack upon telegrams about Persia recently published in the Tim es.”
I said that, as a matter of fact, when these telegrams appeared in the “ Times ”
I had already com e to the decision that I must discuss these Persian matters with the
Eussian Governm ent, but the last thing I desired was that the subject should be
brought up in the press before I had done so. If therefore M. Sazonof thought that
this was a press campaign inspired by me, I could assure him that this was the last
thing that I desired at the m oment. I also pointed out that M. S azonof’ s idea, that the
Persian Committee exercised influence over H is M ajesty’ s Government, was quite
wrong. The only influence that the Committee could exercise depended upon their
power to influence public opinion, and this, in turn, depended on the material at their
disposal. I did not understand M. Sazonof’ s reference to German intrigues, unless he
meant that German influence was brought to bear on the press in England, which
might be the case, though I had no knowledge o f it. I said that M. S azonof’ s idea that
there was something behind all these attacks on Eussia was quite wrong. I was even
more upset about Persia than he was, because of the effect that the Eussian
proceedings in Persia might have on public opinion here.
The Russian Ambassador pointed out that apparently concessions were being
made, the Governor-General of Azerbaijan was to be changed, and Shuja was no longer
to hold this post.
I said that it was not so much a question of whether this or that Persian was
Governor-General of Azerbaijan. It was a question of whether the Governor-General,
whoever he was, was influenced by the Russian consul to act fairly and properly
towards the Central Government in Tehran or whether he openly defied the Central
Government.
Count Benckendorfif asked me what I thought was really needed in connection
with Persia.
1 replied that I thought a closer grip over Russian representatives in Persia was
needed, and an understanding in the Russian Foreign Office that the effect of these
various actions of Russian consuls in Persia was cumulative and must react upon the
general political relations of Russia and the European situation. The representatives
of any foreign country in any particular part of the world were apt to have a wrong
perspective and to pursue particular objects in that one particular part of the world
without realising the effect that their action might have on general policy. The
essential thing was that the representatives and agents of a foreign Government in
each part of the world should be made to subordinate their action to the requirements
of general policy.
Finally, 1 gave Count Benckendorff a paraphrase of m y telegram to your
E xcellency,(3) in which I had recorded my conversation with M. de Etter, and the
memorandum, of which a copy is enclosed herein.
I asked him to take this paper away with him and read it as a statement of our
position. W hen he had read it we could discuss the matter further. I had defended
the sending of Russian troops into the north of Persia on the ground that the Anglo-
Russian Agreement of 1907 must not be interpreted in a way that altered to her
disadvantage the position of Russia in Persia as it existed in 1907; but it followed
equally that the position in Persia should not be altered to our disadvantage; and,
when I looked at the other side of the shield, the British and not the Russian side, it
was evident that the cumulative effect of all the events and of Russian action since
1907 had been to alter the situation to our disadvantage.
Count Benckendorff promised to study the memorandum that I had given him.
I am. Ac.
E . GR E Y.
Enclosure in No. 547.
(3) [S ir E dw ard G r e y 's telegram (X o . 264) of Ju n e 10, 1914, is not reproduced, as its
c on tents are sufficiently in d icated above. (F .O . 2 5 9 2 7 /2 4 8 6 9 /1 4 /3 4 .) ]
( ') [T h is m em orandu m is founded on a “ rough s k e tc h ” drawn up by Sir E dw ard Grey
h im self, cp. Im perialism us, 1st. S er., V o l. I l l , pp. 1 8 0 -3 , X o . 197.]
799
the presentation on his part of a note explaining in greater detail the view which the
Russian Government took of the situation, and their proposals for meeting it. The
promised note will, it need hardly be said, be duly examined with the greatest interest
and in the most friendly spirit. The British Government on their part are seriously
concerned at the present position in Persia and the direction in which it is developing.
Without, therefore, waiting for the receipt of M. Sazonof’ s note, they think it right to
place before the Russian Government certain observations, inspired by their desire
that the respective interests o f the two countries in Persia should continue as hitherto
to be frankly and amicably discussed between them.
In view of M. Sazonof's recent remarks, it appears desirable to recall that the
Anglo-Russian Agreem ent of 1907 was based upon the assumption of the independence
and integrity of Persia. The division into three zones flowed from strategic rather
than from political or commercial considerations, and in no sense did the agreement
contemplate, or aim at, a political or administrative partition of Persia. Important
events, however, which were not, and could not be, foreseen in 1907, have since
occurred, bringing in their train, among other things, a military occupation of northern
Persia by a Russian military force varying in numbers from 12.000 to 17,000 men, and
the establishment of what amounts in practice to a Russian political protectorate over
those regions.
It would be difficult to describe in any other way the de facto administrative
status o f the northern provinces of Persia. The Persian governor-general at Tabriz
is now to all intents and purposes an autonomous ruler. He pays no heed to the
authority of the Central Government, and even at times issues orders in a sense
contrary to their express instructions. The governor-general is. at the same time,
entirely under the control of the Russian consulate-general, whose behests he implicitly
obeys, and whose support alone prevents their protégé from being called to account
by his own Government. Again. Persian governors, as at Rosht and Kazvin and at
Julfa (Ispahan), are practically chosen, or. at any rate, maintained in their office, by
the Russian consuls, and the condition of their remaining in office is that they must
act as the Russian agents desire. The Central Government dare not dismiss them
except with Russian consent, however rebellious, dishonest, or otherwise unsatisfactory
their conduct. It will be remembered that the Russian Minister at Tehran recently
brought about, on grounds closely connected with an instance of this nature, the
resignation of the late Minister of the Interior, probably one of the least incapable and
least inefficient officers of State in the country, and originally selected for his post on
the strong recomm endation of the Russian Government themselves!
By the grant of Russian protection to individuals, with all that this implies, in
Azerbaijan. Meshed, and even as far south as Ispahan, the Russian administrative
control is extended in great measure into the financial administration, which is at times
seriously crippled therehv. In Azerbaijan instances have occurred where the major
part o f ‘ the taxes due from the very numerous Russian-protected persons have been
collected, to the total exclusion of the Persian finance administration, by the Russian
consuls, and by them lodged in the Russian Bank, without e\en an account being
rendered of the moneys thus diverted from the Persian Treasury, so that the finance
of the province has been com pletelv disorganist d.
It is true that the Russian Government have not in set terms annexed the north
of Persia but. on the contrary, have repeatedly disclaimed any intention of doing so.
Nevertheless, they have, in fact, acquired supreme political power and are the
predominant influence through their agents in all the administration, which has in fact
become Russian in all but name.
His M ajesty’ s Government have never failed to recognist Russia’ s claim to exclude
any other foreign influence from the north of Persia and adequately to safeguard
Russian interests there. At moments of crisis and disorder, as, for instance, at the
time of the Shuster incident and of the troubles at Tabriz, they have raised no objection
to the measures taken bv Russia to secure these objects. Even now, though tne
steadily increasing influence and activity of Russia's agents seems somewhat m excise
800
of what is essential to secure the objects in question, the purpose of laying the present
considerations before M. Sazonof is to record the actual facts of the existing situation
rather than to make complaint regarding past actions.
It is, however, necessary for Jlis M ajesty’ s Government to consider the
consequences of what has occurred in their bearing on important British interests
which it is their duty to safeguard for the future. One result of Russian activity in
the north of Persia, com bined with the disturbed condition of the south, has been to
create almost a m onopoly in the north and north-west for Russian trade : and the
inevitable tendency must be for Russian trade, under the impulse imparted to its flow
by the substitution of Russian for Persian authority in the north, to penetrate to the
south, replacing in both regions British and other foreign trade, which cannot enter
Persia except by the southern trade routes, and cannot enter at all when these roads
are closed.
There is, m oreover, a general tendency for Russian political influence to extend
into the neutral sphere, as is apparent from the activity of the Russian consul at
Ispahan and his interference with the duties of the governor-general of that province,
and from the projected irrigation concession at the headwaters of the Karkunan. His
M ajesty’ s Government cannot remain unconcerned if Russian influence and activity
in the neutral zone threatens to assume the political and predominant character that
it has done in the north.
It will doubtless be readily admitted that H is M ajesty’ s Government have
always hitherto done their best, in the British Parliament, to explain, and even to
justify the general action of Russia in northern Persia on the ground that it was
necessary for her to protect the interests and maintain the position, commercial and
other, that she held there prior to the conclusion of the Anglo-Russian convention of
1907. His M ajesty’ s Government have taken the line that it would be unfair to
interpret or use the agreement of that year as an instrument for altering the
status quo of 1907 to the disadvantage of Russia. But it follows that British interests
in the south of Persia should also not be allowed to suffer by the changes that have
taken place since 1907, and that H is M ajesty’ s Government should be free to adopt
such measures as may be necessary to secure their strategic and political interests in
the British sphere and the Persian Gulf and their important interests in the neutral
sphere.
W hether this will require a revision of the agreement of 1907 is a matter for
consideration. His M ajesty’ s Government would have remained quite satisfied wTith
that agreement had Russian action in the Russian sphere been kept within the limits
of British action in the British sphere, but they cannot close their eyes to the fact
that the situation has altered to the disadvantage of British influence, trade, and
interests. Some special steps and some revision of the agreement of 1907 may
therefore appear necessary to restore the relative interests of Russia and Great Britain
to the position which they occupied respectively in 1907.
No. 54S.
Sir Edward G r ey ’s Statem ent in the H ouse of Commons, June 11, 1914.i 1)
8. Mr. K ing asked whether any naval agreement has been recently entered into
between Russia and Great B rita in ; and whether any negotiations, with a view to a
naval agreement, have recently taken place or are now pending between Russia and
Great B ritain?
5. Sir W illiam Byles asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Afiairs whether
he can make any statement with regard to an alleged new naval agreement between
Great Britain and R ussia: and how far such agreement would affect our relations
with G erm any; and will he lay Papers?
Sir E. G r e y : The h o n o u ra b le ] Member for North Somerset asked a similar
question last year with regard to military forces, and the honourable Member for
North Salford asked a similar question also on the same day, as he has again done
to-day. The Prime Minister then replied that, if war arose between European
Powers, there were no unpublished agreements which would restrict or hamper the
freedom of the Government or of Parliament to decide whether or not Great Britain
should participate in a war. That answer covers both the questions on the Paper. It
remains as true to-day as it was a year ago. No negotiations have since been
concluded with any Power that would make the statement less true. No such
negotiations are in progress, and none are likely to be entered upon so far as I can
judge. But if any agreement were to be concluded that made it necessary to withdraw
or m odify the Prime M inister’ s statement of last year, which I have quoted, it ought, in
m y opinion, to be, and I suppose that it would be, laid before Parliament.
(>) [P a ri. D e h ., o th S er., (H ou se o f C om m ons), V o l. 63. pp. 4 5 7 -8 ]
No. 549.
No. 550.
P .O . 2 80 2 8 /2 8 02 8 /1 4 /1 8.
(No. 244.) B erlin, D. June 16, 1914.
Sir, B . June 23, 1914.
H err von Jagow who, in view o f his forthcom ing marriage, is leaving Berlin
to-day, came to see me yesterday afternoon, and conversed on a variety of subjects
connected with the international situation. After deploring the unsettled state o f
F rench internal politics and touching lightly on what he characterized as the
extrem ely maladroit and tactless article on that subject which has appeared in the
Russian Press, he said that the only thing which had given him real pleasure of
late days was the declaration you had made in Parliament with regard to the
rumoured naval understanding between Great Britain and R ussia.(2) Though he
had always been inclined to disbelieve the rumour, he had, he admitted, been rather
shaken by the categorical and reiterated statements of the “ Berliner T ageblatt’ ’
on this subject, and your declaration had come to him as a great relief. H e added
that in making its statements the “ Berliner T ageblatt” had always pointed out
that they were sure to receive official denial, and that such denial need not be taken
No. 551.
Private. (21
My dear N icolson, Berlin, June 20, 1914.
My time has been cut up this week by two journeys, one to Neustrelitz to the
funeral o f the late Grand Duke of M ecklenburg-Strelitz, and the other to W eimar
to present m v belated letters of credence which for one reason and another it has been
difficult for me to present before. At Neustrelitz I saw the Dowager Grand Duchess,
who, notwithstanding her 92 vears and the anxious time she has had during the last
few weeks, culm inating in the great sorrow o f losing her son. looked very well in
health. She talked very pathetically about H er loss but afterwards talked in her
own clever, piquant way about home politics in which she takes such a ti emendous
t1) [T h is le tte r is endorsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the P rim e M inister.
The end orsem ent is in itia lled b y S ir E . G rey.]
( J) [C a rn ock M SS., V ol. I l l o f 1914.]
[10900] 3 F 2
804
interest. I had a long talk with Jagow on the day before he went off to be married.
You will see from m y despatch recording the conversation how he harped on the
relief caused to him by Sir E . G rey’ s statement in the House respecting the rumours
of an Anglo-Russian Naval Understanding. (3) In the meantime the Tageblatt sticks
to its guns, and points out that the Parisian friend from whom it received the original
inform ation declares in a second letter that everything he said was absolutely true.
The Tageblatt also cites the Manchester Guardian as a witness that there are gaps
in Sir E . G rey’ s statement which if filled up would show that the rumours are not
so very wide o f the mark after all.
Jagow was very anxious to put before me the fatal consequences which would
have ensued if the Naval Understanding alleged to have been proposed by Russia
had been accepted by E n g la n d : these consequences being,— renewed ill feeling
between Great Britain and Germ any, Naval Novelles, and still further increases in
German military strength. But what did he mean when he said that in the case of
war with France and Russia Germ any would stand “ practically a lo n e ’ ’ ? does he
not count Austria and Italy at all, or does he mean that the war would be over
before the Allies of Germany could put in an appearance in the field? . . . ,(4)
Yours very sincerely,
W . E . GOSCHEN.
(3) [v. im m ed ia tely p r eced in g docu m en t, and n ote ( 2).]
(4) [T he rem a in in g p a ra g ra p h s of th is letter are not rep rod u ced , they refer to B alkan
a ffa irs.]
No. 552.
( ' ) [T h is telegram was sent to S ir W . T ow n lev (T eh ra n ) on J u n e 27, and a cop y was sent
to th e In d ia Office.]
(-’ ) [i>. supra, pp. 797-800, No. 547, and encl.]
805
subjects. H is E xcellency declared he would never consent to the appointment of
Persian Governors who intrigued against Russia in provinces where Russian interests
were predominant. W e did not, he added, allow this in the south. 1 replied that,
though we used our influence to secure the appointment of Governors who would
maintain order, we did not, as Russia was doing, govern the southern provinces through
our consuls, but tried to assist the Persian Government to carry on the Administration
through their own appointed agents.
On m y reading the passage referring to measures which His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment might have to adopt to secure their strategical and political interests in the
British sphere and the Persian Gulf, his E xcellency said that we wrere at liberty to take
whatever measures we liked. As regarded the penetration of Russian trade into the
neutral zone, he remarked that we were trying to secure our share by the projected
m ining concession. He said nothing about the oil concession, which has been made
the subject of a violent attack in the “ Novoe V rem ya.” He again suggested that we
should enlarge our sphere by incorporating part of the neutral zone. '
In conclusion his Excellency begged me to assure you that his one desire was to
maintain the closest possible relations with His M ajesty’ s Government and that he
would not let Persia stand in the way. H e had heard that relations between the
British and Russian Ministers at Tehran were not as good as they used to be, and he
was quite ready to recall M. Korostovetz if you thought that his doing so would
facilitate matters. I thanked his E xcellency for his friendly attitude and said that I
had not been instructed to make any complaint against the Russian Minister. W e did
not, m oreover, wish to challenge Russia’ s predominant position in the north, but this
position could quite well be maintained without the principle of Persian independence
being violated by consuls acting as if it was a Russian province.
I am to see Minister for Foreign Affairs again on Tuesday, and shall probably
have an audience with the Emperor on Wednesday.
I notice in the V iceroy’ s telegram of 11th June that his Excellency speaks of the
necessity of our preserving our commercial and political predominance in the neutral
and British spheres. I do not see on what we can base claim to such predominance
in the form er without a revision of the 1907 agreem ent,(3) but I feel very strongly
that, unless we come to some arrangement as to what we and Russia may respectively
do in the neutral sphere, we shall have endless trouble in the future. An enlargement
of our present sphere does not necessarily entail any military obligation, while the
important interests which we are now acquiring in the oil concession may force us one
day to take measures for their protection, whether they are situated wuthin or without
our sphere.
(3) [i\ Gooch <£■ T cm perley, V ol. TV, pp. 618-20, A p p . I.]
No. 558.
F.O. 2908-2/24869/14/34. „
(No 1 92 ) St. Petersburgh, D. June 25, 1914.
gir>' R. June 29, 1914.
I had the honour of being received in audience yesterday by the Emperor and of
delivering to him the letter which the K ing had commanded me to hand personally
to His M ajesty./2) . . .
After reading aloud to me those portions of it which had reference to Persia, an
after saying that he had on the preceding day read the memorandum which had been
given to Count B enckendorff,(3) the Em peror enquired whether it was only recently tha,.
(1) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent t o the K in g and to the C a bin et.]
(2) [u. supra, pp. 801-2, No. 5 49 ; cp. Im peria lism u s, 1st. S er., \ ol. I l l , pp. 240-1, N o. 2*2.]
( 3) [u. supra, pp. 798-800, No. 547, en cl.]
80G
the situation in North Persia had been causing His M ajesty’ s Government such grave
preoccupation.
I replied that, though the anxiety which that situation was causing them had
recently become acute, it had been o f gradual growth. I had personally in the summer
of last year advocated a frank exchange of views on the subject of Persia, as I had
even then feared that the trend of events in the northern provinces would sooner or
later create a situation that might prove fatal to the Anglo-Bussian understanding.
Since then events had been m oving rapidly, and North Persia was now to all intents
and purposes a Russian province. In saying this I begged His Majesty to believe that
we did not for a moment doubt the assurances which he had given us as to his
determination not to annex any portion of Persian territory. W e were making no
complaints, we were only recording actual facts. Unforeseen events had led to the
occupation of certain districts in Northern Persia by Russian troops, and little by little
the whole machinery of the administration had been placed in the hands o f the
Russian consuls. The Governor-General of Azerbaijan was a mere puppet, who
received and carried out the orders of the Russian consul-general, and the same must
be said of the Governors at Resht, Kazvin, and Julfa. They were one and all agents
of the Russian Government, and acted in entire independence of the Central Govern
m ent at Tehran. Vast tracts of land in North Persia were being acquired by methods
which were neither legal nor defensible, large numbers of Persians were being
converted into Russian-protected subjects, and the taxes were being collected by the
Russian consuls to the exclusion of the agents of the Persian financial administration.
The above system was being extended to Ispahan and even to the neutral zone. W e
had not the slightest desire to dispute Russia’ s predominant interests and position in
the north, but it was the methods by which that predominance was being asserted and
the attempts that wTere being made to extend it to the neutral zone that compelled us
to ask ourselves whether the time had not coine for us to take measures to safeguard
our own important interests in that zone and on the Persian Gull'. I had ventured to
speak thus frankly to H is Majesty, as I felt that the whole question of Anglo-Russian
collaboration not only in Persia but in Europe was at stake. The actions of the
Russian consuls had a cumulative effect, and, though the consuls were no doubt
animated by the laudable desire of advancing Russian interests in Persia, they forgot
that the policy that they were pursuing must react unfavourably on Anglo-Russian
relations all over the world. His Majesty was aware that without the support of
Parliament His M ajesty’ s Government, much as they might desire it, would be
powerless to maintain the Anglo-Russian understanding on its present close and
intimate footing. The sympathies of both the Liberal and Conservative parties were
being gradually alienated by wdiat was happening in North Persia, and it was
impossible for you to defend the actions of the Russian consuls or to represent them
as according with the principles of Persian independence and integrity laid down in
the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907.
The Emperor, who throughout our conversation, which lasted over an hour, spoke
to me in the most gracious and friendly manner, said that he heartily welcomed a
frank exchange of views as calculated to remove the danger of any possible m isunder
standing in the future. H e quite understood the motives H iich had induced the King
to write to him. The present situation in North Persia had been brought about by
circumstances which the Russian Governm ent could not control. It had originated
with the troubles caused by the Fedais in Tabriz and by the necessity which had
subsequently arisen of safeguarding Russia’ s very important interests in .the north.
No one regretted this necessity more than himself. In the first place, he could give
me his word of honour that he sincerely desived to withdraw his troops, and, in the
second, he felt that he was laying him self open to the suspicion of acting contrary to
the assurances which he had given us.
W e were not the first to com plain of the action of the Russian consuls. The
V iceroy of the Caucasus had quite recently addressed a similar com plaint to him, and
had called his serious attention to the fact that each consul struck out a line of policy
807
o f his own without any regard for the general iine of policy prescribed by his Govern
ment. The first thing, therefore, to be done was to control his consuls, and he would
cause the whole matter to be enquired into by a committee at the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs.
The E m peror then turned the conversation on to the question of the neutral
zone, and expressed the strong conviction that by far the simplest and most rational
manner of defining our respective positions with regard to it was to partition it. I
replied that, though I personally entirely agreed with His Majesty that if misunder
standings were to be avoided in the future some agreement ought to be com e to as to
what Russia and England were respectively entitled to do in that zone, His M ajesty’ s
Government had, I believed, no desire to extend their responsibilities by enlarging the
area of their present zone. W e were a naval, and not a military, Power, and we did
not wish to make unnecessary calls on our Indian army.
Subsequently the Emperor said that he would reply personally to the K ing’ s
letter, and that in the meanwhile he would have all the points raised in the
memorandum com m unicated to Count Benckendorff most carefully examined at the
Ministry for Foreign Affairs. I would no doubt also continue my conversations with
M. Sazonof. It might, he thought, be, perhaps, necessary for us to revise the
agreement of 1907, and if such a course com m ended itself to His M ajesty’ s Govern
ment he was quite ready to consent to its revision. He could only tell me, as he had
often told me before, that his one desire was to remain firm friends with us and that, if
he could prevent it, nothing should stand in the way of the closest possible under
standing between Great Britain and Russia.
After leaving the Em peror 1 met M. Sazonof at a garden party given in honour of
the British squadron, and again later in the day at the Embassy dinner. In the
course of the two conversations which I had with his Excellency I inform ed him o f all
that had passed at m y audience with His Majesty. M. Sazonof professed to make
light of the difficulties raised by the action of the Russian consuls. He defended their
action in the matter of the collection of taxes on the ground that they were but doing
what M. Mornard had asked them to do, and he contended that it was impossible for
them to refuse to take under their protection persons who appealed to them to protect
them against extortion and violence. I told his Excellency that he was under an
entire misapprehension on both these points. It was owing to the action of the consuls
that Russian-protected persons had refused to pay taxes when those taxes were
collected by M. M ornard’ s agents, and if Ml Mornard subsequently, and without the
authorisation of the Persian Government, consented to the taxes being collected by
the consuls and paid into the Russian Bank, it was because M. Korostovetz had urged
this course and because M. Mornard feared that, if he did not agree to it, the consuls
would prevent any taxes being paid. As regarded what he had said about Russian-
protected subjects, he was wilfully blinding him self to the fact that by an organised
system of Russian immigration, and by the conversion of Persians into Russian-
protected subjects, whole districts were being treated as Russian territory. M. Sazonof
refused to admit this, and proceeded to complain of the action of the Imperial Bank
in continuing to receive the taxes collected in the Russian zone. I replied that, by
their charter which had been acquired before the signature of the agreement of
1907, the Imperial Bank were empowered to conduct financial operations all over
Persia, and that, if M. Mornard preferred to deal with them rather than with the
Russian Bank, it was simply because they had shown a greater readiness to transact
business with him on fairer and more reasonable terms.
i f . Sazonof tells me that he will send me a written reply to our memorandum in
a few days, and he seems prepared to meet our wishes to a certain extent by exercising
a greater control over the Russian consuls and by discontinuing the present system
under which the taxes are collected through their agency. On iny observing to him
yesterday that he would take a very different viewr of things could he see with his own
eyes all that the consuls were doing, he said that he might, perhaps, send an official of
the Ministry for Foreign Affairs on a tour of inspection to report on the whole question.
808
T his (S ir G. B u ch a n a n ’ s despatch N o. 192) should be circu la ted to the C a bin et and w ith it
should g o our m em orandum on P ersia th a t has been g iv en to the R u ssia n G o v [e r n m e n ]t,(3) if
it has not a lread y been circu la ted to the C abinet.
E. G.
1.7.14.
“ G rey to ld me to-d ay , th a t he was g rea tly alarm ed b y the false rum ours w hich w ere
circ u la tin g in the G erm an press con cern in g the con ten ts o f th e alleged N a val C onvention
betw een E n g la n d and R ussia in con n ection w ith the question o f th e S tra its ; he ha d deem ed
it necessary to speak o f this in confidence to L ichuow sky, w ho is g oin g to K ie l, w here he
is to see the E m p eror. G rey assured the G erm an Am bassador, th a t the qu estion o f the
S tra its ha d n ot been discussed betw een E n g la n d and Russia fo r 5 y e a r s ; he assured him,
th a t b etw een E n g lan d on th e one hand, a n d F ra n ce and R ussia there ex isted neither an
alliance n or a C onvention. H e. nevertheless, told him th a t he did not wish in any w ay to
con ceal from him , th a t the in tim a cy betw een the three g overnm ents had g row n so g reat
d u rin g these last years, th a t th ey had, on all occasions, com e to an u n d ersta n d in g u p on all
q uestions, ju st as th ou g h they w ere allies. O n the oth er hand, he affirm ed, tha t, d u rin g the
course o f these years such n eg otia tion s h a d never assum ed a ch a ra cter d irected against
G erm any, n or had they any referen ce to th e so-called ‘ e n circlin g p o lic y .’ ” r. S ieb ert,
pp. 730-5L.
T he con v ersa tion w ith P rin ce L ichnow sky to which S ir E d w a rd G rey re fe rre d is that
record ed in G ooch T em p erley, \ ol. X I , pp. 4—6, No. 4, and in G .P., X X X I X , pp. 6 3 0 -3 .]
No. 554.
( !) [T h is despatch is end orsed as h a vin g been sent t o the K in g and to the C abinet. It is
p rin ted also in Gooch d T ein p erley, V ol. X I , p. 6, No. 5, b u t is rep rod u ced here because o f its
relevance to the present ch a p ter.]
( 2) [v. sup ra , p. 801. No. 543.] _
( 3) [» . G ooch d• T em p erley, V ol. I X (I), p. 311, Ed. A o fe .]
(*) [v. ibid., V ol. X I , pp. 4 -6 , N o. 4 ]
810
Count Benckendorff entirely endorsed what I had told him that I had said to
Prince Lichnowsky, and said that he was very glad that I had said it, as Prince
Lichnowsky would make excellent use o f it.
[ I am, & c.]
E . G [B E Y ]'.
S ir E dw a rd G rey to S ir G. Buchanan.
F.O . 2 8 7 6 0 /2 7 7 0 9 /1 4 /3 4 .
Tel. (N o. 2S3.) F o r e ig n Office, J u n e 25, 1914, 8-10 p . m .
I have rem ark ed to R ussian A m bassador th a t th e R u ssia n P ress seem ed to he disturbed
a bou t the A n g lo-P ersia n oil agreem ent, w hich was n ot su rprisin g in view o f w hat som e British
N ew spapers had w ritten a b ou t it. I m ade ob servations on th ree poin ts a bou t which there
seem ed to [b e ] m isapprehension .
