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• " a k h r al.-E»fn. al.-~lizt'.lVIe-thod.ol0tIY
:ln I~1;erpretb1.'the Qur'1Ü1

A Thesïs

Submitted ta the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research

in Partial FlIlfiJJment ofthe Requirements
of the Degree of Master of Arts

• By
Shalahudin Kafrawi

The Institute of Islamic Studies

Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research
McGill University
JuIy 1998

C Shalahudin Kafrawi 1998

•
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0-612-50528-6
• Author
Title
: Sbalabudin Karrawi
Abstract

: Fakhr al-n'in al-Rizi's Methodology in Interpreting the Qur'in

Department : The Institute ofIslamic Studies, McGill University
Degree : Master of Arts

Many studies have been done of Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi and bis system of thought,
taking into account bis contributions from theology, philosophy, and exegesis. However,
works speeifically devoted to bis exegetical thought have been few. In fact, none of these
has dealt with al-Rizi's exegetica1 methodology in the light of bis basic assumptions
regarding the Qur' an. In view ofthis faet, the present thesis aims at elucidating Fakhr al-
Din al-Rizi's methodology in interpreting the Qur' in in bis magnum opus, known by the
title al- Taf~T al-Kabir or Majâiil1 al-Ghayb. In order ta achieve this purpose, we will
focus on bis interpretation ofthe third chapter ofthe Qur'in, printed in volumes 7, 8, and

•
9 ofthe standard edition ofbis work.
This thesis tirst considers Fakhr al-D'in al-RiZi's biography and scholarship. Seen
ftom this angle, bis rational approach to the interpretation of the Qur' in can be regarded
as a consequence of bis enthusiasm for the philosophical traditions which had developed in
bis time. Thus, basing himselfon the assumption that the main function ofthe Qur' in is to
give human beings guidance, al-R&zi concludes that everything in it must be knowable.
This basic assumption aise explains why he introduced sueh a variety of subjeets, in
addition to the Qur'inic sciences, inta bis exegesis, and why bis use of reason outweighs
bis use of revelatioD. Sasing himself on these assumptions he takes a linguistic approach
t

to justify bis ideas on mul1kamat-mutashabihilt, as weil as other methodological principles.

In overall termss aI-Rizi contnDuted greatly to the dissemination of a rational
approach to the study ofthe Qur' an. Yet, he could not avoid the debate over theological
issues, which were common in his time. In many parts ofhis al-Tajiiral-Kablr. therefore,
he defends Ash'arite thought against the views of Mu'tazilites, ~ihirites, and the
l:Iashwiyyah, among others.

•
• Auteur
Titre
: Shalahudin Kaftawi
Résumé

: La méthodolo~e d'interprétation du Qur'in de Fakhr aI-Dk al-Rizi

Département: L'Institut des Etudes Islamiques, Université McGill
Diplôme : Maîtrise ès Arts

Plusieures études furent consacrées à l'oeuvre de Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi ainsi que
son système de pensée, tout en tenant compte de ses contributions en matière de théologie,
de philosophie et d'exégèse. Toutefois, rares sont les ouvrages consacrés à sa pensée
exégète. En effet, considérant les hypothèses fondamentales de l'auteur relatives au
Qur' in, aucune de ces oeuvres porte sur la méthodologie exégète d'al-Rizi. L'objectif de
ce présent mémoire sera d'élucider la méthodologie d'interprétation du Qur'an utilisée par
Fakhr al-Dk al-Rïzi dans son magnum opus, mieux connu sous le titre de al-TafSir al-
Kabtr ou le MajQii1J al-Ghayb. Afin d'atteindre ce but, nous nous concentrerons sur
l'interprétation d'al-Rizi du troisième chapitre du Qur'in, publié dans les volumes 7, 8 et 9
de l'édition standard de son oeuvre.

• En premier lieu, ce mémoire portera sur la biographie et la formation académique

de Fakhr al-D n al-Rïzi. De ce point de we, son approche rationelle de l'interprétation du
Qur' in peut être considérée comme une conséquence de son enthousiasme pour les
traditions philosophiques de son temps. Ains~ en se basant sur le postulat que la fonction
principale du Qur' in est de donner une conduite aux êtres humains, al-Rïzi conclut que
tout ce qui est contenu dans le Qur'in doit être connu. De plus, ce postulat de base
explique pourquoi l'auteur a introduit dans son exégèse une telle variété de sujets en plus
des sciences Qur'iniques et pourquoi son usage de la raison dépasse celle de la révélation.
En se fondant sur ces postulats, al-Rijj adopte une approche linguistique afin de justifier
ses idées concernant la mul1kmnât-mutashQbihQt, de même que d'autres principes
méthodologiques.
En bref: al-Rizi a contribué énormément à la dissémination d'une approche
rationelle de 1·étude du Qur'ân. Cependant, il n'a pu éviter le débat des questions
théologÎques alors répandues durant son époque. Dans plusieures parties de son a/- Taf~r

•
al-Kabir, il a ainsi défendu la pensée Ash~arite contre les points de wes des Mu~tazilites,
les ~ihirites et des IJashwiyyah.

n
• Acknowledgment

1 have received much support during my two years of study at McGill, and feel

myself indebted to a great many individuals. First of ail, to Professor Issa J. Boullata, 1

offer my sincere thanks for helping me complete this thesis. During my stay at the Institute,

1have studied Many subjects under bis direction, including rjiz al-Qur'in, modem Arabie

literature, and classical Qur'inic interpretation. I also leamed from him the value of a

meticulous respect for detail and precision. 1 am, therefore, grateful for these lessons and

for his corrections and valuable suggestions that have made this thesis a possibility.

1 would like also ta oirer my thanles to Professor Oner Turgay (Director of the

•
Institute of Islamic Studies), Professor Todd Lawson, with whom 1 studied Fakhr al-Dk

al-RizI's '[priaI al-Anbiya', and Professor Eric Ormsby, who introduced me to the

development of Islamic thought in its various disciplines. My thanks also go to the

Institute's administrative staff; Ann Yaxley and Dawn Richard, and to the library staff:

especially Salwa Ferahian and Wayne St. Thomas, for their invaluable assistance.

1 am especially indebted to the Indonesia-Canada Islamic Higher Education Project

(lCIHEP). 1 wish to thank the Ministry of Religious Mairs of Indonesia for granting me

the opportunity and permission to study at the Institute of Islamic Studies of McGill

University, the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), whose tinancial

support made it possible for me ta study at this Institute, Mr. Mumi Jamal (Direetor of

Istamic Higher Learning of the Ministry of Religious Mairs), Prof: Ors. H. Endang

•
Soetari Ad., M.. Si. (Rector of IAIN Sunan Gunung Djatl), Wendy Allen (Direetor of

in
• ICHEP), Ioanna Gacek, Claire Chadwick, Lori Novale, and Susie Ricciardelli for their

valuable help during my stay in Canada.

Many more people have contributed, bath direetly and indirectly, ta my

achievement. Thanks ta Stephen Millier and AF. Shaker, who read through and edited my

tbesis. Thanks also to my parents, H. Kafi'awi and Hi. Qomarussanah, ta my parents-in-Iaw

H. Balai, Hj. Siti Hasanah, H. Anwar, and Hj. Yuyum., and te grandmother lbi Ratna

Wulan Komalasari, for their patient upbringing, their invaluable support and ceaseless

prayers; and my tbanks as weil to my sisters, Musyarrofah, Rodliyah, Umi Hanni,

Fathimah, Nur Aisyah, and Eva Azizah for their precious support. My thanks also go to

Ismatu Ropi, Nurasiah Fakihsut~ and ta all my Many other tiiends, the mention ofwhose

names is impossible here. 1 would like ultimately to express my boundless gratitude to Etin

• Anwar, without who se tender love and constant support this thesis might never have been

accomplished.

Montreal, July 1998

Shalahudin Kafrawi

• iv
• A. Reference
Notes

Dates referred to in this thesis are given in both the Muslim and Christian

calendars, and in that order. The year in which an individual scholar died is usually given

in brackets after his name, and ooly after its first appearance in our narrative: e.g. al-

Bayqiwi (d. 79111389).

v
• Dipthong:

Extended TashdÏd
~
..
~
= ay;

. = i ,.
. = aw
.J-

,
,J- = u.-

Ta MarbiiJah (i) = h; in it/iifah. it is written t.

Hamzah in the initial position is omitted.

c. Abbreviations
A.H.: Anno Hijrah.
C.A: CommonEra.
Et: M. Th. Houstama et al., eds. BrUIs Encyclopaedia ofIslam. III Edition. Leiden:
EJ. Brill, 1970.
Bosworth, C.E., E. Van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs and G. Lecomte, eds. The

•
Encyclopaedia ofIslam. New Edition. Leiden: E.l. Brill, 1985-...
ER: Eliade, Mircea, ed. The Encyclopedia of Religion. New York: Macmillan
Publishing Company, 1987.
Q.: The Qur'an.
SEI: Gibb, H.AR. and J.H. Kramers, eds. Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden:
E.J. Brill, 1995.

• •

,;
• Abstract
Résumé
Table of Contents
i
Ü

Acknowledgtnent............................................... ID
Notes v
Table ofContents vii

Introduction••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.••••••.••.••••.•.••••••.••••••..••••••..•...••••.•...•••.••......•..•• 1
1. Background and Focus ofthis Study 1
2. Aims and Methodology ofthe Study 5
3. Organization ofthe Thesis 6

ChapterOne
Fakhr al-Din aI-Rizi'. Lire and Sebolanbip 8

•
1. A Short Biography 8
2. Intelleetual Lire in Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizl's Time 17
3. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's InteUectuallife 21
4. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's Personality 2S
S. Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi's Works 27

ChapterTwo
Fakhr aI-Din a1-Rizi's Buie Assumptions RegareliDI the Qur' in and lu Esegesis 31
1. The Scriptural Nature ofthe Qur'in 32
1.1. The Funetions ofthe Qur' in 34
1.2. The Language ofthe Qur'in 38
1.3. The Qur'in's Miraculous Nature (l'lia al-Qur 'ail) 40
2. In Search orthe Meaning ofthe Qur'in 4S
2.1. Fakhr al-D'in al-RizÏ's Definition ofExegesis 47
2.2. The Sources ofFakhr al-DIo al-Rizl's Exegesis SI

• 2.2.1. Revelation and Reason SI

• 2.2.2. The Priority ofReason Over Revelation
2.3. The Scope ofFakhr al..Ofn al-Ri~'s Exegesis
2.4. The Emphases in Fakhr aI-Din aI-Rizi's Exegesis
55
58
60

Chapter Three
General Rules or Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizl's Interpretation orthe Qur'io•••••••••••.•••••••.• 67
1. The Structure ofthe Taj'sir 67
1.1. Organizational Characteristics ofFakhr al-DTn aI-Rizi's al-TafSir a/ Kabir 68
1.2. Procedure ofthe Writing 73
2. The Clear and the Ambiguous Verses (al-Mul1kamëzt wa a/-Mutashabihat) 80
3. Abrogation (Naskh) in the Qur' in 86
4. The Occasions of Revelation (Asbab a/ Nuzü/) 97
S. The Openings ofChapters (Fawatil1 a/-Suwar) 103
6. Variant Readings (a/-Qirii'iif) 104

• Conclusion •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•••••.•••.•• 110

Bibliography .••..•••.•.••.•.••••••••••.••••.••..•••••••••..•..•....•••••••.•.••••••••••.•••..•.•••••...•.•••.•..•.•.••••.. 115

• \iii
• 1. Background and Focus ofthis Study
Introduction

The Qur' in needed interpretation, even while it was being revealed. As recorded

Ut Many accounts, the genre of Qur'in commentary is traceable as far back as the tirst

generation of Muslims. 1 After the Prophet Mui,ammad himsel( Ibn 'Abbis was the MOst

prominent Qur'in interpreter among the Prophet's Companions;2 bis exegesis was marked

by a close attention ta certain expressions of the Qur' in and the occasions on which the

Qur' in was revealed. 3 Developed hand-in-hand with prophetie traditions, this pracess

continued until it developed into an independent genre with the appearance of the

extensive ta/Sir of Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl (d. 224/838-9). Subsequently, a great number of

•
works on the Qur' in started to tlourish in the classical period, such as those of al-

Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), al-Tabarsi (d. 548/1153), Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi (d. 606/1209),

al-QishinI (d. 729/1330), Ibn KathÏr (d. 774/1373), and al-Bay4iwi (d. 79111389).

1 For a discussion on the early devclopmcnt of ta/sir. see Andœw Ripp~ "Studyîng EMly Ta/Sir
Texts," Der Islam. voL 72 (1995). no. 2t 310-23.
2 There are a numbcr of narratives transmïtted on the autbority of Ibn ~ Abbis. Many repaRs
quoted in la/Sir books are attn'buted to bim. Somc ta.fS;r books written in the fonnative and dassical
periods are 8150 attributed to this scbolar. For funber discussion on Ibn ~ Abbist lalSir see Andrew
l

Rippin, "Ta/Sir Ibn 'Abbas and Criteria for Dating Early TalSir Texts," Jerusalem SlJldies in Arabie and
Islam, vol. 18 (1994), 38~3. Se!= also ~ AlI b. AbI Ta!IJah al-HishimI (d. circa 94 n13), $aIlÏfal j(1Ï b. Abi
Tal1lah Jan Ibn 'Abbas Ji Tafsir al-Qur'in al-Karl"" 2nd ~t ed. .Rishid ~ Abel al-Mw(im 81-Rajji1
(Beinat: Dar al-Jayl. 1994); and Mul)ammad b. Ya~qu"'b al-Firiizibidi (d. 817/1414), Tanwi, al-Miqbas
min TalSir Ibn 'Abbas (Cairo: Dar al-Ma'rifab, 1951).
3 At first. me stuely orthe Qur'in involved the study orthe the text itseIt: focusing on its readings
and the ttaditions tbat explained iL Later, this was extcndcd to commCDIaJY on the Qur'in originally
meant to give Muslims Qurtinic answers to their daily problems. When Muslims encountered other
civilizatio~ the 51atus of the Qur'in was inc1udecl Toward the end of the last second ccnnuy hijrï. the
study orthe authenticity orthe Qur'ân and of ilS miraculous nature (iJO% al-QurOan) deveJoped mainly ta
establish the validity of MulJammad' 5 prophethoocl. Fakhr al-DIn 81-RizI was ''CrY sure of this, \l'hen

• interpreting the Qur'ân. 4:82. He be1d that "annahü Ta'ala "~laUa bi "/-Q1I,.."âni "ali .fi1tllall nllbllWWDli
MII~ammad' ("thal Ciod by the Qur'in proves the valiclity orthe propbethoocl oCMuI)ammacl"). Sec Fakhr
al-Dia al-Rizi. al-TQf~r al-Kabir. vol 10. 196. Sec a1so Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi, Nihiyal al-Ïjiz fi Di,iyat
al-IJizo ed. IbrihIm al-SiJnarri'I and Mul)ammad Barakit Abü 'AlI (Oman: Dit al-Fila. 1985), 35.

1
• Having their own cbaraeteristics, these tafSir works were a result of the genuine

efforts and creativity of their authors in trying to understand the Qur' in and disseminate

their interpretations to others. In arder to discover the meaning of the Qur' in, the

exegetes referred to different sources, such as other Qur'we verses, prophetie traditions,

Biblical materials, poetry, and language. In terms of approac~ sorne gave more weight ta

traditions than reason, while others did the opposite. These methods influenced the results

of their interpretation. Therefore, even though exegetes dealt with the same verses their

conclusions were often quite düferent. This is to say that the ditrerent methodologies

which exegetes applied in their interpretation of the Qur'in resu]ted usually in different

interpretations.

•
The following examples might ilIustrate these differences. Al-Tabarl's Jâmi al- 1

Bayiin ft Ta/Sir al-Qur'an and Ibn Kathir's Taf~r al-Qur 'an al- 'A.;lm give more attention

ta traditions than reason." Al-QishinI's TafSir al-Qur 'an al-Karim for its part focuses on

the esoterie aspects ofthe Qur' an. 5 Al-TabarsI's Majma' al-Bayim fi Ta/Sir al-Qur tan is

tempered by Shi'ite tendencies.6 Al-Zamakhsharl's al-Kashshaf 'an lfaqa'iq Ghawamiq

al-Tanitl wa 'Uyün al-Aqizwfl ft Wujüh al-Tawtl advocates the theology of the

4 Muhammad b. JwaI-Tabarl, rami~ al-Bayan ft Ta/Sir al-QII,'an. 12 vols. (Beirut: Dar al-
Ma 'rif~ 1986); Ismi"ll b. ·Umar Îbn KatlUr, Ta/Sir al-Qllr 'an al- :4;Îm, 4 vols. (Caïro: •Abel al-RaI)min
Mul)ammad. 1937).
s Al-QisbinJ~ Ta/Sir al-Qur 'an al-Karim (Beirut: Dar al-Yaq~ al-· Arabi)~ 1968).

•
_ 6 Al-Tabarsi~ Majma' al.Baya".fi Ta/Sir al-Qu,'an (Beirut: Dâr al-Fila and Dâr al·Kitâb al-
AIbinî. 1955).
• Mu'tazilites,' while Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir and al-Bay4iwi's Anwar al-

raniilwa Asrar al-Ta 'wÏI support that orthe Ash'arites. 8

As one of the great commentators and theologians of the classical period, one

whose thought is still influential in our modem age.9 Fakhr al-D'in al_RizilO bas long been

an object of scholarly studies. Until recently, there bas been a growing interest among

scholars in the study of bis exegetical and theological thought. This interest has led ta

biographies 11 and several preliminary studies of bis system ofthought, many ofthem in the

form of introductions to editions of bis warks. Several articles and books have dealt with

this subjeet, 12 as weil as chapters in various collected works. 13 Sorne of those who have

_
1
Al-hmakbsbarL al-Kashsha[ 'an f[aqa t;q Ghawamiq a/-TanZtl wa 'Uyün al-Aqawll ft Wujüh

•
al-Ta 'wil (Beirut Dar al-Kitib a1-' Arabi, n.d.).
1 Fakhr al-Dia al-Rïzi, al-Ta/il, al-Kabir, 32 vols. (Cairo: 'Abd a1-Rahmin Muhammad, n.d.);
- - - - . : . '
al-Bay4i~Anwar al-Tanzil wa Agar al-Ta wil (Cairo, MUfJafii AJbini a1-ijalabi, n.d.).
9 In the field ofQur'inic studies, Fakhr al-Din al-RizI intluenced many exegetes. His ta/Si,. book
bas been referred to by many Indonesian scholars, such as al-Nawawi, in their study of the Qur'in. See
Anthony Hearle Johns, "On Qur'inic Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Study in the Transmission of Islamic
Leaming," in Islam: Essays on Scripture. Thought and Society: A Festschrijt in Honour ofAnthony H.
Johns (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997), 3-49.
10 As will be discussed in chapter one below, our author is known by several names -Fakhr al-
Din al-RizL al-Fakhr al-RizL Fakhr !l-DIn. lI!ld al-Riri.:,lbn aJ-Kbapb or Ibn KhaJib al-Rayy. In this
thesis [ will call mm eimer Fakhr al-Din aJ-Rizi or al-Rizi.
11 Some modem studies oa al-RizI's biograpby reler back to earlier sources, suc:h as al-Subki's
Tabaqat al-Shàft';yyah al-Kubra. a1-$afadI's Al-$afadi's al-Wiifl bi al-Wafayat. and Diwüd's Tabaqat al-
MU/assirln. Some others are not supporteel by 50ch accounts, but rather rely on speculations that may not
give an accurate pieture ofthis scholar's Iüe.
11 See, for instance, EJfat al-Slwqa~ "Fakhr al-Ok aJ-RizL" in ER. vol. 12, 221-2; 1lAR.
Gibb and I.H. lCramcrs."Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi, in SEI. 470-1; G.C. Anawaû, "Fakhr al-oin al-Rizi," in
El, 751-5; Paul KraUSt "The "Controversies' of Fakhr a1-Din al-Rizi." Islamic Culture. vol. 12 (1938),
130-53; Murtada A. Muhibbu-Din, "Imim Fakhr al-Dia al-Rizi: Philosophical Theology in al-Ta/Si,. al-
Kabir. o. Hamdard Islamfcra. vol 17 (1994), 55-84; Anthony R. Johns, "Al-Râzl's Treatment of the
Qur'inic Episodes Telling of Abraham and His Guests: Qur'ânic Exegesis with A Human Face,"
.Vi/anges (Institut Dominicain d'Etrldes Orientales du Cadl"e)t vol. 17 (1986), 81-114; A. H. Johns,
"Solomon and the Queen of Sheba: Fakhr al-Din a1-Raz1's Treatment of the Qurtinic: Telling oC the
5tol)'." Abr-Nahrain. vol. 24 (1986), 58-82.

•
13 See, forexample,. ManiL "Abd a1-ijalim Maf)müd, Manahij a/-Mufassirtn (Cairo: Dar a1-Kitib
al-Mifriyy, 1978), 145-51; Mahmoucl M. Ayoub, The Qu, 'in and ils Interpreters. Vol. 2, The House of
'[mran (Albany: State University oC New York Press, 1992); and "John Bunon, "The Interpretation of Q.
43,81 and the Tedmiques of the Exegetes," Th~Arab;st. vol 13-14 (1995),3-12.

3
• devoted extensive discussion to the subject in the fonn of books or dissertations are

Michel Lagardé,14 libi Iibir a1-'Alwin1, 15 Silil) a1-Zarkin, 16 Fathalla Kholei( 17 Yasin

Ceylan, 'Abd al-' Aziz al-Majdüb,ll Aloysius Adiseputra,19 and 'Efrat Muhammad al-

SharqiwÏ. 20

While these works are significant, none of them satisfactorily explicates al-RizI's

exegetical methodology. Ta fill tms lacuna, this thesis will focus on his methodology in bis

interpretation of the Qur' an. Campared ta other aspects of al-RizI's thought, this aspect

is very important, because it underlies bis perspective on the Qur' in and bis knowledge of

Islam in general. Al-RizI's methodology in interpreting the Qur'in has distinctive

•
14 Lagardé bas prepared an index of Fakhr al-Dk al-Raz1·s 32-volume al-Ta/iir al-Kabir.
A1though this index is a very usefu1 tool. it is unCOrtuDately limiteel to ooly three editions of the work.
namely, those publishcd by Dar al-Fikr (Beirut 1981), by Dar al-Kutub (Tehran n.d.), and by al-MaJba'ah
al-Mi$riyyah (Cairo 1933).
15 • AlwinI bas edited and annotated Fakhr al·Din al-RizI's a/-Mal1fÜ/ ft 1/m a/-UfÜ/. which is
on Islamic jurisprudence (u-ril a/-jiqh).
16 In addition ta al-RW·s biography, al·Zarkin's Fakhr a/-Dln al-Razl \Va ira 'uh al-Ka/amiyyah
wa al-Fa/saftyyah includes theological and philosophical explaDations on issues such as the existence of
God and the way to know of il. Qod·s attnoutes, the creation of the world and related issues. regarding
place and tim~ human spirit and ways of knowing il. human actions. prophethood (nflbuwwah). ethics
(akhlâq). and imamah. Basing himself on the assumption that philosophy is primarily based on reason
and /cQ/am on revelation. al-Z8rkin coDludes that Fakhr al-D'in al·Râzi was a theolo~ not a
philosopher, one who sucœssfillly incorporaled philosophy into bis theological warD. For fiuther
discussion. sec SiIü! al·Z8rkin, Fakhr al-Dtn al.RâiÎ wa .ira ~uh aJ·Ka/âmiyyah wa a/-Fa/saftyyah
([cairo): Dar al·Fila, 1963),606.16.
17 In Mflnazarat Fakh, al-DÎn a/-Raii ft Bi/Qd MD Wara· al·Nahr. Fathalla Kholeif began
presenting Fakhr al.nin al.Rizi's biography. He then offers an English translation of the t~ begins by
finally a commentary on it Sec Fatha1la Kholei( A SIUt/y on Fakhr al-Dln al-Râzt and His Controversies
in TransorÎana (Beirut: Dar el-Mach.recb 1966).
II In bis al-Râzi min Khi/il Taliirlh. •Abel al·· Aziz al·Majdüb discusses the charaeteristics oC al·
Razf's exegesis in al-Tafttr al-Kabir. However, al·Majdüb does not speak of al-Rizi·s basic assumptions
regarding the Qur'in al ail. This Jade ofanention to the latter·s methodology. on whic:h the book prete*
to f~ calls into question many many ofMajdUb·s conclusions. For more details, see. ~Abd al··Aziz
al-Majdüb. Q/-RQzÏ min KhilQ( Ta/~rih (Libya: al·Dar al-~ Arabiyyah li al·KuttaD. 1980).
19 Aloysius Adisepu~ '"The Doctrine orthe Impeccability orthe Prophet as Elucidated by Fakhr

• al-Dia aJ·Râzlrt (MA tbesis. McGill University. 1984).

20 ~Eflàt Muhammad aI-sbarqiw1. "Religion ancl PhiJosophy in the Thought oC Fakhr al-Dio al·
RizI: The Problem of Gocfs E.~" (pbD. dissertaûo~ McOill University. 1970).
• characteristics, as he adopted a rational approach. From this standpoint, this study is

timely and significant in that it demonstrates al-RüI's fundamental assumptions regarding

the Qur'in and the general principles he followed in interpreting it systematically.

2. Aima and Metbodology of the Study

This thesis examines Fakhr al-D'in al-RüI's methodology in interpreting the

Qur'in. In order to achieve its aims, it will tirst investigate al-RüI's biography, which

sheds light on bis exegetica1 tbought. Subsequently, this thesis will analyze bis basic

assumptions regarding the Qur' in and its exegesis. The knowledge of these basic

assumptions should enable us to enunciate bis methodological principles in more accurate

fasbion and to demonstrate bis general rules ofexegesis.

• Ta achieve these goals, this study will rely on two kinds of sources, primary and

secondary. Altbough al-Rizi was a prolific and encyclopaedic writer with a great number

of writings ta bis credit, this study will rely on a few of bis bis works as primary sources,

al-TafSir al-Kabir being the most important of these for this study. Since a study of the

entire 32-volume work would be the work oflifetime, this study will concentrate on Fakhr

al-D'in al-Rizi's interpretation orthe third cbapter orthe Qur'in (Sürat AI '[mran or the

Chapter on the Household of 'Imrin),21 as found in volumes 7, 8, and 9 of the standard

edition of a/-TafSir a/-Kablr.22 Sïnce a detailed analysis of bis interpretation of Sücat Al

:1 Sûrat A/ 1""an is the third chapter in the .\{u~1taf of aJ-Jmim. Consistinl of 200 verses. it was
revealed in Madina. and is. themore, refcrred to as a Medinan mrah. Sec Ialil al-Din "Abd al-Ralpnân b.
Abi Bakr aJ-SUYÜJi, a/-Du", al-Manthürft a/-Ta/si, a/-Ma ",hûr. vol. 2 (Beirut: Dir al-Kutub al-'IImi)~

• 1990),3.
n 1 have chosen. bis interpretaûon of this chapter as an example, bccause it gives suffident data
to suppon the claim. that it wu written br Fakhr al·Dfn al·Riz! himself. For more discussion of this issue,

5
• 'Imrin verse-by-vene would alsa be a lengthy and repetitious exercise, we will take a

thematic approach. Inevitably, cenain materials not directly relevant to the themes will be

excluded. In addition to our main source, this study will refer to other works of his like

Kha/q al-Qur'an bayn a/-Asha ';rah wa a/-Mu 'tan/ah, 'I~at al-Anbiya " Nihilyat al-Ïjaz

ft Dirayal al-I'jaz. and Mu~arat Fakhr a/-Dfn al-Rait.ft BilQd Ma Wara' al-Nahr. For

secondary sources, we will refer to works by both al-RizI himself and other scholars.

Here, the writings of scholars before and after his time will be cited to assess the accuracy

ofal-Rilf's references to the works ofprevious scholars.

There are different reasons for the use ofthese two kinds of sources. The primary

sources will be used for two purposes: first, to obtain a pieture of what al-Rizi really says

•
about bis own intellectual development, the Qur'in, the exegesis of the Qur' in, and

exegetical principles; and second, to examine bis application of his exegetical principles in

his works. The secondary sources will be used for assistance in analyzing bis life and

thought, and in clarifYing his methodological principles in commonly used terms of our

time.

3. Organization of the Thais

This thesis will be divided inta three chapters, plus an introduction and a

conclusion. The first chapter will present al-Rïzi' s background. The tirst part of tbis

chapter WIll attempt to give a brief biograpbical sketch. The next part will discuss

intelleetuallife in al-Ralf's time, and how his own scholarship was disseminated. The next

• see the last pan or cbapter one in this thesis. We will come back to this point in a more detail in Part rIVe
ofCbapter One.

,
• two parts will elaborate on al-RizI's intellectuallife and personality. Finally, and more

importantly, this chapter will a1so discuss bis works, with an emphasis on bis magnum

opus devoted to the study of the Que' in, known as al-Ta/Sir al-Kahl' or MafâtlfJ 01-

Ghayh. As there are doubts regarding the authorship of some parts of this work, this

chapter will investigate the authenticity of the section on Sürat AI 'Imran.

The second chapter, divided into two pans, will demonstrate al-Rizi' s basic

assumptions regarding the Qur' an. The first part will elaborate on bis ideas on the

scriptural nature of the Qur' in. In this part, we will discuss the functions and language of

the Qur' in, as weil as its miraculous nature. The second part will be devoted to al-Ril.i's

basic assumptions regarding the interpretation of the Qur' in, and will consider bis

•
detinition ofexegesis, its sources, scope, and emphases.

The third chapter will elaborate on the methodologica1 principles of al-Ril.i's

interpretation of the Qur'ân. To make it easier for discussion these methodological

principles, we will restrict ourselves to the following themes: the structure of bis exegesis;

clear and ambiguous verses; abrogation; occasions of revelation; openings of chapters; and

variant readings in bis interpretation of the Qur' an. These are not the only themes that al-

Ril.i applies in bis exegesis, but they are the most ftequently discussed in bis interpretation

of Sürat AI t/mrân•

•
7
• Chapter One:

Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's Lire and Scholanhip

1. A Short Biography

Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, the more familiar name of Abü ~ Abd Allah MuI,ammad b.

~Umar b. al-ijusayn b. 4 AlI al-Taym! al-Balal al-TabaristinI al-Rizi, 1was born in Rayy2 in
544 A.H.!I! 50 C.E. 3 Originally from Tabaristin, bis parents had moved to Rayy (whence

the name al-Rizi) before he was bom. He was by no means the only famous author to

bear the nisbah al-Rizi; there were Abü Bakr Mubammad b. Zakariyyi al-Rizi (d.