1. The B ritish G overn m en t did n ot a cq u ire any rig h ts th a t did n o t ex ist und er the
concession o rig in a lly. T hose rig h ts rem a in ed ex a ctly as they w ere b efore the A nglo-R ussian
a greem en t a bou t P ersia was m ade.
2. T he only new step I had h ith erto con tem p la ted in the n eutral zone was the loan of
B ritish officers to th e P ersian G o v [e rn m e n ]t t o p r o te ct the tra d e routes by a P ersian force.
T his I had m en tion ed to M. Sazonow 2 years a go a t B alm oral, b u t only as a th in g we m ight
h ave t o do, if g en da rm erie und er n eu tra l officers fa iled. T he idea had no special conn ection
w ith th e oil concession then and I did n ot suppose th a t the oil concession w ould precipitate
this. I f it arose it w ou ld proba b ly he in con n ection w ith B u sh ire-S h ira z roa d w hich did not
tou ch the oil p ip e line.
T here was at presen t no prosp ect th a t the oil concession w ould lea d to sp ecial measures of
p r o te ctio n by us, b u t o f course i f it or a n y th in g else req u ired in ou r o p in io n special measures
in th e neu tra l zon e in con sisten t w ith th e A n g lo-R u ssia n a greem ent or the in depen den ce and
in te g r ity of P ersia, we should con su lt w ith R ussian G o v [e rn m e n ]t b efore ta k in g them .
3. T he in fluen ce o f the A d m ira lty in the oil concession w ould he used n ot to push develop
m en t in to the R ussian sphere, if the concession ex ten d ed so fa r, or to the n orth, b u t on the
co n tr a r y t o in sist fo r str a te g ic reasons th a t th e first new d evelopm ents should he on the islands
o r on th e m a in lan d as near the coa st as possible, and b y preferen ce in the B ritish sphere.
Y ou can rep ea t this to M [in s te r fo r ] F [o r e ig n ] A [ ffa ir s ].]
No. 555.
F .O . 2 90 8 3 /2 9 08 3 /1 4 /5 0.
(No. 193.) St. Petersburgh, D. June 25, 1914.
Sir, B . June 29, 1914.
I have much pleasure in inform ing you o f the splendid reception with which
the First Battle Cruiser Squadron has met from all classes in this country from the
very highest dowTn to the crowds who came out in excursion steamers to meet the
Squadron in the Gulf of Finland and cheered themselves hoarse as they passed each
ship.
The officers of the Squadron describe the welcome accorded to them and to their
men by the naval officials as well as by the civilian inhabitants o f Beval as being
nothing less than affectionate; and the reception given to them here has well
accorded with the best traditions o f Bussian warm heartedness and hospitality.
No. 556.
was most gracious and friendly throughout, and he is evidently most anxious to do
everything in his power to control his Consuls. H e advocates the partition of the
Neutral Zone, but is, I think, ready to accept any reasonable proposals which you may
put forward with regard to it. Ilis one aim and object is to remain friends with
England.
In the course of the Audience, he referred to the question of the naval conversa
tions which are to be held between the two Governments, and deplored, as much as you
do, the leakage which has taken place at Paris on the subject. At a garden party
given later in the afternoon by the Grand Duchess Cyril, at which the Emperor was
present, Sazonow told me that he had heard from Benckendorff that these conversa
tions were to be deferred till Prince Louis of Battenberg came to Tsarskoe towards the
middle or end of August. He begged me to urge you to let them begin at once.
W olkow, the Russian Naval Attache enjoyed the full confidence of his Government
and had received all the necessary instructions. He would, he said, be very
disappointed if these converations were put off for a couple of months, more especially
as he was going abroad to do a cure on August 14th and would probably not return till
the first days of October. Although he was not a naval expert, he wished to see the
final outcome of these conversations before going on leave. I said that I knew nothing
about what was being done, but that I thought it possible that it was in order to prevent
the danger of any future leakage that Prince Louis had been entrusted with the mission
of conducting the conversation during his visit to the Emperor.
Shortly afterwards the Em peror engaged me in conversation and, on my repeating
to him what Sazonow had said, His Majesty remarked that he certainly thought that
the preliminary conversations should begin at once and that Prince Louis might give
them the finisliing touch when he came to Peterhof. He, a little later, asked me to
fetch Sazonow whom he saw in the distance, and repeated to him what he had just
said to me. As he noticed that Sazonow did not look pleased, he turned to me again
and asked me what I thought. I said that M. Sazonow wanted to go away on a holiday
and would prefer to see the matter settled before he left. Sazonow then explained
that he would like to see the naval question, the Tibetan question and the Persian
question all settled together by the beginning of August. The Emperor laughingly
remarked that the naval and Tibetan questions were not closely connected but that
it would perhaps be well to get all these outstanding questions settled at once. He
would therefore ask me to represent to you the advisability of our com m encing the
naval discussion at once and of at the same time continuing our conversations about
Persia and Tibet. Could we arrive at an agreement on all these questions we should
be able to sleep com fortably in our beds without fear of any breach being made in the
Anglo-Russian understanding, though he was afraid that I should have to put off my
leave till the autumn. I replied that I was ready to make any personal sacrifice could
we only get rid of any possible cause of difference between the two Governments.
I fancy from what Sazonow said that his attitude with regard to Tibet and Persia
may be influenced bv our attitude on the naval question.
Yours sincerelv,
G E O R G E W . BUCHANAN.
M IN U T E .
No. 557.
I think you handled the Persian question quite admirably in your talk with the
E m peror.(3)
( J) [G rey M SS ., V ol. 35.]
( 2) [v. P ari. D eb ., oth S er., (H ou se o f Com m ons), V ol. 64, pp. 109, 113-15.]
(3) [cp . supra, pp. 805-8, N o. 553.]
No. 558.
F.O. 29579 2 7 7 0 9 /1 4 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 303.) Foreign Office, July 3, 1914.
Your telegram No. 145 of 30th J u n e./1)
I gather from the Russian Ambassador that M. Sazonof wants some statement
from us that he can use authoritatively to correct misapprehensions of Russian press
about Persian oil concession.
( 0 [S ir G. B u ch a n a n ’ s teleg ram (N o. 145) o f J u n e 30, 1914, is not rep rod u ced . I t rep orted
a con v ersation w ith M . Sa zon ov on J u n e 29 in w hich the la tter stated th a t he “ m ust have
som ething m ore d efinite to sa tisfy R ussian p u b lic op in ion ” than S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s statem ent
on the P ersia n o il concession con ta in ed in his teleg ram (N o. 233) o f J u n e 25 [r . supra, p. 810,
E d. -V ote], S ir G B uch an a n sa id fu rth e r th a t M . Sazonov was “ to subm it to the E m p eror
tod a y answ er w hich he proposes to retu rn to ou r m e m o ra n d u m ” (v. supra, pp. <9s-S00, N o. 547,
encl.). S ir E d w a rd G rey m in u ted this teleg ram : “ p a ra g ra p h 4 o f my telegram N o. 2S3 to
S ir G. B u ch an a n is ou r best answ er and does g iv e all th e assurance th a t the R ussians have a
rig h t to e x p e c t ’ (F .O . 2 9 5 7 9 /2 7 7 0 9 /1 4 /3 4 .)]
814
I am sending you Hansard report of m y speech in Parliament on 29th June,(2)
and you can give that to M. Sazonof for any use he likes to make of it.
You can also point out to him that the British Government does not acquire any
rights under the concession that were not possessed by the Anglo-Persian Oil Company
already. The rights are now neither more nor less than they were when Anglo-Russian
Convention was made. I do not anticipate that the acquisition by the Government of
a share in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company will lead to our taking any action in the
neutral zone except what would be taken by any trader or commercial company.
You may rem ind M. Sazonof that when a force, now withdrawn, was sent
temporarily to Shiraz the Russian Governm ent was inform ed and consulted.
W hen M. Sazonof was at Balmoral I discussed with him the question of lending
British officers to organise a Persian force to protect the trade routes in neutral
zone, though that was only a contingency at the time, and, as a matter of fact, has
not been done yet.
Those, surely, are guarantees that, if the oil concession or anything else
required, in our opinion, special measures in the neutral zone that affected the
Anglo-Russian Agreement, we should consult with the Russian Government before
taking them.
M. Sazonof can, of course, make what statement he pleases in the sense of this
telegram and of m y telegram No. 283 o f 25th June to vou .(3)
(2) [v. P ari. D eb ., 5th Ser., (H ou se of C om m ons), V ol. 64, pp. 109, 113-5.]
(3) [u. supra, p 810, Ed. V o t e .]
No. 559.
No. 560.
Sir G. Buchanan to Sir Edward G r ey J 1)
F.O. 3 15 0 8 /2 4 68 9 /1 4 /3 4.
Tel. (No. 153.) St. Petersburgh, July 11, 1914.
I am sending by Dir. O ’ Beirne reply o f Russian Government to our
m em orandum ,(2) as well as copies of two letters which I have received from Minister
for Foreign Affairs, on subject of Persian oil concession and Swedish gendarm erie.(3)
( ‘ ) [T his telegram is taken from the C on fid en tial P rin t as th e o rig in a l decy ph er is not
a va ila ble.]
(2) [r . im m ediately succeed ing docu m en t.]
( 3) [v. Iinperialism us, 1st S er., V ol. I V , pp. 150-1, Nos. 156 -7 .]
815
Xo. 561.
F.O. 3 1 8 0 1 /2 4 86 9 /1 4 /3 4.
, (Xo. 215.) St. Petersbvrgh, D. July 11, 1914.
Sir, ‘ R. July 14, 1914.
W ith reference to m y telegram Xo. 158 of to-day,(2) I have the honour to transmit
to you herewith translation of an aide-m ém oire which has been com m unicated to
me by M. Sazonof, and which contains the reply of the Russian Government to the
memorandum handed to the Russian Ambassador in London on the situation in
Persia. ( 3)
I have, Ac.
G E O R G E W . B U C H A XA X.
Enclosure in X o. 561.
(Translation.
In the m emorandum submitted by the British Foreign Office to the Imperial
I Embassy in London, and dated the 10th June of this year, the views of the L ondon
I Cabinet are put forward as to the present position occupied by Russia in Persia, and
I the opinion expressed is, in effect, that the actions of Russian representatives in
Xorthern Persia are undermining the principle of the independence and integrity of
I the country on which the Anglo-Russian Convention of 19u7 is based.
(*) [T h is despa tch is end orsed as h a v in g been sent to the K in g and to the C a b in et.]
I (2) [v. im m ed ia tely preced in g docum ent, cp. in fra, p. 520. m in ., and note (•*).]
( 3) [r . su p ra , pp. 7r5_S00. N o. 547, en c/.]
( 4) [cp. Im p e r ia lism u s, 1st S er ., V ol. I V , pp. 151-60, No. 155.]
816
In support of this opinion the following data are quoted
The Governor-General of Tabriz has becom e an autonomous ruler who does not
obey the instructions of the Central Persian Government, and at times even acts in
direct defiance of orders given him. H e is at the same time com pletely under the
control of the Puissian Consulate-General, the commands of which he obeys implicitly,
and the support of which deprives the Central Government of the possibility of calling
this personage to account.
Further, Persian Governors such as, for instance, those at Pesht, Kazvin, and
Julfa (Ispahan) are in fact selected, or at least maintained, in their posts by Russian
consuls, and their residence in the locality is conditional on their acting in full
accordance with the wishes of Russian representatives. The Central Government do
not dare to dismiss them except with the consent of the Russians, however revolu
tionary, dishonourable, or generally unsatisfactory their behaviour may be. The
Russian Minister at Tehran recently called for the resignation of the Minister for the
Interior, who, it is said, is one of the least incapable and inactive of the officials of the
State, and was selected for this post upon the recommendation of the Russian
Governm ent itself.
B y affording Russian protection to individual persons in Azerbaijan, Meshed, and
even in such southern localities as Ispahan, Russian administrative control has to a
considerable degree extended to the financial administration, which in consequence is
at times seriously embarrassed thereby. In Azerbaijan there have been instances when
a great portion of the taxes due from persons under Russian protection have been
collected, entirely independently of the Persian financial administration, by Russian
consuls who have deposited the m oney in the Russian Bank without rendering any
account of the amounts thus taken from the Persian Treasury. The result of this
action has been the complete disorganisation of the finances of this province.
Without annexing Northern Persia in the full sense of the word, the Russian
Governm ent have practically acquired the supreme political authority and a
preponderating influence through their agents in the entire administration, which, if
not in name, has in fact becom e Russian.
The result of Russian methods of action in Northern Persia in connection with
the unsatisfactory position of affairs in the south has been the creation in the north
and north-west of almost a m onopoly for Russian trade. W ith the impetus given to
this trade by the substitution in the north of Russian for Persian authority, it must
inevitably develop a tendency to penetrate to the south also, replacing both here and
there British and other foreign trade which can only enter Persia by southern trade
routes, and is entirely cut off when these routes are closed.
Further, a general tendency, it is said, is observed for Russian political influence
to extend to the neutral zone, as is evidenced from the action of the Russian consul at
Ispahan and his intervention in the duties of the Governor-General of this province,
as also from the project for an irrigation concession at the source of the Karkunan.
Before proceeding to a review of the above-quoted points from the memorandum
of the London Cabinet, the Im perial Ministry for Foreign Affairs deem it necessary to
express certain general considerations on the question of Russian methods of action in
Persia in connection with the situation in that country.
It is well known to the British Governm ent with what complications the change
of the State régime in Persia was attended, and how the events which took place in
that country reflected adversely on Russian interests, which, owing to the contiguity
of the two countries and the close economic ties which have long since existed between
them, appreciably exceed, at least in the northern part of Persia, the interests of any
other Power. Without entering into details, it must he noted that the decline of the
Government authority and the disorders which arose as the result of anarchy in the
country caused losses amounting to many millions to Russian subjects, and even led
to no small sacrifice of human life. At the same time, during this period, with rare
exceptions, there was noticeable a systematic attitude of ill-will towards Russia on the
817
part of Persian ruling spheres, imbued with ultra-nationalistic ideas not in accordance
with the cultural or ethical level of these spheres, or with the general economic and
political condition of Persia. Under such a condition of affairs the Im perial
I Government, to their extreme regret, found themselves compelled to take their interests
I in northern Persia into their own hands by the installation of Russian troops in the
1 more important localities. This step, which was attended with considerable material
sacrifice and other inconveniences for Russia, tesulted in the establishment of com para
, tive order within the localities specified, to the general advantage not only of Russian
subjects, but also of other foreigners, and, above all. of the local population. The
I presence of Russian colum ns in Pt rsia has not borne, and dot s not bear, at the present
time, however, any character of the nature of an occupation, as the Russian troops are
in no way concerned with the internal life and administration of the country. The
task o f the columns is to maintain order by the prevention of bloodshed and armed
attacks between mutually hostile local parties. On the other band, such circumstances
as the weakness of the ties uniting the provinces with the centre, and the above
m entioned feeling of the latter, as also the impossibility of perm itting anti-Russian
agitation, lawlessness, violence, extortion, Ac-., in localities where the troops are
quartered have inevitably demanded the exercise of certain action on the local
authorities by the Russian consular representatives, who have been com pelled
nolens volens to take upon themselves to a certain degree a leading role in local affairs
in order to avoid com plications which might have far more serious consequences.
Again, local P« rsian administrators sincerely desirous of maintaining order in the
provinces entrusted to them, and who have not aimed solely at the gratification of
the nationalistic tendencies of the Extreme Liberal parties in the capital, or at deriving
personal material benefits from their official position, have naturally sought a
rapprochement with Russian representatives, clearly recognising that only with their
support and the presence of Russian detachments can the aims for which they are
striving be attained. Owing to this, the necessary state of affairs has now been
created, bv virtue of which in the m ajority of the northern provinces of Persia a
predom inating influence of Russian consular representatives is noticeable. This
influence brings about those conditions under which only is a peaceful development of
local life a n d 'sa fetv of person and property concert able, with the natural result of
prosperity of trade and industry. Although a recognition of this is possibly
displeasing to the national self-respect of Persian-ruling spheres, the people everywhere
fully appreciate the blessings which they obtain 111 this manner, blessings which they
couid scarceiv obtain at an early date under a weak and inconsistent Governm ent, the
activity of which is hampered by the absence of solidarity and an almost incessant
struggle by separate individuals for power.
The Im perial Government, as form erly, free from all aggressive aims and in no
way dreaming of any forcible acquisitions whatever, consider that in addition to
safeguarding their strictly com m ercial and industrial interests in Persia, they have a
cultural mission to perform , the pacification of the Persian provinces adjoining
! Russia, and the bestowal of tranquillity on their population, closely bound econom ically
and bv conditions o f life with the population o f their own outlying regions. T hey are
of the opinion that this duty will rest on them until the Pt-rsian Government
I themselves shall be in a position to guarantee law and order throughout the country.
Turning to the separate points of the British memorandum, the Im perial
Government think it their duty to put forward the following explanation
The most important province of Persia, from the point of h e w of Russian interests
is Azerbaijan, from time imm em orial closely connected with the ( aucasus. T le
Im perial Governm ent cannot he indifferent as to who stands at the head of this
province, which till quite rec-entlv was the scene of the gn atest disorders and most
unbridled action bv the dregs of the so-called Persian revolution. After a series of
unsuccessful local rulers, appointed by the Central Persian Governm ent, the power
finally passed into the hands of the present Governor-General. hhuja-ed-Dowleh. who
f 10900] 3G
818
from the very com m encem ent displayed great firmness and a full knowledge of local
conditions, and knew how to restore order in the province within a comparatively
short period of time, and to inspire the necessary respect towards himself. It is natural
that such a personality won the approval of the Russian Government, and commenced
to enjoy the full support of their local representatives. Unfortunately, however, the
Tehran Cabinet up to the present have been unable to reconcile themselves to the
fact that Shuja-ed-Dowleh has established him self in Azerbaijan by an unusual
m ethod, i.e., without the proper reverences and gifts in Tehran. Sym pathy with the
ex-Shah, of which he is usually charged, was fully refuted hv the manner in which he
acted during the attempt of Mahomet Ali to recover his lost throne. Persistently
following one aim only— the restoration and maintenance of order in his province,
Shuja-ed-Dowleh remained a true servant of the Government, deviating only from the
execution of such proposals of the latter as either were contrary to the aim
specified, or threatened to involve him in a conflict with the Russians, whose support
he naturally valued as the sole means for a successful realisation of his task.
A ppreciating the ability and great energy of this man, the Imperial Government
cannot but esteem him, and wish that he may retain authority as long as possible.
Unfortunately, however, Shuja-ed-Dowleh him self is now with increasing frequency
com plaining of bad health, and is desirous of the necessary rest, therefore the question
of his replacement by another has perforce become one for consideration, and has
already formed the subject of discussion with the Government of the Shah.
As regards the selection of persons for administrative posts, and also the changing
o f such, this, in accordance with old-established custom, has ahvays been effected by
agreement between the Imperial and Persian Governments. So far as is known, the
British Government have also enjoyed, and continue to enjoy, this right, an instance
of which was recently noted in Seistan and Ivainat. This right of a voice in such
questions by the twro Powers most interested in Persian affairs arises from the necessity
that by a due choice of persons they shall guarantee their vital interests in their
respective spheres of influence. It is impossible, m oreover, not to note here that
Russian representatives, of course, never support Governors of “ revolutionary,
dishonourable, and unsatisfactory character.” The resignation of the form er Minister
for the Interior, Prince Ein-ed-Dowleh, a typical Persian of the old régime, was evoked
chiefly because he renewed to its full extent the form er method of sale of posts, and for
the sake of his own interested, avaricious aims removed men useful from a Russian
point of view. Apart from this, the Prince, in search of popularity am ong the extreme
nationalists, com m enced to conduct a policy clearly ill-disposed towards Russia, while,
on the other hand, as is well known to the Imperial Governm ent, playing a double
game and secretly in touch with the reactionary elements, assuring them of his
immutable devotion to absolutism. Such duplicity could only have the most ruinous
consequences from the point of view of the establishment of tranquillity in the country
which is so desirable. It is impossible not to mention, among others, also those
intrigues which Ein-ed-Dowleh conducted against other members of the Cabinet, as for
instance, Vosug-ed-Dowleh, who were recognised by the Russian and British Govern
ments as the most useful members of this Cabinet.
During the burdensome times through wThich Persia has lived and is in part still
passing, and owing frequently to the insecurity of person and property, the number of
natives seeking the protection of foreign representatives has undoubtedly considerably
grown. In this category are principally those persons who are under financial
obligations to banks and trading firms and the ruin of whom would involve severe loss
for the latter, and also persons who, during the difficult time of persecution of
everything Russian in Persia had the courage, as form erly, to display feelings of
friendliness towards Russia. The protection of such persons from persecution and
violence is naturallv the duty of Russian representatives in Persia. The institution of
protected persons is undoubtedly undesirable in principle and conducive of no little
trouble, but it will automatically disappear when law, order, and respect for the
political convictions of others are reinstated in the country. Noting in passing that
819
Ispahan, although it lies somewhat to the south, form s, nevertheless, a portion of the
zone apportioned to Russian influence by the agreement of 1907, the Imperial Govern
ment cannot accept as correct the opinion that the protection afforded to the
above-m entioned persons is a source of embarrasment or loss to the finances of Persia.
On the contrary, the Im perial Government maintain that it is only owing to the
co-operation afforded by the Russian representatives to the Persian financial adminis
tration that the latter is in a position to realise its functions, and regularly to increase
the revenue o f the Treasury of the Shah. The difficulties which this administration
at times meets in its path are for the most part the result of ignorant methods and an
unwillingness on the part of its separate organs to reckon with local conditions of life
and other peculiarities. Am ong these organs, unfortunately, are certain Belgian
officials, who do not listen to the good advice offered them by the Russian representa
tives having relations with them, and always tendered in a kindly spirit. The frequent
conflicts which have in consequence arisen between officials of the “ maliat ”
administration on the one hand, and Russian subjects, together with those under
Russian protection, on the other, induced the Im perial Minister, in agreement with
the Chief Treasurer of Persia, to entrust the collection of taxes from these persons to
Russian consuls, with the participation of the Discount and Loan Bank of Persia. By
this measure, am ong others, has been partially decided the question of tlie deposit in
the above-nam ed bank of the Government revenues of Northern Persia, which, contrary
to the spirit o f the Anglo-Russian agreement of 1907, M. Mornard. since 1913, has
been placing in the British Bank. However, the Persian Government saw a violation
of their rights in this first attempt to introduce a new method, guaranteeing the
Government o f the Shah an accurate receipt of taxes and avoidance of such highly
undesirable mutual friction and recrimination, and M. Mornard hastened, not only to
repudiate the agreement concluded with them, but e\ en to talk of the arbitrary actions
of Russian consuls. At present, the question of the collection of the “ maliat ” from
Russian subjects and protégés also forms a subject of negotiation between the Im perial
and Persian Governm ents and with a readiness on the part of the latter to meet
half way the legitimate wish that the revenues of the northern provinces shall be
deposited with the Russian Bank, as was done in 1912, and with the establishment of
a certain control by the consulates as regards the correctness of the assessment, a
favourable settlement of the question appears fully possible. It is scarcely necessary
to mention that a precise account is kept of all sums collected by Russian consuls, and
that not one copeck of these amounts is taken from the Persian Treasury. If the
Persian Financial Department state otherwise such statement does not merit belief.
Owing principally to the geographical position of the two countries. Russian trade
has always predom inated in northern and north-western Persia over the trade of all
other States. I f the imports of the latter have specially diminished of late years it is
due— as is justly remarked in the British m emorandum — chiefly to the absence of
safety for traffic along the caravan routes of southern Persia. However, the Imperial
Governm ent cannot but recall that on their part they have never placed any obstacles
in tlie way o f the British Government in its endeavours to secure an effective
protection of the southern routes. As regards the penetration of Russian wares into
Southern Persia, no such movem ent is at present noticeable, and even appears to be
little likely beyond the limits of the Ispahan province, which constitutes, as has been
already pointed out, a portion of the Russian sphere of influence.
Finally, with reference to the m ention made in the memorandum of the tendency
of Russian influence to extend into the neutral zone, it can only be said that such
tendency m ay to a certain degree appear only in the Ispahan province, as is shown
bv the instance cited in the British m emorandum of projected irrigation work in the
same region. Moreover, the appearance of influence and a realisation of economic
enterprise within the limits of the neutral zone is not forbidden either Power by the
Anglo-Russian agreement, and. so far as is known, Great Britain is taking wide
advantage of this right in Baklitiaria, and in her relations with such persons, as, for
instance, the Sheikh Khasal of Mohammerah.
[1 0 9 0 0 ] 3 G 2
820
In concluding with this point their reply (to the memorandum), the soundness of
which can scarcely be denied, the Imperial Government cannot conceal their profound
regret that their actions in Persia, dictated hy vital necessity, regularly meet with such
evident mistrust from British public opinion, notwithstanding repeatedly given
assurances as to the entirely disinterested motives of Russia, confirmed by all her
actions during the period of the Persian crisis. This symptom is all the more to be
regretted in that its action may extend far beyond the limits of the comparativelv
narrow scope of Persian affairs, and m ay find an echo in other points o f contact of the
interests of the two Powers. Deem ing such consequences as equally undesirable and
even dangerous for the two friendly Governments, and endeavouring by every possible
means to assist in the removal of the above-mentioned distrust, nourished apparently
to a considerable extent by traditional fears in India of a possible Russian invasion of
that country, the Imperial Governm ent are prepared with all attention and good
wishes to consider, jointly with the London Cabinet, what measures can be taken with
a view to a lasting establishment of a reciprocal correct understanding and complete
confidence, which is so important for their respective interests.
M IN U T E S .
A s S ir G. B u chanan said, these a rgum ents are both “ w e a k ” and “ ch ild ish .” It is almost
su rp risin g th a t they are pu t forw a rd in a docu m en t in ten ded to help ou r relations.
T h e q uestion o f the P ost Office m en tion ed 111 (3 l5 0 S )(5) is not dealt w ith.
T he a ction foresh a dow ed in the p en u ltim a te para [g r a p h ] o f (31508) a ppears m ost desirable
and m ig h t be em bodied in the m e m o r a n d u m ] a bou t to be draw n up by M r. Clerk.
L. 0
14 July.
I t is to be hoped th a t this “ rep ly ” w ill not be the only outcom e o f our rem onstrance.
I never read a flim sier docu m en t, and it seem s really useless to ta k e any n otice of it. It
w ill b e b etter to rely on a con tin u a n ce o f th e con v ersation s a t St. P etersb u rg . W hen we have
M r. C lerk ’ s m e m o[ra n d u m ] we m ust seriously consid er w hat w e shall p u t forw a rd .
E. A. C.
J u ly 14.
T he sooner we can con tin u e discussions the b etter it will be. I t w [o u l]d be desirable to
have som e settlem ent rea ch ed b efore M. S azonow leaves fo r his holida y n ex t m onth.
A. N.
E. G.
S ir G. B uchana n to S ir E d ica rd G re y J 1)
(*) [C opies o f this teleg ram w ere sent to the D ir e cto r o f N a v a l I n te llig e n ce ; to the D ir e cto r
o f M ilita r y O p e r a tio n s; to the C om m ittee of Im p eria l D e fe n ce .]
( 2) [S ir E d w a rd G rey ’ s teleg ram (N o. 3S) to S ir C. G reene o f A u gu st 5, 1914, ex pressed the
a p p recia tion of th e A d m ira lty fo r th e assurance g iv en in S ir C. G reen e’ s teleg ram (N o. 61) of
A u g u st 4, 1914 (t>. G ooch <£• T em p erley, V ol. X I , pp. 327-8, No. 637). (F.O . 3 5 9 3 7 /3 5 4 4 5 /1 4 /2 3 .)]
(3) [s ic : 19th. v. G ooch ¿c T em p erley, V ol. X I , p. x i.j
82 2
I said I cou ld express no o p in ion w ith reg a rd to a n y chances o f proposal abou t W ei-hai-w ei.
I th in k h ow ever a trip le gu a ra n tee by E n g lan d , R ussia and J ap an o f th eir respective
possessions in Asia w ould be o f grea t a d v a n ta g e to us in fu tu re and th a t w e shall never find a
m ore fa v ou ra ble m om ent than the presen t fo r con clu d in g an a rra n g em en t t o th a t effect.
M IN U T E S .
M IN U T E S .
This opens up a question w hich had a lread y been m ooted b efore the w ar.
I t w ill affect the discussion as to J ap anese su p port, b u t on genera l g rou n d s it offers
advan ta ges, and S ir G. B uch an a n has a d v oca ted it strongly.
P ersia is presum ably cov ered by the 1907 A greem ent.
T h e I [n d ia ] 0 [ffic e ] m ust be consulted.
C hina D e p [a r tm e n ]t first.
G. R . C.
9—vii i—14.
I have discussed this qu estion w ith S ir W . L an g ley and we are a greed th a t as regards the
m u tu a l g u a ra n tee o f our possessions in th e F a r E ast, as a p a rt from In d ia and the Persian
question, this proposal offers no a d v an ta g es to us th a t we can see. T he question o f the
m a in ten a n ce of peace in A sia is a b roa d er one w hich I und ersta nd is now b ein g discussed on
the id ea o f the n eu tra liza tion o f th e P a cific w hich a ppears to be fa v ou red b y S ir J. J orda n —
and w as pu t forw a rd by th e S ta te D e p [a r tm e n ]t in W a sh in gton on A u g [u s t ] 4 and subsequently
recon sidered on A u g [u s t ] 8 (see 37529 and 37530).
A s a genera l p rop os ition the R u ssia n proposal w ould seem unnecessary a t any ra te during
the w ar. It m ig h t m ore u sefully form th e sub ject fo r con sid era tion a f te r the war.
B. A.
9 /8 /1 4 .
In any case n oth in g cou ld be d ecid ed on w ith ou t fu ll con sid era tion w ith S ir C. G reene and
S ir J. J ord a n .
B. A.
I am sorry to differ a ltog eth er from S ir J. J o rd a n 's view , w hich is lim ited to the Chinese
h orizon . H e does not un d ersta n d w hat is the natu re o f a w ar on w hich ou r ex isten ce is staked.
S23
1 ca n n ot to o stron gly express m y con v iction that n eu tra liza tion -p la n s are a fu tile absurdity.
W h a t is w an ted is to strik e h a rd w ith all ou r m ig h t in all the fou r corn ers o f the w orld.
E . A . C.
A u g fu s t ] 10.
W e should not dism iss this p rop osal— it w ould b e o f g rea t a d v a n ta g e to us qua In d ia w hich
is ou r ch ie f con cern . W e m ig h t g iv e M . S azonov an assurance that w e agree to th e p r in c ip le
a n d ask if he w ou ld lik e us to a p p roach J a p a n b e fo re w e discuss details.
A. X.
L et m e have th is fo r th e C abinet today.
E. G.
11.8.14.
A P P E X D I X II.
A P P E N D I X I II .
I.
P relim in a ries. L ord J ohn R u ssell’ s refusa l to fa v ou r in depen den ce of the Caliph (1860).
F ir st stirrin g s o f A ra b S ecret Societies (1865-1880).
II.
III.
IV .
L ord K it c h e n e r ’ s con v ersa tion w ith E m ir A bdullah, F eb ru a ry 1914, and its a fterm a th .
(A ) L ord K itc h e n e r’ s accou n t and view s of Sir L ou is M allet.
(B ) E m ir A b d u lla h ’ s a ccou n t o f his con v ersation w ith L ord K itch en er, tra nsm itted
w ith notes by M r. G. A ntonius.
V.
I.
[E D . N O T E .— The A ra b n a tion a l m ovem ent has its roots in the litera ry rev iva l w hich
began in Sy ria in the fifties of the X l X t h cen tu ry . T his rev iva l ultim a tely gave b irth to A rab
n a tion a l consciousness in the A r a b ic-sp ea k in g provin ces o f the O ttom an E m p ire, and to a
m ov em en t for the p olitica l em a n cip a tion o f those provin ces from th e T urkish yoke.
The p roject of using the G rand Sheriff as a kind o f C aliph to cou n tera ct F ren ch influence
in E g y p t was actu a lly discussed in 1860. I t was d ecisively vetoed by L ord J ohn Russell
(F .O . 7 8 /1 51 4 o f D ecem ber 12, I860), u. T em perley : E ngland and the N e a r E a st— th e Crim ea,
(1936), p. 422. There is no real evid en ce o f A rab su p p ort o f the idea.
T he first stirrin g s a p p ea r to have ta k en place betw een th e years 1865 and 1880, when
secret societies w ere form ed in B ey rou th and D am ascus. The celebrated M id h a t Pasha,
G overn or o f S yria in the late seventies, is know n to have lent some en cou ra gem en t to the
m ov em en t.]
II.
( x) [Figaro and Le Temps, N ovem ber 18, 1912; L ’Eclair, D ecem b er 2, 1912.]
825
also visited L ord K itch en er. H ig h C om m issioner in E g y p t, p etition in g G reat B rita in to annex
Syria to E g y p t and to g iv e Syria an in depen dent a d m in istra tion .!2)
L ord K itch en er, no less than H is M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent, was aw are o f the im p orta n ce of
e x ten d in g B ritish influen ce in western A rabia as well as on the coast of the P ersian G u lf and
w ith Ihn Saud. Such influence was essential if a K h a lifa t in depen dent o f O ttom an control
and o f G erm an in fluen ce were to be cr e a te d )3) and if the still nebulous p roject o f a T rans
A rabia railw ay from A kaba to the P ersian G u lf w ere to he realised. The advances o f the
S yrian s and o f the A rab N a tion alists w ere, therefore, ta ctfu lly received ]
( 2) [L e Tem ps, N ovem ber IS, 1912; L 'E ch o de P aris, F ebru ary 2S, 1913; also N a jib A zuri
to Quai d'O rsa v, M arch 16, 1913, cited by E. J u n g : L a B e v o lte .1 r a le. Vol. I (P a ris, 1924),
pp. 6 0-1.]
(3) [F o r an in d ica tion o f the in fluen ce o f this policy on w ar-tim e n eg otia tion s r. E. A d am ov :
D ie E u rop ä isch en M a ch te und die T ürkei w ährend des W eltk rieg es . A u fteilu n g d er A sia tisch en
T ürkei (D resden , 1932), especially p. 30, No. 32. S ir A. N icolson to M. Sazonov, M a rch 20, 1915.]
III.
S ir G. L o w th er to S ir E dw ard G rey.
E nclosu re.
1. A hm ed Bey M ou k h ta r B eyhoum (M oslem ), m em ber o f the m ost in fluen tial M oslem fam ily
o f B eirout.
2. K h a lil E ffendi Zey n ieh (n ot Seliin T aiarah , as m en tion ed in m y a bov e-q u oted despatch),
a G reek C a th olic jou rn a list.
3. Selim E ffendi Selam , a M oslem m erchant o f very h igh sta n din g o f B eirou t.
4. A hm ed E ffendi T abbarah, a p rom in en t M oslem jou rn a list of B eirout.
5. D r. A y ou b T ab et, M a ro n ite o f B eirou t. H ig h ly respectable m edica l pra ctition er.
6. A lb ert J. Sursock, a m em ber o f one o f th e lea d in g G reek o rth od ox fam ilies o f B eirou t
(th is g entlem an has not left y et).
T he m ission o f these g entlem en, w hose expenses are b ein g d efra yed by a p u blic subscription,
is to plead the cause of reform s and to lay sp ecial stress on the adm ission o f A ra b ic as the
official la n g u a g e a lon g w ith T u rk ish in Syria, the ex ten sion o f the pow ers o f the G eneral
P ro v in cia l C ouncils b u t n ot those o f th e valis, the a p p oin tm en t only o f officials w ho speak
A rab ic, and last, but not least, the em ploym en t o f foreig n advisers.
T hey h old no w ritten m andate, b u t have letters of recom m en da tion from som e o f th e heads
o f relig ion s a t B eirou t to th e “ F ra n co-S y ria n ” C om m ittee in P a ris, w hich is com posed o f a
d ozen F ren ch m en in terested in the affairs o f S yria and a few natives of S yria resid in g in
F ra n ce. .
T hey ha ve no co n n ection w ith the “ A ra b -S y ria n ” Congress C om m ittee though they will
no d ou bt m eet and discuss m atters w ith them .
I
826
T hey w ill first presen t them selves a t the O ttom an Em bassy in P a ris to m ake the ob ject of
th eir m ission know n, and, a fter a p p roa ch in g such F ren ch statesm en as they can, they will
p roceed to L on d on , and possibly to th e other E u rop ea n capitals, to aw aken in terest and
sym pathy in th eir efforts on b eh alf o f th eir cou n try .
I have, &c.
H . A. C U M B E R B A T C H .
M r. C a rn eg ie to S ir E dw ard G rey.
F .O . 2 9 0 3 7 /2 9 0 3 7 /1 3 /4 4 .
(N o. 339.)
Sir, P aris, Ju n e 24, 1913.
I have the h on ou r to tra n sm it to y ou h erew ith cop y o f th e resolutions v oted at an A rab -
S y ria n C ongress in P aris, w hich have been forw a rd ed t o me by the officers o f the C ongress w ith
a req u est th a t they should be com m u n ica ted to y ou r D epa rtm en t.
I have, &c.
L. D. C A R N E G IE .
Enclosu re.
Le C ongrès ara be-syrien, réuni à P aris, 184, B ou lev ard Sain t-G erm a in , a a d op té dans
sa séan ce du 21 J u in 1913 les résolutions suivantes :
1° D es réform es radica les et urg en tes sont nécessaires dans l’ E m p ire O ttom an.
2° Il im p orte d ’ assurer aux arabes ottom an s l ’ e x ercice de leurs droits p olitiqu es en rend ant
effectiv e leur p a rticip a tio n à l ’ a d m in istra tion cen trale de l ’ E m pire.
3° Il im p orte d ’ é ta b lir dans chacu n des vilay ets syriens et arabes un régim e décen tra lisa teu r
a p p r o p r ié à ses besoins et à ses a ptitu d es.
4° Le v ila y et de B ey rou th , a ya n t form u lé ses rev en d ica tion s dans un p r o je t spécial v o té le
31 J a n v ie r 1913 par une Assem blée g én éra le ad h oc et basé sur le dou ble p r in c ip e de l ’ex tension
des p ou voirs du conseil gén éra l du v ila y et et de la n om in ation de conseillers étrangers, le
C on grès d em ande le m ise en a p p lica tion du susdit p rojet.
5° L a langue arabe d o it être recon n u e au P arlem en t O ttom an et con sid érée com m e officielle
dans les pays syriens et arabes.
6° L e service m ilita ire sera rég ion al dans les v ila y ets syriens et arabes, en dehors des cas
d ’ ex trêm e nécessité.
7° L e C ongrès ém et le v oeu de v oir le G ouvernem ent Im p eria l O ttom an assurer au
M u tessa riflik du L ib an les m oyens d ’ am éliorer sa situ ation financière.
8° L e C ongrès affirme sa sy m pa th ie pou r les dem andes réform istes et d écen tra lisa trices des
arm énien s ottom ans.
9° Les présentes résolutions seront com m uniqu ées au G ouvernem ent Im p éria l O ttom an.
10° Il sera fa it égalem en t com m u n ica tion des m êm es résolutions aux puissances am ies de
l ’ E m p ire O ttom an.
11° L e C ongrès ex p rim e ses ch a leu reu x rem erciem en ts au G ouvernem ent de la R ép u b liq u e
p ou r sa géneureuse h osp ita lité.
L e P resid en t : L e V ice -P re s id e n t :
[Ille g ib le .] C H U K R I GANEM.
F E H R A V IN
L e S ecrétaire :
C H A RLES DEBBAS.
IV .
L o rd K it c h e n e r 's con v ersa tion w ith E m ir A bdullah on F eb ru a ry 5, 191J, and its afterm a th .
(A ) L ord K it c h e n e r 's a ccou n t and view s of S ir L ou is M a llet.
" ’ In iny despa tch X o . 1021 o f D ecem b er 20th last.O ) I m entioned a ru m our that som e lea d in g
A rab ch iefs con tem p la ted h old in g a congress at K ow eit or elsew here, w ith a view t o b rin g in g
pressure to b ear on the T urkish G overnm ent, w hich show ed som e signs of uneasiness at the
a ttitu d e o f th e O ttom an A rab w orld. In p a ra g ra p h eleven o f his sum m ary o f events fo r the
th ree m onths en d in g J a n u a ry 1914. the A c tin g B ritish Consul G eneral at B a g d a d reprod u ces
the sam e ru m ou r w ith th e added d eta il that a m ong those to be rep resen ted at th e Congress
w ere the G ra n d S h erif o f M ecca, Ibn Saud o f X e jd . Ibn R a shid Jebel Sham m ar, A jey m i Sheikh
o f M un tefik , and S e w id T alib o f Basrah. A lth ou g h Colonel E rskiu e goes on t o state that the
p rojected co n fe re n c e 'is u n likely to be held, the rep ort is sign ificant in view o f the d issa tisfa ction
w hich p rev ails am ong O ttom an A ra b s genera lly ; and the list of nam es g iv en is an in d ica tion ot
th e p ossib ility o f the g rea t C h iefta in s on th e A rab frin g e o f th e E m p ire sin kin g th e ir personal
differences in' ord er to en force na tion a list a sp ira tion s as against th e C entral G overnm ent, w hich
is d irected b v th e C om m ittee o f U n ion and P rog ress and w hich they still rega rd as p u rsu in g a
T u rk ifv in g policy . So fa r th ere had been little sign o f cohesion, th e G rand s h e r if h a v in g been
at open en m ity w ith Ib n Saud, fo r in stance, an d A jey m i ha vin g been u n til recen tly an avow ed
enem y o f S ti .Id T a lib ’ s. . ..
f h e G ra n d S h e rif’ s a ttitu d e b ein g o f sp ecial in terest in consequence o f his recent a p p li
ca tion t o L o r d K itch en er, I enclose a m em orandum w hich I have had prepa red con cern in g him.
\s fo r Ibn S a u d his o ccu p a tion o f E l H assa last y ear is an eloquent dem on stra tion b oth o f his
pow er and o f his feelin g s tow ards the C entral G overnm ent. S eyyid T alib s in fluen ce in Basrah
the skill w h ich he has disp la yed in co n solid a tin g it, and the relations w hich he m a in ta in s w ith
K ow eit an d X e jib are w e lf k n o w n to H is M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent. I f these leaders w ere to
com bine eith e r in a co n s titu tion a l a g ita tio n fo r d ev olu tion or autonom y or in an avow edly
(») TSir L. M a llet’ s despatch (X o . 1021) D . D ecem ber 20, 1913. R . D ecem ber 29, 1913. is not
rep rod u ced as th e con ten ts are sufficiently in d ic a te d above. i.F.0. 55132 1 1 9 5 0 '1 3 /4 4 .)]
828
sep aratist m ovem ent they cou ld u n d ou b ted ly cause m uch trouble. In this con n ection I m ay
refer to th a t p a rt o f my despatch N o. 117 o f F ebru ary 2 4th(2) last w hich deals w ith the w id er
aspects o f the A ziz A li case.
I t is still im possible to say w hat real prosp ect there m ay be of any u n ited A rab m ovem ent.
T h at the C entral G overn m en t is on the alert is perhaps in d ica ted hv the fa ct th a t en ergetie
m ilita ry valis on whom the C om m ittee can rely have been w ithin the last few m onths appoin ted
to B a g d a d , Basrah and the H ed ja z. Ibn Saud has been n e g o tia tin g term s o f subm ission to the
G overnm ent. T he G rand S h e rif’ s son, A b du lla h , w ho is a d ep u ty in the T urkish P arliam en t,
has com e on from E g y p t to C on stan tin op le by in v ita tion from them and a ccord in g to a ccoun ts
whieh I have heard, he a ppea rs to he nerv ou s as to w hat m ay a w ait him here.
I have th ou g h t it pru d en t to abstain from show ing any pa rticu la r in terest in the A rab
qu estion in m y con versation s w ith the G ra n d V iz ie r and other M in isters In view o f the suspicion
w hich it m igh t arouse, as the T urkish G overn m en t are proba b ly aw are o f th e in clin a tion o f the
A rab s to look to H is M a jesty ’ s G overn m en t fo r sym pathy in th eir m ovem ent and even for
ev en tu al p rotection if they are successful in a ch ievin g th eir in depen dence. I have rep orted in
m y despatch No. 117 of the 24th u ltim o (2) the la n g u a ge w hich has been held to A rab officers
in the T urkish arm y w ho have v isited H is M a je sty ’ s Em bassy and have enquired w hat w ould
be the a ttitu d e of H is M a jesty ’ s G overn m en t in certain eventualities. As I am disposed to see
in the recent ou tra g es at Basrah w hich are p rin cip a lly directed again st B ritish subjects an
a ttem p t on th e p a rt o f the A rab s to fo r ce the hand o f H is M a jesty ’s G overnm ent in the
d ire c tio n o f in terv en tion , I in form ed M r. Crow on the 17th u ltim o th a t I cou ld not recom m end
the despatch of a B ritish m an -of-w a r to the Sh a tt-el-A ra b.
T he need for ca u tion is a ppa ren t a t th e present m om ent, when th ere is evid ence o f a
con certed m ovem ent on the p a rt of the A rabs. I f these projects should m atu re and if the Arabs
are ev en tu ally successful in d e fe a tin g the O ttom an arm ies the loss of the C a lipha te w ould
proba b ly follow , when, shorn of a fu r th e r la rg e p o rtio n o f t e rr ito ry and o f the relig iou s lea d er
ship, T urkish rule, as it ex ists tod a y , w ou ld presum ably disappear. E u rop e m igh t then be
fa ced w ith the question of a p a rtitio n of the T urkish E m p ire which m ig h t easily produ ce
com p lica tion s o f a serious nature, w hilst it is difficult to estim ate w hat m ig h t be the effects on
In d ia o f a p rolon g ed stru gg le fo r the possession o f the C aliphate.
I should im a gin e th a t in view o f the g rea t issues at stake th e present G overnm ent w ould
do all in th eir pow er to a void b rin g in g m a tters to a p o in t at the present m om ent and that
they w ill proba b ly tem porise w ith th e G ra n d S h erif a t any ra te u n til they have either div id ed
the A rab s and feel th a t they are in a p osition to face them w ith certa in ty of success.
I have, <£c.
L O U IS M A L L E T .
E nclosure.
T he position o f the G rand S h erif o f M ecca differs consid erably from th a t o f other A rab
poten ta tes in as m uch as he is alw ays in vested w ith his a u th ority by th e S u lta n ’ s firm an, and
is in close tou ch w ith the ca p ita l, w here several m em bers o f his fa m ily o rd in a rily reside. A ny
g iv en G rand S h erif m ig h t q u ite con ceiv a b ly pu t him self at the head o f an A rab m ovem ent, and,
if he w ished to do so, his alleged descent from the P rop h et, and m em bership o f the Ivoreish
trib e w ould dou btless be a v aluable a sset; b u t in ord er to g ain any w id espread in fluen ce he
w ould have to sta rt alm ost from the b egin n in g, and, in the case of the present m an, I th in k he
w ou ld have to live dow n a past in w hich, w hile w ork in g fo r his ow n agg ra n d izem en t, he has
posed v ery definitely as the rep resen ta tive of th e C entral G overnm ent. T he follow in g is a
sk etch o f his recen t h istory so far as it is know n to me.
D u rin g the last years o f the old reg im e S h erif H ussein P asha was a m em ber o f the cou n cil
o f S ta te here. T ow ard s the end of 1908 he was a p p oin ted G rand S herif in th e ord in a ry course
of succession, his predecessor A bdullah (w ho seems to have been G rand S h erif w ith ou t p ro
ceed in g to M ecca ) h a vin g died th a t year. H e was then a bout 56 years of age. On his arrival
he crea ted a good im pression, and it was hop ed th a t he w ould not prove ex to rtio n a te and w ould
restore secu rity in the cou n try a b ou t M e~ca. In re p o rtin g his a p p oin tm en t to the F oreign
Office S ir G. L ow th er spoke fa v ou ra b ly o f him , and m en tion ed th a t some m onths b efore, at a
tim e when th ere was no prosp ect o f his b ecom in g G rand Sherif, he had gon e ou t o f his w ay to
express his frien d sh ip tow ards E n glan d . S in ce his a p p oin tm en t it ca n n ot be said th a t he has
don e a n y th in g definite to alleviate the p ecu n ia ry b urd ens o f the pilgrim s. On the oth er hand,
alth ou g h in secu rity con tin u ed to p rev a il on the roa ds in 1909, no robb eries w ere rep orted to
th e Em bassy in the th ree follow in g years un til nearly the end o f 1912, when there was a
recrud escence o f b rig a n da g e. M eanw hile the G rand S h erif was en g ag ed in con solid a tin g his
ow n pow er, and his success in d oin g so was fa cilita te d by the freq u en t ehanges o f \ alis, m ost
M IN U T E S .
A v ery d e lica te situ ation . I have alw ays felt that the policy we are p u rsu in g tow ards
Ib n Saud is fr a u g h t w ith g ra v e da n g er to th e in te g r ity o f T urkey, and I was alw ays personally
stron gly op p osed to the in terview s w hich took pla ce betw een him and ou r officials.
Q u [e r y ] teleg rap h to S ir L. M allet.
C op y to I [n d ia ] 0 [ffic e ].
A. P.
M arch 31, 1914
E. A. C.
M a rch 31
F. D. A.
A. N.
(5) [v. supra, pp. 183-98, No. 124.]
M IN U T E S .
L ord K it c h e n e r to S ir E dw a rd G rey.
F.O. 1 5 8 8 3 /4 5 8 8 /1 4 /4 4 . '
(N o. 58.) C onfidential. Cairo, D . A p ril 4, 1914.
Sir, R . A p ril 11, 1914.
In the enclosure to S ir L ou is M a lle t’ s despatch No. 1 9 3 0 ) ° f th e 18th ultim o o f which
H is E x cellen cy forw a rd ed me a cop y , I n otice it is sta ted th a t the S h erif of M ecca sent his son,
A b du lla h Bey, to me. T his does not, how ever, q u ite a ccu rately rep resen t w hat took place, as
A bdu lla h B ey was actu a lly on a v isit to th e K h ed iv e and only called on m e q u ite unofficially,
and som e tim e a fter his a rriv a l in C a iro, w hen he spoke to me as re p o rte d in m y despatch
N o. 22 S e cre t,(2) o f th e 6th o f F eb ru a ry last. Y ou w ill rcm em her th a t he received no sort of
en cou ra gem en t from me.
I q u ite a gree w ith S ir L ou is M a llet in th in k in g th a t g re a t ca re w ill have to he taken in
d ea lin g w ith the A rah q uestion, so as n ot to w ou n d T urkish su scep tibilities and arouse th eir
suspicions. A t the sam e tim e we ca n n ot afford to lose sigh t o f the in terests w hich G rea t B rita in
m ust alw ays ta k e in th e H o ly P la ces, ow in g to the annual p ilg rim a ge w hich is a tten d ed hy
thousa nds of In d ia n M oslem s and also b y m any E g y p tia n s. The w elfare an d in deed safety of
these pilg rim s is in tim a tely b ou n d up w ith the m ain ten a n ce o f ord er in the d istricts in question
an d of a g ood relation sh ip hetw een T u rk s and A rahs w hose an im osity has un d ou bted ly heen
roused hy the recen t T urkish p olicy o f ce n tra liza tion a d op ted d u rin g the last few years and
m ore esp ecially hy the proposal to push forw a rd ra ilw ay com m u n ica tion s w hich w ould cause
g rea t p ecu n ia ry loss to the A rabs w ho live on th eir cam el hire.
(B ) E m ir A b d u lla h ’ s a ccou n t o f his con v ersa tion s with L ord K itc h e n e r , tra n sm itted w ith notes
by M r. G. A n ton iu s.
[E D . X O T E .— T he E d itors are here able t o rep rod u ce, th rou g h the kindness o f M r. G.
A ntonius, on the a u th ority of th e E m ir A b du lla h , H is H ig h n ess’ s accou n t o f his conversation s
w ith L o rd K itch en er. Som e notes have been a dded by M r. G. A nton iu s, based on A rab
in form a tion .]
Jerusalem , M a y 1. 1936.
In th e cou rse of m y researches in to th e o rig in s and developm ent o f the A ra b N a tion al
M ovem en t, I had occasion to consult H is H ig h n ess the E m ir A bdullah, R u ler o f T ra n sjorda n ,
and was p riv ileg ed to draw up on his u n riv alled k now ledge o f certain phases o f its history.
T he follow in g a ccou n t o f H is H ig h n ess's relation s w ith the late L ord K itc h e n e r in the years
im m ed iately p r e ce d in g th e W a r. when the E m ir was d ep u ty fo r M ecca in the O ttom an Cham ber,
a nd K itc h e n e r H is B r ita n n ic M a jesty ’ s A g en t an d C onsul-G eneral in C airo, was draw n up by
m e, at th e request of the E d itors o f B ritish D ocu m en ts on the O rigin s o f the ITar, from notes
ta ken at my num erous conversations w ith the E m ir. I have H is H ighness's a u th ority to state
th a t this a ccou n t is a fa ir sum m ary o f his recollection o f the fa cts and th a t it is pu blished w ith
his perm ission : —
I n ord er to a scertain the dates o f those in terview s, I have had recourse to the files of
con tem p ora ry new spapers. In its issue o f F ebru ary 6, 1914, at M u q a tta m (C airo) records that
the K h e d iv e had, on the p reced in g day, received the E m ir A bdullah and subsequently L ord
K itc h e n e r in a u dience at A b d in P alace. In its issue o f F ebru ary 9, 1914, the same paper
relates th a t, tw o davs ea rlier, L ord K itc h e n e r had pa id a visit to the E m ir Abdullah.
G. A N T O X IF S .
V.
A z iz B e y an d th e A ra b M o v em en t, 1914■
,[E I ). N O T E .— In M arch 1914, the tria l took place in C on stan tin ople o f C olonel A ziz-el-
M a sri, an A ra b officer of the T urkish A rm y. The ostensible charges on w hich he was tried were
con n ected w ith his alleged m isd irection o f the ca m p a ig n in C y renaica, b u t it has been supposed
th a t the real reason o f his arrest and t ria l was th a t he was know n (though actua l evid ence was
la ck in g ) to have been the fo u n d e r and g u id in g s p irit o f a secret p o litica l society whose
m em bership was confined to A rab officers o f the T urkish A rm y. H is tria l evoked a grea t deal
o f in terest and caused effervescence in E g y p t and Syria. As w ill be seen the British
A m b assa dor in C on stan tin ople (S ir L. M a llet) in terv en ed w ith the P o rte in fa v ou r o f Aziz.