323/935) the philosopher,' Alpnad b. 'Abd Allah (d. 460/1068) the Yemenite historian,5

• l Mul)anunad b. ~ AlI al-Diwüdi (d. 945), Tabaqal a/:Mufassirin. cd. ~ AlI Mul)anunad ~Umar,
vol. 2 (Cairo: Maktabat Wabbah, 1972). 214. See a1so Jalil al-Dm ~ Abd al-RaJpnin al-SuyüJI, Tabaqâl al-
Mufassirln. ecL A. Mcursinge (Teheran: M.H. Asadi, 1960),39.
2 This town is located to the east of Tehcran. The author is then associated with Rayy, not bis
home province ofTabaristin. On the importance ofthis to~ sec v. Minorsky. ~Al-Rayy," in d. vol. 8,
471-3.
3 Scholars clisagree over al-RizI's date ofbinh. Sorne suggest 25 Rama4in 544 A.HJ26 January
1150 C.E.• while others insist on 25 Rama4ân 543 A.HJ6 Feb~ 1149 C.E. However, the former date is
the more probable, since il is stated in a manuscript of a/-Ta/Sir al-Kabir that Fakhr al-D'in al-Razl was
fifty-seven years old on 7 Sha~bin 601 A.HJ29 March 1205 C.E. See Abü Bakr Ibn Khal1iuu, Wafayal
al-A y~ \Va Anbi Abnii' al-Zama. vol. 4 (Bcimt: Dar al-$idir. 1978). 248-9; KbalÜ b. AJbak al-$afadÏ,
t

al-Wifl bi al-Wafayit. vol. 4 (Istanbul: MaJba~at al-Daw~ 1931), 248; al-Diwüdi, Tabaqat al-
Mufassirln. vol. 2, 214·7; Jalil al-Dia al-SUYÜJ!. Tabaqit al-Mufassirïn. 39. Sec also Mubammad al-
Mu~~ bi AIlib al-BaghdicÜ. "TaqdIm." in Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi. al-Mabâhilh al-Mashriqiyyah fi 'llm
al-Ilahïyyat \Va a/-Tabl!yyil. vol.: 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Kitib al·~ArabL 1990). Il: See aIso Mul)ammad $i1i1}.
aI-Zarkin, Fakhr al-Din a/-Razf \Va Ara tuh a/-Ka/imiyyah \Va al-Fa/sajiyyah (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr.
[19631». 16; Fakhr al-Dfn al-Ri7Ï. Klralq al-Qur'an bayn al-Mu 'tazilah wa Ahl al-Sunnah. cd. Alpnad
ijijïzi al-Saqqi (Cairo: al-Maktab al-ThaQifi. 1989). 398; Fakhr al-Ok al-RizÎ. a/-Ta/~r al-Kahi,. vol.
18 (Teheran: Dar al-Kutub al·~Dmiyyah, ad.), 145.

•
4 In fa~ the nisbah al·Rizi is nowadays more commolÙY associated with Abü Bakr MulJammad
b.lakarïyyi tban with any othcrfigure. Sec E. BertbeIs. ~Al-Râzi: MuI)ammad b. Zakariyyâ." in El. 474-
7.

•
• Ibn AbT ~itim al-Rizi (d. 326/938) the theorist of /]ad/th, 6 Abü Bakr al-Rizi al-I~~ (d.

370/980) the legal theorist, 7 and Abü al-Fatl,. al-Riii (d. 447/1055).'

Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's father, Qiyi' al-Din 'Umar, was renowned for bis expertise

infiqh and !al/am, and used to give Friday sermons (khulbah. pl. /chu/ab) at the masque of

Rayy, 50 that people calIed him al-Khaiib or Khaifb al-hyy. In Tabaqat al-ShQji';yyah

al-Kubra, al-Subld (d. 771/1370) reports that Qiya' al·D'in 'Umar wrote a two-volume

book on theology entitled Ghayat al-Mora",. 9

Our author was known by various honorific titles (alqab. pl. of laqab) and

nicknames (laman, pl. of /amyah). Among his alqizb were Fakhr al-Dio or al-Fakhr al-RizI

or Fakhr al-Dm al_RizI,10 the latter being the most popular one; Ibn al-Khajib (the son of

a1-Kha~b) or Ibn Khatib al-Rayy (the son of the Khapb of Rayy); al-Imam (the Imam);

• Shaykh al-Islam (the teacher of Islam); Sul~in al-MutakallimIn (the king oftheologians);ll

and Imam or Shaykh al-Mushakkik1n (the Imam or teacher of the doubters). He was

calIed Ibn al-Kha~b or Ibn Khaiib al·Rayy because of the persona! merlts of bis father,

, For bis contribution to the developmcnt of the a branch of ~adïlh scien~ i.~ a/-jO'l1 wa a/-
ta 'dll. sec Rirat F!-wzI l Abd al-MuJJ8hô, lb'!. Abl ffâtim a/-R'!ii wa Athal'Uh fi 'II,!, a/-!fat!.ïlh (Cairo:
Maktabat al-Khinji, 1994). See also Ibn Abi al-ijitim al-Rizi. Kitab al-MarOsi/ ft al-lfadilh (Beirut:
Mu'assasat al-Risilah. 1977).
T This author wrote a book on upl al-fiqh, entitled Fu~/ fi a/-U~/. He also wrole a commenWy
on al-~s Kitab Adab al-Qij. For more detaiIs, §Ce AlpDad b. ~AlI al-]~ (cl. 261 A.K1847
C.E.), Fusil,ft a/-Usü/. ed. lAjU Jâsim al-Nashami (Kuwait: Dawlat al-Kuwayt. (985) and Ahmad b.
lAmr al-sÎlaybini al~Kba"'( Kitab Adab a/-Qaql wa Sharl1 Abï BakrAllmadb. 'Aii al-Rait al-J~a.r, ed.
FarI)it Ziyidah (C8iro: American University in Cairo Press. (978).
1 Known as Abü al-Fat1). al-tizt. SuJaym b. Ayyüb b. Sufaym composed a number of books, one
ofwhich is on la/Si,. l)iya' a/-Quliib. Sec al-DiwüdL Tabaqat a[-Mu!assirln. 196-7.
9 Sec Tij al-D'in Abi NIF ~ Abel al-WahhaD b. ~ AJ1 b. Abd al-Kifi aI-SubIQ, Tabaqal al-
Shaji"iyyah al-Kubra, ed. Ma!Jmüd Mul}ammad al-Tanal)i and ~Abd al.Fattil) Mul)ammad al-l:faIawi
([Cairo): ~Ïsi al-Bibl al-I:faIabL (19701), vol. 3,22 and 159; vol. 7.242.
tO Througbout bis seven-volume boo~ al-Subld caUs our author either al-Imim Fakhr al-oin or

• al-Imim Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi. -fot instan~ al-Subkl, Tabaqal al-Shaji'iyyah al-Kubra. voL 3. 22, 26.
159,242,372; vol. St 138. 140; and voL 7, 29. 242.
11 Al-Diwûdi. Tabaqat al-MfI!assirln. voL 2. 214.

9
• Kha~b al_Rayy.12 The /aqab al-Imam, aften used with Fakhr al-Dia al-RBn, can be found

in both Shifi'ite and Ash'arite works, indicating the reverence he was held in by jurists and

theologians of these two schools of thought. The /aqab Shaykh al-Islam, which he

received during his stay in Herit,13 was eamed for bis lucid expression ofideas, which won

back a great number of the Karrimiyyah ta the Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. 14 The last

laqab (Shaykh ai-Mushakkikin) was attributed to mm because he often doubted the ideas
he received, and subjeeted them ta relentIess scrutiny in arder ta arrive at certainty

(Yaqtn). Among bis nicknames we tind such epithets as Abü 'Abd Allah, Abü al-Ma'ilI,

Abü al-Fa4&'il, and Abü al_FatQ.15 These names and the faet that Many scholars bore

similar ones caused much confusion among later scholars. Thus it is sometimes difficult to

differentiate our author's name from that ofothers. Sînce MuIJammad b. AbI Bakr b. 'Abd

• al-Qadir al-RizI, the author of Mukhtar al-$il1OI1, was aIso called by bis /aqab Fakhr al-

Din, a book written by "Fakhr al-RizI" discussing Qur'inic sciences ('u/iim a/-Qur 'an) has

been attnDuted to bath this scholar and our author. 16

Al-Rizi was very fortunate ta have been barn and raised in a family of scholars.

His father, Qiyi' al-D'in 'Umar, was a disciple of al-Baghawi, and was a leader in the

Muslim community (a 'immat a/-Islam). He mastered the sciences of ka/am and ftqh.

Extolling the qualities of this scholar, al-Subld says that he was "fluent of speech,

12 In the in~uetion!o al-RizIts al-Ma{a/ib. ~d I:üjizÎ al-Saqqâ mentions two düJe~t

lineages of Fakhr al-DiD al-Rizi: one from Abü Bakr al-$iddiq, and the other ftom Khilid b. Al·Walid.
See Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi~ al-Mata/lb al- ~/iyah min a/- 'Jlm al-J/ahf. ecL Alpnad I:lijazi al-Saqq~ vol. 8
(Beirut: Dar al-Kitâb al-~ Arabi. 1987)~ Il.
13 Hemt is now in Afghanistan.

AI-saractL a/-Wâfl bi a(-Wa!ayat. vol. 4~ 2~9.

•
14

15 Al-~ Fakh,. a/-Dfn al-Riizi wa Ara ·uh a/-Ka/amlyyah wa al-Falsajiyyah.13•

us Sec c. Brocke1JnanD. Geschichle der Ql'abische" Litteralll'. Supplement 1 (Leiden: E.J. Brill,.
1937). 922; al-~ Fakhr al-Di" al-Rait wa lra·uh a/-Kalimiyyah wa a/-Fa/sajiyyah. 118-9.

10
• possessed fortitude; he was a faqih, u~ii. theologian, ~ft, kha{ih, traditionist, and

educated."17 Thus it was ftom bis father that al-Rizi got bis early religious education.

The father taught the son the basic tenets of the Islamic sciences, especially of kolam and

jiqh.

After bis rather die~ al...Riz) went to Simnin, where he studied under al-Kamil al-

SimninI for sorne time. He then retumed ta bis home to~ Rayy, to study under al-Majd

al-Till, a companion of MuQanunad b. YaI}.ya and a teacher of Suhrawardi al-Maqtül (d.

631/1234), with whom al...RizI pursued intensive study of kalam and l1ikmah. When al...

Majd al...tili went to Marighah, al.. Rizi accompanied him there and continued to study

under him. It is said that the former memorized Imam al-ijaramayn al...Juwaynl's (d.

478/1085) al-ShQmilft U~I al-Dfn during this period.

11
He aIso memorized al.. ohazilI's

• (d. 505/1111) al-MustasjQ and Abü al"'l:Iusayn al-B~ri' sai-Mu 'tamad, both of which are

devoted to Islamic jurisprudence. 19

Having mastered a wide range of knowledge, especially of kalam, al-RizI began to

indulge his thirst for inteUectual stimulation by traveling to various cities in the Muslim

East. During bis travels.. he often expressed bis controversial ideas and sometimes

cbaUenged the scholars of those cities ta participate in debates. He went fust to

Khwirîzm, where Mu~tazilism was dominant. There he got involved in violent debates

with the Mu'tazilites on theology and fiqh that eventually led to his expulsion ftom this

17 Al-SubkL Tabaqat al-Shâji'(vyah al-Kubra. vol. 7. 242.

•
11 Ibn Khallikin. Wafayâl a/-A :van wa Anba •Abna· a/-lamant vol. olt 248-9; al-Oâ\\'üCÜt Tabaqat
a/-klu[assi,in. vol. 2. 250.
19 Muhammad al-Mu'rapm bi AlIih al-sap_dL "TaqdÎm." in Fakhr al-DÎIl aI-RizL al-
A{abâl!ith al-M:Uh,iqiyyah ft olim a/-l/ahiyyât wa al-Tabi"iyyât. vol. 1. 15-6.

Il
• City.20 It is very probable that he was thrown out because he defended Ash'arite Iallam

and Shifi'ite fiqh in a city that favored Mu'tazilite kalam and ~anafite

mentions in al-Taf~r al-Kabir. aI-Rizi was also involved in a debate with a Christian, an
flqh. As he

incident which inspired him to write al-Muniqarah ft al-Radd 'ala al_N~a.21

Al-Ralf also traveled to Transoxiana (MD Wara' al-Nahr). and then later joumeyed

to India. While visiting some cities in Transoxi~ such as Bukhiri, Samarqand,

Khujand, Banikit, and Ghaznah, he participated in further debates, sorne of which were

recorded in bis Mun~at. on controversial issues (a/-mas" 'il al-khi/ilftyyah) in kalam,

fiqh and ufÜ/ al-fiqh, philosophy, and logic.22 Because ofbis involvement in disputation,

he was also eventually expelled from this city. In Bukhira, as he himself tells us in bis

Mu~ëzt. aI-Rizi discussed issues of fiqh with al-Ri4i aI-Naysiburl,23 (ogic and kalam

• with al-Nüc aI-SibUnf,24 juridical issues with ai-Ruien al-QazwinI,25 and astronomy and

20 Sec W. Montgomery Watt. /siamic Phi/osophy and !"eo/~gy (Edinburgh: Edinburgh

University Press. 1962), 128. Sec also al-larkin, Fakhr a/-Din a/-Raz; wa Ara ~uh a/-Ka/amiyyah wa al-
Fa/sajiyyah. 19.
21 Of ail the works refemd to beœ. this book is nowhere mentionecl by or associated with al-RizI.
There are two reasons. bowever. for ascnbiDg this book to him. Fust, the mode of expression is simiJar to
tbat of bis other works. Second, thm are allusions in al-Ta/ilr al-Kabir to the efrect tbat be was in
Khwirizm. and involved with Cbristîans. and it is a faet that the texts found in this ta/ilr are the same as
those of Munâ;arah. Sec al-RizL ai-Ta/sir al-Kabir. voL 8, 78; Ibid., vol 21, 214. See also ~ Abel al-Majid
al-Na.üir (ecL), uMuqaddimab ." iD MunOfarah ft al-Radd 'ali al-NtlfDra {Beirut: Dir al-Gbarb al-IslimI,
1986),8-9.
n Sec Fakhr al-Dia al-RizL MunQ;Q1'Qt Fakhr al-DÎn a/-RazÎ ft Bilid Mi Wara t al-Nahr. ed.
Fatballa Kholeif (Beirut: Dar al-Mashriq, 1966), 7. Sec also FatbaUa Kholeif's translation orthe book, A
Studyon Fakhra/-Dln al·Razl and His Controversies in Transoxiana (Beirut: Darel-Maschrecb 1966),29.
n With tbis Hanafite scholar, al-Rizi discussed a number or issues, one or wlûch was about "the
agent of a sale (a/-wahl bi al_bay~.,t See Fakhr al-DiB al-Rizi, Munâ;arat Fakhr al.DÎn a/-Razl ft Bilad
Ma Wari· al-Nahr. 7; Sec also Kholeif's translation of the book, A Study on Fakh,. al-DÎn a/-Razl and His
Controversies in Transo%Ïana. 29.
24 See al-RiD. MunQ;arat Fakhr al-Dln a/.Rœlft BilQd Ma Warâ' a/-Nahr. 14, and 22-4.

•
:s A fOODer pupü of al-Ri4i al-Naysibm, al-Rukn al-Qazwini was originally a ijanafit~ but then
became a Shifi'ite Iater in life. See Muhammad b. AbI al-Wafâ' al-QurasbI, al-JawQhir al-Mudt·ah ft
Tabaqat a/-E/aftajiYJah. vol. 2. 370. sec aiso al·Rizi, MunQ;arat Fakhr a(-Dfn a/·Rizl ft Bilid Mi Warô'
al-Nah,..24.

12
• philosophy with Sharaf a1-Din al-Mas'üciL26 In Samarqand, he discussed several subjects

with Farld al-GhilinI, 21 white in Ghaznah he debated the issue of the creation ofthe world

with a jurist (qaqÏ).28

In bis study of Mun~arat Fakhr a/-Dfn a/-Razf ft Bilâd Ma WQTa' a/-Nahr, 29

Fathalla Kholeif remarks that "in bis sixteen debates, Riz{ raised the MOst important and

controversial issues in theology between the Maturldites and the Ash'arites, and juTÜ' al-

fiqh between the ~anafites and the Shifi'ites in fum' al-fiqh and u~1 a/-flqh. ,,30 These

differences, however, do not emerge very clearly ftom the debates. This is because even

though al-Rizi was known for bis Ash'arite sympathies, and the people ofTransoxiana for

their affiliation with the Mituridite cause, ual-RizI ftequently opposes the views of Ash' Mi

and ail bis foUowers, inclining at times to Mitundite doctrines, white bis Miturldite

• opponents inclined at tintes to Ash'arîte views.,,31 For instance, while agreeing with the

common Ash'arite and Miturldite position that, according to scripture, human beings may

have a vision ofGod, al-Riz{ disagreed with al-Ash'arl's contention that this idea could be

supported with rational proof; and agreed with al-Mitundi, who maintained that the vision

of God (ru)'al Allah) is justified by scripture and needs no rational justification.32 More

26 See al-RizL Mun~QI"at Fakhr a/-Din a/-RazÎ ft Bi/ad AID WQI'Q' a/-Nahr. 32-42. This debat~
accordiDg to al-Râzi, was beld in 582 A.H.I1186 C.E. in the presence of a1·RieJa al.NaysaoüO, who was al-
Mas'ûdI's student in pbi1osophy.
27 Ibicl, S9-63.

31bicl,21.
:!9 This tide was probably given by copyists. Fakhr al-DIn al·RizI himsel( Kraus speculal~
entidecl bis work "Ajwibat a/-Maso "il al-Bukhariyyah." However, this cannot be _accepled._ unIess an
original manuscript says 50. See Paul !Craus, "The ~ControVerSiest of Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi,." /s/amic
Culture. voL 12 (1938), 13S.
30 Kholett:..t Study on Fakhr a/-Dfn aI-Râ:Î and His Controversies in Transoriana. 3. See also

• Fakhr al-Dia al..Râzi. MunQ{arât Fakh, al-DÎn a/-Râ:ïfi Bi/ad Mil Warâ' a/-Nahr. 53.
31 KhoIeit:A Slrldy on Fakhr a/-DÏn a/-RQzÏ andHis Controversies in Transonana. 3-4.

321bicl,. 122. See aIso Fakhr aI-Dfn aI.Rizi. al-Arba 'In fi UfÜl a/-Dln. 198.

13
• interestingly, he sometimes clearly expressed his disagreement with the Ash1arites while

agreeing with the Mu1tazilites.3J We will discuss these points in more detail in the

foUowing chapter.

After a short residence in Transoxiana and Rerit, al-RizI went on to Ghaznah,

"where he received the patronage ofthe GhUrid ruler ofGhaznah Shihib al-Din.,,34 He did

not stay long in this city, for with the help of Amir al-D'in, the cousin and son-in-law of

Ghiyâth a1-oIn, the Karrimites eventually succeeded in having him expelled. One reason

for this was that al-Rizi had successful1y converted Ghiyith al-D'in, Shihib al-Din's

brother, back from the Karrimiyyah to the Ah1 al-Sunnah wa al-Jami'ah. Another reason

may bave been that a1-Rïzi had pubücly attacked Ibn al-QuQwah, a famous Karrimite

shaylch. After this expulsion, al-RizI moved to Khurisin where he came under the

• patronage of'Ali al-D'in Tukush, and became a tutor to the latter's son, Mul)ammad. 35

After traveling for so many years, al-RizI eventually retumed to Rayy.36 At the

start of this period of his life, met a wealthy doetor (Iabib)37 who presented him with a

book that al-RizI had asked for. When the doetor fell critically ill, he sent for al-Rizi to

obtain the latter's agreement that bis two sons would marry the doetor's two daughters.

After the doaor's death, al-RizI attended to his property, and the revenues ftom this

property enabled him to continue his travels, including a joumey to Khurisân to see Sul~in

33 Kholeit: A Slrldy on Fakhr al-Dln a/·Ra:[ and His Cont,oversies in T,anso:riana. 114-6.
34Ibid. 19.
9

35 Ibid.

•
36 Ibn. KhaD~ Wafayat al.A 'yan \Va Anbâ •Abna· a/·Zanran. \'01. 01,. 248-9; al-DawüdL Tabaqal
al-Alu!assirln. vol 2. 250.
37 WitbOUl indîcatiDg bis sources al-Zarkân states tbat the doctor was ~ Abel al-Ra~miD b. ~ Abd al-
Karim al-Sarakhsi. Sec al-zadcin, Fakh,. a/·liin a/-RizÏ wa l,a tuh a/-Kalamiyyah wa al-Falsajiyyah. 19.

14
• MulJammad b. Tukush. knawn as Khwirizm Shih. After this meeting, al-Rizi received an

honorable position, one never before grante~ trom the SUIJin. 31 Al-Rili was then sent on

an official mission to India.39 Although there is a scholarly debate over whether this

mission ever aetually took place, il is likely that it did, since al-Rizi himself mentions in his

Mu~at that he went to India.

As a client of Khawirizm Shah, al-Rizi decided te spend the rest of bis days in

Herit40 and to devote bis life to teaching, sermons, and writing. 41 For these aetivities,

Sul~in Ghiyith al-D'in built bim a school (madrasah) near the mosque of Herat Üarni'

Hirat).42 Il is probable that he wrote most of bis more extensive works in this period of

bis life. During this time, Many people, including reputed scholars, came trom far and

wide to study under him."3 To bis teaching circle there gathered about three hundred

• people hoping to learn various disciplines under his directions. 44 He had a wide reputation,

3. Ibn Kba1Jjkin, Wafayat a/-A yan wa Anba t Abnâ t a/-Zaman. vol. 4, 248-9; al-DiwüdÎ, Tabaqât
al-Mufassirln, vol. 2, 2S0-1.
39 Al-$afadi, al-Wifl bi al-Wafayal, vol. 4, 249. SÎnce this mission is only reponed by al-$afadL
Fathalla Kholm questions if il reaIly took place and what the purpose of the mission wu. He is more
besitant in tbis respect than Watt and al-larkin. For furtber disœssion, sec Watt, /s/amie Philosophy and
The%gy, 128; al-~ Fakhr al-D'in al-Râz'i wa Arâ'uh a/-Ka/amiyyah wa a/-FaJsaflyyah, 21; and
Kholeit: A Study on Fakhr a/-Dln al-RizÏ and His Controversies in Transo%fana, 19.
40 Sec Ahmad b. Al-Qisim b. KhaÜfah b. YÜDus al-5a"di al-KhazrajI (Ibn AbI U$lybi"ah), 'Uyün
a/-Anbi ft Tabaqiit a/-A{ibbii '. ecL Nizir Ri4&, vol. 2, 33. This account. however, di1rers from tbal of al-
t

Subld's Tabaqal. Sce al..subld, Tabaqiit al-Shafl'iyyah al-Kubrâ. voL S, 33-40; Madjid Fakhry, A History
olls/amie Philosophy, 2nded. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983),319.
41 Since he DOW bad the lime to devote bimself to these aeti\ities, most of bis writings were
probably composed al this time.
4:! M. SaghÏr ~ Ma"~ :lntroduction," in Fakhr al-Din al-RizL Imim Razl's ·1lm al-
Akh/aq, trans. M. Sagbir ijasan Ma"~ (Islamabad: Islamic Research Institut~ 1969), 10 [a translation

•
ofal-Rizi'sKitâb a/-Nafswa a/-Rülp WQ Sharq QiwamihQ).
43Ibn Kba.Ilikin. Walayâl a/·A yan wa Anbâ Abnâ· a/-Zan,an, vol. ~. 248-9; al-Di",ücH, Tabaqât
t

a/-Mufassirln. vol. 2, 250-1.

44 AI-$afadi, al-Wift bi al-Wafayât, voL 4, 248.

15
• one that eamed bim the laqab Shaykh al_Islam. 45 When scbolars of different schools of

thougbt came to him and raised various issues with ~ he answered them satisfaetorily.

His suceess, according ta Ibn Khallikin (d. 681/1282), led to more conversions ftom the

Karrimiyyah camp.46 This, along with his bold criticism of a Karrimite shaykh (among

others), provoked Karrimite anger against him. His own attacks took the form not ooly of

spoken criticism but were written down as weil in bis Fat/il 'il] al-Kan-amiyyah.47 This
uncompromising stance was to lead to bis death, for the Karrimiyyah conspired to poison

him.48 It was on bis deathbed that he dietated bis will to bis disciple, IbrihIm b. AbI Bakr

b. 'Ali aI-I~ahinL on 21 Mul:tarram 606 A.H.l25 July 1209 C.E.49 It took him sorne time

to succumb to the poison, finally passing away in Herat on the day of lÏd al-Fifr (1

•
Sha\VWil) of 606 A.K/28 March 1210 C.E. in a house called Dar al-SalJanah;50 bis body

was buried in Muzdakhin, a village near Herit. 51 By the end of bis life, he had not yet

finished bis tafstr. Although he had two children --the eIder named Qiya' al-DIo, the

"5 Ibn Abi U$aybi-~ 'Uyün al-Anbi ft Tabaqat al-Alibba 465. Sec also Kholeif. A Study on
t tt

Fakhr a/-Dfn al-Raii and His Controversies in Transo%Ïana. 19.

'" Al-SafacÜ. al-waft bi al-Wafayat. vol. 4, 249.
.., Sec al-Subld·s Tabaqat al-Shaji ·iyyah al-Kubra, vol. S. 140.
<II Sec al-QiiPt Ta ~rikh al-Ifukama'. 292. See aIso H.A.R. Oibb and lH. Kramcrst "Fakhr al-Dm
al..Razi." in SEI. 470-1.
49 Ibn Abi Upybi-ab, ·Uyün al-Anba'ji Tabaqat a/-Alibbi'. 465.

50 ~ Ali· al-Dm Khwârizm Sbih gave al-RizI this ho~ 50 tbat the latter could concentrate on
teac:hing in the scbool that the former had given him as wdl. See Ibn Abl Upybi-~ 'Uyün a/-Anba ~ ft
Tabaqat al...Atibbâ'. 466; al~dL a/-waft bi a/-Wafayat. vol. 4. 251.
S1 Ibn Kha1Iikin. Wafayat al....4 :van wa Anba·Abna' a/-lamant vol._4. 248-9; al-OiwüdÎ. Tabaqat

• a!-Jlufassirln. vol 2. 252. Basing themsdves on the wriûngs of Ibn Abi U~ybi~ah, Ibn al-Q~. Ibn
Kballikin. al-$afadi. al-Dhababi. Yiqüt. al-Subki. ancllbn aI-sa-I, H.A.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers believe
mat Fakhr al-Dia al-RizÎ diccl in 606 AJl However. the conversion ollbis Hij~ clate should he 1210
C.E.• Dot 1209 C.E. as tbey claim. Sec H.A.R. Gibb and lB. Kramcrs. ~Al-RâzL" in SEI. 470.

16
• younger Shams al_Diu_52 and despite bis prediction that bis younger son would complete

the work given bis great talent, neither ofthem finished it.

His schooling and travels enabled al-Rizi to meet scholars of various inteUectual

interests and to discuss with them sorne issues critical to their respective fields. These

experiences eventually motivated al-Rizi to master and to write on these fields himself:

with the result that "tms great encylopedist surpassed his contemporary scholars as

philosopher, historian, mathematician, astronomer, physician, theologi~ and [exegete].,,53

In short, Nasr eoneludes, this background enabled al.Rizi to ~~deal with every aspect of

Muslim intellectual life and [to cover] aU the science of bis time.,,'4 This might help

answer the question ofwhy he was eonsidered sueh a great Qur'in exegete, blessed with

'~e richest mind of ail the classical commentators on the Qur' in, ,,55 and why this "great

• exegete and religious philosopher',56 was 50 creative as to he able to bring a broad range of

knowledge ta bis writings.

2. InteUectual Life in Fakhr al-Dio al-Rüi's Time

In order to appreciate al-Rizi' s inteUectual accomplishments, it is useful to survey

brietly the intelleetual life in bis tîme. Mu~d Silil]. al-Zarkin considers this period

S2lbn Abi U$lybl~ah. 'Uyin a/-Anba '.fi Tabaqat al-Atibbii " 465.
53 Ma~$Wni, "Inttoduc:tion." in Fakhr al·Din al.Rizi, Imam Rizi·s 'Ilm a/-Akh/aq. 1.

54 Seyyecl Hossein Nasr,. The Is/amic InteJleclUal Tradition in Persia. ed. Mehdi Amin Razavî
(London: Curzon Press,. 1996). 108.

•
S! A.H. Io~ "Solomon and the Queen of Sbeba: Fakhr al-Din al-Razl·s Treatment of the
Qur·inic Telling of the Story,." Ab,-Nah'ain~ vol. 24 (1986),. 59.
56 Ipas Goldzihcr,. Introdllction to Is/amic The%gy and Law, traDS. Andras and Ruth Hamori
(princeton: Princeton University Press. 1981). 65.

17
• simi1ar to that ofal-Ma'mûn, when inteUeetual activities began to tloUriSh. 57 It was a tinte

when Many great Muslim thinkers, such as Ibn Rushd (d. 594/1198), Ibn 'Arabi (d.

638/1240), and Shaykh al-Ishriq al·Suhrawardi al·Maqtü1, üved and wrote in various

fields. Bausani declares tbat the Saljüq period was important for the development of

Islamic thought in Iran, 5' especially in view of Sunnite-Shi'ite polemics. It was in tms

period aiso that ~tttte entire theological system of Islam round its final systematization.,,59

Seyyed Hossein Nasr maintains that the Saljüqs "supported Islamic theology (ka/am)

against the attacles of the philosophers and sought to strengthen Sunni orthodoxy through

the establishment of a school (maf1rasah) system, which is most closely associated with the

Saljüq prime minister, Khwijah W~ al_Mulk."6O Religious inteUeetual cuneots were not

•
limited to the theological sphere, but extended to mystical and philosophical speculation.

In Islamic theology (ka/am), Abü ~asan al.Ash'arl (d. 323/935) was a key figure in

the development ofIslamic theology (ka/am). He was the founder of the Ash'arite school,

whose theological doctrines represented an attempt to reconcile the dilemma of human

freedom with God's sovereign power. Imim al-ijaramayn al-Iuwayni (d. 47711085), a

great Shifi'ite-Ash'arite theologian of Khurasin, produced a number of important works

in Islamic theology, such as al·lrshQd, Gh;yath a/-Umam. and al-Shami/. He had Many

disciples, among them 'Imâd al-Din Kiyi Harisi (d. 503/1110) and Abû IJimid al·Ghazali

57 Al-larkin. Fakhr a/-Di" a/-Rait wa Ara ·uh al-Ka/amiyyah wa a/-Fa/saflY)lah. 9.

51 Bausani bas researchccl intellectual development in the Saljüq period. Like Seyyed Hossein
Nasr~ he holds mat Istamic tbought in Iran came to fruition because it wu based on a fertile combination
of Persian and IsIamic cultures. Sec A. Ba~ "Religion in the Saljuq Period." in The Camb,idge
Hfstory ofJ,an. vol. S. The Sa/juq andMongol Perlods. ec:l tA. ~tle (Cambridge: Cambridge University

•
Press~ 1968). Sec aIso Nasr. The Islamic IntelleClUal T,adition in Pe,sia.
59 A. Ba~ "Religion in the Saljuq Period." 283.

60 ~ Hossein Nasr. Islam. in AMncl Sbanna (ed.). Ou, Religions (New York: Harper
Collins. 1993).488.

18
• (d. 504/1111), who maintained al-Ash'arl's mainstream sunnI approach.
(d. 548/1153), whose al-Milal wa al-Nil1al is best appreciated for its empirical approach

to the study of the theological sects, was another KhurisinI scholar well-known in this
Al-SbahrastinI

field. The Mu'tazilite scholar al..Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144) was renowned for bis

exegetical work al-KashshQJ 'an Ifaqatiq Ghawamiq al-Taniil wa 'Uyün al-Aqawflft

Wujüh a/-Tawt/. In faet, scholars consider al-Razi'3 al-Taf~r al-Kabir or MajQ#/J al-

Ghayb to be an Ash'arite answer to Zamakhsharl's al-KashshQj, wbich is regarded as the

peak ofthe Mu'tazilite exegetical achievement.61

Like Abü ~d al-GhaziIÏ and Imim al-ljaramayn al-Juwayni before him, al..Razi

wrote a number of original theological works. 62 His fresh outlook is evident in bis

inclusion of other sciences in bis theological discussions.63 In al-Taf~r al-Kabtr for

•
t

example, al-Rizi "reacbes out widely and brings into consideration philosophical thought,

along with materia! from all other possible areas.,,64 Interestingly, W. Montgomery Watt

c1aims that the works of scholars after al-Rizi, with the exception of sorne scholars like

N~r al-Dm al-Tüsi (d. 673/1274) and Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1328), were, although

considerable in number and in bulle, severely lacking in originality.65

61 See Kraus, "The ~Controvcrsies' ofFakhr al-Dm al-RizL 133.

ft

62 Watt.ls/amic Philosophy and The%gy. 149.

63 Nasr, The ls/amic lnte/lectua/ Tradition in Persia. 109. Al-Rizits inclusion ofolber sciences in
ms theological discussions invitecl many criticisms from later scholars. Ibn Taymi~ for exampI~
suongly criticizes al-Rizi bccause the latter inuoduced 50 many romp clements -i.e.• philosophy and
other sàences- into theology. Sec Wan. !s/amic Phi/osophy and The%gy. 161. Ibn Taym!yyah even goes
50 far as to state that al-Râzit s talSir includes everything but tojSir. Sec al-$afadi, a/-Wâfl bi a/-Wafayât.
vol. olt 254.

• 54 Helmut Gilj~ The Qur'in and Ils Exegesis: Selected TulS with C/assical andklodem Mus/im

Interpretations (Oxford: 0new0rId, (996). 37.

65 Watt, !s/amic Philosophy and Theology. 149.

19
• Another celebrated figure among the Persian Muslim thinkers of!bis time was Ibn

SIni (d. 980/1037)." His întenectual genius led to an original and creative understanding

of Islam, against which later scholars, such as Abü l:Iimid al-Ghazili and al-&izi, argued.

Not ooly did he adopt Greek philosophy, he also adapted it to Islamic thought.67

Next to the influence that a1-RizÏ's teacher Abü al-Barakat al-Bagbdidi had on

him, it was Ibn Ski's deeply philosophical thought that had the greatest impact on al-Rizi.

This is clear ftom a1-RizÏ's commentaries on al-IshOrat wa a/-Tanbfhat and 'Uyün al-

Ifikmah. However, in Many passages in bis writings he did not hesitate to express bis

disagreement with Ibn sini.61 Sorne of bis disagreements were on the issue of emanation

and Gad's knowledge of particu1ars. The themes in a/-Mabal1ith a/-Mashriqiyyah had

•
already been discussed for the most part in Ibn SiDi' 5 a/-ShijQ ,.69

Persia in a1·RizÏ's rime otrered a fertile ground for a synthesis of the Islarnic

sciences and the so-called "secular sciences.n Ka/am, as Marshall Hodgson claims, was

not purely religious discourse, but was "treated very much in the spirit offa/safah, with

great sophistication as to the inteUectual presuppositions of abstraet inquiry. tt 70 This

Persian heritage, with its wide-ranging approach to learning, enabled a1-RizÏ to familiarize

himself with philosophy, the "Islamic sciences," and the "secular sciences." He made good

65 Known as Avicenna, and a/-Shaykh al·Ra 18. Ibn sIni's tW1 name was Abü ~Ali al-ijusayn b.
sini. For a brief inuoduetion, see A..M. Goicbon. "Ibn S~ in U. voL
~ Abd AlIih b. ijasan b. ~ Ali b. t9

2t 941-7.
61lbid.
61 In vicw oC al·RizIts occasional disagreement wim Ibn SIni. NaPr al-DIn al-rüsI refers to the
formerts remarks as a diatnbe, not a commentaly (jar!! la sharlY. See Falduyt il History of Islamic
Philosophy. 320. Sce a1so Ibn S~ AI-IshQrQI wa al-Tanbthat. \Vith a commentary by NaF al·Din al-

•
T~ \'01. 1. ed Sulaymin DWl}'i (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~am: 1958)t 162.
69 FaIduy. A History ofIs/amie Phi/osophy. 320-3.

70 Marshall O.S. Hodgson, The Ven',,1'e of Islam: Conscience and History in A World
Civi/izatÎon, voL 2 (Chicago; the University of Chicago Press. 1977), 323.

20
• use ofthese sources, for Nasr claims that there was no science available in al-Rizi's time

that he did not know.. He mastered not ooly theology (ka/am). mysticism (~ftsm),

jurisprudence (ftqh), rhetoric (ba/aghah) and philosophy (fa/sofah), but also ulogic,

mathematics, metaphysics, and the natural and the esoteric sciences. ,,71

3. Fakhr al-Din aI-Rizl's InteUectuailife

Fakhr al-Dm al-Rizi was a well-known and influential figure in the history of

Islamic studies. He intluenced the thought of bis contemporary and later thinkers,

especially in the fields of Islamic theology (ka/am) and Qur'inic exegesis (tafSir). On the

basis of the available accounts, Kholeif considers al-Rizi to bave been a controversial

•
figure, especially while living in Transoxiana.. 72 Sorne scholars knew hint for bis great

reputation as a scbolar ofIslam, and as a great teacher and author. When referring to him,

al-Shahrizürl cites the prophetie tradition O1adith) attributed to the Prophet: "In every one

hundred years, there will be a renovator for this community,,,n and declares him to be the

sixth renovator after 'Umar b. 'Abd al-'Aziz (d.. 101/719), Mu1}ammad b.. Idris al-Shafi'i

(d.. 204/819), Alpnad b.. Surayj (d.. 306/918), Abu Bakr al-BiqillinI (d.. 403/1012), and
Abü ~d al-GbazïiL 74 Others, however, considered hint to be possessed of a bad

character, accusing him of having tumed away tram the Sunnah and of having failed to

71 Nasr, The [stamic [ntel/eclUa/ Tradition in Persia. 108. Sec also Musi~id Muslim ~ Abd Allah
Al Ia·rar~ Arhar a/-Ta!awwur al-Fikrl ft al-Taf~r fi a/-~4~r QI-'Abb~ (Beirut: Mu~assasat al-R.isiIah.
(984),201..

•
n Kholeif. A Strldy on Fakhr a[-DÎn al-Ra:f and His Controversies in TransoXÎana. 9-15.
n This l1adflh is reponcd on the authority of Abü Diwüd and Ibn }Janbal..
74 See Shams al-Dia MufJammacl b.. Mal)müd al-Shabrazüri, Rawt!at al-Afra" wa Nuzhat at-

21
• support orthodoxy ··even to the point of committing heresy. It is not our purpose,

however, to fall into such value judgments. This survey ofconflicting opinions is intended

ta impress upon the reader how easy it was for those who lacked al-Rizi's abilities and

knowledge ta fail to appreciate properly his significanee.

As mentioned earlier, al·Rizi was known not ooly for bis expertise in theology and

Qur'inic studies, but alsa for bis knowledge of philosophy, Medicine, mathematics, Islamic

jursiprudence, and linguisties. In addition to bis prose, al-Rizi wrote poetry, both to

express bis thought and, sometimes, to answer bis opponents. In order ta reach his

audience, al-Rizi spoke and wrote in bath Arabie and Persian, although the bulle of his

works were written in Arabie. One reason for this, 1 believe, was bis strong bellef in the

superiority of Arabie, sinee the Qur' in, the Sunnaht and most books on the Islamic

• sciences had been written in that language.

Ta understand how al-Rizi achieved bis scholarly reputation, it might be best to

follow cbranologically the development of his thought. In a/-Ta/Sir wa Rija/uh 7S Ibn t

,Ashür maintains that al-Râzi started bis intellectual career by studying philosophy and the
Greek sciences ('ulÜ1n al-I!i/anah a/-Yünaniyyah). 76 This statement, however, contradiets

al-Râzi,s own admission. In bis autobiography, Ta/Wl a/-Ifaqqt al-Râzi mentions that he

began bis academie pursuits by studying theology ('ilm a/-ufÜl) and Islamie jurisprudence

(fiqh) under bis father' s tutelage. Having learned all he could ftam the latter, a man

75 Although presented to an academic: audience. this book was \l'rinen in a Jess than academic

•
fo~ for there is no bibliography anached. Rarely does the author give references; berc the refercnœ is
incomplete. ~ for exampl~ Ibn 'AsbÜl'. Q/.Ta!ii, WQ Rijaluh (Tunis: Dar al·Kutub al·Sharq~
1966>.81.85-6.
"Ibn'AshÜf. Q/.TajSi, "'Q Rija/uh. 72.

22
• theologically sympathetic to the Ash~arites77 and whose juridical thought was firmly

Shifi~ite,7' al-RiZf went on to study fiqh under al-Kami! al-sïmninI. Then he tumed to

the study oftheology and philosophy under Majd al-Din al-JliL

Al-Rizi dealt primarily with philosophy, so that bis discussions on theological

themes were sometimes overwhelmed by philosophical notions. Watt points out that, like

other theologians --such as al-Ghazili, al-Ïji (d. 756/1355), and al-JurjinI (d. 816/1413)--

al-Rizi devoted a considerable portion (perhaps hait) of bis main theological treatise al-
Mabal1ith al-Mashriqiyyah to philosophical preliminaries.79 Mubammad al-BaghdidÏ and

I:IijizI al-Saqqi' commend al-Rizi for bis attempts to combine kalam with philosophy.IO
Al-Saqqi' even claims that he made no apparent distinction between kalâm and

•
philosophy.81 Nasr observes that "the theology of Imam RizI is marked by the integration

oftheological themes with other sciences." To support this assertion, Nasr points out that

Rizi combines theology with ethics in his ASTar a/-Tanit/; theology with Süfism in his

Lawami '; and theology with philosophy in his MrII1~~/. 82 In addition to declaring him a

71 His fatber studiecl theology through the folloWÎDg chain of authorities: Abü al-Qisim S~
b. N. al-AnPrL Imim aJ-ijaramyn Abü al-Ma'ilL Abü Isl)iq al-FiriyinL Abü al-Husayn al-BibiIL an~
ultimately, Abü al-1Jasan 'Ali b. Isma'Il al-Ash'an. The latter studiecl theology ûo~ Abü 'AlI a1-Jubbi'L
but was dissatisfiecl and founded bis own school of theology, knawn as the Ash'arite school. See Ibn
Khallikin , Wafayat al-A yan wa Anba t Abna' al-Zaman vol. 4, 248-9; a1-DiwüdI, Tabaqat a/.Mu/assirln
t t

vol. 2, 252.
71 His father studiecl Islamic jurisprudence through the foUowing chain of authorities: Abü
Mulptmmad al-l:Iusaxn b. Mas'üd al-Fmi' .al-Baghawf. a1-Qi4Ï l:Iusayn al·MarüzL al-Qaffâ1 a1-~
Abü Zayd a1-Marüzi. Abu IsIJiq a1.Marüzi. Abü ale' Abbis b. Surayj. Abü al-Qisim al·AnmiJi, Abü
IbrilÙm al-MazinI, and al·Imâm a1-sbifi'I. See Ibn KhaJIikin. Walayat al·.4 yin wa Anba· Abna· al-
Zaman. vol. 4, 248·9; al-DiwüCÜ, Tabaqat al.Mulassirln. vol. 2. 252.
79 William Montgomery Wa~ Muslim-Christian Encounters: Perceptions and Misconceptions
(New York: Routledge, 1991). 54-5. See also G.C. Ana\\'a~ "Fakhr al-Dm a1.Riz1." in U. 751·5.
10 Sec Mul)ammad al..Mu'~ bi AIIih a1-BaghdiCÜ. "Taq_" in Fakhr al·Dtn aI-Rizi. al·

•
!v/aba/rith al.Mashriqlyyahji Olim al./lihtyyiit wa al-Tabi"(yyat. \'01. l, 71-82.
Il A1)mad ~jizÏ al-5aqqâ·. ecL. "Muqacldimab," in Fakhr al-D'in a1-Razi. al.Matalib al- ~4liyah
min 01- olIm a/.IIQhf. vol. 1,1.
12 Nasr. The /slamic /nte//eclllai Tradition in Persia 109-10.
t

23
• great philosopher and theologian, Majid Fakhry states that he was the ooly equal of al·

Ghaziii in philosophical and theological erudition in the twelfth century. In seme respects,

a1-Rizi was even greater, for "he combines philosophy and theology 50 completely that the
separation between their respective spheres is harcily discemible. ,,83

Regarded as a prominent philosophical theologian, then, Fakhr al-nIn al-Rizl

greaùy influenced 1ater Muslim thinkers such as N~ir al-Din al-rüsI, Ibn Taymiyyah (d.

729/1328), al-Taftizini (d. 79111389), and al-JurjinI (d. 816/1413), especially in the fields

of theology and philosophy.84 His explanation and critique of Ibn Ski's philosophy were

useful, allowing later philosophers Iike Ibn Khaldun (d. 808/1406) to encounter Ibn Ski's

system ofthought. 85

•
Raving studied several disciplines and experienced various ways of attaining the

truth, in the last period orbis life al-Rizl devoted himselfto the study orthe Qur'in. This

field, he admitted, sustained bis relentless and ongoing doubts, for as he said: "Laqad

ikhtabartu "-{UrUqa 'l-kalamiyyah wa 'l-manQhija 'l-falsaftyyah, fa/am ajidhiJ tarwi

ghalilan wa la tashft ~alÏlan. Wa ra 'aytu ~11a "-turuqi {ariqata 'l-Qur'an. ,,86 Jane

Dammen McAuliffe translates this as: "1 have diligendy explored the paths of kalam and

the ways of philosophy but have not found what quenches thirst or heals the sicle; but now

13 Fakhry, A History ofls/amie Philosophy. 319-22.

14 Seyyed Hossein Nasr, .... Ayn al-Qu4it al-Hamadini and the [nteUectual Cümate ofHis Times,"
in History of [slamie Philos0l'hy. ecL Sc)'Yecl Hossen N!M and Oliver ~ part 1_ (New York:
RoutJedg~ (996), 38L Al·Tüsi studied the Qanün of Ibn SiDa through QuJb al-Din al-Mi$ri~ a student of
Fakhr al·DIn al-Rizi~ Sec Hamîd Dabaslù, "Khwijah N~ al-DiB al·Ttisl: The PhilosopberlVlZier and

• the Intellectua1 Climate of His Times, in History of!s/amic Phi/osophy. pan. l, 530•
99

IS Abdcrrahmane l.akbshaw. "Ibn KhaldÜll," in History ofls/amie Philosophy. part 1, 360~

16 Al-DiwüdÎ, Ta[,aqat al-Mu/ass;,ïn. vol. 2, 21S.

24
• 1 see that the soundest way is the way of the Qur'an read deanthrophomorphically.,,17 ln

his wcqiyyah (will), a1-RizI a1so stated: "Wa laqad ikhtaba1'tu '!-!Uruqa 'l-kalamiyyah wa

'/-manOhija 'I-fa/saftyyah, lama ra 'aytu ftha jâ 'idatan tusawl '/-jQ 'idata '/-/ail

wajadtuha ft 'I-Qur 'an; '/- 'Aiim, " meaning "1 have experienced the paths of ka/am and

the ways of philosophy. However, 1 found in them no benefit that equates the benefits

found in the Great Qur' an. nla

Based on these statements, and the raet that he devoted bis

later life to scholarship at a school in Rerat, it might be true that bis monumental al-TafSir

al-Kabir or MajQiil1 al-Ghayb was wrinen in this period ofhis life. 89

4. Fakhr al-Din a1-Rizl's Penonality

•
Al-Rïzi was described as having a bad temper, and unable te control bis emotions.

His bad temper also made him criticize others strenuously, not only at an intellectual but

also at a personal level.90 This claim is not without basis, for he once got very upset

simply because of a small and unintentional slight suffered at the hands of another

scholar.91 However, he was at the same time honest about himselt'; and remorseful about

bis behavior.92

17 Jane Dammen McAuli1fe, Qu,.·anic Chrlstians: An Ana/ysis ofe/assicol and Modem Exegesis
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 67.
ft Ibn Abi U$8ybi ah, •Uyiin al-Anbi 'ft rabaqat al-A{ibba " 467.
5

19 Modem scho1arship considers these statemcnts oC al-Rizi as equivalent to repentance for

having used ka/am. After a careftJl study of a full version of the will, howevcr Tony Street proves thal
9

such a view needs reassessmenL For more discussio~ sec, Tony S~ "Concerning the LiCe and Works
of Fakhr al-DIn al-Rizi." in Islam: &says on Sc,.iptu,e. Thought and Society; A Fetschrift in Hanau,. of
Anthony H. Johns (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1997), 135-46.
90 For examp1e. bis verse which reads: a/-ma,. 'u ma dama l1ayyan .vustahanll bihi 1/ wa .va 'iUmu

•
"-11I%'u flhi Itfna yuftaqadu. Sec Ibn ~ Wafayat a/-A yan wa Anba ' Abna' a/-Zaman. vol. 4, 252.
91 Vl5iting al-Farld al-Ghflim's house in Samarqan~ Fakhr al-Din al-Riz! was upset bec:ause he
had to wail for the host a long lime. When the latter came ou~ he swore al mm for such bad. ueauncnL
The Canner justifiecl the swearing of the scholar by quoting a Qur'iDic verse 42:40 which reads: "",a-
• Al-Riri had a deep love of knowledge and pursued the study of every branch of

science. After the death of bis rather, he traveled ftom one place to another in search of

all kinds ofknowledge. He even blamed himselffor not heing diligent enough, saying: "By

God 1 regret the time 1 have spent eating instead ofbeing in pursuit oflearning, for time is

precious. n93

A conducive environment combined with his enthusiasm for study contnouted te

the development ofbis talents, until he excelled in what he did. Both Ibn Khallikin and al-

~afadi state that he combined five gifts as no one else cauld: "he had an ability to express

himsel( a sound mind, boundless knowledge, prodigious memory, and had all bis praofs

and examples at bis command."~ These virtues underscore the excellence of bis writings

•
("wa jaml'u ~ifthi ba/ighatunji '1-lpJsn; Qq~a 'l_ghQyat,,).95

His companions and opponents ail agreed that al-Rizi had "great power of

argument and reasoning.,,96 Nasr states that "Imam Fakhr's particular genius for analysis

and criticism is evident in whatever field he tums bis attention to. ,,97 Yet, he tempers this

judgment with the statement "that in the annals of Muslim thought he has quite justly

jazQtu sayyiatin sayyiatvn mithluha.·· See al-RizÎ's Muna;arat Fakh, al-Din a/-Râii fi Bi/ad Ma Wara'
al-Nah,. S9.
92 FathaUa Kholeif SbO\\'5 tbis attitude in Fakhr al-Dm al-RizI's verse, quoted from al-
sbahrizüri's Rawt/at al-Afràh wa Nuzhat a/-Arwil!, whiçh reads: '"Ashkü i/a ·I1Dh; min khuluqin
yughtlJ'}'Îrunl Il wa yam"alJ'l. ·~-nüru_ ,,!in 'aqli \fa min dÏnÎ 1/ !fara,atun min mazaji 'I-qalbl mul!kamatun
Il tubdi fa tanmi fâ tvghwini fâ tv,tiini. ,. FathaUa Kholeif translates this verse as foDows: ~I complain to
Gocl ofa <:bangeful temper 1/ whidl extinguishes the light !rom my rason and faim 1/ A spark embedded
in the composition of my beart 1/ which ap~ grows. takes çontrol oC me and satisfies me." See
Kholeïf: A Stvdy on Fakhr al-Dtn al-Raii and His Controversies in Transoxiana. 20.
93 Ibid.. 22.

•
94 Al-$afaciL al-wafi bi al-Wafayat. vol. 4.248.

9S Al-SubkL Tabaqiit al-shâfl'iyyah al-Kubra, vol. S. 140.

96 Ma~fÜmL "Introduction." in al-Rizi. Kitiib al-Naft wa al-Rü" wa Sharl! Qiwamihâ. 20.

97 Nasr. The /stamic /nte/lectfla/ Tradition in Persia. lOS.

26
• become famous as one who is a master in posing a problem but not in solving il, in

entering into a debate but not in concluding il.,,91

5. Fakhr al-Oin al-Rizi'. Works

During bis life, al-Rizi wrote a great number of works in Many disciplines.99 Al-

BaghdadI points out that his works covered: Cl) exegesis (al-ta/Sir); (2) theology ('ilm al-

ka/am); (3) logie, philosophy, and ethies (a/-mantiq, a/-fa/safah, and a/-akhlaq); (4) a

combination of theology and philosophy (ft ';/m al-ka/am wa al-faisafah ma'an); CS)

Islamic jurisprudence (al-flqh wa al-u~l): (6) history and biographies (al-tarlkh wa al-

tarajim),· (7) mathematics and astronomy (a/-riyilcfDh wa al-falak); (8) medicine and

•
physiognomy (al-pbb wa al-firasah),· (9) magic and astrology (al-sillr wa al-rami wa al·

tanjtm): and (10) general works and encyelopedias (kutub 'ammah wa dowa 'ir ma 'an/). 100

9B Ibid.
99 The following are some examples of Fakhr al-Din al-RizI's works. a nomber of which are
extanl On Qur'inie: studies, he wrote al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir or MajQti" a/-Ghayb, Agar a/-Tanitl wa Anwar
al-Ta wil or Ta/Sir al-QJI"Qn al-&ghir, Ta/Sir Si,at a/-FQti"ah, Ta/Sir Si,at al-BaqaI'tM, Ta[sf' Si,at al-
lkhlDl, and (Risa/ah ft) al-Tt!"bfh "ali 'pa"t! al-ASI"D.! al-Midi'all ft ba't! AyOt al-.!Jur'an_ al-Karim;
theology (kIllam): al-Arba 'in fi UfÜl al-Din, a/-Khamsin ft UfÜl a/-Din, Asâs a/-TaqdIs, TaJrfil al-1Iaqq.
a~.Jab, wa a/..fJatfr or a/-Qaqa:wa a/-Qad.!'. Sharlt Asmi Al/QI} a/-1Iusno, "l~al al-Anb;yâ J, a/-MaltfÜ/
t

(ft 'llm al·Ka/am), al-Ma 'Qlim fi U~/ a/-D;n, N;hayat al-"Uplfi Di,ayat a/-U{ÛI, and Ajwibat al-Maso 'U
a/-Najjiriyyah; logie (manliq)t philosophy and akhlâq: aI-AyQt al-Bayyinat.ft al-Man{iqJ al-Man,;q al-
K..ablrJ Ta'jlz al-Fa/infah, Sharlt al-lsharit wa al-Tanbfhât (Ii Ibn SÏnQ). Sharl1 "Uyün a/-f/i~Dh (Ii Ibn
Sino), al-MabâJ1ïth al-MashriqiyyahJ MrI"~al ÂjkQr al-Mu!!JqaddImin wa a/-Muta ·aklrkhirin min a/-
'U/ami· wa a/-Efukamâ wa al-MrltQ/UlllimIn, a/-Mati/lb ~/- 'Aliyah. ~ a/-Alchliq; legal ~ (al-fiqh
t

wa a/.tqÜQ: lblol al-Qiyâs. Iltkâm al-Altkim, Sharii al-Waj~ li al-Ghoza/i ft al-Fiqh~al-MaIt~1fi UfÛl a/-
Fiqh, al-Ma"âlim fi UfÜl al-nqh. Muntakhab al-MaltfÜ/ ft Ufil a/-nqh, al-BQ1'Qhin af-Baha 'iyyah, and
al-Nihâyah al-Bahi Jiyyah .ff al-Mabaltith al-Qiyâsiyyah; Arabie: anc! its sciences: Sharlt Nahj al-
Balâghah, and al-MulJ.anirft lIaqa 'iq (or Daqi'iq) al-Ni!/rN; bistory (tarikh): Faqâ 'il al-A~ltâb or Fat!Q 'il
al-$aqibi!!' al-Rashidin. and Manâqib al-Imam al-ShiJi ti; mathematics and a5t!0nomy: al-Handtl!ah, and
Risi/ah fi "l/m a/-Hay 'ah; medic:ine: al-17bb al-Kabir, a/-Ash,ibah, a/-Tashrill, Shar~ a/-Qinun li Ibn
SlnaJ ~d Maso 'il fi al-Tibb; magie: and astrology: a/-Altkâm al- ~41a 'iyyah ft al-Â "lam a/-8a"'-.awiyyah.

•
Kitib fi ai-Rami, and aleS;". al-Ma/ctüm; and on general knowledge: l'liqad R,aq al-Mrlslimin ",a al-
MushrikÏn. Sec al-ZMkin. Fa/th,al-Din al-Razf waArâtuh a/-Kalimiyyah wa al-Falsa.ftyyah. 56-164.
100 See MuI)ammacl al-Mu'~ bi A1lih al-BagbdictL "Taq." in al-Ralf. QI-Mabâllith al·
Mashriqiyya/l.ft "llm al-llâhiyyat wa al-Tabl"iyyot. vot 1. 17-S2. Munada A. Mubibbu-Din·s preliminary

17
• Modem $Cholars have written extensively on al-RizI. In almost every published

version of al-RizI's works there is an introduction which identifies his writings in varying

detaiL A more complete list and analytical description of bis writings may be found in

Fakhr al-Dtn al-RDii wa Ara 'uh al-Kalamiyyah wa al-Falsafiyyah by MuI].ammad ~iliI)

al_Zarkin. 10l This book includes not ooly an alphabetical list of the titles of al-RizI's

works found in early sources, but aIso recent editions of bis works. Al-Zarkin has shawn

that ofthe 235 titles usually attnouted to Fakhr al-Din al-RizI, 71 are of a doubtful nature

and 28 are spuriOUS. 102 In bis examination of al-Rizi's tafSir, Murtada A Muhibbu-Din

arranges bis list according to theme and discipline. He divides all the sciences into

"traditional or religious sciences" (01- 'ulüm al-naqliyyah aw al-shar ';yyah), which are

sciences connected directly with the Qur'an, and the so-called "inteUectual or philosophical

• sciences" (al- 'u[üm al- 'aqliyyah aw al-1Jikmiyyah), which are sciences that do not have a

direct connection with the Qur' in and are commonly said to he inherited from Greek

tradition. Under the first category, al-RizI' 5 writings include tafSir, theology, fiqh,

history, grammar and rhetoric, JÜfism and general knowledge, while his contnoutions ta

the second category include philosophy and science. 103

In relation to these works, it is worth noting that al-TafSir al-Kabir or MajQiil1 al-

Ghayb. on which our discussion in this thesis will be based, is considered his most

important exegetical work. Although schalars have ditferent ideas as ta the originallength

research shows that they cover Qur'inic studies. ka/am. and Islamic jurisprudence. Sec Munada A.
Muhibbu-Din. "Imim Fakhr al-Dm al-RW: Philosophical Theology in al-Tarsfr al-Kabir." Hamdard
Is/amicus. vol. 18. no. 3 (1994). S5-84
101 Al-Z8rkin. Fakhr a/-D'in a/-Ra:'i wa l,a ·uh al-Ka/amiyyah wa a/-Fa/saftyyah. 56-164.

• 55-84.
l~ lbicL. 154-64.
103 Muhibbu-Om. "Imim Fakhr al-Ofn al-Rizi: PhiJosopbical TIleology in al-Tafsir al-Kabir."

28
• of the worle, certain early sources, sucb as Ibn AbI ~U~ybi~ah, al-BagbdidI, al-Qifli, al-

Ohahabi, and al-$afadi seem ta agree that Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi did Dot finish the book

himself: 104 After his death, his pupils, Shams al-D'in AlJ,mad b. Khall al-Khü'i (d.

637/1239)105 and Najm al-D'in QimülÏ (d. 728/1327), completed the worte, 50 that this

book eventually came to consist of 32 volumes. I06 These sources lead us to conclude that

not aIl parts of the a/-Ta/sir a/-Kahl, were written by al-RizI, and that other scholars later

completed the aImost-tinal version ofthis work bequeathed to them by al-Razi.

The difticu1ty is deciding which parts of the book were written by al-RizI and
which by other authors. There are two possibilities: first that he composed the tajSir in the

order of the Qur' ~ and second that he composed the ta/Sir randomly in accordance with

•
his mood and the needs of bis students. If the first possibility is correct, it might be true

that at least the tirst ten volumes belong to al-Razi and the remainder to others. If the

second possibility is correct, the problem is rendered more difficult. Since there are Many

reports stating that al-Razi wrote the ta/Sir in chapters (al-Fitil}ah, al-Baqarah, al-Ikhl~,

etc.), he may have written the tafSir in random fashion. This is more evident in bis

interpretation of the Qur'in 3:40. In addressing the question of why Y~yi was named

YaI}yi, al-Razi states that the reason bas been explained in the interpretation of Smat

104 They maintain that al-Ta/sl" al-Kabl,. did not excecd 30 volumes. Acœrding to Ibn Abi
U~ybi~ah the book consisted of only 8 volumes; according to al-BagbdidÏ, len volumes.
105 In bis Nash 'at al-Ta/ii,. wa Manahijuh, MaJpnüd Baysüni Fawclah assens tbat the /aqab of
Shams al-Din Ahmad
~
was al-Kbübi. However.- he does not mention the source or this assertion. See
-
Malpnûd Baysüni Faw~ Nash 'Qt al-Tafsir wa Manahijuh fi l)aw' a/-Madhahib al-Is/amiyyah (Cairo:
MaJba~ataI-~ 1986), 189.
106 ~ for instance, H.A.R. Gibb and I.H. Kramers, "AI-Razi," in SEI, 470; al-zarkin.. Fakhr al-

• Din al-RDii wa ii,.i 'uh a/-Ka/amiyyah wa al-Falsaflyyah. 65-6; J. Jomier, "Les mafatih al-ghayb de
rimam Fakhr a1-Din al-Razi: quelques dates. li~ manuscripts.19 MlDEO 13 (1977), 253-90; and J.
Jomier, "Qui a commenté l'ensemble des sourates al-~ Ankabüt à Yasin (29-36) dans ~Ie Tafsir al-Kabir' de
l'imimFakhral-Dmal-Rizir [JMES Il (1980),467-85.

29
• Maryam, wbich is the nineteenth chapter. 107 It il, therefore, not easy to determine which

part was written by al-RizI and which by others.

Sorne scholars' use of al-Rüi's works as sources May help us determine this.

Another way is to compare the style of writing and the content of the taf~r. This opens

up three avenues: first, researchers May identify which passages suit bis mode of

expression; second, they may be able to detect which ideas are close to bis theological and

juridical affiliations; and thircl~ they may find clues as to whether the master or bis pupils

wrote the passages.

Bearing these difticulties in minci, 1 believe that the commentary on the the third

chapter (Sürat Al Clmran or The Household of 'Imrim) was written by al-Rüi himself:

•
This assertion is based on several reasons, one of which is that he states at the end of bis

interpretation of the chapter that "with Gad's grace and kindness, the exegesis of this

chapter was completed on Thursday at the beginning of RabIl al-Akhir of 595/1199.,,101

Another reason is that the organization of the passage is similar in rasmon ta bis other

writings. Furthennore, al-Rizi mentions in the passage tbat uthere was an ongoing debate

between ~me' [al-Rüi] and sorne Cbristians"l09 on the issue of the relation between proof

(dalfl) and consequence (madlü/). This assenion tallies with al·Rüi's joumey to

Transoxiana, where he debated not ooly with Muslims ofother schools ofthought but also

with scholars of other religions. The last reason is that he mentions in the passage that

''the writer ofthis volume" (mu~if hâdhiz al-làtab), al-Imim Fakhr al-Din al.Rizi, says

•
107Sec al-RizL al-Ta/ii, al-Kahl,. vol. 8, 37.
lœ Sec al-Rjzi, a/-Ta/if, a/.Kabl,. vol. 9, 156.
109 Compare al-uri, a/-Tarii, a/-Kabl,. vol. 8, 78, with al·Rizi, MunDiarah ft al-Radd 'ala a/-
NtJfara. 9.

30
• so and so. These reasons will be elaborated in greater detail in Cbapter Three, where we

discuss al-Rizi's mode ofexpression.

•
31
• CbapterTwo

Fakhr aI-Din al-Rizi'! Basie Assumption!

RegudiDI the Qur'in and Its Exegesis

This chapter will focus on Fakhr al-D'in al.Rüi's basic assumptions regarding the Qur'an

and its exegesis, which are crucial to understanding bis exegetical method. The first part

examines bis notions on the scriptural nature of the Qur'an. It covers the funetion and

language ofthe Qur'an, and its miraculous nature. The second part is devoted to al-Rizl's

efforts to explore the various meanings of Qur' wc verses. We shall consider his

definition of exegesis, the sources and scope of bis interpretive approach, and the

•
emphases encountered in bis writing.