T he pa rd on w hich was gra n ted to A ziz, a fte r death sentence had been passed, was hailed w ith
d elig h t th rou g h ou t the A rab provinces. T here Were m any loose statem ents on the subject in
the A rab press at the tim e and since th a t date, an d the E d itors thin k it best th erefore to
rep rod u ce h ere all th a t they have been able t o find of im p orta n ce on th e su b ject.]
M IN U T E S .
S ir L. M a llet a p p a ren tly th in ks we m ay hear o f this from another source. A w a it rep ort.
T his is n ot A ziz B ey w ho was M ilita ry A tta ch e in South A fric a and elsewhere and later
C hief o f P olice in C onstan tin ople. H e was not o f E g v p tia n orig in .
C. R .
F e b [r u a r y ] 23.
H e is the m an w ho was E n v e r’ s second in T rip oli and earned m uch rep u ta tion there.
G. R . C.
23.ii.14.
E. A. C.
F e b r u a r y ] 23.
A. N.
E. G
P .S .— Sin ce w ritin g the above it has com e to m y k now ledge th a t A ziz Ali has been m ore
s trictly confined, and th a t there is some reason to fea r th a t his life may be in danger. I have
th erefore m en tion ed the m a tter a ga in to T a la a t Bey, and have the hon ou r to enclose a fu rth er
teleg ram w hich I am to-d ay addressing on th e sub ject to L ord K itc h e n e r.(3)
L. M .
F eb ru a ry 25, 1914.
( 3) [S ir L. M a llet enclosed cop ies o f a con sid erable corresp on den ce he h a d had w ith L ord
K itc h e n e r on this subject since F eb ru a ry 12, 1914; not rep rod u ced as the m a tter is sufficiently
in d ic a te d above. (F .O . 9 0 3 3 /7 9 6 3 /1 4 /4 4 .)] '
H ighness assured me th a t his tria l, w hich was im m inent, w ould prove the tru th o f their
suspicion s and that the Italia n s w ere m erely p la y in g a com edy.
I said th a t, even if this w ere true, it w ou ld be b etter to let the man go back to C a iro under
guaran tees from the G overn or that he w ill not be allow ed to in tr ig u e w ith the A rab s because
the case was e x c it in g so m uch in terest and the “ T im es ” had published an a rticle on the subject
w hich in m y op in io n was ill-ju d g ed and u n called for but w hich m ight leave an u np leasant
im pression.
I said th a t I was sp eak in g q u ite unofficially and w ithout in stru ction s from you , as H is
M a jesty ’ s G overnm ent w ould net in te rfe re in such a m atter.
I do not p ropose to do a n yth in g fu rth er because there is some (g ro u p om itted ) th a t the
man was en g a g ed ill in trig u es w ith the Arabs, because, if the story o f in trig u es w ith Italia n s
is fou n d to be baseless, th e Ita lia n G overnm ent w ould have g ood g rou n d fo r resen tin g our
activ e in terv en tion to ob tain the release o f an Officer o f E g y p tia n o rig in w ho fou g h t again st
them in T rip oli a fte r peace was con clu d ed and because a lien ation o f E g y p tia n sy m pathies from
T u rkey w ould uot seem to be disa dva n tageou s fo r us.
Confidential. I am in form ed on g ood a u th ority that trial w ill ta k e place im m ed iately and
that, if fo u n d g u ilty , he w ill be p a rd on ed and set at liberty.
M IN U T E .
(i) [T h is teleg ram was sent to C airo. C opies w ere sent to the In d ia Office ; to S ir A. H irtzel
on M arch 30.]
t2; [i>. im m ed ia tely p reced in g d ocu m en t.]
[10900] 3 H 2
83G
Sir L. M allet to Sir Edward Grey
C on sta n tin op le, A p ril 1, 1914
F .O 1 4 4 8 6 /7 9 6 3 /1 4 /4 4 . D. 8-15 a .m .
T el (N o. 209.) C onfidential. R . 10 p . m .
M y telegram No. 191 o f M a r [c h ] 27.( x) I spoke to M in ister o f I n te rio r a ga in last n igh t
a bou t A ziz Ali. H e says th a t he w ill be pardoned.
“ (P riv a te .) Y o u r teleg ram o f 6th A p ril. I have no con firm ation o f A ziz A li’ s
con d em n a tion . I have recen tly m ade fu rth er unofficial rep resen tations. (R ep ea ted to
F o re ig n Office.) ”
F.O . 1 6 7 6 8 /7 9 6 3 /1 4 /4 4 .
(N o. 249.) C on sta n tin op le, D . A p ril 12, 1914.
Sir, R . A p ril 17, 1914.
A con n ection by m a rriag e o f A z iz A li, D r. K h ad em B ey by nam e, w ho a rriv ed last n ig h t
from C airo, called this m orn in g at the Em bassy. H e gave me the follow in g a ccou n t o f w hat
h a pp en ed in A fric a betw een El Senoussi, A ziz A li and E nver.
E l Senoussi had on the 28th Z u lk eid a 1329 (20th N o v [e m b e ]r , 1911) sign ed an a greem ent
w ith the Ita lia n s by which he u n d ertook to cease all resistance on con d ition o f receiv in g an
a n n u al su b ven tion and o f b ein g recogn ised as the relig iou s head o f the desert Arabs. He
subsequently b roke this a greem ent un d er pressure from E n v er Bey, w ho prom ised a la rger
subsidy than the Italia n s offered and the title o f Sultan. W hen E nver left C yrena ica he
prom ised E l Senoussi m ore m oney and am m u n ition , w hich, lie said, w ould be sent through
A ziz Ali.
D r. K h ad em sta ted tliac he did this w ith ou t any in ten tion o f k eep in g his prom ises, m erely
to m ake trou b le betw een El Senoussi and A ziz A li, o f whose influen ce w ith the A rabs E n v er
was jealous. W h a tever E u v e r’ s in ten tion s m ay have been, El Senoussi receiv ed noth in g, and
on tw o sep arate occasions El Senoussi w rote to E n v er com p la in in g th a t he had received n oth in g
from A ziz A li. In the last letter he said th a t he in ten ded to com e to term s w ith the Italia n s
as he1 had been betra yed by the Turks.
E nver, thereup on, sent him som e m oney w hich he had ob tain ed by p u ttin g on an illegal
t a x and said th a t the form er in stalm ents which had been reg u larly sent had been in tercep ted
b y A ziz A li fo r his own uses and th a t on his return to C on stan tin op le he w ould have him tried
by C ou rt M a rtial and executed .
T his in crim in a tin g letter has been ob tain ed from the Senoussi by the frien d s o f A ziz Ali
in E g y p t and Dr. K h ad em has com e from E g y p t to in form T alaat Bey tha t, unless A ziz A li is
released, th e letter w ill be published. A t his request, I gave D r. K h ad em a ca rd o f in trod u ction
t o T alaa t Bey, w hich he w ill use i f he finds any difficulty in ob ta in in g adm ission to H is
E x cellen cy in the ord in a ry way.
N o ju d g m en t has been p ron ou n ced in the case in sp ite o f m any rum ours b u t D r. K h ad em
has heard th a t the sentence w ill be p ron ou n ced to-d ay.
I shall ta ke an o p p o rtu n ity o f sp eak in g m yself to T alaa t B ey again to-d ay . H e is, I believe,
in fa v o u r o f releasing A ziz A li and realises the g ra v ity o f the position , b u t E n v er P asha is
said to be op p osin g his lib era tion ,— an a ttitu d e, w hich, I fea r, will not be m odified by the
personal atta ck s upon him in the colum ns o f the “ T im e s ” which I do not think well advised
in open ly a ttr ib u tin g to him m otives o f jealousy, as it makes it m ore difficult fo r him to g iv e
w ay w ith ou t loss o f face.
I have, &c.
L O U IS M A L L E T
T ran sla tion from the T urkish o f a r tic le pu blished in T urkish, in th e issue o f M a y 7 (A p ril 24)
o f the “ J ih a n -i-lsla m .”
A ru m ou r had been published th a t the E g y p tia n A ziz Ali Bey who, a fte r cond em nation
by th e C ou rt M a rtial, becam e the o b je c t o f the Im p eria l clem ency, ow ed his p a rd on to the
in terv en tion o f the B ritish A m bassador. Because we knew how ex alted is the p a triotism of
ou r E g y p tia n breth ren , we con sid ered it im probable th a t they should have in v ited fo r e ig n
in terv en tion in con n exion w ith the tria l and con d em n a tion o f an officer on cou n ts rela tin g to
his m ilita ry du ty. The in terv en tion o f one G overnm ent in con n exion w ith the con d em n a tion
b y a n oth er G overnm ent o f an officer o f its own arm y b ein g com p letely co n tr a r y to th e essential
p rin cip les of in tern a tion a l law, w e cou ld not reg a rd such a direct in terv en tion as possible.
H ow ev er, w ith a desire to learn the tru th , our p r o p r ie to r v isited the M in ister o f W a r and
m ade enq uiry. T he M in ister decla red th a t A ziz A li B e y ’ s pard on w as du e to no foreig n
in terv en tion , but th a t th e Im p eria l p a rd on had been g ra n ted solely on his prop osition . H ere
up on, ou r p r o p r ie to r sent th e follow in g telegram to the E g y p tia n new spaper, E s-Shaab, on
A p ril 1 5 /2 8 , 1914: —
INDEX OF PERSON S.
S h o w in g W r it e r s of D espatches. & c ., a n d O f f ic ia l P o s it io n s d u r in g
t h is P e r io d of t h e P r in c ip a l P ersons m e n t io n e d in t h e T ext.
A h m e d A g a ie f .
A r tic les by, in the J eu n e T urc, 6 (N o. IV
A hmed A u , of El Mehalla.
To S ir E d w a rd G rey, 5-J- 5 (.4pp. I l l , vV
A h m e d B e y M u k h t a r B e y h u m , o f B eyrouth.
$25 (.4pp. I l l , iii, encl.).
A j e y m i , Sheikh of M untefik.
$27 (.4pp. I I I . iv).
H .M . A l b e r t I, K in g o f th e B elgiaus, 1909-33.
R e p o rte d statem ent by E m p eror W illia m I I to, on M a r betw een t r a n c e an d G erm any,
D ecem b er 1913. 723-4 (N o. 490). 727 (N o. 492).
A n t o n iu s , M r . G.
N o te s by, on E m ir A b d u lla h ’ s con v ersation s w ith L o rd K itch en er, 831-2 (A p p . I l l , iv (11)).
A s q u it h , M r . H . H . (since 1925, F i r s t E
a r l o f O x f o r d a n d A s q u it h ), B ritish P rim e M in ister
and F irst L o rd o f the T reasury, 1908-16.
M in u te by, 424 (N o. 265), 535 (N o. 338, n ote), 583 (N o. 383), 598 (N o. 396), 603 (N o. 401),
632 (N o. 428), 698 (N o. 474), 707 (N o. 481), 710 (N o. 482).
R e p ly by, to q uestion in H ou se o f C om m ons, 689 (N o. 467).
S ta tem en t by, in H ou se o f Com m ons, 436 (N o. 272), 688 (N o. 466, n ote).
A n d naval forces in M ed iterra n ean , 594 (N o. 392).
P r iv a te L e t t e r —
To S ir E. G rey, 612 (N o. 412).
A yub T ab et, D r .
825 (A p p . I l l , iii, encl.).
A zevedo da Sil v a , S e n h o r , P ortu g u ese H ig h C om m issioner in M ozam bique.
435 (N o. 272).
A z i z - e l -M a s r i , C o l o n e l , A rab Officer of the T urkish A rm y.
A n d th e A rab M ovem ent, 1914, 8 32-8 (A p p . I l l , v).
A rrest and tria l of, 828, 831 (A p p . I l l , iv).
B a b in g t o n S m i t h , S ir H.
(¡1 sub S m i t h , S ir H . B a b in g t o n .)
B a l l in , H
e r r A l b e r t , G eneral D irector o f the H a m b u rg -A m e rica S team ship C om pany
162 (N o. 107), 167 (N o. 114), 443 (N o. 276), 746-7 (N o. 511).
B a r f ie l d ,
M r ., G eneral M a n a ger o f th e S m v rn a -A id in R a ilw a y C om p any, 1914.
333 (N o. 203).
B a r n e s , Sir H u g h S., L ieu ten a n t-G ov ern or o f B urm a, 1 9 0 3 -5 ; M em ber of C ouncil o f India,
1 90 5-13 ; Chairm an o f Im p eria l B ank o f P ersia, 1916.
A g reem en t re T urkish P etroleu m C oncessions, signed by, M a rch 19, 1914, 3 45-6 (N o. 214).
B a t t e n b e r g . A d m ir a l H .S .H . P r in c e L o u is A l e x a n d e r o f.
(v. sub M o u n t b a t t e n .)
B e ir a o , S e n h o r Y
e ig a , P ortu g u ese M in ister fo r F oreig n A ffairs, 1898-1900.
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. T h orn ton , 437-8 (N o. 273).
B e r n h a r d i , F . A. J.
v o n , P russian G eneral.
A r tic le by, in D e r G reif, 72* (N o. 493, encl.).
A r tic le b y, in the P o st, 761 (N o. 523).
B e r t o l i x i , S ig x o r P ie t r o , M em ber o f the Ita lia n C ham ber o f D epu ties, D elegate to the Ita lo-
T urkish P eace n eg otia tion s, 1912; M in is ter fo r the Colonies, 1913-4.
645 (N o. 443).
B e th m a xx H o l l w e g , H e r r T. v o x , P russian M in ister o f the In terior, 1 9 0 5 -7 ; G erm an M in ister
fo r the In te rio r, 1 9 0 7 -9 ; Im peria l C hancellor, 1909-17.
421 (N o. 265, and n o te (3) ).
C on v ersa tion w ith S ir E. Gesehen, 31 (N o. 20), 703 (N o. 476), 705 (N o. 479).
A n d Z a b ern in cid en t, 1913, 724-6 (N o. 491). _
P o sitio n o f in 1914 (and p u b lica tion o f P ortu g u ese A greem ents), 555-6 (N o. 360), 565-6
(N o. 370), 566-7 (N o. 371), 568 (N o. 373), 569-70 (N o. 374).
S p eech es b y, in the R eich sta g , 706 (N o. 481), 725-6 (N o. 491).
B ig g e , S ir A. J ., 1s t B a r o x S t a m f o r d h a m .
(v. sub S t a m f o r d h a m .)
B is m a r c k , O t t o P r ix c e
v o x , G erm an Im p eria l Chancellor, 1871-90.
627 (N o. 427).
L e t t e r to L o rd Salisbu ry, 1889, 661 (N o. 454, and n ote).
C a m p o s , S e n h o r E z e q u ie l
d e , M em ber o f the P ortu g u ese Cham ber of D eputies, 1912.
Q uestions by, in Cham ber o f D ep u ties, 445 (X o . 280).
C a s s e l , S ir E r n e s t , B ritish F in a n cier.
9 (X o . 4), 40 (X o . 28), 151 (X o . 95), 173 (X o . 117), 214 (X o . 140), 443 (X o . 276. , 459 (X o . 290,
nun.).
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. W in ston C hurchill, 7 46-7 (X o . 511).
C a s t r o , S e n h o r J. L u c ia n o
d e , P ortu g u ese P resid en t o f th e C ouneil and M iiu ster o f the
I n te rio r, 1897-1900.
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. T h orn ton , 438 (X o . 273).
C h a m b e r l a in , M r. J
o s e p h , B ritish Secretary o f S ta te for the Colonies, 1895-1903.
A n d A n g lo-G erm a n S ecret A g reem en t, 1898, 427 (ed. n ote).
C h i r o l , M r . (la te r S i r ) V
a l e n t i n e , D ir e cto r o f th e F oreig n D ep a rtm en t o f The T im es, 1899
1912.
L e tte r s b y, in T he Tim es, 45 (X o . 34, n ote).
C l e r k , M r. (la ter Sir) G e o r g e B ., C lerk in the B ritish F oreig n Office, 1907-10, 1 9 1 2 -3 ; A etin g
F irst S ecretary a t C onstan tin ople, 1 9 1 0 -2 ; S enior C lerk in F oreign Office, 1 9 1 3 -9 ;
P r iv a t e S ecretary to L o rd C urzon, 1919; M in ister at P ra gu e, 1919—2 6 ; A m bassador at
A n g ora , 1 92 6 -3 3 ; at Brussels, 1 9 3 3 -4 ; at P aris, 1934-7.
M in u te by, 324 (N o. 199), 364 (X o . 226), 372 (X o . 232), 374 (X o . 235, n ote), 420 (ed. n o te),
625 (X o . 425), 626 (X o . 426), 634 (X o . 430), 636 (X o . 432), 638 (X o . 436), 671 (X o . 457),
675 (X o . 461), 783 (X o . 537), 822 (.4pp. I), 833 (.4pp. I l l , v).
8-14
H .M . K in g C o n s t a n t in e I, Crow n P rin ce of Greece, K in g o f G reece, 1913-7.
A n d o ccu p a tion o f D edea g atch , 1913, 212 (N o. 139).
C ox, L i e u t e n a n t -C o l o n e l S ir P e r c y Z ., P o litica l A g e n t
at M uscat, 1899-1904; Consul-G eneral
at B ushire, 1 9 0 4 -9 ; P o litica l R esid en t in th e P ersian G ulf, 1 9 0 9-14 ; tem p orarily
F oreig n S ecretary to the G overn m en t o f In d ia , 1914; C ivil Com m issioner a t B a g da d,
1 9 1 4 -8 ; A c tin g M in ister at T ehran, 1918-9.
84 (N o. 55), 115 (cd. n o te ), 145 (N o. 92, m in.), 146 (N o. 93), 157 (N o. 101).
C r o w e , M r . (since 1911, S i r ) E y r e , S en ior C lerk in the B ritish F oreig n Office, 1 9 0 6-12 ; A ssistant
U n d er-S ecreta rv o f S ta te fo r F oreig n A ffairs, 1 9 1 2-20 ; P erm a n en t ITnder-Secretary,
1920-5.
To B oa rd o f T rade, 3 42-3 (N o. 213).
To C olonia l Office, 452-3 (N o. 284).
C onversa tion w ith S ir John A nd erson, 498-500 (N o. 322).
C on versa tion w ith M r. G ilm our, 429-30 (N o. 270), 434 (N o. 270, m in ).
C on v ersa tion w ith the M arquis Im p eria li, 652 (N o. 449).
C on v ersa tion w ith H e r r von K iih lm a n n , 371 (N o. 232), 443 (N o. 276, m in ), 499-500 (N o. 322).
C on v ersa tion w ith Senhor T eix eira Gomes, 5 11-3 (N o. 329), 551-2 (N os. 355-6).
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. T iarks, 4 63-7 (N os. 295-6).
M in u te by, 36 (N o. 23), 233 (N o. 153), 243-7 (N o. 156), 303 (N o. 189), 324 (N o. 19
(N o. 203), 339 (N o. 209), 345 (N o. 214), 351 (N o. 219), 364 (N o. 226), 372 (N o. 232),
381 (N o. 236), 420 (ed. n o te ), 434 (N o. 270), 437 (N o. 272), 439 (N o. 274), 443
(N o. 276), 446-7 (N o. 281), 451 (N o. 282), 4 53-4 (N o. 285), 459 (N o. 290), 468
(N o. 297), 470-2 (N o. 299), 475 (N o. 302), 478 (N o. 306), 491-2 (N o. 319), 497-8 (N o. 321),
498 -500 (N o. 322), 5 01-2 (N o. 323), 507-8 (ed. n ote), 514 (N o. 330), 516, 522-3 (N o. 331),
531-2 (N o. 334), 536 (N o. 338), 551 (N o. 354), 555 (N o. 359), 558-9 (N o. 361), 571 (N o. 374),
5 75 -6 (N o. 376), 581-2 (N o. 382), 625 (N o. 425), 6 28-9 (N o. 427), 631-2 (N o. 428), 635
(N o. 430), 636 (N o. 432), 637 (N o. 434), 638 (N o. 436), 642 (N o. 439), 650 (N o. 446),
652-3 (N o. 449), 671 (N o. 457), 683 (N o. 462), 730 (N o. 495), 734 (N o. 497), 735
(N o. 499), 737 (N o. 501), 752 (N o. 516), 758 (N o. 520), 763 (N o. 525), 764 (N o. 526),
783 (N o. 537), 792 (N o. 544), 820 (N o. 561), 8 22-3 (.1pp. I), 830 ( A p p . I l l , iv ), 835
(.4pp. I l l , v).
M em oran d a by, 429-34 (N o. 270), 463-7 (N os. 295-6), 508-9 (N o. 325), 585-9 (N o. 386).
N o tes by, on R ev ised A nglo-G erm a n C on ven tion , D ecem ber 1912, 4 92-6 (N o. 320).
A n d C om m ittee o f Im p eria l D efen ce, 580 (N o. 381), 581-2 (N o. 382).
A g reem en t re T urkish P etroleu m C oncessions, sign ed by, M arch 19, 1914, 3 45-6 (N o. 214)
D ’ A rcy , M r .
152 (N o. 95), 157 (N o. 97). 180 (N o. 119), 213 (N o. 139), 215 (N o. 140).
D a v i d s o n , M r . (since 1907, S i r ) W
i l l i a m E., K.C'., L egal A d viser to the B ritish F oreig n Office,
1886-1918.
M in u te by, 141-2 (N o. 90), 145 (N o. 92).
D j e v a t ) B e y . C ounsellor o f T urkish Em bassy at L ou d on , 1908-13 (som etim es C hargé d 'A ffa ires).
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. A. P a rk er, 65 (X o . 47, min.).
P r iv a te L e t t e r —-
To M r. A. P ark er, 66-7 (X o . 49).
D o u m e r g u e , 51. G a s t o n , F ren ch Sen a tor, P rim e 5 Iin ister and 5 Iin ister fo r F o re ig n A ffairs,
1 913-4 ; 5 Iin ister for th e Colonies, 1914-7 ; P resid en t o f the F ren ch R ep u b lic, 1914-7 ;
P rim e 5Iin ister, 1934.
To 51. P a leolcg u e, 342 (X o . 212).
C on versa tion w ith S ir F. B ertie, 557 (N o. 361).
C on v ersa tion w ith S ir E. G rey, 741 (N o. 504), 7S7-S (X o . 541).
C on versa tion w ith S ig n o r T itton i, 649 (X o . 446).
E c k a r d s t e in . B a r o n H
e r m a n v o n , 1st Secretary at the G erm an Em bassy at L on d on , 1599-1902.
A n d A n g lo-G erm a n Secret A greem en t, 1598, 427 (ed. note).
H .5 I. K in g E d w a r d V I I . 1901-10.
A n d A n g lo-G erm a n Secret A greem en t, 1895, 435 (X o . 271
E l S e n o u s s i.
536 (A p p . I l l , v).
E r s k in e . C o l o n e l .
527 (.4pp. I l l , iv).
E ssad P a s h a . T o p t a n i . 5Iem ber o f the T urkish C ham ber. 1911; C om m andant S< a a r i, 1913;
U su rp er in 54iddle A lb a n ia , 1913; A lba n ian 5 Iin ister fo r the In te rio r and 5 Iin ister fo r
W a r. 1914.
A rrest of, 793 'X o . 545).
of t h e Prussian Army.
F o r s t n e r , L ie u te n a n t v o n ,
And Zabern incident, 1913, 724-5 (No. 491).
F r e w e n , (Mr . E J.
462 (No. 293), 463-7 (Nos. 295-6), 473 (No. 300).
Conversation with Sir A. H ardinge, 456 (No. 288, note), 458 (No. 290), 460-1 (No. 291)
Conversation with Senlior Paes, 458 (No. 290).
Conversation with Mr. Tilley, 456-7 (No. 288), 458 (No.290).
H .M . K i n g G e o r g e V , 1910-36.
Conversation with P rince H enry of Prussia, 658 (No. 452), 673 (No. 460).
Conversation with Em peror Nicholas II, 801-2 (No. 549).
Conversation with Sir A. Nicolson, 673-4 (No. 460).
L e tt e r to Sir E. Grey, 658 (No. 452).
Ijetter to the Em peror Nicholas II, 801-2 (No. 549), 805(No.553).
Minute bv, 504 (No. 324), 528, 530 (No. 333), 663 (No. 454),664 (No. 455), 706 (No. 480).
Visit to Berlin, 1913, 699 (No. 475), 702-3 (No. 476), 703(No.477),704 (No. 478).
Visit to Paris, 1914, 741 (No. 501), 742 (No. 505), 783 (ed. note), 784 (No. 538), 786 (No. 540),
788 (ed. note), 791 (No. 544).
G o m e s , S en h o r T e ix e ir a .
(v. sub T e i x e i r a G o m e s .)
H .R .H . P r in c e H e n r y o f P r u s s ia .
792 (X o . 545).
To H .M . K in g G eorge V , 673 (X'o. 460).
C on v ersa tion w ith K in g G eorge V , 658 (X o . 452), 673 (X o . 460).
C on v ersa tion w ith C a p ta in H end erson , 732-3 (X o . 497, encl.), 744 (X’ o. 509).
C on v ersa tion w ith C a pta in W a tson , 687 (X o . 464, note).
C o n v ersa tion w ith the E m p eror W illia m II, 673—4 (X’ o. 460).
U isif to E n g lan d , D ecem ber 1912, 658 (X o . 4 5 2 ); A p ril 1913, 694 (X’ o. 4 7 0 ); J u ly 1914, 658
(ed. n ote).
H il m i P a s h a .
(i l sub H u s s e in H il m i P a s h a .)
H ir t z e l , M r . (since 1911, S i r ) F . A r t h u r , S ecretary, P o litica l D epa rtm en t, In dia Office, 1909-17;
A ssistant U n d er-S ecreta ry o f S ta te fo r I n d ia , 1 91 7-21 ; D ep u ty U n der-S ecreta rv, 1 92 1-4;
P erm a n en t U nder-Set reta ry , 1924-30.
5 7-8 (X o . 44, tnin.), 65 (X’ o. 47, « a n .), 145 (X’ o. 92).
C o n v ersa tion w ith H a k k i P asha, 1 21-2 (X o . 71).
M em oran dum by, 114-7 (ed. note).
M in u te by, 6 7-73 (X o . 50).
S ta tem en t by, com m u n ica ted to H a k k i P asha, 119 (X’ o. 69, encl.).
A n g lo-T u rk ish con v en tion re n a v ig a tio n o f th e S h a tt-el-A ra b, in itia lled by, M a y 6, 1913,
109-14 (X o . 6s, encl. 4).
A n g lo-T u rk ish con v en tion re railw ays in Asia M in or, in itia lled by, M a y 6, 1913, 101-3
(X o . 68, encl. 2).
A n g lo-T u rk ish con v en tion re P ersian G ulf, in itia lled by, M ay 6, 1913, 104-9 (X'o. 68, encl. 3).
A n g lo-T u rk ish d ecla ra tion re T u rco-P ersia n fron tiers, in itia lled by, M a y 6, 1913, 100-1
(X o . 68, encl. 1).