1. The Scriptural Nature of the Qur' an

An enormous number of classical works deal with the Qur'in, which constitutes

the basic source of Islam. These works have been written ftom vlrious motives. W1lfted

Cantwell Smith, for instance, maintains that seen ftom the motives of the writings,

scholarships in religious studies may rough1y speaking be classified as being either

devotional or scholarly.l The main difference between these two classes lies in their basic

assumptions: the fonner starts tram the assumption that the Qur'an is Gad's ward, the

1 Wilfred CantweU Smith cIisc:usscd the question of ~Is the Qurtin the worcl of Goclr at length in

•
bis Questions ofRe/igious Tn/th. This crucial issue bas long preoccupied $Cholus. both in the Muslim
and the WestCm \\'Oriels. Il is of great importance to Islamic civilization. Using a comparative approac,
Smith took up tbis crucial question with dcvoted Muslims and Christians as well as $Cholm for a more
objective treatment. without any presupposition. For more detailSt see WiI1ied Cantwell Smith, Questions
ofReligious Tl'Uth (London: Victor GoUan~ 1961)~ 37-62.

3%
• truth of which is absolute;2 the latter bas no such presupposition, but carries out its work

for expositional purposes. Writers who belong to the tirst group study the Qur'an to

justify their bellefs, which sometimes malees it difticult for them to study it critically.

Writers in the second group, who study the Qur' in for the sake of scholarship, on the

other band, tend to be critical. However, this division is not clear-cut or it is even a poor

juxtoposition, for both the beüevers and the non-believers can write on this field ftom

scholarly perspective. This is evident in Anthony Johns' writing, where he points out that

there are scholars, whose motives for writing are not a1ways unifonnly religious, bave also

foUowed scholarly conventions in their writings on the Qur' an.3 In short, the point in

consideration is whether or not the writers can adopt a scholarly approach in their

•
writings.

It is not our purpose to elaborate on the historical and praetical aspects of this

division. 4 Rather, we shaU try to explain the nature of the Qur'in in al-Rizl's exegetical

writings and determine whether aI-Rizi considers the Qur'in a religious or a scholarly text.

This question is deceptively simple. However, sinee the Qur' in is regarded by every

Muslim to cover aU aspects oflife, s the choice is far trom simple.

1 For more discussion on the consequence of holding the idea that the Qur'in is a scrip~ sec,
for e.umpl~ Caesar E. F~ Islam: Belieft and Observancest 5th ecL (New York: Barrons. 1994), 91-4.
3 Anthony Reade Iohns, ••Qn Qur inic Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Study in the Transmission
9

of Islamic Leaming:· Islam: Essays on Scriptu,e. Thought and Society; ..4 Festseh,ijt in Honour of
Anthony H. Johns (Leidcn: EJ. Brill, 1997)~ 16.
.. For discussion on the development oC Qur inic studies Crom a devotional to scholarly approach.
9

• sec Fred Leembuis. 1be Koran and Its E.xegesis: From Memorizing to Leaming." in Jan Willem Drijvers
and. A.A MacDonald. eds., Centres ofLeaming: Leaming and Location in P,e..Modem Europe and the
Near East (Leiden: E.I. BrilI. 1995)9 91·102.
S Edward SeU. The Faith of/siam. 2nd ed. (London: Kegan Paul, lB%}9 1.

33
• 1.1. Tbe Functions orthe Qur'in

The fimetion orthe Qur'in is a crucial issue in Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's exegesis. In

many instances, he stresses that the Qur' in is a guidance (hudil) and an explanation

(bayQn). He supports bis view by quoting verse 2:185 - which with other verses declares

that the Qur' in was revealed ta explain various issues and that humankind may receive

guidance ftom it. In a/-Ta/Sir al-Kabir, al-RizI thus holds that everything in the Qur'an

must be understandable.6 His theological position is that there is not a word in the Qur' in

which human beings cannot understand - even those known as the fawanIJ al-suwar.

Here, he might have been thinking of certain philosophical difticulties encountered in the

Qur' an. In bis exegetical writings, he invokes certain philosophical notions and explains

•
sorne verses in a philosophical spirit.7

Al·RizI's emphasis on the function ofthe Qur'an as a guidance and explanation for

mankind does not negate its other funetions -for example, as a warning ta people (nadhir)

(Q. 42:7). Another funetion is to give good news (bashir) to those who believe and

practice its teachings. These two funetions are closely tied to the notion that the Qur' in is

a religious text, for which beliefis essential.

Al-Rizi seems to be saYing that the Qur' in is above ail else a scripture,1 basic to

which are two qualities: sacredness and authority. He maintains that the Qur'an is Gad's

6 A1-Rizi. al-Talii,. al-KobÎ,.. vol 2 (Cairo: 'Abel al-Ralpnin M~d, n.el), 8.

7 ln another instance. al·Rizi also usccl a humanistic approach whcn c.,"plaining the hwnan
aspectS of certain figures. such as Solomon and Abrallam. in the Qur.ân. Sec Anthony Reade Jo~ Al- U

Râz1·s Treatment of the Qur·iDic Episodes Telling of Abraham and His Guests: Qur·iDic Exegesis \Vith

•
Ruman Face.... Mélanges (1nstitut Dominicain d·EtudesOrienlolesdu Cadre). vol. 17 (1986). 81-133•
1 For the developmcnt orthe concept of scripture, see Wilfied CantweJl Smith. uSc:ripture as Form
and Concept," in Rethin1cing Scriptrl'~: Essays 1'om a Comparative Perspective. ecL Miriam Lcvering
(Albany: Saale UDiversity ofNcw York Press. 1989).
• word (laIlam AllQh)9 revealed (taniil) to Mu1)ammad piecemeal (najman najman)lO by way

of what is known as wal/y. Il Because the Qur' in is the word of Gad. and cannot contain

error, al-RizI bases ail bis arguments on the assumption that whatever the Qur'ïn says is

truth. He argues, for example, that the "problematic verses" only seem to contradiet

themselves, when in faet they agree with each other. It is our task to understand how the

"problematic verses" agree with each other. l2 He further asserts that there is no

contradiction in the Qurtin, basing himself on verse 4:82, which says that uif the Qur'in

were not ftom God, you would find much contradiction in it."

9 Fakhr al-Dm al-Razl. }(hall{al-Qu"Qn bayn a/-Mu 'tazilah wa Ahl a/-Sunnah, ed. Alpnad I:IijizÏ
al-Saqqi (Cairo: al-Maktab al-Tbaqifi, 1989). Western scholars such as letrery and Macdonald question
the claim that the Qur·in is Goc1's word, iDsisting instead that it is only Mulptmmad's. For more

•
discussion, see Arthur le1fery, Islam: Muqammad and His Religion (New York: The Liberal Art Press,
1958),47-37; Duncan Black Macdonal~Aspectso//slam (New York: Macmillan, 1911), 77-114.
10 Sec al-Rizi, al-Ta/Si,. al-Kabl', vol. 7. 169-70.

Il As far as bis interpretation of the Qur.in is c:oncemed. al-RizI does not say mucb about the
mechanism of revelatioD. In bis study of the thought of al-RizL MulJammad Silil) al-Zarkin mainlains
tbat he viewed bow the rcvelation took place in similar rasmon to Ibn sInâ and al-Firaof. The latter two
maintained that propbethood is based on emanation theory, and that the spirit or the Propbet ascended
(F 'üd) to a higher reality (al.. 'a/am al- 'rlMi) ta reœive the message ftom God, either in a Slate of
inspiration, wakefulncss. or dream. Mu!)ammad SilüJ. al-larkin, Fakh,. a/-Dïn a/-Rait wa Ara'rlh al-
Kalimiyyah l'a al-Falsaflyyah (Beirut: Dar al-Fila, [19631]). SSl. Compare wim Ibn sïni s "On the
9

Proof or Propbec:ies and the Interpretation of the Propbets' Symbols and Metapbors." trans. Micbael E.
Mannura. in Medievel Polflical Philosophy, ed. Ralph Lcmer and Muhsin Mahdi (New York: Comel
University Press. (991), 113-21.
12 Al-Rizi clivided these problematic verses into two categories. First, Qur'ânic verses that seem
la contradiet themselves: (1) Allahu ni", 's-samawiti l'a 'l-arq. matha/u ririhl kil mis/chkQt, which at the
same time afIirms and negates that Gad is nü, (tight); (2) Laysa lui milhlihÎ shay·. which indic:ates tbat
Gad bas a similarity. and a1!irms and negates the oneness of Gocl at the same time. Secon~ Qur'inic
verses that seem to contradiet other verses: (1) wa man yut//ili 'I/ihu fâ ma /ahi miw l'aliyyim mim ba 'dih
contradiets zayyan~ lahrl"''' ~h-shayfQnu a'malahum fa huwa l'aliyyuhrlnJll '/-yawm; (2) ;nna koyda 'sh-
shaytâni kQna qa 'ifâ contradiets istaJr.vadhdha 'alayhimu 'sh-shtlf/âmi fa ~sQhum dhikra 'Uâh and fa
zayyana lahumu 'sh-slrayfanu a 'miJahum fa faddahum 'ant s-sabil. Al-Rizî. gives solutions for the first
category ofproblems, as foUows: (1) as thesiyaq (context) implies.-.the word nü,. (Hpt) in the first should
mean munawwi,. (the One who gives lighl); (2) the use of kaftashbih is tneant to empbasizc the state that
nothing resembles God. For the second category, bis solution is based on a quotation !rom Ibn al-
Ri\\'and1: (1) waJï in the former means the one who gives benefits anel ~ while in the laner, shay(an is

• their wai'i who does not give them benefits Dar barm; (2) Satan cm only seduce and calI people to foUow
hint. 50 that if they cio not foUow bis calI, they will not be subjected to banD. Thal is why Satan is
regardcd as weak Sec Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi. Nihâyot al-Ïjazft Diriyat al-I'jaz. ccL IbrihÏm al-8ammari'i
and MuIJammad Barakit}Jameli Abü ~ AlI (Oman: Dar al-Fila, 1985). 193-3.

3S
• It is worth noting in this connedion that the Qur'in, in al-RizI's conception, shares

this trait with most other revealed scriptures. 13 Being absolutely true, scriptural assertions

must have no tlaws. While certain historica1 events mentioned in the scriptures are

inaccessible to us, they must be regarded as true on the authority of the scriptures. If one

issue fails to make philosophical sense, this should be taken into account when studying

any given scripture. The development of allegorical interpretation in exegetical works

helps to alleviate this ditliculty, particularly when interpreting the "problematic verses."

Fakhr al-DIn a1·Rizi's point of departure is that the Qur'in has a unique nature -

which basically Hes in the beüef that the Qur'an is God's ward!4 revealed through His

messengec, Mul)ammad, as a guidance to human beings. 15 Sorne typical doctrines in al·

Riji"s bellef system are the Prophet's impeccability ('i~Qh), the Qur'an's miraculous

• nature (i 'iœ), the Qur' in' 5 relevance to every epoch, and the consistency of its verses.

These doctrines are unquestionably accepted by Muslims, although their application may

diffec in some of the details. For example, while they maintain that the idea that the

Qur' in is a miracle (mu 'jizah), Muslim schalars disagree on what makes it miraculous.

We will retum to this point later.

A1though al-Râzi considers the Qur' in a reHgious text, he applies bis critical

faculties in an effort to understand it. This is evident in his mode ofexpression, which will

13 For more discussion on the nature orthe saipture, sec William A. Graham. "Scrip~ ., in ER.
133-45; F.E. Peters,.4 Reader on Classica/ls/am (Princeton: Princeton Uni\oersity Press. 1994), 214-19;
Duncan Black Macdonald..4spects olls/am (New York: Ma~ 1911), 210-49.
14 Al-RizLKhalq al-Qur'an bayn a/-Mu',azilah waAhf al.sunnah. ·n.

15 Al-Rizi bas two düferent views conceming whether the Qur'an is guidance for all human

• beings or for Muslims only. Interpreting the Qur'in 3:4, he maintains that it provides guidance for
Muslims and Don-Muslims aIike. By referring back ta the Qur'an 2:2, he maintains tbat the Qur'in is
guidance for Muslims only, wbich suits the occasions oC fC\'dation of these ,!rses. for_thac verses wcre
revealcd to the Christians of Medina. For more discussio~ sec al-Rizi, al-Talm, al-Kabir, vol. 7. 171·2.
• be discussed in next cbapter; he raises an issue relating to certain verses in arder to

compare its treatment in other verses. He also boldly maintains that there are sorne verses

that need to be explained rationally or by reference to other verses. For instance, al-RizI

explains that the persons and households referred to in verse 3:33 - "God has chosen

Adam, Nw" the household of Ibriliim, and the household of' Imrin among the universe" -

- were chosen because of ail people in their respective times they were the best. But if

they were better than the entire universe, regardless of time, he says, this would lead to

contradiction (addiz i[a ·t-tanâqut/), for each ofthem cannot be regarded as the best. 16

This approach illustrates that al-Rid regards the Qur' in as a religious text, and at

the same time scrutinizes it as an object ofscholarly study. One might still ask: What is bis

•
primary goal when he studies the Qur' in in a scholarly fashion? In order to answer this

question, 1 would like to refer to sorne relevant aspects of bis biography. As we .

~

mentioned earlier, al-RizI had a religious upbringinSt and it is probable that bis scholarly

efforts were motivated by bis Islamic system of beliet: Towards the end of bis life, he

stated that only the Qur' in could satisfy bis intellectual thirst. His scholarly works thus

helped sustain bis re1igious sense and were employed to demonstrate the truth of the

Qur'~ which contained information that he thought had to be taken for granted. In other

words, al-RizI emphasized the truth of the Qur' in above the truth of intellectuai

contemplation.

• 16 Ibid.~ vol. B~ 21.

)1
• 1.2. The LaDgu_le or the Qur'in

Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi believed that the Qur'in was expressed in sueh eloquence that

no Arab was able to imitate it. l ? It was revealed in the Arabic language, and one phrase

the Qur' in uses for this is "Qur 'Qnan 'arabiyyan." II Other expressions are /isanun U

'Arabiyyun mubln" or "bi /isanin 'Arabiyyin mubin.,,19 "lpIkman 'Arabiyyan,,,20 and

41'lisQnan JArabiyyan. ,,21 It is perfectly logical that the Qur' in should be in Arabie, since it

was revealed amongst the Arab people.n If it were not in Arabic, it would have been

difficu1t for Mul)ammad and the Arabs of bis time to understand it, let alone take it as a

guidance for living. Kenneth Cragg simplifies this concept:

The scripture was given in Arabie in order that Mubammad might ''wam
the mother of the village," that is the Meccan metropolis, "and its

•
environs," altering them to the coming clay of humanity's gathering for the
final judgment. Meccans were Arabic-speaking: the vital message would
bave been intelligible ta them in no other tangue. 23

17 The language of the Qur'in is said to bc identica1 with standard Arabie. "which in
Mnl)ammad's lime hacI alreacly been developecl.tt For more discussion on the language and style of the
Qur'in in relation to its ; "iœ, sec Rudi Para. "The Qur'in-I," in Arabie Literature to the End of the
Umt1JlYad Period. ecL A.F.L. BeestOIly T.M. Iohnstone, RoB. Serjeant, and G.R. Smith (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press. 1984),196-205.
11 Q. 12:2, 20:113, 39:28, 41:3, 42:7, and 43:3. Another verse, Q. 41:44, expresses the same
idea.
l' Q. 16:103,26:195.
20 Q. 13:37.

Zl Q. 46:12.

n Sînœ the first people who Iistenccl to the Qur'in were Arabs, Kenneth Cragg assens, the
Qur'in was a supreme sacrament of Arabness and Arabidty. However, ~e ~Arabness' of the Qur'in is

•
no essential c:onfliet with its univcrsalim." For more discussion on the meaning of the scripture for the
Arabs, see KcJmeth Crag, The Event ofthe Qur "in: Islam in Ils Scripture (London: George Allen and
Unwin. 1971),54.72.
:3 Ibid, 40.

31
• One related issue2A is whether or not Mu~ammad and the Arabs ofearly Islam were

able to understand everything in the Qur'ân. No problems would have arisen ifthey had

understood its every word. Many reports, however, tell us that the Companions

sometimes questioned the Prophet about certain tenns used in the Qur' in, as did later

generations (Iabi 'ün and labi 'u al-libi 'in). Two possibilities might be understood tram

these reports: first, that Muslims of later generations May have had a somewhat different

Arabic vocabulary tram the one used in Mu~ammad' s time; and second, that there were

non-Arab expressions used in the scripture which were strange ta them. This second

possibility leads us ta the issue ofthe foreign vocabulary ofthe Qur' an.

There are various consequences of the non-Arabie terminology of the Qur'in. One

•
ofthese is that the presence of such tenus in the Qur' in indicates that its claim about being

in the Arabie language is fundamentally untrue. Another is that it may represent one

aspect of the i]O% of the Qur' in, and an explanation of why Arabs could not rise to the

challenge of imitating the Qur'an, since it contained words of unknown or foreign origin.

However, according to al-IurjinL this does not make the Qur'in miraculous. 25

Scholars bave sought answers to this ditlicult question. Jalil al-Din a1-Suyüli, in

al-Muhodhdhab ft Mâ Waqa' ft al-Qur tiin min al-Mu 'an'ab points out that sorne scholars

24 This does not exc1ude the tact that the Qur'in was revealed in seven dialedS. Abù ·Ubayd al..
Qisim b. Sallim (d. 2241839), for example, mainlained tbat some expressions found in the Qur'in were
usecl in one clan (qabflah pl. qabi t;1). but not in others. Some examples fiom cbapter three of the
t

Qurtin: datb (Q. 3:11) originally taken ftom Iurhum means ashbaJ1; soyyfd (Q. 3:34) from ijimyir
(l1aiim); fii (Q. 3:81) ûom Nablin'8h (*ahdÏ); tahinü (Q. 3:139) fraI!.! Quraysh and ~ (taq'ujü).
Sec Abü ·Ubayd al-Qâsim b. SalJ~ Lughât al-Qabii tU a/-W-aridah ft a/-Qur tân al-Karim transmined
t

from Ibn Ab~ ecl Abd aI-lJâmid al-Sayyid Talab (Ku"'ait: Iimi·at al-Ku\\'a~ 1984), 64-75. It is not
L L

•
our purpose. however, to disc:uss this issue here•
25 ·Abd al-Qihir al-Jurjam. "Dalâtil al-rj~" in Thalâlh RasiW.ft l'jàz al-QII,tôn li a/-
Rummânl. wa al-Khattâbi wa ~bd al-Qâhir a/.Jurjanffi al-Di,Dsât al-Qur tiiniyyah wa al-Naqd al-Adablt
cd. Mul)ammadKhalaCAlIihanclMul)ammadzaghlül Salâm(Cairo: Diral-Ma·irif; n.cL)t 181..188.

39
• admitted the presence of foreign expressions in the Qur' in, while others, basing

themselves on Qur'inie verses26 - Imim al-Shifiii, Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl, Abü 'Ubaydah, al...

Qiqi Abü Bakr 'Abd al-Jabbir, and Ibn Fans - held otherwise.

Al-RizI, for bis part, noted the presence of some foreign tenns in the Qur' in - e.g.,

mishkDt and sijjfl. This did not necessarily Mean that the Qur' in was not in Arabic; he

finnly declared that "the Qur' in is indeed in Arabie.,,27 He suggested two solutions to this

problem. First, sorne terms found in the Qur' in were cognates of words round in other

languages;28 second, they were originally ftom other languages but had been Arabized

before the Qur' in was revealed; 50 while they were not Arabie in origin, the Arabs of

MuI)ammad's time understood and used these expressions before the revelation of the

Qur'in.29 By providing these solutions, al-Rizi successfully defended bis belie! that the

• Qur' in is in Arabie and proved bis 5cholarly approach to it.

1.3. The Qur' in 's Miraculous Nature (l'ja: aI-Qu,'an)

Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi also maintained that the Qur'in is miraculous, such that the

Arabs were unable to take up the challenge (talJaddï1 ta produce a text like il. For had

dIey been able, they would have done 50.30 On three different occasions,31 the Qur'ân

theQur'in 12:2,20:113,39:28,41:3,44; 42:7, and 43:3.

Z6 For instancc t

11 Al-RizL al-Taftlr al-Kabir, vol. 2, 10.

:a Al-Rizf's first solution is in faet the same as Ibn Jarlr al-Tabarl·s. Sec Jalil al-DIn al-Su~'1ÏJ1.
al-Ilqanft ·U/üm al-Qur'on. vol. l, thirded. (Beirut: Diral-Kutub al-"Ilmi)1~ 1995),288.

• :9 Al-Razl. al-Taftlr al-Kabir. vol. 2t 10•

JO Al-Razl. Nihayat al-Ïjazji Dirayat 01-11-, 33.

31 Al-Rizi, al-Taf~r al-Kabl". voL 2, 6.

.ao
• challenges its readers to produce eitber something like itselt: 32 only ten chapters similar to

those of the Qur' ïn, 33 or even a single chapter similar to those of the Qur' an. 34 Al-Rizi

maintained that the essential challenge was the production of one chapter of the same

quality as others in the Qur'in, no matter even if it were as short as Sürat al-Kawthar, one

would be able ta meet the challenge. For al...Rüi, without this challenge the i 'jaz of the

Qur'an cannat be proven.

However, bis concept is quite different ftom that of al-BiqillinI, for the latter

maintained tbat the i ïëu of the Qur' in does not neœssarily depend on the raet of this

challenge. The i 'jaz of the Qur' in corresponds ta the ; 'jaz of Moses' stick. Though

unaccompanied by a challenge, the transformation of Moses' stick into a snake was still a

miracle (mu'jizah).35 Whether or not human beings can understand ilS ÎJaz, the Qur'in is

• a mu Jizah. In other words, it is in itself miraculous and is in no need of a special

condition for it ta be miraculous. Al.Rizi. however, considered challenge a condition of

the Qur' in' s ; 'iiu, being more suitable for demonstrating the Qur' in' s miraculous nature

in both its doctrinal and its praetical dimensions. Therefore, al·R izi does not distinguish

between the reasons for the people's inability to meet the challenge of the Qur' in and the

reasons why the Qur'in is miraculous.

Sînce early times, many opinions conceming the miracu10usness ofthe Qur'În have

been expressed. Al-N~ believed in the ; JQz of the Qur'in not because people were

32Q.52:34.
33 Q. Il:13.

• 34 Q. 2:23 ancll0:38.
35 Abi BaIa Mul)ammad al-BiqiUinI, l"jaz al-Qur'an, ed. MuI)ammad. b. ~Abd al-Mun~im
Kbafijl (8cirut: Diral·Ja 1991),258-9.

41
• unable to take up the challenge but because God confounded their knowledge and ability,

causing them to despair of producing a book like the Qur'in.36 Known as ~ah, this idea

is based on the fact that the Arabs of MuI,ammad's time spoke Arabie tluently, and 50

could have imitated the Qur'an, had they wanted. 37 Another opinion is that the Qur'in

leaves a psychological etfect (a/-athar al-na/Si al- 'amtq) on its readers and listeners. It

does sa either because of its fine arrangement and rhymes, which however differ tram

those of poetry (shi1r), oratory (khitab), and composition (rasa ';/),38 or because of its

extrIordinary contents. 39 Under this category too, there is the idea that the Qur' in' s ; JQz

refers to its inclusion of hidden things (ghaybiyyQt), for in Many instances the Qur' in

speaks of past and future events, none of which was known by Mu1}ammad's

contemporaries. There is also the opinion that the Qur' in' s ; 'jizz lies in the idea that there

• is no contradiction in the Qur'in (/aysa fthi 'khti/Qjun wa-tanaqut/tm)40 and in scientific

;'la: (i'jaz ·i/mï).41 This may be simplitied into one position -. namely, that the Qur'in's
eloquence lies in its contents and its arrangement. 42

36 Al-RizL Nihayat al-Ïjaz ft Di'Qyat al·/'jDz, 33. Sce aJ~ 'Abd a1-Qâhir_al-Jurjâni, "al-Risilah
al-Shâfi'iyyah," in Tha/oth Rasa'ilji l1az a/-Qllr'on li al-RllmmQni. wa al-Kha"abi wa 'Abd a/-QQhir al-
Jurjàn/ fi al-Di,isat al-Qur 'àniyyah wa al-Naqd al-Adabi. 143-4.
J1 yusuf Rahman assens tbatal-N~'s opinions on i'jar, whiçh primarily rest on the idea of
~ah, ~ repeatedly mentionecl but were, in MOst cases, also refùtecl" However, he does not support
tbis assertion wim suftic:ient evidcnœ. Yusuf Rahman, "The Miraœlous Natuœ of Muslim Saipnue: A
study of ~ Abd aJ-Jabbâr's l'jâz a/-Qurtan" (M.A. Thesis, McOill University, 1995), 46.
31 Al-Râzl, NihQyat al-Ïjâzfl DirQyat al-/'jaz, 33-4.

39 Mupti al-$iwi al-JuwaynI, Manhaj a/-Zamakhsha,i ft Ta/Sir a/-Qur tan wa Bayan /'jâzih, 3rd
ecl. {Cairo: Dar al-Ma'irit 1984),200-2.
40 Al-RizL Nihàyat al-Ïjazfl Di'Qyat al-l'jaz. 34.

41 See Ibn ~Ashûr, a/-Tafiirwa Rijâluh (Tunis: Daral-Kutub al-Sharqi~1~ 1966),80-1.

• 42 Many scholars such as al-Rummini, al-KhatJ80i, and al-JurjânÏ argue that the Qur'in'$
miraculous nature lies in the combinatiOD. of these twG. See Mul)ammad Kha1af AlIih and Mul)ammad
Zaghlül ~ eds., Tlraloth Rasâ'ilft rjœ a/-Qur'Qn li a!-Rummanf. wa al-Khat(ab/ wa 'Abd al-Qihir
al.Jurjan;fl al-Di,âsàt al-Qur'an;yyah wa al-Naqd a/-Adah; (Cairo: Diral-Ma~am: D.eL).

42
• Al-RizI considered these schools of thought irrational. Fint, he asserted that the

doctrine of ~ah is historically untrue, since Arabs took up the challenge but were

unsuccessfuL43 Second, he criticized the idea that the styles of the Qur'in make it

miraculous; if they did, poetic style would then be equally miraculous. Third, basing the

Qur'an's ;JO% on its inclusion of"hidden things" is no better supported, sinee neither do ail

the verses nor ail the sürahs of the Qur' in speak of ghaybiyyQt. 44 This, of course, does

not constitute a deDiai that the Qur'in as a whole centains ghaybiyyat, or that the idea of

;JO% is based on them. Al·R izi himself admits that sorne Qur'&nie verses speak of
ghaybiyyat as an element ofthe Qur'an's miraculous nature.'" Wben interpreting the verse

3:111, he mentions information about unseen things - such as Christians who have not

•
harmed Muslims and Christians who have run away in defeat after encountering Muslims.

He says that "ail these are pieces of information about the unseen (ikhbar tan al-ghayb)

and therefore the Qur' in is miraculous.,,46

Al-RizI concludes that the Qur'an's i lia lies mainly in its f~iUJah. The reason

behind this assertion, 1 believe, is that it was in keeping with bis theological tendency to

explain religious beliefs rationally and bis idea that everything in the Qur'in must be

understandable. Since the Qur'in is in itself miraculous, its miraculous nature should aiso

be understandable. This is evident when he says that fa~IIQh is the only rational way to

prave the miraculous nature ofthe Qur' an.47

43 Unfortunately, he does not give any e.umple oC their dorts to imitate the Qur~in. Al·Ràzi~
Nihayat a/-Ïjôzfi DirQyat al-I'jaz. 33.
44 Ibid.

• ..5 See. for instance, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi~s interpretation orthe Qurtin 3:12 and 30:1-3.

415 Sce a1.Rizi, al-Ta!iira/-Kabi,. vol. 8, 194.

.ft Al-Razi, Nihi.yat a/-Ïjazft DirQyat a/·Pjaz. 34.

43
• It would be usefùl to explain what a1-RizI meant by f~lJah. the study ofwhich is

a most important aspect of religious duties. 41 Like many other scholars, al-Rizi

distinguished f~al!ah trom balaghah. Fcqal1ah refers to ka/am 's lack of difticulties

(ta'qtd), which are associated with semantic denotation (al-da/alah al-ma'nawiyyah),49

while ba/agbah refers to /ca1Qm 's ability to arrive at the meaning the speaker wants to

deliver. 50 Like'Abd al-Qihir b. Abd. Al-R$nan al-Jurjani (d. 470 A.H.l1078 A.D.), al-

Rizi saw n~ in connection with i)âz as nothing but grammatical arrangement aUowing a
particular meaning to be conveyed. 51 Although he differentiated balagah fromf~. in

the end he concluded that what made the Qur' in miraeulous was the fine structural

combination whieh enables it to convey a specifie meaning. In bis Asas al- TaqeDs, he

•
stated that the Qur'an was distinct tram any other literary product in bath fonn (fan) and

content (ma ,ntI).52 Because of this distinct charaeter, he goes on ta say. no one can

duplicate the fonn and the content ofthe Qur' an. 53

It is interesting in this relation to note that al..RizI was aware of the importance of

f~ for seeking the interpretation of the Qur' in, 50 that he further says that it is

obligatory to study the sciences that unveil the basic nature and essence off~al!ah.5. This

• Ibid., 35.
4' Ibid., 5 l.
.50 Ibid., 40.

51 Margaret Larkin, The The%gy 01Meaning: 'Abd al-QQhi,. al-Ju,.janf·s Theory 0/ Discourse
(New Haven: American Oriental Society. 1995), 50-53.
51 Sce Fakhr al-Dm al-Riz1. Asis al-Taqdis, ed. Alpnad ijijazf al-Saqqi (Cairo: Maktabat al-
KuUiyyit al-Azhari~ 1916). 230.
5] Ibid, 230. On the miraculous nature of the Qur.in. sec SeU. The Faith ofIslam. 6-9.

54 Abde1 Haleem notices that due to the imponanœ of rhetoric (ba/aghah) for e.xegesis. al·

• lamakhshari and Fakhr al-Dia al-RizI paid special anention to the subject in their interpretation of the
Qur'ân. MAS. Abde1 Haleem, "Context and Internai ReJalionships: Keys to Quranic Exegesis; A Study
ofSÜlat al-RaIpnïn (the Qur'in chapter 55),19 in Approachu 10 the Qu,.·an, ed. G.R. Hawting and Abdul-
Kader A. SbareeC(London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 72.
• discipline, according to bim, enables scholan in turn to understand that the Qur'in bas so

excellent an expression that Arabs could never hope to answer its challenge. 55 With il,

according to him, one might eventually come to prove the truth of M~ammad's prophetie

mission.

2. In searcb of the Meaning of the Qur' in

Muslims ftom ail eras have tried to understand the Qur' in, which they believe to be

a guidance. They have developed certain criteria and theories to help them discem the

meaning intended by Gad. Since the Qur'an is in faet a text, Muslims have applied textual

theories to this task, relying above aU else on linguistic analysis. The linguistic approach

• was adopted by exegetes not only in the formative period, but also in our own time. By

convention, they attempt to explain the meaning of a given verse by referring to the

sciences ofthe Arabie language as their chief source.

ln his efforts to understand the sense of the Qur'inic message, al-Rizi studied the
literal meanings of words. He used linguistic analysis to uncover their meanings56 in

Arabie usage that might have been intended by Gad. Ta reach this level of meaning, al·

RizI held that God's speech (lJaqiqat !al/am Allah) had two dimensions: namely, its

55 Sce al-RizI. Nihiyat al-Ïjazft DirQyat al-I'jaz. 34-5.

56 To depie:t the various meaniDgs o(ccnain wor~ Fakhr al·Din al-Rizi uses Arabie poetry. For

•
a discussion on the use of poeUy in Qur'inie cxegesis sincc its earlicst appearance. see Issa J. Boullata.
~PoeUy Citation as InterpreûYe Wusuation in Qur'ân ExcgC5Îs: Masa"il NDjî 'ibn al.Azraq. in Islamic
Studies Pnsentedto ChDr/~sJ. Adams, cd. Wael B. HaUaq and Donald P. Little (Leiden: E.J. Brin, 1991)~
27-40.

45
• essence (mQhiyyah) and its expression (1af;).57

metaphysical, while the second occurred on a human scale.

The mst dimension was purely

To clarify these two categories, al-Rizi compared Godts mode of expression with

that of human beings. He reasons that the speech of human beings and Gad must have

two different layers, namelYt essence and appearance. When someone says "Give me sorne

water," according to al-Rüi's example, this utterance (/aft) expresses La need' (ta/ab) of

bis. The state of being thirsty is the essence of bis spoken words, while the utterance is a

tool through which he can express bis need. Thust to express one's being thirsty, one may

employ either an imperative sentence like "Give me sorne water," a positive sentence like

"1 am thirsty," or an interrogative sentence like "Do you have sorne water'?" In addition to

•
expressing the state of being thirstyt however, these also may designate other meanings in

accordance with the context in wbich they are stated. The utterance "Do you have sorne

water?" for instance, may indicate, when the circumstances allow, that the speaker is

wondering if he couId gjve any water to the person addressed. In al-Rüi's viewt that

utterance is a variable of the $late of thirst. For this, he states mat "the essence of Lthat

needt is a changing vuiable of that utterance" (wa-mahiyyat dha/ika tt-ta/abi

mughityiratun /i-dhQ/i/ca '/_/aft).51 If the essence changes, in other wordst the utterance

must alsa change.

By means ofthis logic, al-Rid concluded that the Qurtin was Godts expression of

His divine will. Sïnce the Qur'in was revealed to human beings, it is expressed in human

language. Unlike buman languaget howevert God's wi14 the essence ofHis spoken words

• 57Fakhr al-oin a1-Rizit Khalq al-Qur tân bayn al·Mu·'a:ilah wa Ahl al-Sunnah. 43.
"Ibid.
• in the buman language of the Qur'~ is not bound by time or place. In other words, one

state of mind may be expressed in many different ways depending on the time and the

place in which the statement is uttered. Since a statement is spoken in accordance with

different times and places, it may signify vlrious shades of meaning. In this fashion, al-

Rizi paved the way to a hermeneutical approach to the Qur' an.59 Thus, rather than stick

to one absolute interpretation, bis exegesis of the Qur' in is open to various possibilities.

But while his exegetical works are generally characterized by tolerance, he was sometimes

intolerant of other opinions.

2.1. Fakhr al-niD al-Rizi'. Definition of Exegais

• Throughout history, Muslim scholars have employed the terms ta 'wil and taf~r to

refer to the interpretation of the Qur' an. In the Qur' in itsel( ta wil is mentioned fifteen

times and tafSir ooly once.60 There has been no agreement among scholars on whether

ta 'wil means the sarne ttûng as tafSir. When Qur'inic exegesis was first established as a

tradition, bath terms were used interchanseably, and ooly later did scholars disagree on

their relationship. Some, like 81-Tabarl and 81-ZamaksbarL used ta \vil to descnoe their

manner of elucidating the meaning of Qur'âme verses.61 In his Jâmi' al-Bayém ft Ta/Sir

59 For a discussion or hermeneuties, sec Farid Esadc, uQur'inic Hermencutics: Problcms and
~"TheMus/im Worlel. vol. 83, no. 2(1993), 118-41.
60 The term ta'wil is mentioncd twice cach Q. 3:7, 7:53, and once in cach oftberollowing verses:
4:59. 10:39, 12:6t 21. 36, 37t 44,45, l00 t 10l t 17:35, 18:78, and 82. The term ta/Sir is mcntioned only
once in Q. 25:33..
61 A1.Tabarl's Jami" DI-Bayanfl TaISira/-Qu,.-an is considcrcd the 5rst wrîlten work of la/Si,. on

• the cntire Qur'in. His taliir relies basically on the repons oC bis contemporaries who hacl a conncction
with pmious gencratiODS and eventually to Mul!ammad bimself or bis Companions. Howevert he ~
somctimes uses rational considerations in choosing which of the reportS is more probable.. AI·Tabari t

.!Qmr al-Bayin fi Ta/ii,. al-Qu,. mr (Beirut: Dar a1-Ma~rifàh. 1986/1987). McAulift'e rceis that this ta/Sir

47
• al-Qur 'an, al-Tabarl stated that such-and-such is an "interpretation" [ta wil) of certain

verses. Al-Zamakshari entitled bis monumental work on Qur'inic exegesis ai-KashshDf

'an 1!aqa'iq al-Taniil wa 'Uyün al-Aqawllft Wujüh ai-Tawf/. A1though he entitled bis

work with that name, this book is devoted to study tafSir. Abü ijimid al-GhazilI too

described as ta \vil bis discussion of certain verses which seemed to contradiet each

other. 62 This is to say that these scholars did not distinguish ta 'wli ftom lafSir. 63 Others

certainly maintained that the two terms meant dift"erent things. Ibn ~ Arabi, for example,

held that la wll signified the uncovering of esoteric meanings, and lafSir the exoteric

meanings ofthe text.64

In al-TafSir al-Kabir, al-RizI took both terms to refer to exegesis. He explained

that ta 'wll and tafiir are equivalent terms in the Qur'in - that "ta 'wil is, in faet, tafSir. ,165

• He further stated, U[Tawll and ta/sir] give the meaning of a statement. n66 One may

construe this statement as saying that tafSir or ta 'wfi is an effort to understand the meaning

of a statement by referring back to the text. To arrive at this definition, he considered the

etymology of the tenn law/l, which according to him is rooted in the verb al e'to

marks the beginniDg of the dassical period in the bistory of Qur'inic interprctation. Tbere bad been. in
fàct, a commentary by Muqitil b. SuJaymin. Yet, studies ofhis ta/ii, bas not been donc thoroughly. For
more information on tbis periodization, sec Jane Dammen McAuliffc, Qu, 'anic Christians: An Ana/ysis of
C/assica/ andModern Exegesis (Cambridge: cambridge University Press, 1991), 13·36.
Q lysa A. Bello, The Medieval/slamic Controve,sy between Philosophy and O,rodory: Ijma' and

Ta 'wtr in the Confltct between al-GhaziJt and Ibn RrLShd (Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1989), 52-4.
63 See Musi id Muslim ~ Abel AlIih Al Ja'far, Athar al-Tarawwu, al-Fikrlfi al-Ta/ii, fi al- :4-1' al-
6

"Abbast (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-RïsiIab, 1984),51.

64 Sce, for cxamplc, MuJwl al-Dfn Ibn 'Arabi, Tafif, al-lJu' 'an !JI-Karlm, ed. M~ Gbibb, 2
vols. (Beirut: Oâr al-Andalus, 1978); Abd al-Razzaq al-Qishini. Ta "wi/at a/-Qu,'an: Tafsir al.shaykh
6

.\lul!Yi al-Din ibn 'A,abi (Beirut: Dar al-Yaq~ al-'Arabin~ 1968); Na~ ijimid Abü Zay~ Falsa/at
al-Ta'wtl: Diiâsahfl Tawtl al-Qu,'an 'fnd Mu1Jyt a/-Dtn b. :4,abl (Beinlt: Dâr al-Tanwir. 1983), 361-

• 416•
5S Al-tizi. a/-Tafii,al-Kabi" vol. 7, 176.

" Ibid.
• retum")." Therefore, ta -WII is both the source and the destiny of something (wa al-ta wil

marja' a/-shay' wa m~ruh). '1

Al-RizI employed certain tools to determine the reference of a text, through which

its meanings might be grasped. Tbese tools were essentia11y Hnguistics, the ~'traditional

sciences," and philosophy. Linguistic theory was useful whenever he needed to consider

the literai meaning of certain expressions in his explanation. 69 This alIowed hint to

differentiate fiterai from figurative senses, and their concrete from their abstract senses. In

doing so, he often referred to the worles of previous scholars in this field. In addition to

this proces$, he also relied on the traditional sciences, which include all the fields that

directIy relate to the Qur' in - abrogation (a/-naskh), occasions of revelation (asbab al-

firm and ambiguous verses (al-mul1/camat wa a/-mutashabihDt), and

•
nuzül),

interconnectedness among verses (irtibal al-ayat). We will come back ta this point in

Chapter Three. Last but not leut, he also had recourse to bis philosophical notions, as

weU. In faet, Many scholars have characterized bis taf~r as being lypical of philosophical

lafSir. He compared the literal meanings of certain verses with bis general understanding

of Islamic doctrines taugbt in the traditional sciences. and in doing 50 had to rely on logie

and philosophical notions.

Clearly. al-Rïzi used taf~r and la 'wfl to mean exegesis in general. In bis

interpretation of verse 3:34. he described bis exegesis as ta 'wfL 70 For him, any effort -

including linguistic, philosophical, tbeological and logical argumentation- to interpret the

67 Ibid.

• "Ibid., vol. 14, 95.

69 Ibid.. voL 8t 24.
70 Ibid., 24.
• meaning of a text is exegesis. Such an understanding MaY be seen in bis al-Ta/Sir al-

Kablr. which deals with many subjects besides exegesis of the Qur' an. This is true of ail

bis exegetical worles, which for this very reason drew criticism trom such figures as Ibn

Taymiyyah, who remarked that al-RizI's al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir contained everything but

ta/Sir. 71 Although this is hardly true, al.Rizi does acknowledge that ta/Sir formed ooly

pan of its contents. In al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir, he says, "Sinee we have been familiarized with

these [functions of mutashabihat], let us tum back to taft/r." This implied that bis

previous explanation about the function of mutashizbihizt did not constitute tafstr. Similar

statements are found in bis interpretation ofthe verse 3:103 - where he says, "Let us tum

back to tafSir," having explained the organization ofthis verses. 71

•
In addition, al-RizI uses the term ta 'wil to Mean an explanation that is slightly

different trom the geoeraI reference of a statement. Tc simplify, it May be said that ta -wil

explains a statement, whose ;Qhir meaning does oot make sense. This is observable in bis

interpretation of the verse 3:106. Raving divided people in the Hereafter into '1hose with

white faces" and ''those with black faces," this verse begins with an explanation of the

second group, wbich asks, "Did ye rejeet Faith after accepting it?" Al-RizI expresses two

views on this. First, he considers the literai sense: since everyane is bam believing in Gad,

the question implies "Did you disbeHeve after you believed [in Me]?" Second, he considers

the figurative sense: "Did you disbelieve after evidence had required you to believe [in

Me]?"n He cites two Qur'ânic verses to support the shift trom the literai to the figurative

•
71 Sec Jane Dammen McAuli1f'e. Qu,. tânic Ch,.istians. 68; al-SafadJ. waft. 4:254; al.Râz)" af-
Ta/Si, al.Kablr. vol 7. 172; lbicL. vol 8. 171.
71lbicl
13 Ibid... 183-4.

50
• sense ofverses 3:70 and lOS. In short, in sorne instances he uses the tenn ta'wfl to refer

to the figurative rneaning of a statement.

2.2. The Sources of Fakhr al-Dia aI-Rizits Esegesis

This section focuses on the rnaterials which Rizl used in his interpretation of the

Qur' an. We shall anticipate the possibility of a confliet between sorne sources and others.

In other tenns, this section will seek an answer to the following questions: What materiaIs

are used in al-Rizi's interpretation of the Qur'in? And what sources does he prefer in his

exegesis?

• 2.2.1. Revelation and Reason

Fakhr al-D'in al-RizI based bis interpretation of the Qur'an on revealed sources,

frequently quoting other verses ta explain the texts he was interpreting. This method,

known by the expression al-Qur 'Qnu yufassiru ba 'quhü ba'qa (uthe Qur' in explains itself

by itself' or "sorne parts of the Qur' in can be used to interpret the other parts"), had in

faet been used by previous exegetes,74 such as al-Tabarl, al-Zamakhs11at"L and al-Tabarsi.

Two reasons, at least, seem to have motivated al-RizI to use this method. First, he

regarded the Qur'in as an integral text, where one part cannat be understood in isolation

ftom another. Ibn Taymiyyah says that "what is given in a general way in one place is

explained in detail in another place. What is given brietly in one instance is expanded in

• 74 Issa J. BoulIata, "Modem Qur'in Exegesis: A Study ofBint al-Sbipus Metbod,." The Mus/im
World, 64 (1974), 103-13. Sec aIso Abdel HaIecm. "Context and Internai Relationships: Keys to Quranic
Exegesis; A Study of Sirat al-Raipnin (the Qur'in chapter SS)," in Approaches to the Qur ·ân. 71.

51
• another."" By this method, he supposed, Gad's intention could come to be thoroughly

known. Secondly, the Qur'in, as Muslims see it, is a text, 76 so tbat its study is tantamount

ta studying a text, and interconnectedness or intertextuality is considered the best way to

pursue sueh a study.77

Al-RizI quoted Qur'inie verses not only for the purpose ofclarification, but also to

advance bis argument. Overall, his use ofother Qur'&nie verses had three objectives: first,

to identify the general sense of a given text, the parts of which he then explained; second,

to give a more objective interpretatian; and third, to suggest solutions for difficulties

associated with the verse at band.

Al-Rizi considered the prophetie traditions7• he employed when interpreting the

•
Qur' in a valid source. Because the Prophet Mw,ammad was proteeted from committing

any wrongdoing (ma '~m), 79 bis sunnah or lJadith could legitimately be used to interpret

the Qur' in.1O As a source, I1adiths may be consulted not ooly in order to determine the

75 Taqf al-Din AlJmad b. •Abd a1-ijaÜm Ibn Taymiyyah, Mllqaddimah ft UfÜl QI-TQf~" ed.
Fawwi:z AIpnad zamarii (Bcirut: Dar Ibn IJazm, 1994). 84.
76 See Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, Klraiq al-Qu,'an bayn al·MII'tazi!ah wa Ahl al-Srmnah, 19.

77 Abde1 Haleem, "Context and Internai Relationships: Keys ta Quranic Exegesis; A Study of
Sùrat al-Rahmin (the Qur'ân cbapter 55)." in Approachu to the Qu,'an. 73. For these rea5Ons, this
metbod is sim operative today. Andrew Rippin, "Tafsir,ti in ER. vol. 14. 238-9, and 242-3. ~ A'ishah
•Abd al-Ra~miD, a Muslim woman acgde oftbis ccntury. known by the epitbet Bint al-Sbip'. considers
tbis metbod the utmOSl metbodological principle in interpreting the Qur'in. Her exegetical metbods ~
in fa~ derivcd from her husband's work. For more cletail~ sec AmÏn al-KhülÏ, ManQhij al.Tajdid ft a/-
Nalpv wa al-Ba/âghah wa al.Taf~,wa al-Adab «(CaUo): Dar al-Ma'rifah, 1961). 302-14.
,. Scbolars use the terms SIlnnah and Itadlth interchangeably to mer to prophetie traditions,
which inc1ude the Prophet's sayings and bebavior. However, the nature of these tenns have long been
debatecL
'9 Fakhr al-Dio al-RW,. "Jsmat a/-Anbiyâ' (Cairo: Maktabat aI-Madani, 1987)~ 40. Sec aIso
Aloysius Adisepuua. "The Doctrine ~fthe Impeccability orthe Prophet as Elucidatecl by Fakhr al-Dio al·

•
Rizi," (MA thesis. McGill University, 1984).
10 Fakhr al-Din al-RaD. Fi 11m Upl al-Fiqh. ed. Tihi Jibir al·~Al_ vol. 3 (Riyadh: !-ainat
al-B1Ihüth wa al-Ta'1Ïfwa al..Tarjamah wa al-Nashr. 1979). S19-30; Ibn Taymiyyah, Mllqaddimah fi UfÜl
al-Ta/Sir. 84.

52
• meanings of certain terms in the Qur'in, but also to discover the aJiacÏith which centain

specifie regulations that differ from those ofthe Qur' an. ll On the latter point, he believed

that prophetie traditions accepted on the authority of many Companions (mutawatir) could

abrogate the Qur'in,12 for the Prophet's tradition is based on God's revelation, and is thus

protected trom ail error.13 On abrogation, however, a1-Rizi does not say mucb; the

problems arising from it, such as whether it is the texts themselves or their meanings that

are abrogated, remain unsolved.

In addition to other Qur'inie verses and prophetic traditions, al-RizI depended

heavily on rational considerations. Sorne examples serve to confirm this. First of all, the

structure of bis al-TafSir al-Kabir shows that al-RizI was concemed to investigate sorne

difficulties surrounding our understanding of the Qur' an. Not ooly does he explore these

• difticulties, but he suggests possible solutions.

Second, whenever he round verses that did not seem to accord with each other, he

proposed a set of variables. He established the theoretical proposition that truth May be

reached ooly through solid argumentation. He argued in favor of the literai aspect of the

Qur'in on linguistie grounds. The text, according to ~ can be ~, ~ir, mu 'awwal,

mushtaraJc. or mujmal. 14 He defines ntL1~ as a statement (laf;) having a single connotation.

Il R. Marston Speigbt claims that ~adïth constitutes a primary element in Qur'in comme,!ltary,
especially in conncction wim asbâb al-nfIZÜ/. Sec R. Marston Speight, "The Fune:tion of qadilh as
Commentary on the Qur'in, as Seen in the Six Authoritatïve CoUections," in App,oaches to the H;slory of
the Interpretation o/the Qur'in, ed. Andrew Rippin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988),63-81. This daim,
howevcr, seems to disregarcl the fact that in their interpretation oC the Qur'in, e.xegeles paid considerable
attention to intertextua1 reCerenœ.
n Al-RizI, Fi tllm UfÜI al-Fiqh. 519-30.

•
13 For more discussion on the ·i.pnah of the Prophet Mul)ammad,. sec al-RizL tIf'IIal a/-Anbiya·•
37-56 and 137-58. !ce aIso al-Rizi, "al-Mas'aJat al-Tbïniyah wa al-Tbalith~" in .4,bo 1n Ji UfÜ/ a/-
Din. ed. A1)macl ~jizI al-Saqâ, vol. 1 (Cairo: Maktabat al-KuJlin'it al-Azhariyyah. 1987), 115-76.
84 Sec al-Rizf, a/-Ta[ii,a/.Xabi,. vol. 7, 168.

53
• ?Oh;r, on the other band, is similar to mu 'awwal, which is a statement with more tban one

connotation, but with a single preferred meaning. Nevertheless ;Qhir is a statement with

the preferred meaning, while mu 'awwa/ is a statement with a less preferred meaning.

When a statement has more than one meaning and tbere are no grounds for preferring one

over the others, it is calIed either mushtaralc or mujma/. It is called mushtaralc if the text

stands alone, and mujmaf. if it is accompanied by other texts, themselves detinable as

mujma/. According to al-Rizi, ;ahir is similar to ntl.f~ in the sense that a text 50 descnoed

offers certainty (qat CI), while mu 'awwa/, mushtarak. and mujma/ cannot. These latter

categories (mutashabihDt) are, therefore, unreliable. In the case of a ;Qhir text, however,

it remains difficult to determine which one is mul1lcam and which one is mUlashilbih. 85

Conceming this difticulty, al-IWi established the rule that "to change a statement

• tram ;ahir to mu 'awwal. there should be an independent argument, either textual or

rational.,,86 In the first place, changing ;ilhir to mu 'owwa/ involves textual argument,

which is considered valid ooly if the ;Ohir is replaced by a certain text (ntl.f.f qat -,). For

example, the verse 17:16 says, "If Gad wants to destroy a village, He asles the people of

the village [to commit sinsl,50 that they commit sins." This verse, which linguistical1y

speaking seems clear enough, is renderred less 50 by a certain text (,,~~ qa,-i) which

reads: "Indeed, Gad does not ask ta commit sins ffal1sha 1." By contrast, it is considered

invalid to replace one ;ahir with another ~ir. This is because, according ta al.RizI,
textual argumentation does not always yield certainty.

• l'Ibid., 169. Compare wim al·Rizi, Asas a/-Taqdïs. 232.

16 Ibid.

54
• 2.2.2. The Priority of Reason Over Revelation

Al-Rizi was not the tirst scholar to discuss the confliet between revelation and

reason. 17 The split between Ash'arites and Mu'tazilites developed primarily over this

matter. An endless debate between them ensued over the issue of human fteedom. Basing

tbeir arguments essentially on a rational understanding of the Qur'in, the Mu'tazilites

alleged that human beings had complete fteedom of will and of action. The Ash'arites

held, on the other hand, that although human beings could distinguish good ftom evil, God

retained His power over them; if He wished their will to be other than what it was, they

were powerless to prevent it.

Al-R&zi was the first to discuss the confliet between revelation and reason in a

hypotbetical demonstration. l ' In bis view, both revelation and reason were sources of

• knowledge; neither one invalidated the other. 89 However, in the event of contlict between

them, reason had to be given priority. This is because "the validation of the scriptural

evidence depends on the validity of rational demonstration."9O Rational evidence, which

17 AJbeny cIiscusses al 'luite seme length the development of the contliet between revdation and
reason. For a discussion of the origin and early deveJopment of this confliet, see A.I. Arberry, Revelation
and Reason in Is/am (London: George Allen. 19S7).
a Nicholas Heer cIiscusses al·Rizit s treabDeDt of verses wbich are in contliet either with other
verses or with reason. He al50 discusses al·Rizi's influence on the later Muslim theologians
(mlltakallimin), sucb as al-TaftizinI (d. 79UI389). and al-IurjinÎ (d. 816/1413). Nicholas Heer. "The
Priority or Reason in the Interpretaùon of Scripture: Ibn Taymfyah and the MutakallimÜD," in Literary
Heritage ofClassical Islam: Arabie and Is/amie SlrIdies in Honor ofJames A. Be/lamy, cd. Mustansir Mir
(Princeton. New Iersey: Darwin Press, 1993), 181-95.
19 Al.Riz} was very much intluenced by al-Mâturidi, in the sense that the latter had made a
synthesis between tradition (naql) and reason ('aq/). Not ooly was he able to balance revelation with
reason. he showcd the validity or reason within the context of Islamic tradition. One of the most profound

•
findings of this Ash~arite sc:holar is bis theory of knowledge. On al-Mâturidits religious ideas, Mustafa
Cerié, RoolS of Synthetic The%gy in Islam: Ji Stlldy 01 the The%gy ofAbU. Man~r Q/.uQturidi (d.
J33194.{) (Kuala Lumpur: International InsIitute oflslamic Thought and Civilizaûon, 1995).
go Al-Râzi. al-MasQ 'il a/-Khamsin (C8iro: al·Maktab al-Tbaqi.t 1989). 329-87.
• yielded certain knowledge (yatin), had to be given priority over probable knowledge

Fakhr aI-Dk al..Rizi asserted that if decisive rational evidence (ai-dala 'il al-

qat 'iyyah al- 'aq/iyyah) established something to be tnle, and we then round that the literai

interpretation of scriptural evidence (ai-adillah aI..naqliyyah) indicated the contrary, there

were four possible ways out ofthis contradiction. Ofthese, the first three were as follows.

First, "the implications of both reason and scripture may be affirmed;" second, "the

implications of both reason and scripture may be rejeeted;" third, "the scriptural evidence

may be affirmed and the rational evidence denied.,,91 The first and second options, in al..

Rizi's view, are impossible, because they require either the affirmation or denial of two

•
contradictory propositions. He sees the third alternative as impossible tao, because

Muslims cannat know the validity of the scriptural evidence unIess they know it through

rational proof (ai-dala 'il aI-'aq/iyyah). In short, therefore, 4'it is c1ear that impugning

reason [a/-qadl!.fi al- 'aql] in arder ta validate the scripture leads one ta impugn bath

reason and scripture, and that is absurd [a/_bapl]."n Since these three options are ail

impossible, there remains onIy one, that on the basis of what is entailed by the decisive
U

rational evidence, either that the scriptural evidence cannot be said ta be sound [FI/fI/l, or

it can be said ta be sound but what was intended by it is not its literai meaning [ghayr

~ah;rihâ]."93 For this contradiction between rational and scriptural evidence, al-Rizi

suggested two solutions: first, to interpret the scriptural text allegorically and in agreement

• 91 Al-RizL ÂStis al-Taqdfs. 220-L

9% Ibid.. 210.

93 Ibid.
• with rational evidence;M second, to entnlst its meaning ta Gad.95 Clearly, allegorica1

interpretation essentially amounts to an interpretation which is not based on the preferable

meaning (;ahir), but on a secondary meaning (mu 'QWWal).

Al-RiZf provided a set of conditions for judging whether or not a text yielded

certain knowledge. He says that the language of the text -- i.e., its vocabulary, syntax

(naJ,w), accidence (~arfJ, must he known for certain. The intent (irOdah) of the speaker,

he asserts, must likewise be beyond doubt. Dnly if there is no chance of altemate

meanings can the intention of the speaker be known for certain. 96 Another condition that

he bas set is that there should be no decisive scriptural counter-argument ('adam al...

mu "u;c{ al-naqii al-qa,'i). Ifthere is such an argument, then, as he mentioned earlier, "the

verbatim text wouId bave to be interpreted allegorically" (yajibu Fifu t;_~iri

•
's-

sam 'fyyt ila 't-ta 'wtl).91

94 i"akhr al-Dia al.RizL al-Arba 'in ft UfÛJ al-Dln (Cairo= Maktabat al·Kulliyyit al-Azhariyyah.
1987),417.
95 Ibid., 417. Sec aIso Nic:bolas Heer, "The Priority of Reason in the Interpretation of Sc:ripture:
Ibn Taymlyah and the Mutakal1im~" 185. ConœmiDg the second solutio~ he suggests, that il is
obvious that il is Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's tbeological alliance (Asb~arite) that speaks.
96 Compare wim Bcmard Lonergan, Method in The%gy (Toronto= University of Toronto Press,
1994), 155-65. He mainrains that in the field of henneneutics, there are three basic principles to be
considered: first, understanding the tex!; second, judging the c:orrectness of the understanding; and third,
stating the correct understanding of the tat. In orcier to understand the te.û. one needs to pay attention to
the abject mentioned in the te.,1. to the words, to the autbor of the tC-'1. and to the proc:ess of

•
understanding.
91 AI-Rizi. a/·Maso .;/ al-Khamsin. 329-87. Nicholas Heer. "The Priority of Reason in the
Interpretation of Saipture: Ibn Taymlyah and the MutakaJljmw.." in Literary Heritage ofClassica/ Islam:
Arabie and Is/amic Strldfes in Ronor ofJamesA. Bel/amy. 183.

57
• 2.3. The Scope of Fakhr a1-DID al-Rizi's Exegesis

Fakhr al-D'in al-R'zI's exegesis is best known for its wide range. Al-Ta/Sir al-

Kabl, is considered encyclopedie," and al-RizI said to be "the greatest figure in the

history ofexegesis.,,99 His creative understanding ofthe Qur'in, the reasons for wbich are

discussed in chapter one, is retlected in bis inclusion of ManY "secular sciences" ioto bis

tafstr. ln bis interpretation of Qur'inic verses, he used not only other Qur'inic verses,

prophetie traditions, and linguistics, but also "seeular sciences." In bis al-TafSir al-Kabir,

as Johns observes, one finds "theology, philosophy, evidence of marvelous spirituality,

extraordinary dialectic skill, Shifi'ite fiqh, and a love of stories and story-telling."lOO

Lammens states that al-Râzi "bas insened in bis rambling commentary literary, philosophie,

•
juridic, and other dissertations, veritable monographs having nothing in common with

exegesis." 101

This richness may be illustrated by the following examples. In the introduction to

ms interpretation of verses 3:102-3, al-Râzi asserts that human action is motivated by

either punishment or reward (fi 'lu '/- 'abdi /a budda wa-an-yaküna mu 'a//alan imma bi ',-

rahbah wa-imma bi- ',-,aghbah). Punishment sbould precede reward, because "daf' al-

qmar muqaddœnun 'a/a ja/hi 'n-naj'. ,,102 For this reason, the verses ask believers to

91 See MaIpnüd. Basyüni Füdah. Nash ~at al-Taftir wa Manahijuh fi Qaw· al·MadhQhib al-
Is/âmiyyah (Cairo: MaJba~at a1·Amana h• 1986). 194.
99 Anthony Rearle JobDs, MOn Qur'inîc Exegetes and Exegesis: A Case Stucly in the
Transmission of Islamic Leaming, in Islam: Essays on ScrlplU1'e. Thought and Society; A Festschrlft in
t9

Hanau, ofAnthony H. Johns. 10-1.

100 Ibid.

lot H. Lammens, Islam: Beliels and Institutions. trans. Sir. E. Denison Ross (Frank Cass:

• Londo~ 1968)~ 45. Lammens' statement. bowever. i5 Dot basecl on a propcr e.~tion of al·Râzi"s
wode.. but possibly on Ibn :r~"s criticism. stated in many biographical wo~ oC al-Rizl's position.
Sec. for e.umpl~ al-$aCadi. Wiift. 4:254.
101 Sec al-Rizi, al-Ta/if, a/-Kabl,. vol. 8. 171.

51
• praetice taqwa, to adopt Islam, to hold fast to the rope of Gad,103 and then to remember

His grace, in that arder. 104 Al-Rizi a1so says that the mention of the rewards in this world

should go before that of the hereafter. 105 These statements worm us that in addition to

exegesis he brings in arguments trom al least three disciplines -- namely, psychology ('i/m

a/-nofs), Islamic jurisprudence (u~1 al-ftqh), and rhetoric (balaghah).

Al-Rizi clearly takes this attitude when interpreting the Qur'an's opening chapter

(SÜTat al-FanlJah). He claims that there are about one million points of discussion in the

phrase a/-hqmdu li t//Qh of the second verse: "al-~amdu li- 'l/ahi mushtamilun 'ala alft

a/ft mas'a/atin, aw-akthara aw-aqa/l. ,,106 To support this position, he relates the

interpretation of this phrase to all kinds of benefits which Gad grants to human beings. 107

•
For an example, he explaines that a human being consists of spirit (nofs) and body

(badDn). Body, which is the less advantageous, is created for more than tive thousand

benefits. Thus, at least ten thousand benefits (Jtikmah) are linked to the creation of a

human being; aIl ofwhich should be covered in any interpretation of al-hqmdu li tl/ëzh. IOI

It seems that al-Rizi's inclusion of themes ftom various disciplines into bis ta/Sir
book wu derived tram bis basic assumption that the truth of the Qur'in can be examined

through every discipline. This is due to the faet that the Qur'ïn speaks about a wide range

103Aller descnbing many opinions conœming the meaning of the rope of God, al-Riz{ concludes
tbat it meaDS everytbing tbat leads to the truth. It seems to me tbat this signifies that everything.
including science. might be considered the rope of Gad if il lads to the truth. AI-Rizi, a/..Ta[iir a/.Kabir
t

vol. 8, 173.
lOot Ibicl, 171.
lOS Ibicl, l7S.

•
106 Ibid. vol. 1. 6.
101 Fakhr al-Dln al-Rïzi cites Q. 31:20 and 45:13. which reads: wa sakhkhara /akum mi.fi S..
samawali va mip "/"4
te. Sec al-RizI, al..Ta[iir a/..Kabïr. vol. 1,6.

st
• of subjectS. 109 This assumption does not negate bis basic idea that the Qur' in is a religious

document, the essence of which is the bellef that what Gad says therein constitutes the

truth. Rather, al-Rizi held that rellgious truth could be reached by employing severa!

disciplines, including the "non-religious sciences."

1.4. The Emphases in Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizl's Exegesis

One May see ftom the previous discussion that al-Rizi based his interpretation of

the Qur' in on the bellef that everything in the Qur' in was truthful. Given this faet, it

would be interesting to see whether or not bis interpretations aimed at rationally proving

the truth ofthe ofthe Qur' in.