H o w a r d , M r . (since 1916, S ir E s m e W . (since 1923, 1s t B a r o n H o w a r d o f P e n r i t h ), B ritish
M in ister at B erne, 1 9 1 1 -3 ; a t Stock holm , 1 91 3-9; A m bassador at M a d rid , 191 9-24 ; at
W a sh in gton , 1924-30.
To S ir E. G rey, 731 (X o . 496).
C on v ersa tion w ith C ount E hrensw ard, 731 (X o . 496).
[10 9 0 0 1 3 1 2
852
H u g u e n in , I I f.r r , D irector-G en era l o f A n a tolian and B a g d a d R a ilw ay Com panies.
50 (N o. 36).
M em oran d u m by, 99 (N o. 67).
H u r st, M r . (later S i r ) C e c il J. B., A ssista n t L ega l A d viser to the B ritish F oreig n Office,
190 2-18 ; L ega l S ecretary to the B ritish P len ip oten tia ries at the Secon d H a g u e P eace
C on ference, 1907; D eleg a te at L on doii N aval C onference, 1908; L eg a l A d viser to the
F o re ig n Office, 1 91 8-29 ; J u d g e o f the P erm a n en t C ou rt o f In te rn a tio n a l J u stice at
The H a g u e, 1929-
A n g lo-G erm a n C onven tion , R ev ised D r a ft o f A r ticle 6, by, 259-60 (N o. 163).
I bn R a s h id J e b b e l S h a m h a r .
827 (A p p . I l l , iv).
Ibn S a u d , o f X e jd , la te r K i n g o f th e H e ja z an d of N e jd .
8 2 7 -9 (,1pp. I l l , iv ), 835 (,4pp. I l l , v).
B r itish p olicy tow ard , 829 (A p p . I l l , iv).
I nchcape, J am e s L y l e M a c k a y . 1s t B a r o n o f S t r a t h n a y e r .
117 (ed. n o te ), 121 (N o. 71), 168 (N o. 114), 179 ^No. 119), 212 (N o. 139), 258 (N o. 162,
n o te (3) ) , 259 (N o. 162), 267 (N o. 174), 310-1 (N o. 192), 312 (N o. 193), 382 (N o. 237).
C on v ersa tion w ith H a k k i P asha, 2 76 -8 (N o. 183).
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. A. P a rk er, 2 76 -8 (N o. 183).
C on v ersa tion w ith Sassoon E ffen di, 276 8 (N o. 183).
B a g d a d R a ilw a y A g reem en t, sign ed by, F eb ru a ry 23, 1914, 329-33 (N o. 202).
Concession fo r N a v ig a tio n o f T ig ris and E up hrates, in itia lled by, A u g u st 12, 1913, 206
(ed. note)-, sign ed by, D ecem b er 12, 1913, 283-98 (N o. 188).
J a c k s o n , Sir H
enry B r a d w a r d i n e , B ritish A d m ira l, C h ief o f W a r Staff, 1 9 1 2 -4 ; 1st Sea Lord,
1915-6.
694 (ed. n ote).
J a c k s o n , S ir J o h n , L t d ., B ritish E ngineers.
163 (N o. 115).
J a f er , S h e r if f .
829 (.1pp. I l l , iv).
853
J agow , H err G. v o x . G erm an Am bassador a t R om e. 1 9 0 9 -1 2 ; Secretary o f S ta te fo r F o re ig n
A ffairs. 1913-6.
To S ir E. G osehen. 5 65 -6 (X o . 370 .
C on versa tion w ith M . J u les Cam bon. 696 (N o. 473), 724-5 (S o . 491).
Con ersa tion w ith S ir E . Gosehen, 3 52-3 (X o . 221'. 3 54 -5 (X o . 223). 5 66-7 (N o. 371), 569-70
(X o . 374). 693 ,X o . 469), 7u2 (X o . 4765, 7a5 X o . 4795. 735 X o. 499 . 736 (X o . 500),
763 (X o . 5 2 5 1. 772-3 (X o . 5325, 772 3 X o . 5455, $ 02-3 (X o . 5-50).$04 (X o . 551).
C on v ersa tion w ith H e r r H elfferich , 3 52-3 (X o . 221). 3 54 -5 X o. 223
Con ersa tion w ith M r. M a ck en zie, 792 (X o . 5455.
C on v ersa tion w ith M ahm ud M u k ta r P asha, 705 (X o . 479
C on v ersa tion w ith S ir R . R o d d , 659-62 A 'o . 454).
C on v ersa tion w ith th e E m p eror W illia m II. 567 (X o . 3715.
A p p o in tm e n t o f as M in ister fo r F o re ig n A ffairs, 662 (X o . 454, n ote).
R e p ly by, to qu estion in the R e ich s tr g . 132 (X o . $4), 161 (X o . 106),163 (N o. 107).
S peech by, 670 (X o . 4 5 7 1, 679, 6$1 (N o. 462, encl.), 745 (X o . 5105.
K hadem B ey. D r .
C on v ersa tion w ith S ir L . M a llet, 336 (A p p . I l l , v).
, K id e r l e x - W a e c h t e r ,
H err v o x . G erm an M in is ter at B uch arest, 1399-1910; A tta ch e d to
G erm an F o re ig n Office, 1 9 0 8 -9 ; M in is ter fo r F o re ig n A ffairs, 1910-2.
421 (X o . 265, and n o te C
K in g , M r . J o s e p h , M .P . fo r X o r t h S om erset, 1910-13. _
Q uestion by, in the H ou se o f Com m ons, 639 (X o . 4<6),801 (X o . 543,).
L a m o r n a ix , M . d e .
(l\ Sul) S.ALLANÜRorZE DE LAMORNAIX.)
L aw rence, Co lo n el.
219 (N o. 144, m in.).
L i c h n o w s k y . P r in c e K
a r l M a x . G erm an Am bassador at L ondon. 1912-4
To S ir E. G rey. 134 (N o. >6. encl.). 174-9 (N o. 118). 315-23 (N o. 198>. 3 34 -5 (N o. 204), 352
(N o. 220), 36S-9 (N o. 230). 374 (N o. 2 3 4 . 3 s « - 9 (N o. 242). 514-21 (N o. 331), 530-1
(N o. 334).
C om m unication from . 16-5-6 (N o. 111. encl.).
C on v ersa tion w ith S ir E . G rey. S6-7 (N o. 65). 133 (N o. 86). 164 (N o. 108 . 182 N o. 122),
4 88-9 (N o. 31s . 500-1 (N o. 323). 5 25-6 (N o. 332), 5 33-5 Nos. 336 -8 ), 540-1 (N o. 342).
549 (N o. 352). 554 (N o. 3-58>. 5 55 -6 (N o. 360), 562—1 (N o. 366'. 564 (N o. 368), 567-S
(N o. 373 '. 742 (N o. 505). 758-9 (N o. 521), 809 (ed. note).
C on v ersa tion w ith L o rd H a ld an e, 67:3-4 (N o. 460).
C on versa tion w ith M r. H a rc o u rt, 5 25-6 No. 332), 533—5 (N os. 336-7).
C on versa tion w ith M r. A. P a rk er, 142-4 No. 91).
M em oran dum by. 315 -2 0 (N o. 198, encl. 1).
X o t e s to be ex ch a n g ed w ith S ir E. G rev on th e sign atu re o f A nglo-G erm a n C onven tion ,
J u n e 1914, 3 92-4 ied. n ote), 406-8 (N o. 249).
A n g lo-G erm a n C on ven tion re B a g d a d R a ilw a v , J u n e 15, 1914, in itia lled bv, 397-408
(N o. 249).
P riv a te L e t t e r —
To M r. T yrrell. 750 (N o. 514).
L im an . H e r rP a u l H .. G erm an w riter.
743-4 (N o. 5 0 s ..
L i s t e r , M r . E. G., Clerk in the B ritish F o re ig n Office. 1890—If" >3 A c tin g 3rd S ecretary at C on
s ta n tin op le an d Sofia, 1903—5 : at P aris. 1 9 0 5 -6 ; A ssistant Clerk in F o re ig n Office,
1 9 0 7 -1 3 ; tem p ora rily em ploy ed in F oreig n Office, 1915-9.
M in u te by, 459 No. 290).
L onsdale. H u g h C. L o w t h e r , 5t h E a r l o f L onsdale.
701 (N o. 475).
L o r im e r . M r . J . G.. B ritish P o litica l R esid en t in T urkish A rab ia , 1910: A c tin g Consul-G eneral
at B a g d a d in 1809. 1910; C onsul-G eneral. 1911-4.
2 (N o. 1 .
H .S .H . P r in c e L o u is o f B a t t e n b e r g .
(r. sub M o u n t b a t t f .n .)
L o w th e r .M r . (since 1907. S ir ) G e r a r d A.. B ritish M in is ter at T an g ier, 1 9 0 5 -8 ; A m bassador at
C on stan tin ople. 1908-13.
To S ir E. G rev, 1 -6 (N o. 1). 1 8 -° (N o. 8). 2 1-2 (N os. 11-2 . 24-6 Nos. 14-5), 2 8 -9 N o. 17'.
30 (N o. 19). 3 2-5 (N os. 2 2-3 . 50-1 (N o. 36). 5 2-3 No. 36 . 55 (N o. 41 8 8 - ° No. 58 .
90 (N o. 59), 125 (N o. 76). 160-1 (N o. 104). « 2 5 -6 (.4pp. I I I . iii).
C on versa tion w ith Assim Bey, 52—3 (N o. 38). 55 (N o. 41), « « - 9 (N o. 5« .
C on versa tion w ith H a k k i P asha. 50-1 (N o. 36).
C on v ersa tion w ith M ahm ud rsh 'fk* t P asha, 90 (N o. 59 .
C on v ersa tion w ith R ifa a t P asha. 1 (N o. 1), 18-9 (N o. s 22 (N o. 12 , 2 4 -5 Nos. 14—51 2s
(N o. 17 .
L y n c h , M e s s r s .. o f B a g d a d , E u p h ra tes an d T ig ris N a v ig a tio n C om pany.
2. 3. 4 (N o. 1). 117 (ed. n o te). 118 (N o. 69). 121 (N o. 71:, 126 No. 77). 163 (N o. 107), 277
(N o. 183), 303 (N o. 169), 31s (N o. 198), 329 (N o. 202), 382 (N o. 237).
L y n c h , M r . H . F. B.
C on v ersa tion w ith D ja v id Bey, 179—80 (N o. 119).
C on v ersa tion w ith H e r r G w inner, 143 (N o. 91).
M acD o n a l d , M r. J am e s R a m s a y , M .P . fo r A b era v on , 1 9 2 2-29 ; Seaharn, 1 9 2 9-31 ; Scottish
U n iversities, 1 9 3 6 -7 ; L ead er o f th e L a b ou r P a rty . 1 9 1 1 -4 ; P rim e M in ister a n d F irst
L o rd o f th e T reasury, 1924, 1°29835._
S p eech by. in the H ou se of Com m ons, 755 (N o. 51S).
850
M a cie ira , Senhor A., Portuguese M inister for Justice, 1911-2; Minister for Foreign Affairs,
1913.
C onv er sa tio n with Mr. Carnegie, 548-9 (X o. 351), 550-1 (X o. 354).
C onv er sa tio n with Sir A. Ilardin ge, 436 (X o. 272), 514 (X o. 330).
S peec h by, at Portuguese Geographical Society, 549 (A'o. 351, note).
S peec h by, in Chamber of D eputies, 513-4 (X o. 330).
M cK enna, M r . II., B ritish F irst Lord of the A dm iralty, 1908-11 ; Secretary of State for Home
Affairs, 1911-5.
M i n u t e by, 48 (X o. 34, note,).
M a lle t, M r . (since 1912, S i r ) L o u i s , Assistant Clerk in the British Foreign Office, 1902-5;
P rivate Secretary to Sir E. Grey, 1905-6; Senior Clerk, 1906-7; Assistant Under
secretary o f State for F oreign Affairs, 1907-13, 1918-20; Ambassador at Constantinople,
1913-4. ‘
To Board of Trade, 93-4 (X o 61).
To Sir E. Grey, 258 (X o. 162, no te), 260-1 (Xos. 164-5), 262 (No. 16S), 263-4 (Nos. 170-1),
274 (X o. 181), 323-4 (No. 199), 386-7 (X o. 240), 395 (X o. 2461, 409-14 (Nos. 250-5),
415-6 (No. 258), 416 (No. 259, note), 827-9 ( A p p . I l l , iv), 833-8 (.4pp. I l l , v).
To H akki Pasha, 90-1 (No. 60).
To In dia Office, 16-7 (No. 7), 140 (No. 90), 157 (No. 101).
To India Office and Board of Trade, 136-40 (No. 89).
To Lord K itchener, 835 (/1pp. I l l , v).
To Said H alim Pasha, 410-1 (No. 251, enels. 1, 2).
C on ver sa tio n with M. Bonipard, 414 (No. 255).
C onv er sa tio n w ith D javid Bey, 411-2 (No. 252).
C on ver sa tio n with Djemal Bey, 323-4 (No. 199).
Con ver sa tio n with M. de Giers, 260 (X o. 164).
Con ver sa tio n with H akki Pasha, 154 (No. 97).
Con ver sa tio n with H alil Bey, 386-7 (No. 240).
Con ver sa tio n with Ismail Hakki Bey Babanzade, 51-2 (No. 37).
Con ver sa tio n with Dr. K hadem Bey, 836 ( A p p . I l l , v).
Con versa tio n with M ohmod Talaat Bey, 264 (No. 171), 834, 836 (-1pp. I l l , v).
Con ver sa tio n with Said Halim Pasha, 261 (No. 165), 262 (No. 1681, 263-4 (Nos. 170-1),
395 (No. 246), 409 (No. 250), 411-4 (Nos. 252-5), 415-6 (No. 258), 834-5, 837 (.4pp. I l l , v).
Con ver sa tio n with Baron von W nngenhcim , 412 (X o. 252), 413 (X o. 253), 414 (X o. 255).
M e m o r a n d u m bv, 114-6 (ed. note), 138-9 (No. 89, e n d . 2), 274 (Xo. 181, end. ).
M i n u t e bv, 13-5 (X o. 6, notes), 16 (X o. 6), 21-2 (X o. 11), 23 (X o. 12), 27 (No. 15), 29
(No. 17), 30 (No. 19), 33 (No. 22), 54 (X o. 39), 57-8 (X o. 44), 65 (X o. 47), 132 (X o. 83),
144 (No. 91), 153 (No. 95), 210 (No. 137), 219 (No. 144).
II, K i n g
H . M . M a .n o e l o f P o r t u g a l, 1908-10.
427 (ed. note).
S57
J a c q u in r e . M . B r u n o F. M P., Assistant
M a p .c .e r ie . D ire c teu r Politique at the French
M inistry of F oreign Affairs. 1912.
C onversation with Sir E. Grey, 741 (X o. 504k
W a ycock . M r . (since 1913. S ir » W i l l o u g h b y R . D.. Clerk in the British Foreign Office l S i 2-96 ;
E ditor o f British and F o r e i g n S ta t e Pa pers . 1S97-1903; Superintendent of Treaty
D epartm ent, 1903-13.
M i n u t e by, 141 (X o. 90).
M exezes, Senhor Joâo D u a r te de, P ortuguese M inister of M arine in the Chagas Cabinet,
1.911-2. _
Questions by, in Chamber of D eputies, 513 (X o. 330).
M e x s d o r ff-P o u illy -D ie t r ic h s t e ix ,
A lb e r t, C ou n t, 1st Secretary at the A ustro-H ungarian
Embassy at London. 1904: Ambassador at London, 1904-14.
C onversa tion with Sir E. Grey, <42—3 (X o. 506).
German A m b a s s a d o r at London, ^ F - I A
M e t t e r x ic h , P a u l v o n W o l f f - , C o u n t,
Con versatio n with Sir E. Grey, 42 (X o. 30). 42o (No. o _26S). 44<V3 (X «. - 6 ) ,
452 X o. 233). 404-6 (X o. 237), 462 (X o . 293), 4 ,6 -- (X o. 30o), 4 ,9 -b b (X o. 30S).
C on ver sa tio n with M r. H arcou rt, 440-3 (X o. 276), 476-7 (No. 30o , 4,9-bU (X o. 30b-, * .4 -o
(X o. 314), 4bb (X o. 317).
M iln e . A d m ir a l S ir A r c h ib a ld B e r k e le y , B ritish Adm iral, Coinmander-in-Chief, .Mediterranean
' Fleet, 1912-4.
700 (X'o. 475 i.
N orm an, M r . H . C.. 2nd Secretary at B ritish Em bassy at St. P etersburgh. 1 9 0 3 -6 ; em ployed
in F oreig n Office. 1 9 0 6-14 ; 1st Secretary. 1907; C ounsellor o f Em bassy at Buenos Aires,
1914—5 som etim es C harge d 'A ffa ir e s ): at T ok io. 1915 8 : M in ister at T ehran and Consul-
G eneral in P ersia, 1920-2.
M in u te by. 33 (X o . 22). 41 (X o 28>'. 54 (N o. 391. 119 No. 6J, n ote). 545-6 'X o . 3461. S30
(.4pp. I l l , i v
O l i p h a n t . M r . (later S i r ) L a n c e l o t .
C lerk in the B ritish F oreign Office. 1 9 0 3 -5 ; A ctin g
3rd S ecretary in D ip lo m a tic Service, 1 90 5 -1 6 ; A ssistant Clerk in F oreig r Office,
1916-20 ; C ounsellor, 1 9 2 0 -S : A c tin g A ssistant U n der-S ecreta ry of Sta te fo r F oreign
A ffairs. 1 9 2 " -9 : A ssistant U n d er-S ccreta rv . 1 9 2 9-36 ; D ep u tv U n der-Se reta rv , 1936- .
M in u te by, 782-3 (X o . 537), 820 ,X o . 561 .
O n s l o w , C o l o n e l S i r R ic h a r d W
A.. 5t h E a r l o f . A ssistant P riv a te S ecretary to S ir E . G rey,
1 9 0 9 -1 0 ; Clerk in the B ritish F oreig n Office. 1 9 1 0 -3 ; P riv a te S ecretary to S ir A .
N'ieolson, 1 9 1 1 -3 ; A ssistant C lerk, 1913-4.
M in u te by, 624 X'o. 424 .
O str o r o g . C o u n t .
26 (X o . 15, m //i.), 386 (X o . 240 . 387 (X o . 241 .
R a t h m o r e , D a v id
R o b e r t P l u n k e t , 1 s t B a r o n , C hairm an o f the S m y rn a -A id in Bailwav
Com panv.
333 (N o. 203).
A g reem en t re S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw ay , in itia lled by, M ay 7, 1914, 387 (N o. 241).
R e p ix g t o x , C o l o x e l .
( v . sub A C o u r t R e p i x g t o x .)
R u ete, H e r r S a id .
(v. sub S a id R u e t e .)
S a i x t -S e i x e , C o m tf ,
d e , F rench N aval A tta c h e a t L ou d on , 1912-6.
C on v ersa tion w ith P rin ce L ou is o f B a tten berg, 694 (ed. note).
(Conversation w ith M r. W in ston C hurchill, 591-2 (ed. n ote), 600-1 (N o. 399).
S a l is b u r y , R o b e r t C e c il , 3r d M a r q u e s s
o f , B ritish S ecretary o f S ta te fo r F oreig n Affairs,
1878-80. 1885-6, 1887-92, J u n e 29, 1 895-N ovem ber 12, 1900; P rim e M in ister, J u n e 29,
189 5-J u ly 12, 1902.
C on v ersa tion w ith C ou n t H a tzfe ld t, 425 (N o. 268), 431 (N o. 270).
A n d M r. A. J. B a lfou r, 425 (N o. 268).
A n d the E m p eror W illia m II, 661 (N o. 454).
A nd A nglo-G erm a n Secret A g reem en t, 1898, 425 (N o. 268), 427 (ed. n ote), 435 (N o. 271).
S a y y i d T a l ib - a l - N a k ib , o f Basra.
827 (J p p . I l l , iv), 831 (ed. note).
S chf .l k t n g . M . I.. J ou rn a list, form er R u ssia n D ip lom a t. C orresp on den t o f the S'orne Y rem ya
in P a ris. 1914.
777-> (X o . 536).
S u rs o c k , M b. A l h e r t J.
825 (A p p . I l l , iii).
S v e r h e i e v , M . S.
d e , C ounsellor o f R ussian Em bassy at V ien n a, 1 9 0 8-10 ; M in ister at Athens,
1910-2 ; A m bassador at B erlin, 1912-4.
To M . S azonov, 739 (erf. n ote).
T ala at B e y .
(r. sub M e h m e d T a l a a t B e y .)
T a r d i e u , M . A n d r é . F ren ch jou rn a list, la ter M em ber o f the C ham ber o f D ep u ties and P residen t
o f the Council.
A r tic le s by, in the T em ps, 674 (N o. 461).
T il l e y . M r . (since 1919. S i r ) J o h n A C., A ssistant Clerk in the B ritish F oreign Office, 1 90 4-6;
1st S ecretary at C on stan tin ople. 1 9 0 6 -8 ; S enior Clerk. 1 9 1 0-3; C hief C lerk, 1 9 1 3 -9 ;
A c t in g A ssistant U n der-S ecreta ry o f S tate. 1919; A ssistant Secret; ry. 1 91 9-21 ;
Am b assa dor at R io de J a n eiro, 1 9 2 1 -6 ; at T ok io, 1926-31.
C on v ersa tion w ith M r. E. J. F rew en, 456-7 (X o . 2SS), 453 (X o . 290).
M in u te b y. 439 (X o . 274). 446 (X o . 231), 461 (X o . 291), 473 (X o . 300), 434 (ed. n ote). 521-2,
5 24 -5 (X o . 331), 527 (X o . 313, n ote).
T ttr kh an' P a s h a . T urkish Am bassador at St. P etersb u rg h . 1 903-13: A lba n ian P rim e M inister,
1914.
793 (X’ o. 545).
V a l f l o r , M a r q u is d r .
572, 575 (X’ o. 376, and m in.).
V a x s it t a r t , M r . (la ter S i r ) R o b e r t G., 2nd S ecretary in the B ritish F oreig n Office, 1908; at
C airo, 1 90 9 -1 1 ; at F o re ig n Office. 1 9 1 1 -3 ; J u n io r C lerk, 1 9 1 3 -4 ; A ssistant Clerk, 1 914-20;
C ounsellor o f Em bassy, 1920; A ssistant S ecretary, 1 9 2 0 -3 ; P riv a te Secretary to L ord
C urzon, 1 9 2 0 -4 ; A ssistant U n d er-S ecreta ry ol o t. re, 192 3-30 ; P erm a n en t U n der
s e c re ta ry , 1 9 3 0 -7 ; C h ief D ip lo m a tic A d v iser t o the F oreig n Office, 1933-
M in u te by, 5 73 -5 (X o . 376), 622 (X'o. 420), 755 (X o . 513
o f B erlin.
W olff, P r o fe sso r ,
S peech by, at m eetin g o f the F lo tte n v e r e in , 1914, 752 (X o . 516, encl. 2).
W o l k o v , C a p t a in M.
( v. sub V o lk o v .)
3 K 2
[10900]
868
SUBJECT INDEX.
A D A L IA . A F R I C A — (con tin u ed ).
Ita lia n desire fo r concession o f a p o r t at C ongo, B elgia n :
A d alia , N ov. 1918, G reat B rita in w ould S ir F . B ertie on G erm an designs and effect
not opp ose if it d id n ot con flict w ith the on B elgium and F ra n ce if G rea t B rita in
S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw ay , 250 (N o. 157 ); en cou ra ged , Jan. 1911, 426-7 (N o. 2 68 );
S ir E. G rey oil B ritish position , 261-2 p re-em p tiv e claim s o f F ra n ce for, 426
(N o. 1 67 ); T urkish den ia l o f Ita lia n nego (N o. 2 6 8 ); 442 (N o. 2 7 6 ); B ritish
tia tion s, 263 (N o. 1701; B ritish protest in terest in, 442 (N o. 2 7 6 ); A n glo-G erm an
to T urkey, D ecem ber, 274 (N o. 1 81 ); discussions, 4 46-7 (N o. 281, m in .);
H a k k i P asha on e x te n t o f the concession F ranco-G erm an A g reem en t, N ov. 4,
and a suggested solution, M r. A. P a rk er 1911, A rticle 16, 5 6 1 -2 (N o. 365).
on, 275- 6 (N o. 1 82 ); T urkish suggestion G erm an E a s t :
o f a lin e A d a lia -B u ld u r fo r a B ritish Cession o f R u a n d a by G erm any to G reat
C om pany, or to an A n g lo -Ita lia n com b in a B rita in suggested, 442 (N o. 276).
tion , 3 23-4 (N o. 199 ); n eg otia tion s betw een M ozam bique ( v . sub P o r t u g a l : C o lo n ie s :
M . N og a ra and S m y rn a -A id in C om pany, I A fric a n possessions of).
Feb. 191 ), 324 (N o. 199, m in.), 644 (N o. N orth A fric a :
441) ; B ritish a ttitu d e tow ards Ita lia n A n g lo -Ita lia n discussions for an a rra n g e
econ om ic a ctiv ity , M arch, 644 (N o. 4 41 ); m ent ( v . sub M e d i t e r r a n e a n : Ita ly :
u n sa tisfa ctory con d ition of A d a lia - A n g lo-Ita lia n n eg otia tion s, 1912-4).
B u ldou r n eg otia tion s, B ritish req u ire P ortu g u ese possessions in : (v. sub P o r t u g a l :
m ents, A p ril, 3 75 -6 (N o. 2 3 5 ); T u rkey Colonies : A frica n possessions of).
w ill g iv e a gu a ra n tee to B ritish com p any, Sou th A frica n W a r :
M ay, 386 (N o. 2 4 0 ); A u s tria -H u n g a ry in B ritish and P ortu g u ese a rrangem ents
com p etition fo r econ om ic concessions, du rin g , 426 (N o. 268), 484 (ed. note).
643 (N o. 4411. U n ion o f S outh A f r ic a :
(F o r S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y a greem en t and D esire fo r D ela g oa B ay, 1911, 424 (N o. 266),
n eg otia tion s, v. sub T u r k e y , A s ia tic 425 (N o. 2 67 ); fu tu r e of to be assured,
T urkey, R ailw ays.) 474 (N o. 301), 480 (N o. 309), 545 (N o.
345).
ADEN.
G eneral B otha in form ed of proposed
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on ven tion respectin g
revision o f A nglo-G erm a n Secret A g ree
b oundaries, T ex t, M arch 9, 1914, 340-1
m ent re P o rtu g a l, 474 (N o. 3 0 1 );
(N o. 211).
reply, proposals fo r revision and
A D R IA N O P L E . im provem ent, b u t genera l dissent over
T u rk ey and (v . sub B u l g a r ia , T u rk ey and). surrend er o f Seal and P en gu in Islands
and W alfisch B ay, 4 80-1 (N o. 309).
.E G E A N IS L A N D S .
T u rk ey a n d : T u rk ey w ould g o to w ar again
ra th er than g iv e up islands off A sia A L B A N IA .
M in or, J u n e 1913, 705 (N o. 479). Essad P asha, a rrest o f : H e r r von J ag ow on,
M a y 1914, 793 (N o. 545).
A F R IC A .