• In many instances, al-Riz! availed himselfoftheological support. This is evident in

bis interpretations of verses 3:31, 33, 40, 122, and 159 - which he interpreted in such a

way as to support the notion of the impeccability of the prophets (~Ipnat a/-anbiya ).110

Al-Riz! maintained that the prophets were proteeted ftom every wrongdoing (mah.fü~

minjamt' a/-ma'Qii1. 11l Obviously, he stated in bis 'I~at al-AnbiyQ' that the prophets

were protected (ma '~mün) trom intentionally committing either minor or major sins

109 Dividing the contents orthe Qur'in ioto doctrine and conduet. Mustansir Mir summarizes the
vast scope of the Qurtin as foUows: "The Qur'in deals with a vast number of subjec:ts ~ ethical,
philosophica1, metaphysicaJ, social, politic:aJ. and economic." See Mustansir Mir, Diclionary ofQu,. 'anic
Tenns and Concepts (New York and London: Garland Publisbing, 1987), 174.
110 The term 'if"lah in the Arabie Ie.~con meaus "preventîng." In Islamie disco~ this tenu
stands for a doctrine which holds that the prophets wcre told they would he preventecl by God ftom
committing sin. Therefore. this docttine does Dot mean tha! the pro,phets wc!c of thcir own nature
infalbble, but only by the will and the power of God. see al-Râzit al-Talsir a/·Kabir. vol. 8t 170. Sce a1so
Ibn ~, Lisan al- tA,.ab a/.Muliit. ed. ~ Abel Allih al-~ AliyilÏ and Yüsul Khayyif, vol. 4 (Bcirut: Dar

•
al-Jil and Dar al-Lisin al·~Arabt 1988), 798. Tbere are many English translation of this tenu such as
impcccable infàllible, and sïnless. In this ~ these tenns are used interchangeably.
9

111 Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, a/·Masi"il a/·Khamsin ft UfÜl a/·DÏn {Cairo: al-Maktab al-Thaqifi,
1989)t 66.
• ("inna 'I-Anbiya a 'a/ayhimu '~-~/atu wa- 's-salamu ma '~mUna
J ft ZQmani 'n-nubuwwati
'ani- '/-kabD 'ir WQ- 'f-~ghQ'iTi bi- '1- ~amd').1l2 To support this doctrine, al-RitI relied on

certain Qur'inic verses, best described by Sabine Schmidtke as follows:

On the basis of reason, al-Riri argued that if [a prophet] were to commit a

sin man would either have to follow him or not. Bath possibilities,
however, are unacceptable. He argued further that since the prophets
occupya higher rank in relation to God and receive greater bounty (ni'ma)
from Hint than others, the punishment they would deserve for a sin would
be more severe than that of ordinary men. Al-Rizi argued further that if
the prophets were to commit sins, their testimony (shahada) would no
longer be acceptable to god. This would be in confliet with Qur'an [49:6]
where men are wamed not to accept the witness of a liar. He also argued
that if the prophets were to commit sins, men would be obliged to rebuke
them on the basis of the Qur' wc obligation of "commanding what is
proper and prohibiting what is reprehensible" (al-amr bi-l-ma'rùfwa-l-nahy
'an al-munkar). This would disagree with Qur'an [33:57] where men are
wamed not to hurt the prophets. 113

• In order to support the doctrine of if1'lah, al-Rizi prescribes some steps, aU of

which are deduced ftom bis understanding of certain verses in the Qur' an. First of aU, he

asserts that there are four kinds of creatures: angels, jinn, Satan, and human beings. Of

these four, human beings are the most excellent, even compared to angels. This higher

degree is inferred ftom Gad's command to the angels to bow down to Adam, who wu

human. Secondly, al-RizI argues that there are ditTerent levels of human beings,

depending on their morta! and spiritual strengths. Sînce the prophets, for instance, had

extraordinary charaeters, they were better than ordinary people. This classification applies

to the prophets too, in the sense that some prophets occupied higher positions than otherst

as indicated by the Qur'in 3:33. The next point ofbis argument is that Gad asks people to

• 112 Al-Riz!, ·l~Qt al-Anbiyâ·. 40.

113 Sabine Schmidtke. The Theo/ogy ofal· ~4I1QmQ a/-Ifi/Ii (d. 72611325) (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz
Verlag,. 1991), 1"7.

61
• foUow the prophets; this is a precondition for Gad's guidance. It would be impossible for

the prophets to accept this duty, had they not had exceptional characters. The command

to follow the prophets, in al-RizI's view, wouId not make any sense if the prophets had the

potential to corrupt the messages revealed to them. This argument implies that everything

the prophets said and did accorded with God's messages, without any personal

intelVention. In what follows, we shall see how al-Riz! interpreted the Qur' in in keeping

with bis views on the prophets' ;~ah.

Al-Rizi interprets verse 3:31 as a command to follow MuI}ammad. This command

is not an explicit part of the Prophet's teachings, but a logical consequence of admitting

the prophethood ofMu1)ammad. In a wider context, it is a consequence of one's love of

•
God. 1l4 Human beings' love for Gad is perfect only ifthey foUow the prophets. l15

Conceming verse 3:33, al-Riz! says that Gad has chosen some people - namely,

Adam, N~ the household of IbrâbIm, and the household of 'Imrïn - as His best

creatures. He maintaines that these people were better (aftfal) than angels or any other

creature. l !6 God chose them because their charaeters were free of defects and because of

their refined manners. These prophets, according to hiJn, excelled in their moral and

spiritual strengths.111 Since they were the chosen people, they must have been impeccable

(ma '~mün). III

114 Al-Rizi. a/-TQf~' al-Kahi,.. voL 8. 18.

115 Ibid, 20.
116 Ibid~ 21.
117 a,-plaining theit c.'(ceptional strengths, Fakhr al-oin al·Rizi quoted al-I:lalImi's Kilab a/-
.\-finhaj. in which the latter emphasizes the distinction between the mona! and spiritual strengths of

• ordinary people and thosc oC the prophets. Un1ikc ordinary peopl~ the prophets had perfect and pure
souts, called a/-nais a/-qudsiyyah al-nabawiyyah. This, according to ~ is because t.hey emanate fiom
Qod's $ouL Ibid, 22-3.
111 Al-Rizi~ 1~at a/-Anbiyi t. 44.

61
• In the case ofverse 3:159, al-Rïzi advocates the idea that the Prophet Mu~ammad

was the best human being, and 50 the best creature. 119 Citing Many other verses in

support, he ISserts that Mu~ammad' s tender attitude towards ail MUSÜlnS, including those

who did not foUow bis orders during the Battle of ~ud, was evidence of bis good

charaeter (kQna akmala 'l-/chalqi fi /pJsni '1_/chu/uq).120 Al-Riz! held that MuQammad's
soul was like that of an ange~ having no desire to pursue either personaI or material

ambitions. In other words, bis was the MOst exalted and perfect soul (wa /cimat nafsuhü

'/-muqaddasatu ft ghQyati '/-ja/a/ati wa '/_komal).121

This theological emphasis in al-Rïzi's exegesis is evidence that he favored 'ilm al-

u~1 (theology), and indeed he says 50 in bis interpretation of verse 3:18. In that

•
interpretation he aflirms that God, His angels, and those possessed of knowledge (ulil '/-

'i/ml aU beu witness to the unity ofGod (walldimiyyatah). Stating that ulü '1_ ';lm means

those who know His unity through indubitable evidence (al-Iadhtna 'arajU

waJ1dimiyyatahü hi- 'd-dala 'il; '/-qat; 'ah), al-Rizl affirmed that this verse indicates the

high position oftheologians ( 'u/amo ' al_u,ü/).l22

In ASTar a/-Tanz/I, he adopted a simiIar stance. First of aU, he divided aU

knowledge into the religious and the non-religious sciences. Examples ofthe tirst category

are theology, exegesis, prophetie tradition, and Islamic jurisprudence; those of the second

category are physics, mathematics, and medicine. 1D Usmg several Qur' inic verses, he

119 Al.Rizi~ al.Ta/Si,. al-Kabl,.. vol. 8~ 61; Ibid.~ 62.

1:0 Ibid~ 61.

•
l:n Ibid~ 62.
ln Ibid, vol 7~ 220.
123 Fakhr aI-Dfn aI.Rizf, bi,al-Taniil wa Anwir a/-Ta wil. ecL AIpnad IJijm al.Saqqi (Bcirut:
Dira1-J~ 1992)~ 30-1.

63
• concluded that the declaration of Gad's oneness (tawI17d) was advanced before a code of

conduet (shari'ah) had been established, and considered 'ilm al..u~1 the MOst honorable

science, on which depended the validity of every other religious science. An exegete,

according to him, cannot produce a true and reliable interpretation if he does not master

film al..~/. He based this argument on the idea that the "root" (~l. pl. u~l) is more

important than the branch (jar' pl. juTÜ .). He presents other arguments in support of this
t

idea - (1) the idea that film Ql-u~l deals with Almighty God and related issues,124 while

other religious sciences are a consequence of the acceptance of tawliid. and (2) the idea

that unlike other religious sciences, 'ilm al..u~1 does not allow abrogation and change

through time and place. l2S

In bis interpretation o~ verse 3:101, al-Rizi discussed two opinions conceming

• human fteedom of will and of aet. l26 He tirst presents the idea of the Ahl al-Sunnah.

whom he calls our ftiends (tq~abuna). The Ahl al-Sunllah held that God created human

actions (annaji'la '/-'abdi makhlüqun).127 Gad's creation, however, does not take place

directly, but by way ofa motive within the heart. Since human actions materialize through

a motive (dQ'iyah) and since God creates this motive, it follows that God creates the

124 Although he raised the Slatus of reaso~ al·Rizi wu aware of its limitations. In bis Agar a/-
Tamil, he decla:res tbat there was no way for reason to know the essence of God. Sec al-RizI, Asrar al·
Taniil wa AnwiT a/-TawÎI, 131.
1:!S Ibicl., 31-2.

1~ In bis examination of al-RâzI·s discussion of controversial issues, Munada A. Muhibbu-Din

concludes mat the issue of ftecwill and predestination is considered controversial !rom many perspectivest
50ch as "the standpoint of the basic and speculative sciences." "!.he e.ulta!i0n of Gad Alnùghty," and ~e
principle of Divine Unity." Muhibbu-Din. ~Imim Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi: Philosophic:al Theology in al-

•
Tafsir al-Kabir." Hamdard Islamicus, vol. 17. no. 3 (1994).. 80-1. See also Murtada A. Mubibbu-Dïn,
"The Pbilosophica1 Tbeology in the Tafsir of Imim Fakhr al-Din at-Rizi" (M.PhiL dissertatio~ University
oflbadan. 1983), 116-42.
121 Al-Rizi, al-Torii,. al-Kabi,. vol. 8. 170.
• actions. 121 Al-Rari Dext presents the four Mu'tazilite views on this matter. The first is al-
QafFil's idea of an additional tendency to perform la 'at (obedience); the second, that men

are guided ta the straight path; the third, that whoever upholds God is guided on the way

towards Paradise; and the fourth, Zamakhsharl's bellef is that whoever upholds Gad has

already gained guidance. l29 Unlike the Mu'tazilites, however, al-Rizi seemed ta advocate

the idea that human beings were not ftee either to will or te aet.

In bis interpretation of verses 3:106-7, al-Rizi considers the doctrine of the

intermediate position (al-mann/ah bayn al-manzilatayn), one of the five Mu'tazilite

principles. 130 Basing bimself on these and related verses, he argues for the Ash'arite

position, which is that mu1u:l/lafs are divided into believers (who will enter paradise) and

•
unbelievers (who will enter bell). There is no mention of an "in-between position"

anywhere in the Qur'in. In this connection, be cites al-Qi4Ï 'Abd al-Jabbir's answer to

this objection, saying that the mention of two kinds of faces in the hereafter is stated in

uncertain terms (nakirah), which cannet be generalized. 131

Conceming verse 3:103, al-Rizi argues that there is only one tnlth in Islam, in

accordance with which Gad commands MusÜIDs to unite and forbids them ta divide. 132

Referring ta this truth, he quotes a prophetie tradition which reads: "My people will be

12Ilbicl.. 175.
129lbicl.. 170.
130 Initiated by J1asan al-Bafri (d. 728). the Mu tazilah was an Islamic movemcnt tbat supponed
l

the superiority oC reason. There are basical1y five prindples which every Mu~tazi1ite holds. namelyt QI·
rawltid. QI- 'adl. Q/-mQnzi/ah bayn QI..manzilQtayn. a/-wa 'd wa al-wa"id. and Ql..amr bi al-ma '!üf wa al-
nahy 'an al-munmr. For more discussion on these prindplest see the translation of al-Qi4i ~ Abel al-
Jabbirts Kitab al-U~I a/..Khamsah in Richard C. Marti~ Mark R. Woodward. and D\\i S. Aunaj~

•
Dejénden ofReason in Islam: Mu 'tazilfsm from Medieval School to A/odem Symbol (Oxford: Oneworld..
1997). 90-115.
131 Al-Rizi. a/-Ta/Sir a(-KIlbir. voL 8. 181.

131lbid.. 174.

65
• divided into seventy two groups; one group will be saved and the others will be in hell."

The one group that will be saved is the jama 'ah, i.e., that ofthe Prophet, bis Companions

and an who foUow them. 133 It is clear to him that there is on1y one absolute truth, though,
t

he seems to say that such an assertion would work ooly on the level of theologyt not on

that of"reality."

• 133 H~ he seems to point to the tnlth of the Ash~arite version of Ahl al-Sunnah wa al.Jamâ'ah.
or the Sunnite branch ofIslam. Ibid.. 174.
• Ch.pter Three:

Methodologieal Principles

of Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi's Interpretation of the Qur'in

Having studied Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi's basic assumptions regarding the Qur'in, 1 will now

discuss severa! principles1 of bis Qur' in interpretation covered by the following themes:

structure of ta/Sir, clear and ambiguous verses, abrogation, occasions of revelation,

openings of chapters, and variant readings. The purpose of this discussion is to gain an

understanding of the type and methodological orientation ofbis exegesis.

•
1. The Structure orthe Ttl/Sir

A quick glance at Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's writings revea1s that there is something

distinct about how he expresses bis ideas. Scholars ofbis generation, such as al-SubkI and

al-SafadI, had noticed this distinct mode of expression throughout bis writings. 2 Al-SafadI

claimed that the method ofpresentation was original, that no one before bim had used such

1 In analyzing the principles behind al-Rizi's anal}tsi~ this cbaJ'ter will concentrate only on the
terms and charaeteristics meDtioned or applied by Fakhr al-Din al-Râzi himself. Wansbrough's twelve
proccdural devices wbich are vDriae lect;ones. poetic loci probantes. lexical explanaüon, grammatical
explanation, rbetorical explaDation. periphrasis. analogy, abrogation, CÎrcumstal1œ5 of revclation,
identification, propbctical tradition, and anecdot~ -are only refcrred to for a clearer pieture. For more
discussion on bis division of the types of e.~egesis ioto baggadic. halakhic, masoretic. rhetorical, or
aUegori~ see John Wansbrougb. Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation
(Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1977), 119-246.

• Z See Tij al-Dio AbI N.- "Abd al·WabhaD b. ~ AlI b. Abd al-KitÎ al-Subtrl. Tabaqât af-
Shiji 'iyyah al-Kubra. ed. MabmWl Mul)ammacl al-TaniI)Ï and Abd al-FattilJ, Muhammad al-lJa)awl (1).
L

vol. 1 «(Cairo}:LÎSi al-BaDI ai-lfalabi. 1964). 344. Sec also KhaIÜ b. Aybak a1.adL al-WOfi bi af-
Wafayât, vol. 4 (Istanbul: MaJbaLatai-Dawlah, 1931).249.

67
• a method.3 This part will discuss two major aspects relating to the structure of al-Rizi's

exegesis. One aspect coneems how he organizes bis interpretation of Qur'inic verses.

The other concems the conceptual organization of his treatment of the Qur'inic verses he

is ioterpreting. The combination of these two aspects may account for the distinct

charaeter ofbis writings on this topie.

1.1. Organizational Characteristics or Fakbr al-Dio al-Rizi's al-Ta/Sir al-Kabir

Al-RizIt s al-TafSir al-Kabïr differs in sorne respects ftom other scholars' works.

First of ail, he discusses ideas usiog a dialectical methodt inviting his readers to take part in

the discussion of the themes addressed. He takes up sorne problems that spring from the

•
main therne he explained in advance. Secondly, the organization of his narrative is quite

unique. In many instances, he states the main therne of discussion ftom the outset, then

divides that therne, and subdivides each part further iota subdivisions. Wherever necessary

he continues this process ta arrive at sub-subdivisions, and sa on until there is no need for

further thematic division.

Al-Rizi takes a simiJar approach in bis interpretation of individual verses.

Sometimes he analyzes verses without subdividing them. Sometimes he interprets verses

after first dividing them ioto sections. In bis interpretation of Sùrat Al' Imrin, he follows

!Wo approaches. Firstt he sometimes takes one verse" or several verses' and interprets

3 Sec Jane Dammen McAu1iff~ Qu,. tânic Christians: An Ana/ysis of Classica/ and Alodem

•
Exegesis(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1991).69. See also KhaJil b. A)'bak al-Safadi. a/-WajÏ
bi a/-Wafayat. vol. 4, 249.
4 Verses 32, 6S. 69. 8S, 139, 177, ancl198.
s Verses 100-1. 12~7, and 199-200.

61
• them together. Second, he more often takes one verse' or several verses' and interprets

them after dividing them into sections. 1 In the tirst approach, there is neither extensive

explanation nor any deep analysis. In the second approach, by contrast, an extended

discussion ensues, which is sometimes far removed from the main focus of his

interpretation. In this category, he usually deals with topics such as linguistic

connotations, variant readings, or ideas. In doing 50, he usually elucidates the central

ideas behind these verses, and subsequently goes iota detai~ 9 dividing them inta parts,

ioterpreting them in arder, and raising points or problems discussed by his cantemporaries

or previous scholars.

He usually subdivides his exposition by using terms such as mas 'a/ah, baJtth, qaw/,

•
wajh, su 'al, il1tima/, muqaddimah, and riwQyah. Although he is not completely consistent

in bis use of these tenns, each indicates a point or proble~ theme of discussion, idea or

thought, question, possibility or probability, principle, and report. The term mas 'a/ah is

the MOst ftequently used tenn, and is usually employed to initiate discussion of certain

6 Verses 3,4, 7,8,9, ID, II, 12. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19,20,28,29,30,31,38,44,49, SS, S6,
S7, S8, S9, 60, 61,64, 70, 71, 72, 77, 78, 83, 84,90, 91, 92, 112, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121-2, 123,
124, 12S, 128, 129, 133, 134, 135-6, 137-8, 144, 14S, 146, 147, 148, lSl, lS2, lS3, 154, 155, lS9, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 168, 171, 172, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 183, 186, 187, 190, 193, 194, and 195.
1 Verses 1-2, S-6, 21-2, 23-5, 26-7, 33-4, 3S-7, 39-40, 41-3,45-6,47-8, SO-I, 52-4, 62-3, 66-68,
734, 75-6, 79-80, 81-2,86-9, 93-5,96-7,98-9, 102-3, 104-9, 110-11, 113-5, 130-2, 140-1, 142-3, 149-S0,
156-8, 166-7, 169·70, 173-4, 181-2, 184-5, 188-9, 191-2, and 196-7.
1 Most of the verses he interprets are divided into sections. In bis interpretation of Sürat Al
.Imrin,. only 13 out of 200 verses are interpretecl without any division.

•
9 Al-Rizi makes this c:1aim implic:it when he interprets verses 1-2, sa~ing: ~After we summarized
the inc:lusivepointofthe statemeDt [at-maqfÜ~ af-/cuIIÏ_min af-"'!liml, let_us retum to the interpretation of
eveIY one orthe statemeDt5." Sec Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi. al-Tafsi, al-Kabir. ''01. 7 (Cairo: al-MaJba~ah al-
Bahin'ah al-Mipiyyah. 1357)~ 168.

6'
• issues lO or of previous scholars' opinions.

examples ofhow he organizes bis exposition of a topie.

In what follows, we will consider sorne

In bis interpretation of the fust two verses of Sürat Al 'Imr~ for instance, Fakhr

al-D'in al-RizI divides bis exposition into three parts, each of which is called a mas 'a/ah.

The first mas 'a/ah deals with the variant readings (qira 'at) of the first verse ualif lim

mIm," which falls into the category of verses known as the openings ifawatifJ). This
mas 'a/ah is further divided into two parts, each of which is called qawl (pl. aqwal). The

first part explains two opinions concerning the readings of the fawâtiIJ and treats of the

letters' vowellessness (sulcün) or pause forms (mawqUfah). The second part treats of the

voweUed letters (mutaJtarrikah) and is itselfdivided into two parts, each caUed a baJ,th. In

•
its discussion of the origin of lJarakah, the first baltth malees three presuppositions

(muqaddimah). The second baJ,th discusses the kinds ofvowels (~QTakQt), which can be

either fat1lah or sukün. The second mas'a/ah discusses the background of the revelation

(sabab a/-nuzül). In tbis mas 'a/ah, he considers two opinions, those of Muqitil b.

Sulaymin and Mul)ammad b. Is~âq. The last mas 'a/ah discusses the organization of the

arguments establishing the divinity (i/âhiyyah) of Allah and the prophethood (nubuwwah)

of M\Ù}ammad. This mas 'a/ah is divided into two balttM, the tirst bal!th speaking about

i/ahiyyah. the second about prophethood. 11

Fakhr al-Ok al-Rizi treats verse 32 in a ditferent manner tram that ofthe first two

verses, in the sense that he interprets this on its own. Although sorne problems might arise

•
10Sec bis interpretationofverses 18~ 19~ 20.
11 Al-Jarl. al..Tafi ir al.Koblr. vol. 7. 163-8. For the scbolastic organization or al-Rizi·s talSir.
see George Makdisi, The Rise ofColleges: Institutions of uQI1I;ng in /s/flm and the West (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press. 1981). 116-8.

71
• in the mind ofone reading this verse, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi does not detect any difticulty in

bis interpretation of this verse. 12 In many other instances, he deals with problems such as

whether or not the degree of obedience accorded to the Prophet is the same as that

accorded to God; and why the structure of the sentences changes ftom the second persan

(mu/chatab, which is the phrase "ail 'ü, ., or UBe obedient... ln) to the third person (ghQ 'ib,
which is the phrase "in tawallaw, or .4ifthey leave off:..").
U

Following bis interpretation of verse 33 -which begins by mentioning the glory of

the prophets, and ends by referring to their people, who rejeeted their teachings- al-Riz!
construes verses 35-7 as forming one story that explains verse 36. These three verses,

therefore, stand together as one part. To explain them, he splits them into two divisions,

mst group is dealt with five problems under

•
comprised ofverses 35-6 and verse 37. The

headings (mas 'a/ah, pl. masa 'il). The second division is divided into three parts: in the

first, he discusses two problems; in the second, three; and in the thir~ two .13

In bis interpretation of verses 110-1, Fakhr al-Dk al-Riz! discusses a number of

points. For the mst point, which concems about the status and meaning ofthe word kQna

(/cuntum), he discusses four possible meanings, each of which he assigns the heading

il1tima/. For the second point, he introduces two opinions, each called a wajh (pl. wujüh).

With respect to the khitab of the sentence, he discusses ooly brietly whether the audience

was the Companions only or all Muslims, and he does not further divide tbis point. Nor

does he divide the last point.

• 121bid.rc vol. 8~ 20~

13 Ibid.. 25.34.

71
• Having discussed these points (masa 'i/), he undertakes a deeper interpretation of

these verses by discussing them phrase by phrase. Regarding the phrase ta 'murüna bi '1-

ma 'rüft wa tanhawna 'an; 'l-munkari wa tu 'miniina bi '/lah, for example, he suggests

three problems (su '01), whereas for the phrase minhumu 'I-mu 'minûna wa aktharuhumu

'l-jQsiqün, he introduces two problems (su 'a/) for discussion. For the last part of verse

Ill, which starts with the phrase wa-in yuqati/ükum, he suggests that three problems

(su 'a/al) pertain to it. 14

It is clear, therefore, that al...Rizi attempted to systematize the arrangement of bis

exegesis. Not only does he limit his explanation orthe verse(s) that he wants to discuss,

he also breaks them up into parts, which he divides and sub-divides as necessary.

•
Wherever warranted, he introduces as ManY divisions as seem necessary. Needless to say,

he bases this mode of expression on rational considerations. It would have been difficult

to develop this arrangement without a wide knowledge and rational understanding of the

topics discussed. However, al...Rizi was inconsistent and obscure in his use ofthese terms.

This inconsistency MaY cause confusion. In subdividing the tenn mas 'a/ah, he

sometimes uses the tenn wajh, and at other times. qawl or il1timâl. The difticulty lies in

the fine distinctions between these terms. Mas 'alah is used sometimes to Mean "problem,"

sometimes to Mean "heading," "point," or "issue." A similar obscurity plagues other

tenns, --e.g. bal1th, qaw/, wajh, su 'a/, and il1tima/. With the exception of su 'al, which

indicates "problems," and il1timo/, which indicates "possibility," these terms may mean

• 14 Ibid.• 188-95.

71
• "discussion," "point," uidea," and "opinion." A1though al-Rizi's use of them is unclear,

they nonetheless allow him ta arrange bis argument systematica1ly.

1.2. Procedure of the Writinl

In terms of procedure, there are at least two methods that have developed in the

history of Qur'ànic interpretation. One method treats the Qur' in one verse at a time and

in aceordanee with its canonical order, ftom the first verse of Surat al-Fatil1ah, through

the second ehapter (Sürat al-Baqarah), and 50 on to the last verse of the ehapter entitled

Surat a/-NOs. 15 Known as al-tafSir al-tal/iiii (Uanalytica1 interpretation") or al-tafSir al-

tasalsuti ("sequential interpretation"), this method of interpretation has introduced quite in

•
the early development ofthe genre and therefore is considered tradiûonal.

The other method involves a subject-based approaeh ta the Qur'an. Known as al-

tafSir al-maw4ü r; (uthematic interpretation"), this method approaches the Qur' in tapie by

topie. 16 In praetical terms, Qur' âme verses relating ta ftee will and action, for example,

are eollected and analyzed together, 50 that one verse funher clarifies the others with a

view ta arriving at an "objective" understanding of it. 17 The reasoning behind this method

15 See~ for example. Mul)ammad b. Sarlr al-Tabarl (cl. 310 H.), rami' al-Bayan ft Ta/if, a/-
Qu,'an, 12 vols. (Seirut: D~ al-Ma·lÜah.! 1986); ·AlI b. Mul)ammad b. ~bib al-Mi~ (364-450 H.),
a/-Nukat l'a al- 'Uyin: Ta/si' al-krawardi, edited by ~Abd al-Maq~ b. ~ Abd al-RaI)im, 6 vols. (Beirut:
Dâr al-Kutub al-~IIJnin'ah. 1992); and :MaIJmüd b. ~Abd Allih al-A1üsi (cl. 1280 H.), Riil1 al-Ma'anl ft
Tapi, a/-Qu, 'an al-'A;fm wa a/-Sab' al-MathanÎ, 30 vols. in 15 (Beirut: Dâr D,yi' al·Turith al··Arabi,
(1980».
16 ·Â'isbah ·Abd al-Ra1)min, Muqaddimah Ji a/-Manhaj «(Cairo): Ma·had al-BuI)üth wa al-
Dirisât ale· Arabiyyah. 1971), 137.
1T This method in faet bas been common since classical limes. Ibn al-Qanim aI-Iawziyyah (751/
13S0), whose \\'ritings inspirecl Sint al-ShiJi' lO develop ber thel!.ry about qosam, dealt with the

• interpretation of qosam \oathj in the Qur'in. See Mu1)ammad b. Abi Bakr b. Ayyuo Ibn al-Qayyim al·
Iawziyyab. al.nbyânfl ..lqsim al-Qu,'ân, editecl by Mul)ammad f:limid al-FiqI (Cairo: MaJba·at IJijizi,
1933); Abü Bakr AIpnad b. ~ AJI al-I8$fiJ al-Riz! (30S-370 8.) wrote on the Ï!'terpretation of the legal
aspects of the Qur'in. CA!tkim al..f2u' ·an. 3 vols. [Beirut: Dar al-Kitib al·~Arabi, ad.]); and Mul)ammad

73
• is that the Qur'in contains a single system of revelation, 50 that no Qur' WC verse can be

fully understood independently. Rather, every verse has to be compared with others in

order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the Qur' an. This method developed in

modem times as a result ofthe many weaknesses inherent in the traditional method. la

With tms division in mind, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi combines these two models of

interpretation in bis Mafâii" al-Ghayb. He basicaIly interprets the Qur' in according ta its

proper arder, but whenever necessary he also refers to other verses. This approach

enables mm to raise sorne problems relating to the interpretation of one verse in light of

the interpretation of other verses, and to evaluate them simultaneously, in arder to reach a

more objective interpretation of aU ofthem. 19

•
In bis exegesis, Fakhr al-DIn al-RizÏ pays close attention to the structure of the

verse (wajh al-~), either on its own or in connedion with other verses. 20 Known as al-

munasabah, tlùs method links the verse he interprets with other verses. 21 Exegetes,

including both those who rely principally on traditions and those who avail themselves

al-I:fusayn al-DhababI, al-TaISi,. wa a/-Mufassiriin: Ba~th TaliilÏ :an Nash ta! a/-Tapi,. wa Tatawwurih wa
A/wanih wa Madhahibih ma' 'tut! Shâmil li Ashhar al-Mufassirin wa Tait/il /Camil li Ahamm Kutub a/-
TaISi,. min j4.fr a/-Nabl s.a.w. i/a 'A.p-ina al-ifQt/irt vol. 1 (Cairo: Dit al-Kutub al-ljadÏthah, 1961), 148-9.
II Ahmad Iamil al.'umari. DI,.asat fi a/-Ta/Si,. al-Mawtlü'j li al-QtlfDf a/-Quroani (Caire:
Maktabat al-IÔumJL 1986). 38046. In bis tems. ~ere are al-lalSir al-ta/tlÏlÏt al-talSir al-ijma/Ï wbich is
similar to al-ttUjamah al-ma 'nawiyyah. and al-talsi,. a/-mawclü '1. They successively represent the modes
of interpretation word by ward, interpretation based on general meaning, and interpretation based OD
specifie tapies.
19 Malpnûd Fü~ Nash tat al-Ta[iir wa Manâhijuh fi Qaw • al-Madhahib al-Is/amiyyah (Cairo:
MaJba~at al-AJninab. 1986). 190.
~ In bis al-Itqân fi ·Ulüm al-Qurtan, ]a)i! al-Dfn al-S~J1 iDcludes al·Rizi am~ng those
scholars who paid much anention ta stnleture oCverses. See Ialil al-Din •Abd al-Ra1)min b. Abi Bakr al-
SU)1ÎJÎ. a/-Itqanfl ·U1iim al-Qurtan. vol. 2.. 3rcl ccl (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-·Ilmiyyah. 1995).234.

• :1 In bis study oC the structure of al-Rizi·s talSi,., Mal).müd proves how in bis interpretation of Q.
2:34 al-Râzi cIeaIs with the problem or whethcr lblÏs is a sort of jinn or ma/ak. R.elating this verse wim
omers such as 18:S0 and 34:41. al-Rizi concludes that IbHs is a son oCjinn. not a ma/ale. Malpnüd F~
Nash tatat-TaliirwaMDnahijuhfl Qaw' al-MadhDhib al-Islam;yyah. 190·2.
• mostly of reason, apply this method in their interpretation of the Qur' an. 22 Ibn Kathir,

whose Ta/rir a/-Qur 'an a/- 'A#m is very much based on traditions, proposes the axiom al-

Qur 'Qnu yufassiru ba'quhU ha'qa ethe Qur' an explains itself by itself'),23 and considers it

the best method for interpreting the Qur'in.24 Ibn Taymiyyah too declares that this

method is considered the best method ofinterpretation. 25

Al-Rizi likewise choases not ta look al each verse in isolation, but extends bis

investigation to other verses as weil. 26 He adopts two approaches in bis examination of

this linkage: first, by relating the passages or verses he interprets to those that precede it;

and second, by relating the interpretation of certain passages or verses to sorne other

passages or verses which do not follow successively. Unlike verse-by-verse interpretation,

•
such holistic interpretation allows exegetes to arrive at a more objective and thorough

interpretation ofthe Qur'in.