A frica n questions : In su rrection a t D u r a z z o : H e r r von J a g o w ’ s
R e p o r t of an In te rn a tion a l C on feren ce attitu d e, M a y 1914, 793 (N o. 545 and
den ied by S ir E. G rey, Feb. 1913, 509 n o te (5) ).
(N o. 3 2 6 ); P ortu g u ese sug g estion fo r a P rin ce of W i e d : G erm any and, M a y 1914, 793
C on feren ce on la bour re c ru itin g dis (N o. 545).
cou raged , 509 (N o. 3 26 ); P ortu g u ese T iirkhan P asha, position of, M a y 1914, 793
en q u iry con cern in g rep orts of a C on (N o. 545).
feren ce, 511 (N o. 329), den ied by S ir E. A u s tro-H u n g a ria n and Ita lia n relation s and
G rey, 5 11 -2 (N o. 3 2 9 ); rum ours in question of a settlem ent, M a rch 1914, 643
L isb on press, 513 (N o. 3 3 0 ); sta tem ent (N o. 441).
by S enhor M a cieira affirm ing the den ial,
513-4 (N o. 330). G erm a n y a n d : E m p eror W illia m II on
A lba n ian situ ation , nom in ation fo r a
A n g ola ( v . sub P o r t u g a l : C o lo n ic s: A fric a n
P rin ce, M a y 1913, 699-700 (N o. 4 75 ); H err
possessions of).
von J a g ow on p osition in, his wish to have
C on g o Basin :
as little as possible t o do w ith Albanian
F ren ch protests a ga in st A nglo-G erm a n
affairs, M a y 19U , 793 (N o. 545).
a g r e e m e n t: relation to 1911 n eg otia
tion s and the B erlin A c t ( v . sub M o n ten e g r o a n d : S cu ta ri question, H err von
F r a n c e , G rea t B r ita in a n d : A n g lo- J a g ow on, J a n . 1913, 659 (N o. 454).
G crm an discussion on revision o f secret B ussia a n d : E m p eror N icholas I I on the
T r e a t y ); the 1911 F ran co-G erm an nego situ ation , A p ril 1914, 780 (N o. 537).
tia tion s and (n . sub T r e a t i e s : F ra n co T u rk ey a n d : C ruelties perp etra ted a ga in st
G erm an A g reem en t, N ov. 4, 1911). M elissor tribes, A ug. 1911, 5 1 -2 (N o. 37).
869
ALEXANDRETTA. A R M A M E X T S . X A Y A L — (con tin u ed ).
P o rt at (r. sub B agdad R a il w a y , A u stria -H u n g a ry a n d : increase contem p la ted,
A lex a n d retta , p o r t "})■ A u g . 1912, 656-7 (X o . 4 5 1 ); G erm an
in fluen ce on, Jan. 1913, 668 (X o . 4 56 );
A L S A C E -L O R R A I X E .
suggested A u s tro-H u n g a ria n and G erm an
F ren ch p u b lic a tten tion draw n to lost n aval conversations, A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ’ s
provinces, F eb. 1913, 675 (X'o. 4 61 ); v isit to K on opisch t, M ay 1914, 750 (X o.
E m p eror W illia m II on, O ctober, 709 (X o.
514), 753 (X o. 517).
482, encl.)-, F ren ch relations w ith G er
G erm a n y a n d : E m p eror W illia m I I ’ s con v er
m any and, M a rch 1914, 769 X o. 530''.
sation w ith L ord H a rd in g e, 1908, 709
Z a b ern in cid en t, D ec. 1913, 723-4 (X o. 490),
(X o . 482, encl.).
724-6 (X o . 491), 727 (X o. 492 .
S ir F . B ertie on effect o f increase o f G erm an
A X A T O L IA . sh ipb u ildin g program m e, D ec. 1911. 422
( i\ sub A s i a M i n o r .) (X o . 265), B aron Stum m on, 423 (X o.
2 65 ); effect o f B ritish d isp ositions in
A X A T O L IA X R A IL W A Y .
X o r th Sea and M ed iterra n ean on
A n a tolia n R a ilw a y A greem ent, 1904, 213 (X o.
G erm an con stru ction , J u n e 1912, 596
139), 214 (X o . 140).
(X o . 394) ; S ir E. G rey on G erm an naval
A sia tic T u rk ey (fo r concessions and ra ilw ay
stren gth , J u ly . 599 (X'o. 397 >; B a ron von
projects, v. sub T u r r e t , A s ia tic T urkey).
M arschall. G erm an F leet not in ten ded
S m y rn a -A id in ra ilw ay, n a v ig a tion rig h ts on
fo r aggressive purposes again st E ngland,
L ak e B eyshehir, and ju n ctio n lines w ith
A ug. 1912, 655 (X o . 4 51 ); p olicy of
A n a tolia n R a ilw ay , 324 (X o . 199, m in.) ;
A d m ira l von T irp itz , Jan. 1913, 661-2
op p osition to ju n ctio n o f S m y rn a -A id in
(X o . 454), 669-70 (X o . 4 5 7 ); review of
and A n a tolia n systems, 333 (X o . 203) ; con
p olicy and position o f G erm an X a v a l
cession fo r n a v ig a tion discussed, 333 (X o.
E xpa nsionist P a rty , 664-9 (X'o. 456 );
203). statem ent b y A d m ira l v on T ir p itz
(F o r S m y rn a -A id in railw ay a greem ent and
b efore B u d get C om m ittee on agree
n eg otia tion s, r. sub T urkey, A sia tic m ent w ith G reat B rita in , F ebru ary
T u rk ey , R a ilw ays.) 1913. 669-71 (X'o. 4 5 7 ); rep ort of
ANGOLA. speeches b efore B u d get Com m ittee,
(v. sub P o r t u g a l : C olon ies: A fric a n posses 675-83 (X o . 4 6 2 ); S ir E. Goschen on
sions of.) p olicy o f A d m ira l von T ir p itz , 683 (X o .
4 6 3 ); C a p ta in W a tson on reasons un d er
A R A B X A T IO X A L M O Y E M E X T. ly in g A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ’ s rem arks
O rigins o f, A ra b S ecret S ocieties. A ra b -S y ria n con cern in g an a greem ent, and the 16 to
C ongress in P aris, and F ra n co-S y ria n 10 p rop ortion : p olicy o f X a v a l E x p a n
C om m ittee in P a ris, 824-6 (.4pp. I l l ) ; sionist P a rty . 684-7 X'o. 4 6 4 ); a ttitu d e
L o rd K itc h e n e r and, 826-32 (.4pp. I l l ) ; o f G erm an press tow ards B ritish X a v y
A ziz B ey and, 832-S (.4pp. I I I ). estim ates for M a rch 1913. and sugges
A R A B IA . tion o f a y e a r’ s “ naval h olid a y ,” 690-2
F ren ch C on v en tion respectin g ra ilw ay con (X'o. 46S ); H err von J a g ow on, 693
cessions in A rab ia , 416 (X o . 259). 418 (X o. (X'o. 4 6 9 ); E m p eror W illia m I I on
262). G erm an na va l increases an d th e X a v y
G rand Sheriff and proposals fo r revolt. L ord L aw . Oct. 1913, 709 (X o . 482, encl.).
K itch en er d iscountenances, 826, 828-9 R e p o r t b y C a p ta in W a tson on G erm an
(.4pp. I I I ) . naval a ffairs from 1 9 1 0 -3 : X aval
G reat B r ita in w ould be con cern ed if any p olicy , A d m ira l v on T irp itz , X'aval
P ow er tou ch ed A ra b ia , X o v . 1913, 250 defence, m aterial. Fleet w ork, per
(X o . 157 ) ; oil concessions, A n g lo-T u rk ish sonnel, 711-8 (X'o. 483, encl.).
C on v en tion , in itia lled , J u n e 10, 1914, 396 P rin ce H en ry o f P russia on G erm an naval
(erf. n ote). policy , J a n u a ry 1914, 733 (X'o. 4 9 .,
P ersian G u lf questions ( r . sub P e r s i a n G u l f ) . encl.).
Y em en, rev olt in, M a y 1911, 40 (X o . 28). Speeches at annual m eetin g o f F lo tte n -
ARM AM EXTS, GEXERAL. rerein , M a y 1914, 751-2 (X o. 516,
N ovoe V rem ya on present arm am en t of en d s.).
E u rop e, M a rch 1914, 769 (X o . 530V (F o r A nglo-G erm a n discussions, 1912-4, r.
infra.
ARM AM EXTS, XAYAL.
G eneral : G en era l n a va l ex pa n sion , T rip le G rea t B rita in and : M r. W in ston C h u rch ill’ s
Su pp lem en ta ry Estim ates, J u ly 1912,
A llia n ce b ein g ou tb u ilt b v the T riple
6 55-6 (X'o. 4 51 ); S ir E. G rey on develop
E n te n te , Oct. 1913. 721 ‘ (X o . 4S7) ;
m ent o f British navy, relation to size o f
the “ n a va l holida y ” proposed by
G erm an fleet, B ritish navy the one and
M r. C h u rch ill a g rea t E u ropea n question,
722 (X o . 488) ; S ir E. G rey ’ s speech, Feb. only m eans of defen ce, J an . 1913, 663—4
1914: difficult to arrest ex p en d itu re on (X o . 4 5 5 ); B ritish naval program m es and
th eir effect upon the G erm an X a v a l
arm am ents in oth er coun tries, 734 (X o .
E x pa n sion ist P a r ty , 664-9 (X'o. 456), 684—6
497, n o te ( 6) ).
870
A R M A M E N T S , N A V A L — (con tin u ed ). A R M A M E N T S , N A V A L — (con tin u ed ).
G re a t B r ita in a n d -- (c o n t i n u e d ): A nglo-G erm a n discussions, 1913-4— ( con
(N o. 464, e n c l.); offers o f ships from M alay tin u ed ) :
States, Canada and In d ia , 6 66-7 (N o. “ N a val holida y a ttitu d e o f G erm an press
45 6 ); C a nadian offer o f ships, 687 (N o. tow ards M r. W in ston C h u rch ill’ s
464, n o te ( 7) ) ; th e question o f 16 to 10 suggestion , 690-2 (N o. 4 6 8 ); H err von
ra tio betw een B ritish and G erm an F leets, B ethm a nn H ollw eg p ertu rb ed at B ritish
670-1 (N o. 457), 676-8, 680 (N o. 462), decision to a dvance con stru ction o f
684-6 (N o. 464, e n c l.); M r. W in ston 3 ships, 705 (N o. 4 7 9 ); E m p eror
C h u rch ill’ s N a v y E stim ates, M a rch 1913, W illia m I I ’ s h op e th a t referen ce to
and su ggestion of a y e a r ’ s “ naval “ naval con s tru ction h olida y ” m ay be
holid a y ,” 690-2, (N o. 4 6 8 ); E m p eror avoided , J u ly , 7 05 -6 (N o. 480), K in g
W illia m II on A nglo-G erm a n naval G eorge V on, 706 (N o. 480, m in .); M r.
m atters, M ay, 699-701 (N o. 4 7 5 ); decision W in ston C h u rch ill’ s view s as to Germ an
t o a dvance con stru ction o f 3 ships and form er request fo r d efinite proposals, 706
rejection o f the C a nadian N aval A id B ill, (N o. 4 8 1 ); critica l a ttitu d e o f G erm an
703 (N o. 479 and n o te ( * ) ) ; M r. W in ston press to renew ed proposal fo r a
C h u rch ill’ s renew ed proposal fo r a “ naval h olid a y ,” O ct. 1913, 7 18-9 (N o.
“ h olid a y y ea r,” O ct., 7 18-9 (N o. 485), 720 4 8 5 ); S ir E. G oschen on rev iva l o f
(N o. 4 8 6 ); M r. W in ston C hurchill on “ naval holida y ” idea, E m p eror
criticism s o f proposal and a dv an ta g es to W illia m I I ’ s wish to a void, 720 (N o.
G rea t B r ita in of a “ naval h olid a y ,” 4 8 6 ); S ir E. G rey on necessity fo r a
721 (N o. 4 8 7 ); M r. L loy d G eorg e’ s den u n pu blic statem ent, 720 (N o. 486, m in .);
cia tio n o f org a n ized in san ity o f m odern M r. W in ston C h u rch ill on G erm an a tti
a rm am en ts and B ritish press con troversy , tude, 721 (N o. 4 8 7 ); S ir E. G rey on
S ir V . C orb ett on th e effect likely to be necessity fo r a statem ent, 722 (N o. 4 8 8 );
p rod u ced in G erm any, Jan . 1914, 729 (N o. G erm any suspiciou s o f the proposal,
495). N ovem ber 1913, 723 (N o. 489).
1 9 1 4 : P rin ce H en ry o f P ru ssia on the
(F o r A n g lo-G erm a n discussions, 1 912-4, v. B ritish ten d en cy to com pare B ritish
in fra.) and G erm an fleets, and effect upon
re la t io n s : G erm an resentm ent due to
con sta n t com parison and the consequen t
A n g lo-G erm a n discussions, 1912-4 :
im p lica tion th a t G erm any is th e e n e m y ;
1912: G erm an a ttitu d e tow ards M r.
C a pta in H en d erson on, Jan. 1914, 732-3
W in ston C h u rch ill’ s speech, J u ly 22,
(N o. 497, e n c l.); S ir E y re C row e on, 734
1912, on S u p p lem en ta ry E stim ates,
(N o. 497, m in .); A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ’ s
655-6 (N o. 4 5 1 ); B a ron v on M arschall
sta tem en t th a t p ositive proposals had
on im p ossib ility o f com in g to any a gree
not y e t reached G erm any and, if they
m en t as to lim ita tion c f arm am ents,
did, th ey w ould b e exam in ed w ith
criticism o f M r. W in ston C h u rch ill’ s
good w i l l : S ir E. G re y ’ s desire to know
speech, A u g u st, 6 55-6 (N o. 451).
w hat A d m iral von T ir p itz m eant and
1913: A d m ira l von T ir p it z ’ s sta tem en t w hether proposals w ould be resented,
b efore B u d g et C om m ittee and idea o f a F eb., 734-5 (N o. 4 9 8 ); H e r r von J ag ow
N a val A greem en t, F eb. 1913, 669-70 on A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ’ s speech, a
(N o. 4 5 7 ); discussion o f q uestion o f p a rlia m en ta ry u ttera n ce and in no w ay
lim ita tion o f arm am en ts ceased, 671 im p lied th a t proposal w ould be
(N o. 457, m in .); G erm an statem ents accep ted , 735 (N o. 4 9 9 ); S ir E. Goschen
w ill fa v ou ra bly affect B ritish statem ents on G erm an dislike o f the id ea o f a
on N a val E stim ates, idea o f a naval “ naval h olid a y ,” 736 (N o. 5 0 0 ); H err
agreem ent, 673 (N o. 459), S ir E. von J a g o w ’ s reply : no official proposals
G oschen on, 683 (N o. 4 6 3 ); G erm an on 10 to 16 ra tio had been received, nor
p op u la r b e lie f in an a greem ent, 677 on a “ naval h olid a y ,” “ naval holida y ”
(N o. 4 6 2 ); A d m ira l v on T ir p itz denies im possible to G erm any, if proposals
any naval n eg otia tion s w ith E n g lan d , on basis o f 5 squadrons to 8 w ere
6 77-8 (N o. 462, encl.), G erm any w ould received G erm any w ou ld ex am ine them ,
be w illin g to en ter in to n e g otia tion s if 736-7 (N o. 501), 7 37-8 (N o. 502, encl. 1),
E n g lan d w ou ld b egin , 679 (N o. 462, A d m ira l v on T ir p it z ’ s speech b efore
en c l.); S ir E. G oschen w ould h op e to B u d g et C om m ittee on, 738-9 (N o. 502,
a void any conversation s, 633 (N o. 4 6 3 ); encl. 2 ) ; A d m iral von T ir p itz on B ritish
S ir E. G rey has no in ten tion o f p ro naval estim ates, M a rch 1914, 740 (N o.
p osin g a naval agreem ent, P rin ce 503, encl.).
L ich n ow sk y ’ s h op e th a t naval e x p e n d i In v ita tio n from E m p eror W illia m I I fo r
tu re w ould n ot be raised, no B ritish F ir st L ord o f A d m ira lty and F irst
desire fo r a discussion on th e 16 to Sea L o rd to be presen t a t K iel w eek,
10 r a t i o ; S ir E. G oschen n ot to speak M a y 1914, 744 (N o. 5 0 9 ); S ir E. G rey
unless a pproach ed, M a rch , 6 87-8 (N o. opp osed to, 745 (N o. 509, m in .); M r.
465). W in ston C hurchill on : value o f a non-
871
A R M A M E N T S , N A V A L — (continued). , A U S T R A L IA .
A n g lo-G crm a n discussions, 1914— (con * T im o r : question o f p u blica tion o f A nglo-
tin u ed ) : G crinan secret a greem ent re P ortu g u ese
com m itta l conversation , poin ts w hich Colonies, and effect upon A u stra lia , 1912,
m ig h t he discussed, 746-8 (N o. 5 1 1 ); I 431-34 (N o. 270 and m in.), 453 (N o. 285,
S ir E. G rey considers th a t a v isit to nu n.), 455 (N o. 2 87 ); revised d r a ft of
G erm any to discuss poin ts w ith Adm iral A nglo-G crm a n C onvention, D ec. 1912, 496
von T ir p it z m ig h t be fu tile and also l (N o. 320, encl. 2 ); M arch 1913, 521 (N o.
cause resentm ent, suggests a pre I 331, m in .); B ritish wish in interests of
lim in a ry discussion th rou g h a tta ch és, Australia to elim inate G erm an claim to
and a m essage sta tin g th a t M r. reversion of T im or, 548 (N o. 350).
C h u rch ill and P rin ce L ou is o f B a tten I
b erg had not in ten ded to visit, and ] A U S T R IA -llU N G A R Y .
w ere unable to do so, 748-9 (N o. 512) ; i F u tu re o f : H e r r von Jag ow on p ossibility of
M r. C h u rch ill considers th a t only I a b reak-up of E m pire, J a n u a ry 1913, 659
person a l discussion betw een him self and ] 60 (N o. 4 54 ); effect o f death o f the
A d m ira l von T ir p it z w ou ld be useful, Em p eror o f A ustria upon, 769 (N o. 5 30 );
749 (N o. 513) ; the m a tter ex p lain ed to probable G erm an and R ussian acquisi
th e E m p eror W illia m H , J u n e, 750 tions, 770 (N o. 5 3 0 ); a new g ro u p in g o f
(N o. 515). Pow ers based on im p ending b reak-up
I ta ly a n d : Increase con tem p la ted , A ug. 1912, discussed, M arch 1914, 770-1 (N o. 530 );
656-7 (N o. 451) ; G orm an in fluen ce on, ' ll e r r von J a g o w ’ s fea r th a t E m p ire w ould
J an . 1913, 668 (No. 456). go to pieces, w ant o f cohesion in
R ussia a n d : R ev iv a l of R ussian fleet, 1913, | M onarchy, g row in g in depen dence of
721 (N o. 487) ; C a pta in G ren fell on i na tiona lities, 772-3 (N o. 5 3 2 ); S ir E.
position o f R ussian navy, sm all chance o f G oschen on possible influence o f these con
its com p letion hv 1917, 771-2 (N o. 5 3 1 ); dition s upon G erm an policy, 773 (N o. 532 );
R ussian wish to buy tw o D rea d n ou g h ts , view s of E m p eror N icholas 11 on
b ein g b u ilt in E n g lan d fo r Chile, A p ril disin tegra tion o f the E m p ire, 7 78-9 (N o.
1914, 785 ( N o . 538); B ritish G overnm ent 536).
has no legal m eans o f in terv en in g , con
M ilita ry expansion, M arch 1914, 755 (N o. 518,
tra cts had been sign ed w ith T urkey, 801
| min ). 757 (N o. 519).
(ed. n ote).
. N a v y : B ritish evacu ation o f M ed iterra n ean
! and effect upon A u stro-H u n g a ria n con-
A R M E N IA . ■ stru ction , J u n e 1912, 597 (N o. 394) (v .
Russia and : A n n ex a tion of tw o eastern ; also sub A r m a m e n t s , N a v a l , A u stria
provinces, su g g estion of, D ec. 1913, 275 ! H u n g a ry and).
(N o. 182) ; M . S azonov on R ussian 1 T rip le A llia n c e : restriction o f scope of
frien d ly pou rp a rlers w ith T u rkey on A lliance to d efence, 5S6 (N o. 3 8 6 ); em pha
A rm en ia n question, M ay 1914, 796 (N o. sis on com m on p olicy o f d efence, M arch
546, encl.). 1914, 757 (N o. 5 19 ); A u s tro -H u n g a ria n
position in T rip le A lliance, M a rch 1914,
A S I A M IN O R . 770 (N o. 530) (v . also sub T r e a t i e s ,
F ren ch desire fo r ra ilw ay concessions in N orth A lliance, T riple).
o f Asia M in or, 37 (N o. 24) ; reform s in G erm a n y a n d : G erm an su p p ort to A ustria -
A n a tolia prom ised by T urkey, M a y 1913, H u n g a ry , D ec. 1912, 658 (N o. 452), 658
122 (N o. 72). (N o. 4 5 3 ); H err von Jag ow on, Jan. 1913,
F ren ch , G erm an, Italia n and R ussian econ om ic 659 (N o. 4 5 4 ); G erm an o p in ion on, M ay,
expa n sion in Asia M in or, 249-50 (N o. 702 (N o. 4 7 5 ); possibility o f a b reak-up
i5 7 ). of A u s tria -H u n g a ry and influence on
G erm an com m ercia l u n d erta k in g s in, I lc r r Germ an policy, M arch 191). 773 (N o. 532).
von J a g ow on G erm an a ttitu d e tow ards G rea t B rita in a n d : S h a tt-cl-A rab C onvention
any ex clu sion o f G erm any by the T rip le com m unicated to A u stria -H u n ga ry , A p ril
E n t e n te , J a n . 1913, 660 (N o. 4 5 4 ); S ir E. 1914, 381 (N o. 236, min. and n ote ( 10) ) ;
G rey ’ s view th a t if there is to be a p a r C ount B e rch told ’ s com m endation of
titio n G erm any m ust be in it, 663 (No. B ritish policy, M ay 1914, 742 (N o. 506).
455) ; G erm an ir rig a tio n works, 371-2 Ita ly and (v. sub I t a l y , A u s tria -U u n g a r y
(N o. 232). and).
G rea t B rita in has no p olitica l designs in, 663 Rum ania a n d : R u m a n ia ’ s cha n ged a ttitu d e,
(N o. 455). M a rch 1914, 770 (N o. 530).
Ita lia n desire for concessions in, and B ritish R ussia a n d : A u stro-H u n ga ria n ncrvousneps
su p port, 644 (N o. 441) (v. also sub as to l ’ ussian in ten tions, M a rch 1914, 754
A da lia ). (N o. 5 1 8 ); hostile designs a ttrib u ted to
R a ilw ay s in Asia M in or ( v. also sub T u r k e y : proposed m ob iliza tion e x ercises : uneasi
A s ia tic T urkey). ness w ith regard to possible Russian
schemes o f aggression : fron tier and
A S IA T IC T U R K E Y . other in cidents, 756 (N o. 5 1 9 ); S ir M . de
(v . sub T u r k e y , A s ia tic T u rk ey .) B unsen on A u s tro -llu n g a ria n and
872
A U S T R IA -H U N G A R Y — (con tin u ed ). B A G D A D R A I L W A Y — (con tin u ed ).
R ussia an d — (c o n t in u e d ): B a g d a d R a ilw ay C om p an y — ( con tin u ed ) :
Russian relations, no new fa ct to ex p lain G eneral— (con tin u ed ) :
present b itte r press con troversy , 764 (N o. N ov. 1913, 251-2 (N o. 1 60 ); d r a ft as
5 2 6 ); M . Sazonov on en tirely frien d ly suggested by M r. P ark er, T ex t, 252-4
n a tu re o f present relations, M a y , 795 (N o. (N o. 161, N o. 1 ); T urkish d r a ft, T e x tf
546, encl.). 254-5 (N o. 161, N o. 2 ) ; G erm an d raft,
T ex t, 2 56 -8 (N o. 161, N o. 3 ) ; Official
AZO RE S. B ritish d ra ft, T e x t, 267-9 (N o. 174,
(v. sub P o r t u g a l : Colonies, Azores.) en c l.); R ev ised official B ritish draft,'
T ex t, 308-10 (N o. 1 91 ); B a g d a d R a il
BAGDAD. way C om pany and T urkey, n eg otia tion s
T u rk ish p olicy and in cid en ts in B a g d a d (v . proceed in g slowly, J u ly 191k, 418
sub M e s o p o t a m i a ) . (N o. 261).
A n glo-G erm an n eg otia tion s re : A g ree
B A G D A D R A IL W A Y . m ent betw een C om p any and T u rkey
I m p o rta n ce o f question in relation s betw een should p reced e con clu sion o f A n g lo-
G rea t B rita in , T u rkey and G erm any, D ec. G erm an C onven tion , A ug. 1913, 221
1910, 13 (N o. 6, encl.). (N o. 1 4 6 ); A g reem en t referred to in
A n a to lia n R a ilw a y ( v. sub A n a t o l i a n R a i l A n glo-G erm an C on v en tion , Septem ber,
w ay ). 238 (N o. 154, e n c l.); B ritish d r a ft sub
B a g d a d R a ilw a y C om p a n y : m itted to G erm any, T ext, 251-2 (N o.
G e n e r a l: T u rk ey urges C om p any to sta rt 1 60 ); G erm an d r a ft, T ex t, 2 56-8 (N o.
w ork in several places, Jan . 1911, 21 161, N o. 3 ) ; Official B ritish cou n ter
(N o. 11, n o te ( 2) ) ; n e g otia tion s w ith d r a ft, T ex t, com m u n ica ted to G erm any,
com p an y on revenues, m onopolies, an 266-9 (N o. 1 7 4 ); G erm an ob servations
ou tlet a t A lex a n d retta and th a t Com on a rticle 8, 310-1 (N o. 192), B ritish
pany should abandon its rig h t to b u ild rep ly to, 3 12-3 (N o. 193).