In the following, l will otrer examples of how al-Rizi applies this method. When

interpreting the first passage of verse 3:1S, which reads "Qui a 'unabbi 'ukum hi khayrim

n Abü lJayyin, a/.Surh. fi MunQsabat Tariib Suwar a/-Qur ·an.

D Issa J. Boullata. "Modem Qur'i!t Exelesis: A Study of Bint al-Sbip"s Method," The Muslim
World. vol. 64 (l971), lOS. Inal-Burhânji'U/üma/-Qu,'Qn, edileclbyM~ ~Abdal-Qidir~AJi\ vol.
1 {Beirut: Dit alr-XIdub al-~Ilmiyyah, 1988), 62, MufJammad b. ~Abcl Allih al-ZarkashI points out that
despite the imponance ortheappHcaûon ofthis œDœPtt many mu/assirs ignore il.
24 See 1smi5I1 b. ~Umar b. KalbIr b. Qaw' b. KathIr (Ibn katlUr>. Ta/si, a/-Qur·Qn a/-'A;lm. vo~ ~
(Beirut: Dit aI-Andalus, 1398), 7. Sce a1so Rudi Jâsim Mulpunmad Abü Tabrah, a/-Manhaj a/-Alhari Jj
Ta/ii, al-Qvr·Qn al·Karim: /faqiqalllh wa MtJtadiruh l'a Ta!biqalllh (Qumm: Maktab al-rlim al-lsiimL
1994), 191-2.
:zs Taqi aI.D'in Alpnad b. ~ Abel al-ijaÜm Ibn Ta)"JDin'ab. Muqaddimah ft UfÜl al-Ta/ii,. ed.
Fa\\'\\'8z Alpnad zamarlf (Beirut: Dar Ibn ~ 1994), 84. In addition 10 other Qur'inie verses, which in
some instances speak about certain issues in brier (ijmal) and other instances in detail (bas{), he further
says.. prophetie traditions are a source of c.~egcsis. Cor they c.,,,lain the Qurtin (shâril!atun li tl-Qu' tâni ll'a

•
müqil!alun lah).
26 nese lWO methods are desipated. by William Montlomery Watt as atomistic and contextual
intcrpretations. rapedively.. For fùrt.bct discussion, sec William Montgomery Watt. /s/amic Reve/ation in
the Modem Wo,ld (Edinbursh: EdinburJh University ~ 1969). 76-9.

1S
• min dhQ/ilcum. " he takes into consideration the last passage of the previous verse (Q.

3:14), which reads, u wa /i 'l/Qhi 'indahü '/pIsnu ·/-ma'ab. ,.21 He also links this verse with

other related verses, such as 2:3 with 87:17; just as he links verse 3:16 with 3:193.21 He

relates verses 3:104-9 to a set of earlier verses, 3:98-103. This enables him to detect a

system (napn)29 behind the revealed text, which in bis view makes rational sense. As he

explains it, God first blames the Pec,ple of the Book for disbelieving and for calling other

people non..believers. When speaking to Muslims in the following verses, God then

commands them ta believe in Him, and to exercise taqwiz. He finally commands them to

call other people ta do good. 30 Al..RizI compares the white and the black faces referred to

in verse 3:106 with reference white and black in other verses, such as 39: 60, 10:26, 80:41,

75:25, 83:24, and 55:41. From this comparison, he concludes that bayQcf ("whîtenessn )

• stands for happiness in paradise, attributed to believers; while sawQd ("blackness") stands

for sorrow in hea attributed to unbelievers. 31

Al·RizI asserts tbat SÜfat Al 'Imrin has an excellent structure which is smooth and

unique. He detects in it indications that the Christian delegation of Najrin have debated

with the Prophet on two issues introduced in this cbapter. The tirst issue was a matter of

theology, in particular, the Christians claims that God had a son; the second revolved

l7 Al-Riz!. al-Taftlr a/-Kabl', vol. 7, 213.

:a Ibid. t 215.
~ For more discussion on Qur'injç natm. sec M. Mir. Coherence in the Qu,"an (lndianapolis~
1986).
30 Ibid~ vol. 8, 177.

• li ln rd'erence to this subject. he discusscs the question oC wbether the terms black ancl white are
uscd in a figurative or real sense. Here. al·Rizi does not besilare to accept the idea or Mu~tazilite Abü
Muslim al.Ilfibini. who uses white ancl black figurative1y to mean happiness and sorrow respec:tively.
Sec al·RizI, a/-TafSir al-Kabir. vol.S. 181-2.

76
• around the prophethood of Mul}ammad, which the Christians calIed into question.

According to al-RizÏ, the concept of Ifayyun Q"»'Üm ("the Ever-Living," "Self..

Subsistent Fount of AIl Seing") atributed to God is an argument against the concept of the

Trinity in which the Christians of Mu~ammad's time believed. The same concept also

opposed the idea that Gad, whose existence is necessaty of itself (Wàjib al-Wujüd),32

could bave a son. He says that it is impossible for any being te be a son and at the same

time God, for God must have no need for anything else to estabUsh His existence. AI-RizI

further says that if Gad were in need of anything else, He would then not he self..sufficient,

and that this is impossible for Gad.33 In arguing on behalf of the prophethood of

Mul}ammad, the Qur'in describes itself as having been revealed by God just as were the

•
Torah (Tawrtit) and the Bible (Injf/). Since these scriptures were consecutively revealed as

signs of the prophethood ofMul)ammad, Moses, and Jesus, any deniaI ofthe Qur'in -and

with lhis the deDiai of the prophethood of Mubammad-.. would Mean the denial of the

Torah and the Bible, and at the same time the denial of the prophets, to whom the

scriptures were revea1ed. 3"

For this declaration ofinfidelity, al..RizÏ declares, Christian will receive punishment

in the Hereafter' and be overshadowed by ignominy and humiliation.36 However, this

32 For more discussion on Ibn SIni's ontological arguments, Re, for instance, L.E. ~
Avicenna (London: Roudeclge, 1992),49-122;
33 Ibid.. vol. 7" 167. Sec also al-Rizl. MpnQ;arah ft al-Radd "a/o a/-NtJlara. ed. ~ Abd al-Majfd
al-Na.ijâr (Beirut Dar al-Gharb al-Islimi, 1986), 22-7.
34 Al-Rizi. ai-Ta/Si,. al-Kabi,.. voL 7. 167-8. Compare with al·Rizi. A-Iuna;arah fi a/-Radd ·a!a
al-N~Q"Q. 21-2. Al-RizI says that Moses" Jesus". and Mul)ammad s ability to perform mu ïi:al
9

(miracles) was a sign of the uuth of their mission. If one said that miracles do not neœssarily prove the

•
tme mission ofMul)ammad, this would deny the true missions of the remaining prophets. including Moses
andIcsus.
3S Q. 3:106.

]6 Q. 3:112.

"
• does not pertain ta ail Christians, al-Ri7I states, basing himself on interpretation of verses

113·5 and 199. With respect to verses 113-5, the first part ofwhich reads, "They are not

ail alike: among the people of the Book, there are upright people," Fakhr al-Din al-Riii

admits that among the Christians of Najrin there were believers as weil as infidels. He

quotes a report ftom Ibn 'Abbas, Jibir and Qatidah saYing that the Prophet Mut,ammad

prayed for the soul of a dead Christian tram Najjish. This report, confinned by verse 113,

indicates that the dead Christian was a believer, and therefore prayer for him was

obligatory for Muslims.

In verse 3:106, Fakhr al-Dio al·Rw notes that uthe people with white faces" are

placed ahead ofuthe people with black faces," while their respective fruits in the Hereafter

•
are inverted. The consequences for 'ihose with black faces" are, therefore, mentioned

before the consequence for ''those with white faces." On lhis issue, one might doubt that

such an arrangement should not logically happen. Al-Rïzi suggests two solutions: first,
that the waw is used for the purpose of conjunction in a general sense, not a sequential

one; second, as in the former verse, the mention of mercy (ral1mat) for "those with white

faces," precedes that of punisbment ('adhilb) for "those with black faces," in order to

stress that God wisbes that His creatures receive His blessings. In the latter verse, the

mention of "those witb white faces" is placed after Uthose with black faces" in order to

emphasize this purpose. 37

Al-RizI suggests a very interesting interpretation ofverse 3:17, which reads: ..~­

fobirllla wa '~-fQdiqina wa 'l-qaniii"a \Va 'l-mtllljiqfna wa 'l-mustaghfirlna bi '1-asl1ar.,t

• 37 Al-Rizi, a/-Ta/Si, al-Kabi,. vol. S, 183.

78
• This verse explains the two verses before it. The five charaeter traits mentioned in verse

17 (~ab;r, ~Qdiq, qanil, munfiq, and muslaghfir bi 'l-as"ar) are the charaeteristics of

"those who fear God," as mentioned in verse 15, and ''those who will enter Paradise," as

mentioned in verse 16. Since verse 3:17 uses a conjunetion (waw al- 'a!/) instead of an

adjective (#/ah), Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi argues that '~bose who fear God" and "those who
will enter Paradise" are furthermore those who have one or more of the characteristics it

mentions. This may indicate that in order to enter Paradise one need not necessarily have

all five charaeteristics. As long as they have faith (iman) in Gad, as mentioned in verse 16,

tbey will enter it even if they have only one of the five. 38 This interpretation is in line with

Fakhr al-D'in a1-Rizi's Ash'arite theological beliefthat whoever has faith in God, -in the
manner of Lâ ilDha il/a 'llah ("there is no gad but God")- will enter heaven, regardless of

• his faults. 39

To detennine the meaning of the Qur'in, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi avails himself of

poetry as weil as of other Qur'inic verses. This is evident in bis interpretation of verse

113. Interpretîng the phrase 'lamong the People of the Book there are upright people,"4O

Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi asserts that even though the phrase mentions only one group, it refers

to two groups ftom the People of the Book, namely, the upright (ummah qa'imah), and

the blameworthy (ummah dhamimah). This is because mentioning one thing implies the

other too; there is no need at ail to mention both. One example of this is the expression

31 Ibid.. vol. 7 212-8.

t

39 Sec Alpnad }jijizI aI-Saqqa. Kal-Taqd1m li al-Kitib." in Fakhr al-Dm al-Riz}.. Asrar a/-Tanzfr

•
WQ ..4nwar al-Ta ·wfl (Beiruc Dar aI-JiI. 1992). 7•

.eo Q. 3:113. Based on Ibis verse. al-Riz! asserts tbat one of the charaeteristics oC uprigbt people
is that they believe in GocI and ail the prophels tbat Gocl sent. inclucling the Propbet Mul}ammad;
otbemise mey do not believe in God. Al-Rizi. al.Taliir al-Kohlr. voL 8. 200-3.

79
• UDo goodl" Athough the order is to do good, it is also an order ta avoid doing what is

bad. In support of this interpretation, Fakhr al-olo al-Rizi quotes a poem, composed by

Abü Dhu'ayb, where one category of items is mentioned when in raet its opposite is

equa1ly intended.41

2. The Clear and tbe Ambiguous Venes (a1-M"I,kamit wa aI-Mutashibihat)

Among scholars, there have been many approaches to the interpretation of the

c1ear (muÎ/kamat) and the ambiguous (mutashabihOt) verses. Some scholars simply

suggest that mullkom describes any Qur'inic verse whose meaning is intelligible, while

mutashabih applies to any Qur'inic verse whose meaning can be understood after

•
explanation and interpretation.42 Tms group starts nom the assumption that only Gad

knows the absolute meaning (ta 'wtl) ofthe mutashabihat. and that ail that scholars can do

is to derive some lessons ftom them. 43 Another approach pays much closer attention to

discovering the deeper meanings of the Qur' ~ including the verses that have clear and

ambiguous connotations. Ta do 50, they in'luire into the issue of muJ,kamat-

mutashabihQt. Not only were Islamic legal theorists interested in studying this issue, but

50 were mystics and theologians."

41 For more discussio~ sec al-Râzi, al-TalSir al-Koblr, vol. 8, 198-204.

4Z Mul)ammad -AJI a1-ijilÜ, al-Mutashâbih min ol-Qu,.'ân. vol. 1 (Beirut: Dar al-Filer, 1965), 13.

43 Ibid., 15.

• .... Good sununarics oC the interpretation of mullkamat and mutashâbihat in the c:lassical period,
see M. Lagarde, "De l'ambiguilé (ImItashibih) dans le Coran: tentatives dtexplication des e:<égètes
musulmans." Quoderni de SlUdi Arabi 3 (1985)t 45-62; L. Kinber& "M~t and Mutasbibihit (Koran
317): Implication ofa Koranic pair oflerms in medieval exegesis," Arabica 35 (1988)9 143-72.

80
• There were many opinions on the difticulties to be encountered and their solutions.

Mu'tazilite theologians, for instance, suggested that ambiguous verses should be

understood in their figurative sense (majaz). This principle, according to Abü Zayd, was

the instrument by which they resolved the contradictions suggested by their apparent

meaning (;Qhir al-/aA).4' Al-Rizi applies this same principle. In bis Asas al-Taqdts, he

maintains that sorne exoteric meanings (;awahir, pl. of ;ahir) of the Qur'an should he

understood tiguratively.46 There are statements, for example, to the eifeet that God has a

face, eyes, a back, hands, and a tnmk. If these statements are taken in their exoteric sense,

he reasoDS, there should be a Being who has a face, back, trunk, eyes and bands.47

However, one can argue against such an understanding. Since God is described as the

•
Creator, reason tells us that He must be different nom His own creation; otherwise He

would Himself be one type of creation. On this point, al-RizI says that God is

umunazzahun 'ani 'l-jihah wa 'l-jismiyyah. ,,,,a Besides, there is also a clear verse

(mul1kam) tbat declares the opposite of these ambiguous statements (mutashabihat). The

Qur' in states: "There is none like unto Him" (·'Laysa ka-mithlihi shay 'un Ir). This

indicates that Gad must be ditrerent nom His creatures.

To understand more clearly Fakhr al-Dm al-RizI's notion of muJtkamat and

mutashabihOt. it is wonh investigating bis interpretation ofverse 3:7, where a reference to

45 N. ijimid Abü zayd. Falsalat al-Ta "'il: Di,ôsah ft Ta ~wil al-Qu, tan tïnd k/uhyt al-Dtn b.
"Arabi (Beirot: Dar al·W~ 1983)t S.
4' ln this treatise. aI·Rizi does not limit bis e..'1)Osition to the e..xoterie meanings of the Qur'~ but

•
includes the e.xoteric meanings of some prophetie traditions in bis discussion. Fakhr al-Diu al-Razi, AsQs
a[-Taqdfs. ed. Alpnad f.lijizI al_Saqqit (Cairo: Maktabat al-Kulliyyit al-Azbari}'Yab. 1986), 103·9.
47 IbicL t 105.

"Ibid.. 109.

Il
• the muJPcamat.mutashilb;hat division is found. 49 This verse, whese interpretation is

"unanimously agreed to represent the point of depanure for a1l scriptural exegesis,,,50 reads

as follows:

It is He who sent down upon thee the Book, wherein are clear verses
[muJPcamiztJ that are the essence of the Book, and others which are
ambiguous {mutashabihQtj. As for those in whose hearts is swerving. they
follow the ambiguous part, desiring dissension and desiring its
interpretation; and none knows its interpretation, but God. And those who
are firmly rooted in knowledge say: "We believe in it; all is trom our Lord";
yet none remembers but men possessed ofmind. (Qur'an 3:7)

In bis interpretation of the term mul1kamat. al·Rizi quotes other Qur'inic verses to
demonstrate two possible meanings of the term: that in ils totality, the Qur'in is mul1kam

in the sense that it is a valid and reliable scripture; and that in ilS individu al parts, the

Qur' in consists of mul1kmnar, which are verses that have a clear indication, and of

• mutashQbihilt, which are verses that have no such qualification. 51 Moreover, he uses other

Qur'inic verses to confirm the meaning of the text. In support of the tirst possible

definition of mul1kam as it applies ta the meaning of the Qur'in, he explains that the Roly

Book is ·'f~1tu '/-a/fâ# ~ïJtu 'I-ma 'an/. "'2 To support this assertion, he quetes verse

Jane Dammen McAuliffe considers mis verse "t\mdamental 10 the development of exegetical
49

methodology." Jane Dammen McAuWre, "Qur'inic Hermeneutics: The Views of al-Tabari and Ibn
KamIr, in Approaches to the History ofthe Interpretation ofthe Qur liin ed. Andrew Rippin {Oxford:
ft t

Clarendon Press, 1988),51.

50 Wansbrough, Quranic SlIIdies: Sources and MetJrods of Scriptural Interpretation. 149.
Compare with Mc:Aulift"e, "Qur'iDic Henneneuûcs: The Views of al-Tabari and Ibn KatbÏrt " in
Approaches to the Historyofthe Interpretation ofthe Qu,'ant SI.
51 See al-Rizi, al-Tafif, al-Kabir. vol. 7, 172-3. See aIso al-RizItAsQs a/-Taqdfst 230.

S1 "The Qur'in is eloquent in its lat and meaning." Al-Rizit al-Ta/str al-Kabir. vol. 7t 176.
Muslim scholars consider eloquenœ as evidencc of the miraculous nature of the Qurtin. On the
miraculous nature of the Qurtift. sec al-BiqiDinI Kilab a/-Bayan "an al-Farq bayn a/-Mu 'jizah WQ a/-
t

Karâmah wa a/-Khayal wa al-Kahanah \Va a/-Si!tr wa al-NQrinjat (Beirut: al-Maktabat al-Sharqin'ëlh.

• 19S8); al-RununïnL Tha/iith Rasâ·fl ft I1az al-Qurtiin (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~irit [1950)); Issa 1. Boulla~
"The Rhetorica1 Interpretation of the Qur'in: I1iz and Relalecl Topics," in Approaches 10 the History of
the Interpretation ofthe Qur·mr. cd. Andrew Rippin (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988),. 142; ancllssa J.
BouUa~ "rjiz." in ER. vot 7, 87-8.

82
• 10:1: "aliflim ri'. These are venes orthe Book ofwisdom;" and verse Il:1: "aliflim ri

[This is] a book, whose verses are perfected [uJ,/dmat QyQtuh]." As a consequence, in the

Qur'in no verse contradiets another. 53 This is further asserted in the Qur'inic verse, "!fit

had been ftom other than Gad, they would have round therein much incongruity. ,,54

Finally, he uses other Qur'inic verses for the purpose of stimulating further discussion.

For example, he contradicts one verse with another, suggesting a possible meaning for one

verse in addition to another. By this method, he brings out some problems which he

discusses in greater depth. For example, verse 39:23 states that "Gad bas sent down the

best statement, a Book [whose parts] resemble each other [and] are oft-repeated (kitaban

mutashQbihan mathQnjya). n This verse may signify that in its totality the Qur' in is

•
ambiguous (mutashQbih), and therefore cannot he relied on. Accarding to al-RizI,
however, this is not the case. What is meant by mutashabih in this verse is that ilS parts

are similar ta each other in terms of their excellent structure and style, and fit the meaning

intended. 55

Interpreting the portion of verse 3:756 wbich reads, "those in whose hearts is

swerving, they foUaw the ambiguous part, desiring dissension and desiring its

51 Al-Rizi, AsQs al-TaqdÎs, 230. There is a consensus among Muslim scholars that there is no
contradiction in the Qur'in. Mustansir Mir states tbat "the Qur'in is markecl by a remarkable coherence
that is bath hermeneutica1ly significant and aestbetically pleasing." Sec Mustansir Mir, Diclionary 0/
Qu,.'Qnic Terms and Concepts, (New York and London: Galland Publishing. 1987), 174-5. Nevertheless
Mir does not acknowledge the fact that thcre are verses which, at least out\\'ardly, do not appcar to be in
hannony.
.54 Q. 4:82.

55 Al-RizL a/-Ta/ii,. al-Kabi,., vol. 7.. 167.

• 56 There are diJrereDt opinions conceming the translation and interpretation oC the waw in this
verse. SolDe interpret it as an initiation of another sentence (isti 'nif), ",hile some othcrs conjunetion
(-alaf). This eventual1y leads 10 di1ferent opinions on whether or DOt human bcings cm understanel the
meaning orthe ~in.

83
• interpretation," al-RizI states that swerving (zaygh) is "a tendency ta depart trom the

truth. ,,57 Wbat this means is that those in whose hearts is a tendency ta depart from the

truth will follow the ambiguous parts orthe Qur'in. There are two reasons for trying ta

discover the meaning ofthese ambiguous parts: the desire to sow dissension and the desire

to interpret them." The first reason entails looking for the meaning in order to cause a

dispute (fitnah) when interpreting the mutashabihOt. In other words, such people will pay

more attention to the ambiguous verses (mutashabihat) than to clear verses (multkamat).

Al-Rizi gives an example of this kind of person by quoting a I!ad/th, in which the People

of Najrin asked the Prophet: "Is not [Jesus] Gad's word and spirit?" [a/aysa huwa

ka/imam tl/Ohi wa-rü1pln minhu]. These people, al-Rizi suspects, did not question the

•
Prophet in order to arrive at the truth, but wanted to foment fitnah based on the Prophet's

anticipated answer.'· Knowing this, Gad then revealed verse 3:59: "Verily, the likeness of

~sa [Jesus] before Allah is the likeness of Adam. He created him ftom dust, then He said

to him: 'Be!' and he was." The second reason is that people look for the meaning of

mutashabihat simply in order ta discover their meanings, where the Qur'in offers no such

interpretation. 59

As mentioned earlier, tram a linguistic perpeetive the mul1kamat statements include

those which have but one meaning (ncq~)t and those with severa! connotations but among

which there is one preferable meaning (~ir). The mutashabihat, on the other hand~

include those that have severa! meanings, none of which is to be preferred (mu 'awwa/),

•
S7 Ibicl, 173.
SI For more disc:ussio~ sec Ibn IsI)iq, The Lifê ofMullammad. traDS. A. Guillaume (Oxford:
Oxford University Press. 1980), 270-7.
5' Al-Râzi, a/-Ta[si, a/-Kabi,. vol. 7t 176.
• and those that have two or more different meanings (mushtarak or mujma/).6O Thus,

unlike mu"la:unat statements. mutashâbihOt have no textual certainty. Therefore, they are

not considered a valid source for argumentation, for which reason al·Râzi says that "to

depend on mutashQbihQt is not allowed. ,,61 Due to the strength of the mu"kamat, in one

way or another he supports the idea that mul1lcamëlt abrogate mutashabihat, in the sense

that one is allowed to depend on the former, but not on the latter. In other words, as

Many scholars beleive, mul1kamat constitute abrogating verses (nilsi/ch), while

mutashDbihQt constitute abrogated verses (mansiikh).62

It is interesting in this regard to note that al-Rizi considers that mul1kamat and

mutasnbihQt instruments cao be used in support of one's personal opinion. He was weil

•
aware that Muslim scholars tended ta consider Qur'inic verses which conformed to their

school of thought as mu"kamat, and those that did not as mutashahihQt. According to

him, they recognized the literal meaning ofverses (ijra ' 'a/a a/-;âhir) when it suited them,

and saw the figurative meaning (Ff 'an a/-;ahir) when it did not. 63 He disputes al-

Iubbi'l's and Abü Muslim al-I,fahinI's claim that the Jabriyyah focused exclusively on

mutashizbihât. 64 As we saw above in Chapter Two, tlùs was a trap that Fakhr al-DIn al...

150 Ibicl., 179-81.

151 Ialil al-Din Abd a1-RaIpnin b. Abi Bakr al-SuyüJi, a/-Du" a/-A-fanthü,. ft a/-TafSi,. bi a/-
6

Ma ·thir. vol. 2 (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al· 1lmiyyah. 1990), 172.

6

62 Ibid., 6-8. Also al...Tabarit Jamr aI-BayOn fi Ta[si,. al-Qu,.·an. vol. 6, 170; McAulüf~
"Qurtinic Henneneutics: The views of al-rabali ancllbn Kathir," in Approaches to the History of the
Interp,.etation ofthe Qu,·an. 51·2.

• 63 Al-RizL al-Tarif, al.Kabir. vol. 7. 187..

64 ~g the arJUD!enIS of the Iabriyyab, who based themselves partly on Q.. 17:16.27:4, and
4:26. al-Iubbâ'i and al-I$fahinI quoteel same Qurânie verses (verses 8:53. 28:59. 41:17. and 10:108) to
support the idea offree will and action. AI-Rizl, a/.TQfii'Q/~KQbi,.. vol. 7. 187.

15
• Rizi sometimes feU into whenever he declared Qur'inic verses that did not accord with bis
rational understanding ofthem as mutashabihal.

3. Abrogation (Nasilla) in the Qur' in

The discussion on abrogation in Qur'inic studies has attraeted the attention of

many scholars. From the earliest period of Islam, Muslim thinkers have paid great

attention ta this genre.65 It cannat be denied that this discussion took place among the

Companions of the Prophet Mw,ammad, altbougb in less detail than among the generation

ofthe tabi'ün. The growing number ofbooks on abrogation between 130 A.H.l747 AD.

and 790 AH./130S AD. bas led Powers to affirm that this genre gained importance not

ooly in the field of tafSir, but more importantly in legal discourse. 66 From the perspective

• of the application of Sharl 'ah (tashrl~, one principle applied to the issue of abrogation is

that the abrogating verses have to have been revealed after the abrogated ones. 67 For

these reasons, the discussion of nQsilch and mansü/ch unavoidably developed hand-in-band

with the asbDb a/-maül and u~/ al-fiqh.

From the first century Hij~ the discussion on abrogation in the Qur'in bas been

both positive and negative. It bas revolved basically around the idea that "[sorne1verses

are abrogated by others, and [that] sorne deny the existence of any abrogation in this

55 David S. Powers. "The Exegetical Genre Nâsikh o/-Qu,.'an WQ Mansükhühu. ,. in Approaches to

the History ofthe Interpretation ofthe Qur'an, ed. Andrew Rippin (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1988). 119·
20.
66 Ibid.. 119.
67 Scholars disagree over the application of such a princip le. Ibn al- ~ Arabi. for instance. states

• that there arc two abrogated <the first and the fast) and one abrogating (in th~ midcDe) phrases in the verse
which reads "1chudhi ·1- 'ofiva WQ- 'mur hi- t/_ 'u,ft WQ-Q'riq 'an;..'I-mushrikin. ,. NQf tfimid Abü Zayd.
Majhûm al-NQff: D;rasahji 'Ulüm a/-Qur'ân ([Caire]: al-Haytah al-Mipiyyah al·~Ammah li al-KUU8D.
1990). 135-6.

16
• sense.,,61 This dispute does not rest on a doctrine to be found in the Qur' ~ but on an

influence, one that "poses a difticult theological problem.,,65) The proponents of this

doctrine argue that there is a reference in the Qur' in aftirming the doctrine they hold. The

Qur'in contains at least two technical terms which seem to justifY this doctrine -namely

"naskh. f' a m~ fonn of "nasakha-yansakhu." The other term is "tabdtl." a m~

fonn of nbadda/a-yubaddilu. f, The first term, naskh. May Mean '10 replace," as signified

by verse 2:106: "For every verse (ayah] we replace [lJansakh] or cause to be forgotte~

We bring a better one or one like it." This term may also mean "to cance~" "to annu~" or

"to suppress," as understood in verse 22:52, which reads: "Never did we send a messenger

or a prophet before thee, but, when he framed a desire, Satan Threw some (vanity) ioto bis

desire: but Allah will cancel [yansakh] anything (vain) that Satan throws in, and Allah will

• confirm (and establish) His Signs: For Allah is full of Knowledge and Wisdom." The

second term, tabdll. May Mean "to replace" or "ta exchange," as signified by verse 16:101:

"And when We exchange [baddalna] a verse [ayah] in place of another." In addition to

this juridical argument (shar'an), supporters of naskh maintain this doctrine by rational

justification ('aqlan) as well. A charge (taklÏj) depends on the will of the charger

(mashi 'at al..mulcallif), which allows the possibility that the charger May freight or not

freight people, and on the good of the subject of charge (m~IlÙ!at al..mulaz/lafJ, which

allows for an obligation at one moment but not al another.'O The opponents of this

doctrine) on the other hand, argue that these verses do not refer to the abrogation in the

61 Mul)ammad ~ Ati al-sI~ "The Hermeneutical Problem ofthe Qurt in in Islamic Histo~ (ph.O.

•
dissenation. Temple University. 1975). 170•
• David S. Powen. "On the Abroption of the Bcquest Verses, Arabica. vol. 29 (1982). 246.
ft

70 Abü al-Farrij ~Abcl al-Ralpnin Ibn aI..Ja,,'Zi, Nawâsikh al-Qu'"ân (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-
~Dmiyyab. 19801). IS.

87
• Qur' in but rather to the shari 'ahs before Islam.71 Consequently, these verses refer to the

replacement of Jewish and Christian shorf 'aM with the Islamic one.72 They argue further

that if the Qur' in were subject to change, it would caU into question the wisdom of Gad

by attributing a change of mind to the theoreticaUy unchallengeable, eternal Divine Will.

The Mu'tazilites challenged the Ash'arites, who believed in the uncreatedness of the

Qur' in and at the same time in the doctrine of abrogation, and contended that if tne

Qur'in were subjeet to abrogation, it could not be etemal. 73

The dispute over abrogation persisted not ooly between those who rejeeted it and

those who accepted il, but aise among different supporters of the latter position. They

disagreed on what is really abrogated: the text itself (ti/awah), the meaning (lpIkm), or

both text and meaning. 74 Abü Zayd, 75 on the one hand, basing himself on the principle of

• the application of shari 'ah, which advocates tay~r and tadarruj, argued that abrogation

means tabdt/ a/-a1JkQm, not taghjir a/-nu#i~. 76 Ibn Salimah aI-Nqr (d. 410/1019), on the

71 Al-sld. "The Hermcncutical Problem of the Qur'in in Islamic History." 173.

on Powers, "On the Abrogation orthe Bcqucst Verses," 247.
73 Ibid., 246.

7. Al-Suyü,l, al-Itqinft 'Ulûm al-Qu,'in, vol. 2,46-55.

75 N8$f Himid Abü zayd is still alive and weil He is a very creative and productive writer in the
field of Qur'inic literature. Sec, for instance. N;qr lfimid Abü zayd, FalsajQt al-Ta '"Nil: Dirisah ft
Ta 'wil aleQu,'an 'ind Mu"yt al-Dln ibn 'Arabi (Beirut, Lubnan: Dar al-Tanwir and Dâr al-WaJ,dah,.
t
1983); Nasr Himid Abü zayd, Ishlciliyyat a/-Qira 'ah wa-•.4/iyyat a/-Ta 'wÏl {Beirut: al-Dar al-Bay48 and
al-Markaz· al~TbaClifi al-~ ArabI. 1994); N;qr ijimid Abû zayd. /ttijQh al-_:4qlÎ ft al-Tafif,: Dirisah fi
Qadiyyat al-Majaz fi al-Qu,·an "ind a(-Mu'tazi/ah (Beirut: Dar al-Tan\Vir li al-1"ibi'ah wa-al-Nashr.