B a g d a d -G u lf section , F eb., 22 (N o. 1 2 );
no agreem ent yet, M a rch 1911, 29 (N o. A n glo-G erm an C on v en tion re : G erm an p ro
17, m in .); C on v en tion s sign ed betw een posals, M a y 7, 1913, 97-9 (N o. 6 6 ); dis
T u rk ey and C om p any re the H e l if - sussion of, betw een H e r r von K iihlm ann
B a g d a d sections, A lex a n d retta -O s m a n ie and M r. P a rk er, M a y 21, 126-7 (N o. 7 8 );
branch, A lexa n d retta p ort, and decla ra betw een S ir E. G rey and H e r r von
tion by C om p an y ren ou n cin g its rig h t K iih lm a n n , M ay 23, 128-9 (N o. 79), 131
to B a g d a d -G u lf section , 34-35 (N o. 2 3 ); (N o. 8 2 ); fu rth er discussion, J u n e, 133-4
T urkish rep ly to G reat B r ita in , A p ril (N o. 8 6 ); con su lta tion o f In d ia Office
1912, oil in d em n ity for ren u n cia tion o f and B oa rd o f T ra de, 136-7 (N o. 8 9 );
rig h t, 60 (N o. 47), B ritish com m ent on, B ritish d r a ft o f prop osed A n glo-G erm an
69 (N o. 5 0 ); share in B a g d a d -G u lf sec D ecla ra tion , J u n e, T e x t, 138-40 (N o. 89,
tion , 74 (N o. 5 2 ); suggestion o f a B ritish en cls. ) ; discussion of, betw een H e r r von
D ir e cto r fo r the B oa rd , J u ly , 76 (N o. K iihlm a nn and M r. P a rk er, J u ly , 162-3
55), C om pany w ould p refer to b u ild (N o. 1 0 7 ); discussion o f G erm an C ou n ter
and m anage the B a g d a d -B a sra section d r a ft, J u ly , 172-3 (N o. 1 1 7 ); G erm an
ra th er than abandon it to a n oth er C o u n te r-d ra ft of D ecla ra tion , P rin ce
Com pany, M ay 1913, 97 (N o. 6 6 ); the L ich n ow sk y ’ s ex p la n a tion o f a lteration s,
situ ation und er 1911 arra n g em en t, 97 1 74-6 (N o. 1 18 ); T ex t, 177-9 (N o. 118,
(N o. 6 6 ); com p ensa tion w ould be I encl. 3 ) ; p r a ctica l effect o f present nego
req u ired from T u rk ey if C om p any j tia tion s w ill so fa r b e p r in cip a lly nega
a greed to postpon em en t o f th e B a s r a - tiv e, 208 (N o. 1 3 5 ); M r. P a rk er thin ks
G u lf section , 127 (N o. 7 8 ); C om p any th e agreem en t m ay be sign ed by end o f
desire to secure alloca tion o f revenues, Sept., 210 (N o. 137), F ren ch pressure to
127 (N o. 7 8 ); H e r r G w inner on a p p o in t delay sign atu re of, 210 (N o. 1 3 7 ); F ra n co
m ent o f D irectors, J u n e 1913, 142 (N o. G erm an a greem ent reached and effect on
9 1 ); A nglo-G erm a n a greem ent, in clu sion A n glo-G erm an n eg otia tion s, 219 (N o. 144 );
o f B ritish d irectors on B oa rd o f B a g d a d co u n te r -d ra ft o f C on v en tion discussed by
R a ilw a y C om pany, 234-41 (N o. 154), H e r r von K iihlm ann and M r. A. P ark er,
243, 247 (N o. 156), 300 (N o. 189), 304 221-3 (N o. 146), 225 -6 (N o. 1 4 8 ); G reat
(N o. 190), 342 -4 (N o. 213), 359 (N o. 225, B rita in w ill not p r e cip ita te conclusion o f
encl.), 398, 403 (N o. 249, encl.). agreem ent w ith G erm any, Sept. 1913, 230
A g reem en t w ith L o rd In ch ca p e (v. sub (N o. 152).
M e s o p o t a m i a , N a v ig a tion ). B ritish revised C ou n ter-d ra ft, &e., T ext,
A g reem en t betw een B a g d a d R a ilw a y C om Sept. 1913, 234-41 (N o. 1 54 ); Germ an
pa ny and O ttom an G overnm ent : A g re e am endm ents and B ritish com m ents,
m ent referred to in A nglo-G erm a n N ov., 243-7 (N o. 1 5 6 ); G erm an C ou n ter
C on v en tion , A r ticle 2, 238 (N o. 154, d ra ft, T ex t, N ov. 3, 1913, 247-9 (N o. 156,
en cl. ) ; B ritish d r a ft o f proposed a gree e n c l.); G erm an sta tem en t th a t n eg otia
m ent, T ex t, su b m itted to G erm any, tion s betw een G erm any, G rea t B rita in
373
R A IL W A Y S . R E D SE A .
A d a -B a z a r -B o lo u (v . sub T urkey, A s ia tic A rm s s m u g g lin g : T urkish su ggestion of
T urkey). a rra n g em en t betw een Ita ly, T urkey,
A fou leh -J eru sa lem ( v . sub Turkey, A s ia tic F ra n ce and G reat B rita in to check, D ec.
T urkey). | 1910, 9 (N o. 5 ); Brussels C onferen ce,
A n a tolia n R a ilw a y (v. sub A n a t o l ia n R a il b reak-dow n o f neg otia tion s, 9 (N o. 5).
w ay ). C oa lin g s t a t io n : T u rk ey had n ot allow ed
A r g h a n a -B it lis -V a n ( v . sub T u r k e y , A s ia tic G erm any to a cq uire, 14 (N o. 6, encl.).
Turkey).
B a g d a d R a ilw a y ( v. sub B a c d a d R a i l w a y ) . R H O D E S , Island of.
D a m a sc u s-B e y r o u th -M z e r ib (v. sub T u r k e y , 1Ita lia n concession, in clu d in g railw ays and
A sia tic T u rkey ). telegraphs, suggested, D ec. 1913, 275 (N o.
D a m a scu s-H a m a h (t\ sub T u r k e y , A s ia tic 182).
T urkey).
D a n u b e -A d r ia tic (r . sub D a n u b e - A d r i a t i c RUANDA.
R a i l w a y ). Cession of b y G erm any to G reat B rita in sug
E g h ird ir, L ake - L ak e B eyshehir (r. sub gested. M arch 1912, 442 (N o. 276).
T u r k e y , A s ia tic T urkey).
E r z e ro u m -E rz in g h ia n -S iv a s (v. sub T u r k e y , R U M A N IA .
A sia tic T urkey). A u stria -H u n g a ry a n d : R u m a n ia ’ s changed
H a id a r P a s h a -K o n ia -E r e g li (r. sub B a g d a d a ttitu d e, M arch 1914, 770 (N o. 530).
R a i l w a y ). Russia a n d : V isit o f C row n P rin ce to St.
H a w za -C a sta m ou n i (v . sub T urkey, A s ia tic P etersb u rg h , fr ie n d ly relations of two
T urkey). coun tries, M a y 1914, 796 (N o. 546, encl.).
[1 09 00 1 3 0
908
R U S S IA . R U S S I A — ( c o n t i n u e d ).
A r m y : G erm an press on R ussian m ilita ry G erm a n y and, 1914— (c o n t in u e d ):
prep a ra tion s, M a rch 1914, 754—5 (N o. R usso-G erm an tension, & c.— {c o n tin u e d ):
5 1 8 ); H err von T sch irsch ky on, 764 (N o. (N o. 5 1 8 ); V ossische Z eitu n g , dis
5 2 6 ); S ir G. B uch an a n on R u ssia n m ili cou n ts the a larm ist ta lk, 755 (N o. 518);
t a ry position , increases o f arm y up to L ok a l-A n zeig er, sim ilar sense, 755 (No.
1917, 767-8 (N o. 528), 768 (N o. 5 29 ); 5 1 8 ); G erm an Am bassador at St.
M ilita r y prep a ra tion s a p prov ed, 1914, 779 P etersb u rg h den ies a uthorship of
( ed . n ote). a rticle in K öln isch e Z e it u n g : M.
In tern a l situ ation , H e r r von T schirschky on, S azonov on, p rojected arm am ents for
M a rch 1914, 764 (N o. 526). pu rely d efensive pu rposes, 758 (N o. 520);
N a v al arm am ents (v . sub A r m a m e n t s , N a v a l ) . G erm an P ress-B u reau w ork in g up a
G en eral F o r e ig n P o l i c y : S peech b y M. w ar-scare, 758 (N o. 520, m in . ) ; S ir E.
S a zon ov rev iew in g in tern a tion a l situ a G rey and P rin ce L ichnow sky unable to
tio n , M a y 1914, 794-7 (N o. 546, encl.). und ersta n d o rig in o f press a gitation ,
A rm en ia ( v . sub A r m e n i a ). increase of R ussian arm y n ot directed
B a g d a d R a ilw a y (v . sub B a g d a d R a i l w a y ). aga in st G erm any, 758-9 (N o. 5 21 ); Sir
M ed iterra n ea n (v. sub M e d i t e r r a n e a n ). E. G rey and C ou n t B en ck en d orf on,
P ersia n G u lf questions ( v . sub P e r s i a n G u l f ) . 759 (N o. 5 2 2 ); G eneral B ern h ardi on
necessity fo r b ein g prepared , even for
A u s tria -H u n g a ry and {v . sub A u s t r ia - I
a w ar in im m ed ia te fu tu re, 761 (No.
H u n g a r y , {Russia and).
52 3 ); F r a n k fu r te r Z e it u n g ’s reassurance
F ra n ce a n d : M ilita r y C on ven tion betw een, in reg a rd to R usso-G erm an r e la t io n s :
583 (N o. 383), 584 (N o. 3 8 4 ); N a val C on- | P rofessor S chiem an n on a nim osity of
ve n tio n suggested, and th a t G rea t B r ita in ! R u ssia n press, G erm an prepa ra tion s
should join , M ay 1912, 583 (N o. 383), 584 d efensive only, 761-2 (N o. 5 2 4 ); pacific
(N o. 3 8 4 ); F ra n co-R u ssia n naval con v en decla ra tion s o f M . Sazonov, Germ an
tio n con clu d ed, A u g ., 607 (N o. 407), 617 com m ent d iscou n tin g the press a gita
(N o. 4 1 8 ); S ir A . N icolson on effect o f t io n : H e r r v on J a g ow on, 762-3 (No.
G rea t B r it a in ’ s jo in in g R u ssia and 5 2 5 ); H e r r v on T schirschky on Russian
F ra n ce, 608 (N o. 4 0 7 ); effect on G erm an a ttitu d e tow ards G erm any, a ttitu d e of
press, 608-9 (N o. 408). F ra n ce and R u ssia m ena cin g, no im m e
F ra n co-R u ssia n general relations, 1912, S ir d ia te con fla g ra tion apprehended , 764-5
F . B ertie on, 617 (N o. 4 1 8 ); V is it of (N o. 5 2 6 ); in spired a rticle in B ourse
E m p eror N icholas I I to B erlin and G a ze tte , R ussia prep a red fo r w ar, a tti
con v ersation w ith M . Jules Cam bon, tu d e tow ards G erm an press attack s, 765
M a y 1913, 704 (N o. 477). (N o. 527), 766 (N o. 528), con tra d ictory
F ren ch finan cial assistance tow ards m ilita ry policies o f R ussian M in ister of F oreign
purposes, M a rch 1914, 756 (N o. 519), 764 A ffairs and o f W a r, 765 (N o. 527), 766-7
(N o. 5 2 6 ); F ren ch and R u ssia n a ttitu d e (N o. 5 2 8 ); S ir G. B uch an a n on R usso-
b elieved to be m en a cin g to G erm any, G erm an relations, m otives fo r press
764 (N o. 526). ' a tta ck , relativ e m ilita ry positions, 767-8
F ra n co-R u ssia n alliance, M . S a zon ov on, (N o. 528), 768 (N o. 5 2 9 ); S ir A. N icolson
_ M a y 1914, 794 (N o. 546, encl.). believes th a t G erm any w ill do her
T rip le E n te n te (v. sub T r e a t i e s , E n te n te , utm ost to w in ov er R ussia, 768 (No.
T riple). 528, m in. ) ; the press ca m p a ig n has
G erm a n y a n d : F ra n co-R u ssia n N a val C on- j shown th a t n eith er R u ssia nor Germ any
v en tion , A u g . 1912, a ttitu d e o f G erm an ' desires w a r : allia n ce betw een Russia,
press to, 608-9 (N o. 408). F ra n ce, G erm any an d E n glan d , dis
M e e tin g a t B a ltic P o rt, J u ly 1912: G erm an cussed in the N o v o e V rem ya , M arch
press com m ent on F ra n co-R u ssia n N a val 1914; E m p eror W illia m I I and C ount
C on v en tion in relation to, 609 (N o. 4 0 8 ); W itte on alliance betw een R ussia,
m eetin g o f tw o E m p erors, 656 (N o. 451). G erm any and F ra n ce : R ussian attitu de
R u ssia on frien d ly term s w ith G erm any, tow ards G erm any in relation to T riple
A u g . 1912, 656-7 (N o. 451). A llia n ce and T rip le E n te n te , 769-71
L im a n von Sanders M ission, 1 9 1 3 -4 • N eg o (N o. 5 3 0 ); S ir A. N ico lso n ’ s belief in
tia tion s w ith G erm any, F ren ch and an im p en din g ch a n g e in Russo-G erm an
B ritish su p p ort and m easures o f coer relations, R u ssia m ay g ra v ita te tow ards
cion a ga in st T u rk ey , 779 {ed. n o te). G erm any, 773-4 (N o. 5 3 3 ); relax a tion
V is it o f E m p eror N ich ola s I I to B erlin , of tension, B erlin C a bin et noit bellicose,
1913, 703 (N o. 476), 704 (N o. 477). 774 {ed. note) : E m p eror W illia m I I and
R usso-G erm an tension, M a rc h -J u n e 1914: an a lliance w ith R ussia , 7 77-8 (N o. 536);
A r ticle in K öln isch e Z e it u n g , M a rch 13, C ou n t W it t e ’ s view th a t R ussia should
Russian m ilita ry p rep a ra tion s, no establish closest possible relation s with
a pprehensions as to any im m ed ia te G erm any, S ir G. B u ch an a n on, 778 (No.
d a n g er from R ussia, 754 (N o. 5 1 8 ); 5 3 6 ); E m p eror N ich ola s I I on ques
B e rlin er T a g eb la tt, no reason fo r any tion s w hich keep G erm any and Russia
uneasiness a t the p resen t m om ent, 755 a p a rt, A p ril 1914, 781 (N o. 5 3 7 ); H err
909
R U S S IA — ( co n tin u e d ). R U S S IA — (con tin u ed ).
G erm a n y and, 1 9 1 — (c o n tin u e d ): G rea t B rita in an d— (c o n t in u e d ):
R usso-G erm an tension, &c.— (con tin u ed ) : G en eral relation s, 1913— (c o n t in u e d ):
von J a g o w ’ s a tta ck on R ussian p ress: . and present revision to be com m u n i
R ussia b ecom in g uneasy a t G erm a n y ’ s cated, 5 46-7 (N o. 3 4 8 ); no new a gree
a ttitu d e , b elie f th a t w ar is alm ost m ent un d er discussion, present revised
in e v it a b le : S ir A. N icolson ’ s con tra ry a greem en t to be published shortly, 547
b elief, M a y 1914, 745 (N o. 5 1 0 ); F ren ch (N o. 349).
assum p tion th a t G erm any w ould m ake N a val d isp o sitio n s: E m p eror W illia m II on
efforts to d etach R ussia from F ren ch a lleged B ritish efforts to in du ce R ussia
A llian ce, 787 (N o. 5 4 1 ); H e r r von J a g ow to send a squadron to S cotlan d w hilst
v ery a n ti-R u ssian , 792 (N o. 5 4 5 ); M. B ritish ships w ere in M ed iterra n ean ,
S azonov on gen era l relations; M ay 1914, 1913, 707, 709 (N o. 482).
h op e th a t press polem ics w ill cease, the G en eral rela tion s, 1914:
con clu sion o f a new T rea ty o f C om A ng lo-R u ssia n C on v en tion , 1907: S ir G.
m erce, 795 (N o. 546, e n cl.); H e r r von B uchanan on fra g ile fou n d a tion of, 775
J ag ow on R ussian p u b lic o p in ion , a w ar (N o. 5 3 4 ); vague ch a ra cter o f th e un d er
a ga in st G erm a ny w ould be pop u la r, s ta n d in g : M . S a zon ov ’ s suggestion of
J u n e, 8 02 -3 (N o. 550). co n v e rtin g u n d ersta n din g in to a d e
G rea t B r ita in a n d : fensive a llia n ce : R ussia dou bts B ritish
G en eral rela tion s, 1912: F u tu re p olicy and su p p ort in a war, M arch 1914, 778-9
q uestion o f m utual assistance, M a v 1912, (N o 5 3 6 ): the E m p eror N ich ola s w ould
583 (N o. 383), 584 (N o. 384). like an alliance o f a defensive nature,
B ritish assistance to F ra n ce and R ussia in su ggestion o f conversations fo r co-op era
e v en t o f an a tta ck b y G erm any and t ion o f B ritish and R ussian fle e t s : Sir
A u s t r ia -H u n g a r y : K in g G eorg e V on, G. B uchanan on, 780-1 (N o. 5 3 7 ); M.
D ec. 1912, 658 (N o. 452), 673 (N o. 4 6 0 ); S azonov on stren gth en in g th e un d er
S ir E . G rey on, 658 (N o. 453). sta n din g as a w arn in g to G erm any, 782
N a val C on v en tion , F ra n co-R u ssia n , sug (N o. 5 3 7 ); Russia w ould like an a gree
gested, M a y 1 9 1 2 : G rea t B r ita in to be m ent th a t E n glan d w ould g iv e her
in vited to jo in , 583 (N o. 383), 584 (N o. arm ed s u p p o r t : S ir G. B uchanan on,
3 8 4 ); F ra n co-R u ssia n N aval C onven and possib ility o f e x te n d in g th e A g ree
tion con clu d ed , A u g ., 607 (N o. 4 0 7 ); S ir m en t o f 1907 by an ex ch a n g e o f notes,
A. N icolson on effect o f G rea t B r it a in ’ s 784 (N o. 5 3 8 ); F ren ch wish to see the
jo in in g R u ssia and F ra n ce, 608 (N o. A n g lo-R u ssia n u n d ersta n d in g ta ke a
4 0 7 ); S ir E. G rey ’ s den ial o f an A n g lo- m ore precise form , 784 (N o. 538), 785
R ussian naval a greem ent, J u n e 1914, (N o. 5 3 9 ); S ir A . N icolson on necessity
753 (N o. 517), 801 (N o. 548). fo r tig h te n in g ties w ith R ussia and
G en eral rela tion s, 1913 : M oham m erah : A n g lo- p olicy o f definite alliances, 786 (N o.
T urkish d r a ft agreem en t to he com m u n i 5 4 0 ); an a llia nce im possible, 786 (N o.
ca ted to R ussia, M a y 1913, 116 (ed. n ote). 540), 787 (N o. 5 4 1 ); K in g G eorg e V ’ s
1 A n g lo-T u rk ish n eg otia tion s re B a g d a d R a il letter to E m p eror N icholas I I re
w ay, &c., M a y 1913, M . S a zon ov ’ s a t ti A n g lo-R u ssia n relations, J u n e 16, 1914,
tu d e tow ards, 123-4 (N o. 74), S ir E. 801 (N o. 5 4 9 ); q uestion o f com m u n i
G re y ’ s ex p la n a tion to, 124 (N o. 7 5 ); ca tin g to R ussia A n g lo-F ren ch position ,
R ussian a ttitu d e, 131 (N o. 8 3 ); A n g lo- m ilita ry assistance a m a tter o f B ritish
T urkish con v en tion s and d ecla ra tion s p u b lic op in ion , M ay, 787-9 (N o. 541),
com m u n ica ted to R ussia, 157 (N o. 102). 788 (ed. n o te) ; cop y o f S ir E. G rey ’ s
A nglo-G erm a n n eg otia tion s re B a g d a d R a il letter o f N ov. 22, 1912, to M . P au l
way, &c., M a y 1913: R ussia t o be Cam hon to he com m u n ica ted to R ussia,
in form ed , 132 (N o. 83, m in . ) ; A n g lo- 789 (N o. 542), com m unica ted, 790 (N o.
G erm an agreem ents com m u n ica ted to 5 4 3 ); a m ilita ry arra n gem en t im possi
R ussia, R u ssia in vited to con clu d e sim i ble, 789 (N o. 5 4 2 ); H e r r von J a g ow on
la r agreem ents w ith G rea t B rita in , valu e o f B ritish u n d ersta n d in g w ith
A p ril 1914, 366 (N o. 2 2 8 ); R ussia pre R ussia, 792 (N o. 5 4 5 ); S ir E. G rey
pa red to adhere, proposal to ex ch a n g e assures P rin ce L ichnow sky th a t no
notes h a v in g b in d in g force, 370 (N o. a lliance or C on v en tion exists betw een
2 3 1 ); T ex t o f N otes ex ch a n g ed , 377-81 E n g la n d and F ra n ce, an d E n g la n d and
(N o. 236, and encls.). R ussia, 809 (ed. n ote).
A nglo-G erm a n n eg otia tion s re P ortu g u ese N a v a l c o -o p e r a t io n : E m p eror N icholas II
C o lo n ie s : R ussia w ou ld reg a rd an suggests conversations, A p ril 1914, 780-1
A n g lo-G erm a n A g reem en t w ith some (N o. 5 3 7 ); B ritish view s on an in ter
a n xiety , N ov. 1913, 545 (N o. 3 4 6 ); no cha nge o f views betw een naval staffs,
new a greem en t und er discussion b u t a 783 (N o. 537, m in . ) ; S ir G. B uchanan
m odifica tion o f 1898 A g reem en t, 545-6 on p ossib ility o f an in terch a n g e o f
(N o. 346, m in . ) ; M . S a zon ov ’ s a n x iety as I view s, 784 (N o. 5 3 8 ); S ir A. N icolson on
t o scope o f n eg otia tion s, 546 (N o. 3 4 7 ); an u n d ersta n din g betw een naval
in form a tion con cern in g 1898 A g reem en t 1 a u th orities as to action in certain
[10900] 3 0 2
910
T H IB E T . T R E A T I E S , A G R E E M E N T S , A L L IA N C E S ,
( v. sub R u s s i a , G rea t B r ita in and : A n g lo- C O N V E N T IO N S , & c.— {con tin u ed ).
R ussian n eg otia tion s, A p r il-J u ly 1914.) E n te n te , T r ip le : G rea t B r ita in , F ra n ce and
R ussia : T u rk ey : P ress articles in veigh in g
T IM O R . a ga in st T rip le E n te n te , 1910, 6 (N o. 1),
A u stra lia and (v . sub A u s t r a l i a ) . G erm an a ttitu d e tow ards any exclu sion of
G erm a n y and (v . sub P o r t u g a l : C olonies). G erm a ny from A sia M in o r and Sy ria by
G rea t B r ita in and (v. sub P ortugal : T rip le E n te n te , Jan . 1913, 660 (N o. 454);
Colonies). S ir E. G rey ’ s view th a t th ree P ow ers can
H olla n d and (v. sub P o r t u g a l : C olonies). n ot tre a t A sia M in or as M orocco, if there
is to be a p a rtitio n G erm any m ust be in
T R E A T I E S , A G R E E M E N T S , A L L IA N C E S , it, 663 (N o. 4 5 5 ); E m p eror W illia m I I on
C O N V E N T IO N S , &c. ( v. also sub S e c r e t E nglish allia n ce w ith tw o n a tion s h a ving
A g r e e m e n t s ). offensive a greem ents a ga in st G erm any,
A llia n ce, T rip le (M ay 20, 1882, and la ter). 701 (N o. 4 7 5 ); C ou n t W it te on, R ussian
P o lit ic a l situ ation in E u rop e dom in a ted position in T rip le E n t e n te and relation
by g ro u p in g o f P ow ers in T rip le and D u al t o T rip le A llian ce P ow ers, 771 (N o. 530),
A lliances, M ay 1912, 586 (N o. 386) ; ev acu a 777 (N o. 5 3 6 ); R ussian su ggestion th a t the
tion o f M ed iterra n ean b y B ritish nava. th ree P ow ers should th rou g h th eir repre
forces and its effect up on th e P ow ers and i sentatives a t L on d on establish the com
m em bers o f the T rip le A llian ce, 5 86 -9 | m u n ity o f th eir view s, 774-5 (ed. note)-,
(N o. 3 8 6 ); M ed iterra n ean questions not lack o f solid arity in E n te n te as against
cov ered b y the A llian ce, 586 (N o. 386), the T rip le A llian ce, 778 (N o. 5 36 ); M.
593 (N o. 391) ; effect o f T rip le A llia n ce Sa zon ov on an u n d ersta n d in g which
P ow ers g a in in g a fo o tin g on coa st of w ould con fro n t G erm any w ith united
N orth A fric a , 620-1 (N o. 4 1 9 ); B ritish forces o f three P ow ers, A p ril 1914, 782
in form a tion reg a rd in g n a tu re o f the (N o. 5 3 7 ); M. S a zon ov on transform a
A llian ce, N ov., 627 (N o. 427, and n o te ( 3) ) ; tion of the E n te n te in to a new T riple
rela tiv e naval pow er o f A llia n ce and A llian ce, 783 (ed. n o te ), and solidarity
T rip le E n te n te , 191-3, 641 (N o. 439, o f the E n te n te , 784 (N o. 5 3 8 ); S ir A.
encl. 2) ; A u s tro-H u n g a ria n and Ita lia n N icolson on, 786 (N o. 5 4 0 ); detachm ent
position , M arch 1915, 770 (N o. 5 3 0 ); o f R u ssia from , 787 (N o. 5 4 1 ); B erlin er
E m p eror W illia m I I on valu e o f the T a q eb latt on a ttem p t t o tra n sform the
A llian ce, 778 (N o. 536). E n te n te in to an a lliance, M ay 1914, 791
I ta ly and : Ita lia n position in the A llian ce, (N o. 5 4 4 ); M. S a zon ov on Russian
J u n e 1912, 598 (N o. 396) ; S ir R . R o d d position in th e E n t e n te and the sugges
on; 620 (N o. 419) ; Ita lia n o b lig a tion s tion of co n v e r tin g it in to a T riple
pu rely defen sive, 627 (N o. 427) ; S ir A llian ce, 794-5 (N o. 546, e n c l.); S ir E.
E y re C row e on u n d esira b ility of G re y ’ s assurance to P rin ce Lichnow sky
cr e a tin g th e im pression th a t G rea t th a t there was no allia n ce between
B rita in was schem ing to deta ch I ta ly E n g lan d and F ra n ce, and E n g lan d and
from th e A llian ce, 630 (N o. 427, m in.) ; Russia, J u n e, 809 (ed. n o te ), a grow th of
S ir E. G rey on, 633 (N o. 429) ; Ita ly m ay in tim a cy betw een ju st as though they
be im pelled to join th e T rip le E n te n te w ere allies, 809 (ed. n o te ).
ra th er than the T rip le A llian ce, 1913, A n a tolia n R a ilw a y A g reem en t, 1904, 213 (No.
642 (N o. 439, m in.) ; Ita lia n position , 139), 214 (N o. 140).
ISla rch 1914, 770 (N o. 530), G erm any A n g lo-F ren ch A g reem en t, A p ril 8, 1904, 616
and Ita lia n position in th e A llia n ce (N o. 418).
M ay, 787 (N o. 541). A n g lo-F ren ch D ecla ra tion re E g y p t and
R en ew a l o f : in clu sion o f M ed iterra n ean M orocco, A p ril 8, 1904, 650 (N o. 447).
questions, M ay 1912, 593 (N o. 391) ; and A n g lo-F ra n co-S p a n ish M ed iterra n ean A gree
th e F ra n co -Ita lia n secret agreem ent, m ent, M a y 16, 1907, 500 (N o. 322), 597
1902, 623-4 (N o. 424) ; Ita lia n a ttitu d e (N o. 395), 616 (N o. 418).
to renew al of, J an . 1913, 634 (N o. 430) ;
A n g lo-G erm a n C on v en tion re B a g d a d Railw ay,
no m odification o f t e x t or any subse
in itia lled J u n e 15, 1914, 398-408 (N o. 249).
q uen t a d d ition , 643 (N o. 4 4 0 ); F ren ch
and Ita lia n press on renew al of, M a rch A n g lo-G erm a n S ecret A g reem en t, A ug. 30,
1914, 644 (N o. 4 4 1 ); F ren ch belief in a 1 8 9 8 : A nglo-G erm a n discussions (v. sub
P o r t u g a l : C o lo n ie s : A nglo-G erm a n dis
m odifica tion o f the A llian ce, Ita lia n
den ial, A p ril, 6 44-5 (N o. 442), 646-7 (N o. cussions).
4 4 4 ); M ay, 649 (N o. 446), 651 (N o. A n g lo -K o w e it A g reem en t, J a n . 23, 1899, T ext,
448) ; M. P a u l Cam bon ready to a cce p t 107 (N o. 68).
Italia n assurances, 652 (N o. 449). A n g lo-P ortu g u ese D ecla ra tion o f O ctober 14,
T u rk ey and : Press articles show ing in clin a 1899, 424 (N o. 266), 425 (N o. 267), 436 (N o.
tion tow ards T rip le A llian ce, 1910, 6 272), 437 (N o. 272, m in.), 438 (N o. 273),
(N o. 1). 4S4 (ed. n o te), 507 (ed. n o te ) (v.
( v . also sub A u s t r i a - H u n g a r y ; G e r m a n y ; also sub P o r t u g a l : A n g lo-P ortu g u ese
I t a l y .) A llian ce).
913
T R E A T I E S , A G R E E M E N T S , A L L IA N C E S , T R E A T I E S . A G R E E M E N T S , A L L IA N C E S ,
C O N V E N T IO N S , A c.— ( co n tin u ed ). C O N V E N T IO N S , A c .— (con tin u ed ).
A n g lo-P ortu g u ese D eclaration , A c .— {con B lack Sea Basin A greem en t, 135 (N o. 87,
tin u ed ) : min.).
A n g lo-P ortu g u ese A llia n ce : sum m ary of D u tch -P ortu g u ese C onvention, 1893, and
v ariou s T rea ties, as g iven by S enb or T im or, 507 (N o. 324, encl. 2), 509 (N o. 325).
V nsconcellos in P ortu g u ese P arliam en t, D u tch -P ortu gu ese, 1904, p re-em p tion rig h ts
M arch 1912, 449-50 (N o. 282, encl.) in T im or, 429 (N o. 270), 457 (N o. 2S9).
{v. also sub P o r t u g a l : A n g lo -P o rtu E rzeroum , T rea tv of, 1347, 77 (N o. 55), 156
guese A lliance). (N o. 100), 159 (N o. 103).
A n g lo-P ortu g u ese, 1661, confirm ed 1899, 484 F ra nco-G erm an C onven tion s re A lorocco and
(ed. note). C ongo, N ov. 4, 1911, 426 (N o. 268), 616
A n g lo-P ortu g u ese A r b itra tio n T rea tv, N ov. 16, (N o. 413), 657 (N o. 4 5 0 ); and A n g lo-
1904, 455 (N o. 287), 4S3-4 {e d .'n o t e ). G erm an n eg otia tion s re P ortu g u ese
A n g lo-R u ssia n C onvention, A ug. 31, 1907 : Colonies, 553 (N o. 357), 557 (N o. 361), 559
T urkish a n ti-B ritish feelin g ow in g to (N o. 361, min.), 560 (N o. 364), 561 (N o.
the e n te n te reg a rd in g P ersia and 3 6 5 ); G erm any and A rticle 16, 557 (N o.
A fgh a n ista n , 1910, 3, 6 (N o. 1 ) ; C ount 361), 559 (N o. 361, min.), 5 61-2 (N o. 365).
W i t t e ’ s a ttitu d e to the A g reem en t, 771 F ra n co -Ita lia n A greem en t, re T unis, 1 8 9 6 :
(N o. 530) (F o r proposals to ex ten d, v. term s of, F ren ch th rea t to term in a te, A lav
sub R u s s i a , G reat B r ita in and, G eneral 1914, 649 (N o. 446).
R elation s). F ranco-T ta lian A greem en t, D ec. 14-16, 1900,
A n g lo-R u ssia n -J ap an ese gu a ra n tee c f A sia tic respectin g T rip o li and A lorocco, 616 (N o.
possessions, discussed, 1914, S21-3 (.1pp. I). 4*8 .
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion re bou n da ries o f F ra n co -Ita lia n S ecret A greem ent, N ov. 1-2,
A den, sign ed M a rch 9, 1914, 340-1 1902: term s of, 616 (N o. 4 1 8 1, 620 (N o.
(N o. 211,. 419), 624 (N o. 424, m in .); not to be
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion re m on opolies and a ffected by renew al o f the T rip le A lliance,
S in y r u a -A id in R a ilw ay , in itia lled J u n e 10, 1912, 623-4 (N o. 4 2 4 ); m odifica tion o f th e
1914, 396 {ed. note). A greem en t denied, Alarch 19-14, 644 (N o.
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion re n a v ig a tion o f 441), 653 (N o. 449).
S h a tt-el-A ra b, in itia lled M a v 6, 1913, F ra n co -M o ro c ca n T rea ty, 1912, 616 (N o. 418).
109-14 (N o. 68. encl. 4), sign ed J u ly 29, F ra neo-R ussian A llian ce (D ec. 27. 1893-Jan. 4,
1913, 1S3-7 (N o. 1 2 4 ,: sup plem en tary 1894, and la ter), 616-7 (N o. 418).
d ecla ra tion , sign ed O ctober 21, 1913, 242 F ra n co-R u ssian A lilita ry C on v en tion (A u g. 17,
{ed. note). 1892, and la ter), 583 (N o. 3S3), 617 (N o.
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion re P ersia n G ulf, 413).
in itia lled Alay 6, 1913, 104-9 (N o. 68, F ra n co-R u ssian N a val C onvention, J u ly 16,
cncl. 3), sign ed J u ly 29, 1913, 190-6 (N o. 1912, 583 (N o. 3^3), 607 (N o. 407), 608
1241 : su p plem en tary conventions, sign ed (N o. 408), 617, 619 (N o. 418».
O ctober 21, 1913. 2 41-2 (N o. 155), sign ed
F ra n co-S p an ish A greem ents, Oct. 3, 1904,
D ecem ber 10, 1913, 282 <N o. 187 ,.
Sept. 1, 1905, re A lorocco, 616 (N o. 418).
A n g lo-T u rk ish C on v en tion re railw ays in Asia
M in or, in itia lled M ay 6, 1913, ioi— 3 (N o. F ra n co-S p an ish C onvention, N ov. 27, 1912, re
68. cncl. 2), in itia lled A u g u st 12, 1913, M orocco, 616 (N o. 418 >.
203-6 (N o. 1331. F ra n co-T u rk ish A greem en t re ra ilw ays in
A n g lo-T u rk ish D ecla ra tion re n a v ig a tion of A sia A linor, in itia lled Sept. 11, 1913,
T ig ris and E up h ra tes, in itia lled M a y 20, 2 31-3 (N o. 153).
1913, 158-9 (N o. 102, encl.), sign ed J u lv 29, Ita lo-T u rk ish T rea tv o f P eace, L au san n e
1913, 189-90 (N o. 1241; fu rth er d ecla ra T rea tv, Oct. i s / l 9 1 2 . 416 (N o. 258), 616
tions, in itia lled A u g u st 19, 1913, 213—4 (N o. 418).
(N o. 139), sign ed D ecem b er 10, 1913, 2 81-2 L on d on , T rea ty of, Alay 30, 1913, Turkish
(N o. 186). a ction in u p settin g bou n da ry fixed by,
A n g lo-T u rk ish D ecla ra tion re T u rco-P ersia n 1913. 183 (N o. 123).
fron tier, in itia lled Alay 6, 1913, 100-1 N o rth Sea D ecla ra tion , A p ril 23, 1908: as a
(N o. 68, encl. 1), sign ed J u ly 29, 1913, pa ttern fo r proposed A lediterranean
188-9 (N o. 124). A greem en t, 1914, 651 (N o. 448), 652
A n g lo-T u rk ish D ecla ra tion re T urkish (N o. 449).
C ustom du ties, sign ed J u lv 29, 1913,
P a cific S ettlem ent o f In tern a tion a l D isputes,
196-7 (N o. 124).
J u n e 29, 1908, 226 (N o. 148), 241 (N o. 154,
B a g d a d R a ilw a y , C on v en tion o f 1903 {v. sub
encl.), 260 (N o. 163).
B a g d a d R a i l w a y ).
' B a g d a d R a ilw a y A greem en ts (v. sub B agdad R usso-G erm an A greem en t (P otsd a m A g ree
R a i l w a y ). m ent, A ug. 19, 1911, A r ticle I I I , 138-9
B erlin , A c t of, F eb. 26, 1885, A nglo-G erm an (N o. 89, encl. 2), 161 (N o. 105), 174 (N o.
S ecret A g reem en t and C ongo B asin, dis 118).
cussions in 1914, 426 (N o. 268), 557 (N o. S erb o-G reek -R u m a n ia n u n d ersta n d in g , sus
361), 560 (N o. 364), 561-2 (N o. 365). p ected, A larch 1914, 756 (N o. 519).
914
T R IP O L I. | T U R K E Y — (co n tin u e d ).
T rip o lita n w ar, S ir E y re Crowe on possible A sia tic T urkey, 1913— (c o n t in u e d ):
p o litica l consequen ces of, 1912, 586, 589 135), 210 (N o. 1 3 7 ); F ra n ce sending a
(N o. 3 8 6 ); a n n exa tion o f T rip oli b y Ita ly , finan cial m ission to B erlin to try t o com e
re c o g n itio n of, 593 (N o. 391), 621 (N o. to term s abou t respectiv e interests of
4 1 9 ); Ita lia n ex h au stion and relation s to F ra n ce and G erm any, 209 (N o. 136), 210
A u s tria -H u n g a ry , 620 (N o. 419). (N o. 1 37 ); suggested financial a rra n g e
A n g lo -Ita lia n n eg otia tion s for A g reem en t to m en t and concessions for railw ays on
m a in ta in sta tu s quo in N o rth A fric a , B lack Sea Coast and Syria, 211-2 (No.
1912-4 ( v . sub M e d i t e r r a n e a n : I ta ly 138), 218 (N o. 143).
an d ,: A n g lo -Ita lia n n eg otia tion s). F ra n co-G erm an A g reem en t reached, Aug.
F ren ch and Ita lia n difficulties over ju risd ic 1913, 219 (N o. 1 4 4 ); M esk en e-A lep p o
tion in T rip o li and T unis, A p ril 1914, p roject, 219 (N o. 144), 222 (N o. 146 );
646-7 (N o. 444). F ra n ce com m u n ica tes result of
n eg otia tion s to G rea t B rita in , 220-1
T R U C IA L C O A ST . (N o. 145, en cl. ) ; G erm an stron g feelin g
( v . sub P e r s i a n G u l f .) abou t the M es k en e-A lep p o line, 225
(N o. 1 4 8 ); F ren ch view s on the
T U N IS . M e s k en e-A lep p o lin e, 228 (N o. 150 );
F ra n co -Ita lia n difficulties over status of B ritish su ggestion o f a F ran co-G erm an
T rip o lita n subjects in T unis, A p ril 1914, discussion on the M es k en e-A lep p o pro
645 -6 (N o. 443), 646-7 (N o. 4 4 4 );. F ren ch je ct, 230 (N o. 1 5 2 ); G erm an hope th a t
th re a t to term in ate the F ra n co -Ita lia n the question can be dealt w ith d u rin g
A g reem en t o f 1896, 649 (N o. 446). n eg otia tion s a bou t railw ays in Asia
M in or, 245 (N o. 1 5 6 ); T urkish a ttitu d e
TURKEY. to question, 302 (N o. 1 89 ); F ra n co
¿E gea n I sla n d s: T u rk ey w ould ra th er g o to G erm an discussions, only one poin t
w ar a ga in than g iv e u p islands off Asia unsettled, 313 (N o. 1 95 ); A g reem ent
M in o r, J u n e 1913, 705 (N o. 479). betw een the F ren ch and Germ an
A rab N a tion a l M ov em en t (v . sub A rab grou p s, T ex t, F eb. 1914, 3 25-9 (N o. 201).
N a t io n a l M o v e m e n t ). R ussian d r a ft agreem ent w ith T urkey
A r m y : increase of, 1910, 6 (N o. 1). resp ectin g ra ilw ay s and certain
L im a n v o n S anders M ission, 1 9 1 3 -4 : M . I econ om ic questions, J a n . 1914, 313 (No.
P a leolog u e less h op efu l o f a solu tion , 194).
D ec. 1913, 723 (N o. 4 9 0 ); a p p oin tm en t of In te g r ity o f A s ia tic T u r k e y : Ita lia n desire to
G eneral v on Sanders, 726 (N o. 4 9 1 ); Sir see preserved, N ov. 1913, desire for con
A. N ico lso n ’ s hope th a t R u ssia and cession o f a p ort at A d alia , 249-50 (No.
G erm a ny w ill be able to a rra n g e 157), 2 61-2 (N o. 167 ); no B ritish politica l
m a tters, 727 (N o. 492). aim s in the d istrict, 262 (N o. 167).
A s ia tic T u r k e y : Irrig a tio n w orks, A nglo-G erm a n agreem ent
F in a n cia l, econ om ic and ra ilw ay d e v e lo p m e n t : fo r open com p etition in, A p ril 1914, 372
F ra n co-G erm an discussions on respectiv e (N o. 232, A n n ex ), to be record ed by an
in terests, J u ly 1913, 163 (N o. 107, m in.), exch a n g e o f notes, T e x t o f notes, M av,
164U5 (N o. 110), 167 (N o. 1 13 ); F ren ch 388 (N o. 242), 392 (N o. 244), T ex t ¿ f
sta tem en t as t o B ritish su p p ort, the N otes, M ay 29, 3 93-4 (ed. n o te, nos. 3, 4 );
n eg otia tion s o f H err H elfferich and M . T urkish a ttitu d e, 394 (N o. 2 4 5 ); A n g lo-
L a m orn a ix , T urkish finances and the G erm an C on v en tion in itia lled , J u n e 15,
B a g d a d R a ilw ay , F ren ch a ttitu d e , con 1914, N otes ex ch a n g ed , 4 07-8 (N o. 249,
s tru ction o f railw ays in A s ia tic T u rk ey , encl., N o te s nos. 4, 5).
F re n ch and G erm an program m es, 169-72 R a ilw a y s : G e n e r a l: F ren ch con d ition s for
(N o. 1 16 ); B r itish m ed iation n o t desired finan cial assistance, & c., t o T u r k e y : rail
a t p r e s e n t : sta tem en t o f F ren ch aim s in w ay concessions desired, J u n e 1913, 134-5
E a stern A n a tolia and S y ria, and the (N o. 87), 135-6 (N o. 8 8 ); B ritish com
H e d ja s r a ilw a y ; these aim s collid e w ith m ents, 135 (N o. 87, m in . ) ; progress being
G erm an rig h ts and in terests, 182-3 (N o. m ade in F ra n co-T u rk ish neg otia tion s
1 2 2 ); T urkish su g g estion th a t F re n ch and a bou t railw ays, A ug., 209 (N o. 1 36 ); G reat
G erm an claim s should be discussed B rita in w ould p roba b ly ask for an exten
betw een H akki P asha and H err sion o f S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y concession,
G w inner, A u g u st, 206 (N o. 1 34 ); B ritish 213 (N o. 1 39 ); F ra n co-T u rk ish agreem ent
desire th a t F ra n ce and G erm any should on railw ays and p u b lic w orks in A siatic
com e to a d ire c t u n d ersta n d in g , 207 (N o. T u rk ey , T ex t, S ept. 18, 1913, 231-3 (No.
1 3 4 ); suggestion th a t G rea t B r ita in should 1 5 3 ); A nglo-G erm a n a greem ent, revised
in d ica te to G erm any the u n d ersta n d in g B ritish co u n te r-d ra ft, ex p lan a tion s and
betw een F ra n ce and G rea t B rita in T ex t, 236-41 (N o. 154), B ritish interests in
re g a rd in g th eir in terests in A sia tic S m y rn a -A id in line, 236 (N o. 1 54 ); Italian
T u rk ey , 207 (N o. 135 ); B ritish su ggestion concession o f a p o r t a t A d alia and the
th a t a com p rom ise should not be S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y , 250 (N o. 157),
ex clu d ed from con sid era tion , 209 (N o. 2 61-2 (N o. 1 6 7 ); B ritish desire for
915
T U R K E Y — ( con tin u ed ). T U R K E Y — on tm u ed ).
A sia tic T urkey. 1913— (c o n t in u e d ): A n g lo-T u rkish n eg otiation s, 1914— (c o n tin u e d ):
R a ilw ay s— (c o n tin u e d ): R a ilw a y s — (con t nued :
G erm an co-op era tion w ith reg a rd to S m y rn a -A id in railw ay— ( c o n tin u e d ):
Sm yrna—A id iii line, 2 64-5 (X o . 172 , 303 in itia lled . J u n e 10, 1914, 396 ed. n o te );
(X o . 159 ; B ritish protest to T urkey no T urkish reply yet as to loca l feed er
again st any in frin g em en t o f rights o f lines and A rab ia n lines, 397 (X'o. 245 );
S m y rn a -A id in com p an y , D ec.. 274 ^Xo. A nglo-G erm a n C onvention in itia lled ,
1 3 1 ); H a k k i P asha and M r. A. P a rk er June 15, 1914, T ex t, A nnex. O ttom an
on suggested Ita lia n concession, 275—6 R a i’ way from Sm yrna to A id in , 401,
(X o . 132»; n eg otia tion s betw een M. 404 -6 X'o. 249, encl. . railw ays in com
X o g a r a and S m y rn a -A id in C om pany, F eb. p etition w ith the B a g da d R a ilw ay , 400-3
1914, 324 (X o . i9 9 , m in .); S m y rn a -A id in (X o . 249. en c l.); T ig ris-M e n d e li line,
ra ilw ay and ju n ctio n w ith A n a tolian 406-7 (X'o. 249, encl., X o t e , nos. 2, 3 ) ;
system . 324 X o. 199), 3 36 -4 (X o . 203 : T u rk ey w ill not g iv e w ay over O ttom an
B ritish h op e th a t G erm an op p osition will dire c to r on S m y rn a -A id in railw ay, 411
be w ith d ra w n . 337 (X o . 2 0 7 ); agreem ent X'o. 252), 413 (X'o. 2 5 3 ); T urkish a t t i
in itia lled by S m y rn a -A id in R a ilw a y Com tu de to in vestm ent o f B ritish ca p ita l in
p a n y and M . X o g a ra , M a rch , 343 (X o. railw ays, 412 (X o . 252 ; B ritish request
213, e n c l.); p roposed a greem ent w ith the fo r an assurance a gain st deb a rrin g
Ita lia n S y n d ica te, p oin ts fo r discussion, B ritish in terests from a cq u irin g a con
3 48 -9 X o. 216 ; F ra n co-T u rk ish a gree cession in fu tu re fo r a th rou g h line
m ents in itia lled , A p ril, 3 67 -3 ed. note . from the M ed iterra n ean to P ersian
A n g lo-T u rk ish n e g o tia tio n s : A nglo-T u rkish G ulf, J u ly. 416 (X o . 259), noth in g in
C on v en tion . R a ilw ay s in Asia M in or, F ra n co-T u rk ish A greem en t to p reclude
D ra ft, T ex t. M a y 1913, 101-3 (X'o. 65. B ritish a p p lica tion , 418 (X o . 262).
encl. 2 ) ; B ritish com m ents on, 115-6 R ailw ay R a tes, d iffe re n tia l: Q uestion o f
(ed. n ote ; G reat B r ita in satisfied w ith differen tia l trea tm en t of B ritish tra de
this con v en tion p rov id ed “ T u rq u ie and G erm an a ttitu d e, M a y 1911, 42
d ’ Asie ” is su b stitu ted fo r “ Asie (X'o. 3 0 ); B ritish su ggestion of a
M in en re,” 149 (X o . 9 4 ); com p letion C on v en tion p r o v id in g fo r exclu sion
delayed ow in g tc n eg otia tion s betw een o f d ifferen tia l rates. 46 (X 'o. 3 4 );
T u rkey and the B a g d a d R a ilw ay Com G rand Y iz ie r can n ot und ersta nd
pany, J u ly , 193 (X o . 124 ); A n g lo- B ritish a n xiety on the question,
T urkish C on v en tion , R a ilw ay s in T u rk ey 50 IX'o. 3 6 ); Assim B ey on. 52—3 (X o.
in Asia. T ex t, in itia lled A u g . 12, 1913, 35), suggested prelim in a ry C onven tion ,
2 03 -6 (X o . 1 3 3 ); B ritish view that it is M a rch 1912. 57 (X'o. 44. m in.), T urkish
desirable th a t a ll railw ay questions rep ly to G reat B rita in , A p ril 15, 1912,
should be decid ed in p rin cip le now . 208 59-6 0 (X'o. 47), B ritish rem arks on, 68-9
(X'o. 135 ; F ra n ce in vited by G reat (X o . 5 0 ) ; S ir E. G rey on possib ility of
B rita in t o a gree to the proposed C on d ifferen tia l rates, 75 (X o . 53).
v en tion , 205 (X'o. 135 : A n g lo-T u rk ish D ra ft C on v en tion as p roposed b y G reat
C on v en tion w ill not be sign ed yet, B r ita in . T e x t, 50-1 (X o . 5 5 ); A r ticle I,
X'ovem ber, 263 (X'o. 169). d r a ft com m u n ica ted by H a k k i P asha,
B a g d a d R a ilw a y C om p an y ’ s agreem ent A p r il 1913, 9 4-5 X'o. 62). and P rea m ble,
w ith T u rk ey and A n g lo-T u rk ish a gree and com m ents on A rticles, M a y . 95,
m ent r. sub B a g d a d R a i l w a y : B a g d a d (X o . 6 3 ); B ritish com m ents on d raft
R a ilw a y C o m p a n y : A g reem en t w ith con v en tion . 115-6 led. n o te ); B ritish
T u rk ey .
D irectors on B oa rd o f B a g d a d R a ilw a y
S m y rn a -A id in ra ilw ay, im p orta n ce as a g u aran tee aga in st differen tia tion
a tta ch ed b y G reat B rita in to n eg otia of rates, 12- (X'o. 7 9 ': H err
tions, T u rk ish a ttitu d e to claim s con G w inner on a p poin tm en t o f D irectors,
cern in g term in a l land at Sm yrna, and 142 (X'o. 9 1 ) ; G reat B r ita in asks
necessity fo r an a rticle in C on v en tion F ra n ce to agree that there should be no
in d e m n ify in g the co m p a n y ; u n sa tisfa c d ifferen tia l trea tm en t o f B ritish goods
tory n e g otia tion s resp ectin g A d a lia - on ra ilw ays un d er F ren ch m anagem ent
B u ld ou r line, needs o f G reat B rita in and th a t F ra n ce w ould assent t o d r a ft
st'¡ted , A p ril 1914, 3 7 4 -6 (X'o. 2 35 ); agreem ent w ith T u rk ey , 205 (X o . 135 );
T urkish offers, 356 (X'o. 2 4 0 ); A g ree F ren ch gen era l a greem ent, 210 (X'o.
m ent in itia lled b y H a k k i P asha and 137), 22S (X'o. 150), 230 (X o . 152' 3S9
L o rd R a th m ore, 357 (X'o. 241), F ren ch (X o . 243 ; B ritish desire fo r an
prom ise to su p p ort A n g lo-T u rk ish assurance by G erm any as to p u blica tion
A greem en ts, 359 (X'o. 2 4 3 ); q uestion of o f all rates and con d ition s o f B agdad
loca l lines t o serve as feeders fo r riv er R a ilw ay . 223 (X'o. 146. A n n ex ).
n a v ig a tion . 394 X o . 245), 395 (X'o. R evised B ritish cou n ter-d ra ft, ex p la n a
246), T urkish u n fa v ou ra ble rep ly, 395 tion s and T ex t, S ept. 1913, 234-41 (X'o
(X o . 2 4 6 ); S m y rn a -A id in railw ay con 154 : G erm an am endm ents and B ritish
cession, A n g lo-T u rk ish C onvention com m ents, 245 (X'o. 156 and notes).
916
T U R K E Y — (con tin u ed ). T U R K E Y — (con tin u ed ).
R a ilw a y s : G eneral— (con tin u ed ) : C a pitu la tion s, 1913— ( con tin u ed ) :
A n g lo-T u rk ish n eg otia tion s— ( co n tin u e d ) : C ou n ter-d ra ft, rights acq u ired b y the
G erm an C ou n ter-d ra ft, T ex t, N ov. 3, 1913, ca p itu la tion s n ot to be im p aired , Nov.,
248 (N o. 156, encl. 2) ; B ritish com m ents 246 (N o. 156, and n o t e s ) ; T ex t, 249 (No.
on, 302 (N o. 189). 156, encl. 2 ) ; R ussian ob jection to S h att-
B ritish C ou n ter-d ra ft, T ex t, D ec. 15, 1913, el-A ra b C on ven tion and ca p itu la tory
305 (N o. 190). righ ts, 260 (N o. 164), 269-70 (N o. 175),
270 (N o. 176), 271 (N o. 177). 271-2 (No.
F u rth e r G erm an d ra ft, com m ents and
178), 272 (N o. 179, encl.), 279-80 (No.
T ex t, J an . 1914, 318 (N o. 198, encl. 1),
184), 280-1 (N o. 185), 335-6 (N o. 205).
321 (N o. 198, encl. 2 ); B ritish m odifica
C om m ercial A g reem en t on basis o f in ter
tion to A r ticle 3 (c), no lines in A s ia tic
n a tion a l law, proposed, J u n e 1914, 414
T u rk ey in com p etition w ith B a g d a d
(N o. 255), 414 (N o. 256), 415 (N o. 257),
R a ilw ay , 3 37 -8 (N o. 207), 344 (N o. 213,
4 15-6 (N o. 2 5 8 ); T u rk ey w ants freedom
A n n e x ) ; S ir E. G rey on e x te n t of
to n eg otia te u ntram m elled by C a pitu la
B ritish concession and cou n ter-con ces
tions, 416 (N o. 2 5 8 ); rea dy to forgo
sions req u ired : a line from M en d eli to
clause in M on op olies A g reem en t but
K u t-el-A m a ra , and L ak e B eyshehir to
a ttach es im p orta n ce to a ccep tan ce o f pro
be reg a rd ed as w ith in the area o f !
posal in prin cip le, R u ssia ’ s consent
S m y rn a -A id in ra ilw ay, 3 46-8 (N o. 215) ;
assured, desire to secure econ om ic inde
G erm any agrees to M en d eli concession,
pen dence o f T u rk ey , 417 -8 (N o. 2 6 1 ); com
D eutsch e B a n k to be con su lted over
plete in depen den ce in econ om ic m atters
S m y rn a -A id in concession, 351 (N o.
and rig h t to fix custom s du ties and nego
218), 351 (N o. 219), 352 (N o. 220),
tia te com m ercia l trea ties desired, 419
B ritish agreem en t w ith G erm an
con d ition s fo r con stru ction o f railw ay, (N o. 263).
352 (N o. 220, n o te (2) ) ; G erm an refusal (F o r A n g lo-T u rk ish n eg otia tion s, v. also sub
o f S m y rn a -A id in concession, 3 52-3 (N o. T u r k e y , G reat B r ita in and.)