•
1982); N3$f Himid Abü zayd, Majhüm al-Nll#: Dirasah fi ·U/üm a/-Qu"Qn (Cairo: al-Hay'ah al-
Mifriyyah al-~Àmmah li al-Kilib, 1990); and N3$f ijâmid Abü zayd, Naqd al-Khi{ab al-Dtnï (Cairo: sIDâ
li al-Nasbr, 1992).
75 Abû Zayd, Majhüm al·N~ Dirisahft 'Ulim al-Qu,·ân. 138.

Il
• other band, maintained that one type of abrogation is abrogation in the text (/choU) and

another is with respect to meaning (Jtu/an).71

The development of this doctrine May be traced back to the time of M~ammad,

wben revelation first took place. Whenever a question arase regarding the content of the

Qur' in or daily life, MulJammad answered it through revelation, sa that there is praetica1ly

no difficulty in understanding the Qur' in and applying it in everyday life. When the

Qur'&nie revelation ended witll the death of the Prophet, Muslims encountered various

difficulties in their understanding of the holy text. One difticu1ty was bow to deal with

those Qur'inic verses which do not seem to accord with each other." Although this issue

was mainly rooted in the existence of"problematic" Qur' wc verses with regard ta certain

themes, the discourse in various disciplines had led ta the development of the abrogation

• doctrine.

In the annals of Muslim intelleetual history, MOst discussions on the existence of

"problematic" Qur'inic verses have been of a legal and theological nature, due ta the idea

that the Scripture is ~'the prime source in law and theology.,,79 Legally, these verses

present sorne difficulties. Scholars have to deternûDe which verses are operative and on

whicb ofthese legal rulings they can be based. Ta respond to this challenge, scholars have

71 He holets the idea that thcre are three types of abrogation: (1) ma nusikha khattuhu wa-Ilulcmuh
(thOIe whose te.û and meaning arc abrogated). (2) ma nusik/ra k/ral!Uhu wa-baqiya /pI/anuh (those whose
text is abrogated, but whose meaning rcmains). and (3) ma nusikha lIulanuhü wa-baqiya kha!!Uh (tbose
whose. meaning is abrogatecl. but whose text rcmains). For more discussio~ see Ibn satimah al-N•• "al-
~asikh \VI al·Mansükb," ~ AlI b. A1)mad al-\VâIPdÏ Asbib a/-Nuzül (Cairo: MaJba~at Hindiyyab, [l897}).
t

9-10.
~I Referring to this diffic:uIty in the fidd of Qurtinic studies. Andrew Rippin states that wme te.,"(

•
of the Qur~in presents many ambiguities. difticu1t words whose prec:ise readings are ~ problems of
te.~ division and apparently incompatible statements." Andrew RiPPÎDt Mus/ims: The;,. Religious
Be/ie[sandPracticu(Volume 1: The FOmuJtive Period) (New York: Roudedl~ 1990).27
'li Ibid.. 2S.

19
• developed a set of rules known as ufÜl al-ftqh. In exegetical discourse, it is thought that

the Qur'an was revealed in time and spaee, 50 that one may argue tbat the Qur'an was

revealed in aceordanee with its historieal context. As the history of revelation tells us,

certain verses were revealed in response to either the questions posed by MUQammad' 5

contemporaries or the problems that occurred in Mu1)ammad' 5 lifetime. As the situation

changed, Qur' inie teachings revealed in the early years could be different ftam those of

later tîmes. There is no problem where there is no discrepancy between earlier and later

verses. However, since there seems to be disagreement in sorne cases, scholars have tried

to solve the problem by offering solutions based on exegetical principles.

Seholars offer two methods to re50lve the problem. One method is to apply

•
abrogation, which they claimed to be found in the Qur'an. This doctrine primarily offers a

choice between one of a number of problematic verses. The one eonsidered operative is

called the abrogating verse (nOsikh). Its opposite is called the abrogated verse (mansükh).

Scholars have difTerent thoughts on the rules whieh apply in this doctrine. However, the

abrogating verses were usually revealed before the abrogated verses. IO The other method

is by reconciliation, wmeh is to apply specialization (ttlkhi~) to certain verses that seem ta

contradiet each other. In a practical sense, this principle distinguishes verses with general

connotations ftom those with specifie meanings. Unlike in abrogation, titis method takes

into account these problematic verses, with a special treatment for those wbich have the

more specifie emphasis.

• 10 For example. Abü al-fmij ~ Abel al·Rahmin Ibn al-IawzJ. NawOsi/ch a/-Qur'an; ~Umar b.
AIpnacl b.'Uthmân (Ibn shihin) (cl. 380/991). aÎ-frasiü WQ a/·Mansilch min a!-1!adirh. ed. ·Ali
MulJammad Mu·awwïeJ and •Adn AIpnacl •Abd al-Mawjüd (Beimt: Dir al·Kutub a1-.IImiyyah. 1992).

90
• The discussion of this doctrine a1so occupied the mind of our author, a great

exegete and legal theorist. Although he did not write any specifie treatise on Qur' wc

abrogation, its importance for him forces us to discuss it in this chapter. Lagardé points

out that with respect to the theoretical framework of his interpretation, Fakhr al-Din al-

Rizi made thirteen assertions conceming abrogation in bis Mafât/I1. ll In a/-Mal1~1. he

discusses this issue in connection with IsIamic legal theory (UfÜ/ a/-.ftqh) at sorne length.82

In comparison to the previous discussions on this issue, his remarks include some

important points relating ta the theory of Qur'inic abrogation. Based on bis research on

classical texts, Powers otfers the following outline of the theoretical discussion on

abrogation:

•
A typical introduction includes the following six chapters: (i) exciting
interest in the study of the abrogated and abrogating verses; (ü)
disagreement among scholars regarding that wlùch the Qur' in and the
sunna may abragate; the meaning of naskh, and its derivation; (iü) the
various modes of naskh: (iv) the ditrerence between naskh and badQ '; Cv)
mention of sorne relevant lladith; (vi) the mrahs in which both abrogating
and abrogated verses are mentioned. 83

As far as our discussion is concemed, abrogation in the Qur'in bas two meanings.

First, the shari 'ah ofthe Que' ân abrogates the shari 'aM of previous revelations. Second,

sorne verses of the Qur' in are abrogated by one or more later verses. As for the first

meaning, a1-Rïzi was very much in favor of the idea that the sharl'ah of the Qur' in

abrogates the shari 'ahs ofprevious revelations. This idea, however, is challenged by verse

Il Michel Lagardé, Index du Grand Commentaire de Fa!lr al-DÎn a/-Rait (Leiden: E.J. Brill.
1996)~ 47.

• IZ For instan~ Fakhr al-Oin al-IW1 al-Ma~fÜl ft '/lm U~/ a/-Fiqh. cd. Tihâ Jibir al-~ Alwint
t

vol. 3 (Riyadh: Lajnatal-BQhûth wa al-Ta·1Irwa al-Tarjamah waal-Nashrt 1979)t 519-30.

13 Powers. wrhe Exegctic:al Genre ~asilch al-Qrw -cür wa Mansiklrûhu_ •• in Approaches to the
History ofthe Interpretation afthe Qur-iin. 12L

91
• 3:3, which declares that the Qur'an is "mu~iqa 'I-lima bayna yadayh." This statement

posed a difticulty: uHow can the Qur'an abrogate the previous short'ahs. while the Qur'an

justifies (mu~iq) them, as this verse ïmplies?" Al-Rizi suggests that the Qur'in

validates the sharÏ 'ahs of previous Books in terms of theological issues, while invalidating

those of previous Books in legal issues." Here, al-Rizi does not state clearly whether or

not there is abrogation in the Qur'in. In one instance, he presents the arguments of the

proponents ofthis doctrine, in another the arguments of its opponents. This ambiguity has

forced later scholars to speculate on bis real position. On the issue of the bequest verses,

Powers, for instance, asserts that al-Rizi stands against abrogation, which had gained wide

support among the majority of Muslim scholars. This assertion is based on three

considerations:

• First, the doctrine of abrogation is ta be avoided whenever possible.

Second, the faet that Q. 2:234 is recited before Q. 2:240 suggests that it did
not abrogate the verse. Finally, the policy of avoiding abrogation suggests
that the arguments ofMujihid and Abü Muslim [a1-I~ahinI], which require
specification, are [ipso facto] superior to those of the proponents of
abrogation. '5

In faet, as Powers bas noted, al-RizI rejects the idea that verse 2:240 was abrogated by

4: 12.16 Generally speaking, al-Râ2.i recommends avoiding abrogation whenever possible,

such as when there is a specification (takhii~) in one or more of the "problematic" verses.

Nevertheless, al..Rizi" s rejection of the applicability of abrogation to certain verses does

not Mean that he rejeeted the doctrine ofabrogation in its entirety.

•
14 Al-Rizi, al-Ta/si,a!-Kabir. vol. 7, 169·70.
15 Powen, "On the Abropuon of the Bcquest verses," 289-90.

16 See al-Rizi, al-Ta/Si,. al-Kabir. vol. 6, 169-70. See also Powers, "On the Abrogation of the
Bequest Verses," 289.

92
• Presenting the arguments of the proponents of abrogation, in bis al-M.I. al-

Rizi nevertheless fails to state clearly bis position. First he says that Muslim scholars have

agreed (ajma a) that there is abrogation in the Qur' in. n Then after citing the arguments,
J

based chiefly on verses 2:106; 16:101; and 22:52, he exposes al-I~fahinI's arguments

against abrogation. Against this leading Multazilite scholar's contention, al-RizI does two

things. First, he avoids making any statement which might indicate bis agreement with al-

I~ahinI; second, he offers some counter-arguments to the latter's position. Overall, it

wouId seem that al-Rizi rejected al-I~ahini's extreme stance on abrogation in the

Although Fakhr al-D'in al-Rüi does not state clearly his position within the debate

•
over abrogation, 19 Muhammad Ati al-SId's thesis on this matter is reasonable. Al-S'id says

that like al-suyüiL l'Fakhr al-Dio al-Rizi [was) reluctant to take the abrogation principle

for granted."go In other words, it is more probable that Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi himself

preferred to say that there is no abrogation in the Qur' an. In addition to previous

arguments, bis reluetance to apply naslch can be seen in bis apparendy straight forward

statement that in principle there is no abrogation in the Qur'in (inna 'l~/a 'adamu 'n-

lJaslchl).91

11 Al-RâzL at-MoIMil ft fIlm UF/ a/-Fiqh. vol. 3, 460. For this agreement, sec Ibn al-Jawzi,
NawQsikh al-Qu,"an, 14.
Il For al-Riz1~s discussion on al-I$fàhini's disagreement on abrogation. sec al·Rizi, aJ-Mal1~1 ft
'/lm UfÜ/ al-Fiqh. vol. 3~ 460-8.
19 One migbt argue that bis vague position wu because he did not ",ant to oppose the majority of
sc:holars orbecause he was proud ofprevious sc:holars ftom the Ash~arite and Shifrite sc:bools. However.

•
ms bold criticism or whomever he disagn:ecl with makes this spcçuJation ratber unlikcly.
90 Al-sid. 1'be Henneueuûca1 Problem orthe Qur'in in IsIamic History," 170.

91 Al-Râzf. al-Ta/si, al-Ktlbi,. vol. 13, 141 and 233. Sec aJso Lagardé. Inder du Grand
Commentain de Fa!1r al-Dln al-RizÏ. 47.

93
• As al-S'id suggests, this preference may have been due to a difference of opinion

among the Companions of the Prophet conceming the issue and the difticult theologica1

problems arising trom it.92 According to Many scholars, there has been disagreement on

the existence ofabrogation in the Qur'in ever since the fust generation ofMuslims. While

the majority of scholars agreed that verse 2:62 is abrogated by verses 3:85, some

Companions such as Mujihid b. Jibir and al.Qal)Qik b. MuziI}im held otherwise. 93

Secondly, as Muslim theologians had noticed, there are theological difficultiesM in the

application of this doctrine. Such a difficulty led scholars to limit the growing number of

nDsikh-mansükh verses. Like other theologians, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi probably udrastically

reduced the instances which are frequently enumerated as cases ofnaskh. ,,95

Sorne scholus suggested that there are sorne abrogated verses in SÜTat AI lfmran•

• In his NawDsi/ch al-Qur 'an, Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1201), who is better known for bis

exegetica1 work zad al-Maiir,9CS discussed ten verses which are supposed to be abrogated.
However, he argued that none ofthese verses was really abrogated. Instead of considering

them abrogated, he applied another method of resolving the uproblematic verses, i.e. by st

the method of specification (takhii~). In Arabie grammar, specification may be Îndicated

by exception (istithna 1, replacement (bada/), or elaboration (bayQn).97

~ Al·si~ "The Hcnneneutical Problem of the Qurtin in Islamic History," 170.

93 Powers. "The Exegctical Genre lrasikh a/-Qu,·in wa Ma1lSÜkhihu••~ in App,oaches to the
Hist0"Y0fthe Inte,pretation a/the Qu,·an. 119.
94 ln bis Majhüm al-Nt1#. Abü zayd brought two issues in ms discussion of the phcnomenon of
abrogation. The first issue concems the pre-existcnœ ofthe Qurtin in the af-Lawlt QI-Ma~. The other
issue concems the coUection of the Qurtân in ·Uthmints time. For further discussion. sec Abü Za"d.
Majhüm a/-NOff: DirastJhft ·Umm al-Qu, 'an. 131. •

•
9S Al-Sid, "The Hcrmencutical Problcm orthe Qurtin in IsIamic History." 170.

• For a short discussion on bis carecr in the field of Qurtinic interprel8ûon. sec Mani· •Abd al-
l:falÏm Mal)mûcl. Manihij al-Mufassirln (Cairo: Dar al-Kitib al-MîfrL 1978). 117-24.
97 Al-Bagbdidi. Nawisikh al-Qu,.·an. 104-10.
• In considering Fakhr al.D'in al-Rizi·s ideas on abrogation. there seems to be

inconsistency in his reasoning. On the one hand. he seems reluetant ta apply the doctrine

of abrogation, sinee rationally there are theological obstacles to applying abrogation to the

Qur.in, given its status as the very words of God. On the other hand. he acknowledges

that seme Qur. wc verses were abrogated by athers. or even by prophetie traditions 98

transmitted on the authority of severa! Companions (mutawëztir).99 Musa'id Muslim 'Abd

Allah Al Ja'far maintains that Fakhr al-D'in al-Rïzi supports the idea that the Qur'in might

be abrogated by prophetie tradition (sunnah). whether mutawatir or not. an idea held by

Shifi'ite scholan. loo In support ofthis assertion, 'Abd Allih gives two examples ofFakhr

al-Dk al-Râzi·s argument, namely, the abrogation of the Qur'in101 by a hadith which

reads: "la wap,WQta li-wQrlthin" -meaning "there is no will for an inheritor" - and the

• abrogation ofthe Qur' in on jald by a Jiadlth about rajam. 102

Fakhr al-D'in al-Râzi does Dot ooly speak of the notion of abrogation within a

theoretica1 ftamework, but also in its application. Aceording to him, nQsi/ch verses can be

recognized in either oftwo ways: one is bi-II-tan and the other bi-ghayr; Il_ltiff.l03 As for

the first, one may find the word naslch or its derivatives in various Qur'inie verses. One

may aise find one or more prophetie traditions which say that this verse abrogates that

• Compared with Ibn al-lawzf, who maintains "anna 'l-Qur'ana la yansakhu illa '/-Qur'Qn~'
("none abrogates the Qur'ân but the Qur'in"). Al-Rizi went tao far in supponing the doctrine of
abrogation. Ibicl., 74.
!Ii Al-Râzi. QI-Ma~/fl'llm U.fÜ1 al-Fiqh. vol. 3, 519-30.

100 Musi~icl Muslim ~ Abel AlJih Al Ja~far, Atha, al-Ta{awwu, al-Fikrl.fi al-Tafsi, ft al-:Aofr al-
~4bbisi (Beirut: Mu'assasat al·Risilah, 1984),201.

• lOI Sec. for exampl~ Q. 2:240 and 4:11-2.

un lbid., 202. AIso al-Rizi. Mafitï" al-Ghayb. vol. 1. 660 ancl663.

103Al-Rizi. al-Ma/ttilft 'llm U~I al-Fiqh, voL 3. 561.
• verse, and 50 on. The second way of recognizing the nDsikh is by understanding the legal

connotation of the tm within the particular historical consciousness in which the Qur' in

was revea1ed, or as al..Rizi hismself says: "an ya 'tiya bi-naqil/i '1-IpJ/cmi 'l-awwa/i aw bi-

qiddiht ma·a 'l-llmi bi- 't-tOrtlch. ,,104 To extract this bistorical information, he suggests

that the same means of recognizing apply as above, i.e. bi- 'l-loft and bi-ghayri 'l-Iaf;. lOS

It is bi- 'I-laf~ when there is a report indicating that one lladfth was narrated before the

other. To explain bis notion of bi-ghayri 'I-laff, on the other hand, Fakhr al..Din al..Rizi

cites three instances. If there is a report saying that one IJadtth refers to an event in one

year and another in a later year, or if one report or Qur'ânic verse was revea1ed at the

battle of Badr and another at the battle of tJ'bud, or if two Companions report two

•
different J,adiths on the same issue, and yet it is known that one of the two accompanied

the Prophet earlier than the other, then, it would Mean that the first Companion reported

earlier /tari/th than the other.

In bis interpretation of the third chapter of the Qur'in, Fakhr al..D'in al-Rizi does
not confirm any abrogation. In his interpretation of verse 3:102, for instance, he differs

tram previous scholars in saying that this verse contains no abrogation. He criticizes Ibn

'Abbas, for having staled that the phrase inaqu '/laha ltaqqa tuqatih is abrogated by fa

'naqu '/IQha ma 'stata·mm (Q. 64:16).106 Ibn 'Abbas assumed that the l1aqqa tuqanh

means that Muslims sbould he obedient, thanldùl, and remember Gad, without any chance

of disobedience, of striking, or of forgetting -all of which are impossible for any human

•
104 Ibid.. 561.
lOS A1.RizL al-Ma1l~/ft olim U~I al-Fiqh. vol. 3, 562-7.
106 Ialil al-Ofn al-SUYÜ,I aIso mers to the idea that Q. 3:102 is abrogatecl by 64:16. Al-SU)'Üti,
a/-Itqanft 'Ulim a/-Qu,'an. vol. 2,49.
• being. Because of this difticulty, Ibn ~ Abbas says, the verse ittaqu 'l/aha IJaqqa tuqatih

was revea1ed to abrogate ittaqu 'llaha ma 'stata 'tum. Al-Rizi on the contrary suggests

that ittaqu 'l/Qha l1aqqa tuqanh means "to avoid every disobedience," so that the meaning

ofboth verses is the same, which is to perform taqwa as long as Muslims are able to do it.

In the case that a Muslim disobeys God because of forgetfulness, he argues, this

disobedience does not count, for there is no tak/if when one Corgets. 107

4. The Occasions of Revelation (Asbab al-N"z.Ml)

The MOst familiar way of inferring the context of revelation is to study the reports

related to revelation, a science known as 'ilm asbQb al-nuzül (uthe science of the

occasions of revelation"). Many exegetical works, mostly those of the variety known as

• ta/Sir bi a/-ma 't},Ur, include reference to the occasions on which certain verses were

revealed. Eaeh of the seven I!adith collections contains reports relating to the

interpretation of certain verses or the eircumstances surrounding them. This science is

considered one of the most important in ail of Qur' in interpretation, since if' the Qur' in is

to be understood comprehensively, the context in which it was revealed needs to be

known. Without sueh an understancling, one might misread certain issues. 108 Due to the

importance of the science of asbab al-nuzûl, Qur'in exegetes regularly rerer to it. This is

not limited to exegetes who base their interpretation on the Qur' ân and prophetie

traditions, but extends to those whose exegesis is considered rationallike al-Rizi.

101 Al-Raz1 al-Torii,. a/-Kabl', voL 8,. 171·2.

•
9

Il» Mu1Jammad al-KhU4arl9 U.fÜ/ al-Fiqh (Beirut: Dar al-Fœ, 1988), 209-11. For those who
consider that tbere is abrogation in the Qur9~ the asbib al-n",.;l are very impodaDl for detennining
wbich verses came ~ 50 tbal the verse mal was revealecl al a laler lime mighl abrupte one that was
rcvealeclcarlier. SeeAbü'Zay~ ..\lQjhüma/-N~ Dirisahfl 'Ulim al-Qu,'an. 135.

97
• Many tenns are used ta refer to the circumstances ofrevelation. Some ofthe MOst

common terms are annaha nuzzi/at fi... ("this verse was revealed in such and such");

annaha nuui/at bi-sabab; ... ("this verse was revealed because of such and such");

fanuzzi/at... (uthen, the verse was revealed"). log The first two terms are normally used to

initiate an explanation of the context of the revelation, while the other one is used after

explaining the events or circumstances preceding the revelation.

At titis point in our discussion, let us examine al-RizI's view of the functions ofthe

sabab reports in bis interpretation of the Qur' an. In bis treatment of the third chapter of

the Qur'ïn, these reports are generally meant ta explain the context ofthe verses. Without

considerang their sabab or asbab. the meanings of texts remain vague. In Andrew

•
Rippin's words, the functions of asbab reports are "interrelated in their basic haggadic

nature.,,110 In al-RizI's exegesis, this fimction serves only to arrive at the meaning.

SinùIarly, sabah or asbah reports do not imply a causal relationship with the events. 111

As seen in al-Rizi's interpretation of the fust two verses, the sabab reports serve

to give the context of revelation. In what foRaws, we will see that there is a great deal of

evidence of this. Al-Rizi, fo instance, cites two accounts of asbOb a/-nuzül in bis

commentary on the third chapter. 112 The first account, which is accepted on the authority

of Muqitil b. Sulaymin, relates to the sabab of the first verse ooly, which is the same as

109 Al-RizL a/-Ta/str a/-Kabl,., vol. 8, 231·2.

110 This conclusion is drawn from bis e.QIIlÎnation of the seœnd chapter oC the Qur'an. Andrew
L. Rippi~ "The Qur'inic AsbaD al-Nuzül Matena!: An Analysis of Its Use and Development in E.xegesis"

•
(ph.D. dissenatio~ McGill University, 1981),443.
UI ",\'isbah "Abel al-Ra~miD. al-Taf~' a/-Bayinf li a/-Qu,'in al-Karim, 7th ecL. vol. 2 (Cairo:
Dâr al-Ma"irif, 1990), 10..1.
112 Al-Rizi. al-Ta{ii,al-Kabl,. vol. 7, 165..7.

91
• the sabah ofthe first verse ofthe second chapter. The account reports that this verse was

revealed conceming the Jews of Medina. The second account applies to the occasion of

revelation of the first eighty-odd (bit!' WQ Ihamimtn) verses, which have ta do basically

with the Christian delegation ofNajrin. 113 Based on M~d b. Is~iq's Strah. which

contains the same account as that round in al-wiI)idI's Asbab Nuzü/ al-Qur'Qn and most

other exegetical writings, al-Rizi says that sixty envoys of the Najrin tribe114 came to the
Prophet. The leaders of the envoys carried on a theological debate with the Prophet

conceming the oneness of Gad and the prophethood of MuI)ammad. In the first place,

they argued that Jesus was either himself Gad, His son, or one of a trinity. They based

their first claim on the ideas that Jesus resuscitated the dead, made a live bird out of a clay

•
one, healed the blind and the lepers, and spoke about the unseen. The second claim they

based on the idea that Jesus had no rather. The third and last claim was derived ftom the

passages in scripture where Gad speaks ofHimself while referring ta others as well, saYing

such things as "We did ifa'a/nâ)," and "We created (ja'alna)." In response ta their

allegations, the Prophet asked them to surrender themselves (aslimû). However, he did

not respond when they repeated their second claim and asked him who the father of Jesus

was. Subsequendy, the first eighty-odd verses were revealed, and the Prophet answered

their questions based on these verses. 11!

113 Mahmoud M. Ayoub, The QurtQn and Ils interpreters. voL 2, The House of 'Imrall (Albany:
State University ofNew York Press, 1992), 1.
114 Among them there were seventeen imponant people: one leader calJecl ~ Abd al.Masi~ one
guide called al-A}'ham, one expert on the Midrisbi $Choal caUed Abü ijirithah b. ~ Alqamah. ancl rouneen
noble men. On their way to the Prophet, Abü ijârithah b. ~ Alqamah ta1ked \\'ith bis bromer Kan. In this

• conversation, ..Alqamah admitted that Mul)ammacl was the pronùsecl Prophet as mentioned in their
saipture. While"Alqamah hcsitatcd. 10 admit the propbethood of Mul)ammad because of the rcwards bis
people gave bim, Kan 181er on admiuecl MuI)ammad's propbccy and embracecl Islam.
us Al-Râzi. ai-Tafiir al-Kabir. vol 7, 165-6.

99
• When speaking ofthe interpretation of verse 3:12, which reads "Say ta those who

disbelieve: 'You will be defeated and coUected in Jahannam, the worst place,'" al-RïzI also

uses the sabab reports to discover the sense of the text from its context. In 50 doins, he

affinns tbat there are three versions ofthe occasion that led to the revelation of this verse.

The tirst version holds that this verse was revealed in accordance with the Medinan Jews'

rejection of Mul)ammad's call to Islam after the BattIe of Badr. A similar notion is

suggested by the second version, i.e., that this verse was revealed after the Battle ofBadr,

and relates to a debate among Medinan Jews concerning the truth of Mul}ammad's

prophethood. A third version establishes a more general pieture of the sabab. It states

that this verse was addressed to all unbelievers.lUS This last version, according to him,

la bi-khu~

•
corresponds to the principle "al- 'ibratu bi· 'umümi 'l-Ioffi 's-sabab," or as

stated in another place: "wa khuF~ 's-sababi la yamna'u 'umüma 'l-Iaf;. ,,117 He applies

this principle in bis interpretation of3:197, where he affirms that the pronoun "ka" (you) in

U la yaghu"annaka" ("let it not deceive you") indicates "every listener" ofthe Qur' in, not
the Prophet Mul)ammad omy.lll Al-RïzI does not state at once bis opinion as to wbich
sabab he based the interpretation of this verse, but waits until the following verse, he

states that verse 3:12 was revealed in answer to the Medinan Jews who rejected

Mul)ammad's call to Islam. 119

Another fùnction of the asbâb al-nuzü/ is to support al-RizI's theological stance.

He asserts that rational conviction bas a high place in the pursuit of reügious truth. Basing

lUS Ibid.~

•
201.
U7 Ibid.~ 186.
UI Ibid.~ vol. 9~ 152.
ut lbid.~ voL 7~ 202.

100
• himself on the second report of the as!Ja!J. al-Rizi argues that it was in arder ta prove

religious truth that the Prophet did not reject the call of the Christian delegation ofNajrin

for a debate~ It is evident trom this. Fakhr ai-Ok al-Rizi aftirms. that rational

understanding is not forbidden, but is in faet necessary ta prove the truth ofreügion. In bis

words, "tms account proves that establishing the truth of religion and eschewing obscure

thoughts (shuhuMt) through debate [mull~arah] was in the tradition [J,irfah] of the

prophets, and that the ijashwiyyah' s position in rejeeting research and discussion is

absolutely faIse [bQplun qat'an]."l20

Fakhr al-D'in al-Rïzi provides three difFerent asbQb for verse 3:31. One account

affirms that the verse was revealed to the Jews, who claimed they were the sons of and the

lovers ofGod (naJtnu abnil'u 'l/Oh; wa al!ibba 'uh). Another account states that this verse

• was revealed ta the Qurasyb, who said that they worsbipped idols for the sake oftheir love

for God. The third one confinns that it was revealed to the Christians, who said they

exalted Jesus because of their love of Gad. Although the groups to whom it was said ta

have been revea1ed dift'ered widely. the message of the narratives is the same -namely,

their worshipping ofwhat is other than Gad for the sake oftheir love of Gad. This verse

was, therefore, an answer to their pretension to love God. l2l

The Qur' in 3:100 was revealed in connection with the efoorts of a Jewish man

caIled Shis b. Qays, who reminded the Khazraj and Aws of their past tights in Jihiliyyah

rimes. He not ooly recalled their past, but also raised tensions by reating poetty which

was customarily recited in battles. He was sa successfull in raising tensions that the

• 1:0 Ibid.,

121
161.
Ibid., voL 8, 19.

101
• Medinan Muslims almost resumed fighting among themselves. The Prophet was informed

oftbis even~ and went out to the people to remind them ofthe peace they enjoyed because

of Islam. This verse, which warns them against a retum to infidelity, was therefore

revealed at that time. According to Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi, Muslims would never revert to

being infidels as long as the Prophet MulJammad was alive or they held to the Qur' in. ln

In bis interpretation of verse 128, Fakhr al-nin al-Razi quotes two opinions

concerning its asbab al-nuzü/. One opinion suggests that this verse was revealed at the

time of the Battle of Ul)ud, while the other suggests it was meant for the people of Bi'r

Ma'ÜDah. Tbere are different variants of the tirst opinion -that the Prophet condemned

the infidels in bis prayer, that he cursed Muslims who violated bis command, and that he

desired to forgive Muslims who break the rules of the Prophet. Conceming the second

• opinion, reported by Muqitil, al-Rizi says that the verse in question was revealed when the

Prophet sent sorne of bis Companions to teach the people of Bitr Ma'ünah the Qurt an.

Unfortunately, the infidels killed them all, angering the Prophet and inducing mm to call
down a curse on the infidels. With regard ta these issues, al-Razi supports the majority
opinion which holds that this verse was revealed at the BattIe of UQ.ud, for the reason that

the context of the verse is in line with the tirst opinion. l23 Here, al-R iv seems ta say that
a sabab is ta be accepted when it suits the narrative ofthe verses.

• l~ Aws and Kbazraj were brothers orthe same rather and mother. Before Islam. the two ln1Jcs
had Coupt against cach other for about 104 years. Ibid.. 169-174.
123 Ibidet' 231-2.

101
• 5. The Openinll ofCbapten (Fawitilf al-S"WtJl')

Of the 114 chapters in the Qur' in, 29 chapters begins with the so-called

"mysterious letters," known as the fawOti1l a/-suwar (uthe openings of chapters") because

they are round at the beginning of certain chapters. These letters are also known as the

/pJrüf al-hija' or 1pJrü/ al-Iahant.. Some fawiltill consist of one letter, and others of a

combination. The letters are: a1it: 1)i', ri', sin, ~d, Ji', ~ayn, Qi( kat: Iim, mIm, nün, hi',
and yi'. The following are the fawâtif! and the chapters in which they occur: with the one

letter "~4" (38), "qat' (50), and "000" (68); with two letters "li' hi'" (20), "fa' sin" (27);

"yi sin" (36), and "~. mIm" (40, 41, 43, 44, 45, and 46); with the three letters "aliflim
mIm" (2, 3, 29, 30, 31, and 32), "alif lam ri' (la, Il, 12, 14, and 15)," and li' sm mIm"

(26 and 28); with the four letters "aliflim mIm pq" (7), and "aliflim mIm ra'" (13); and

• with five letters "kif hâ' yi' 'ayn ~4" (19), and "1)&' mIm 'ayn sin qat' (42). With the

exception of four chapters, the fawënif! are followed by a mention of revelation in the fonn

of general reference, or mention of M~ad bimse1f: In the remaining four chapters

there is a reference to knowledge, which is symbolized by the word qalam (pen), after the

fawOtiI1 of chapter 68; to God's promise to make the Byzantines vietorious over the

Persians after those of chapter 30; to God's testing of the believers after those of cbapter

29; and to the story ofZakariyya' after those ofchapter 19.

Scholars disagree on the interpretation ofthese fawinil!. They mostly maintain that

they should be considered mutashabihitt and that, therefore, ooly God knows their

meanings, for '~thefawatil1 are among the secrets ofGod.nl24 However, Many studies have

• 1241bicL. vol. 2, 3.

103
• sought to discover the secret meaning ofthesefawatilJ. In Kitab al-Khawatir al-Sawanil]

ft Kashf Agar al-Fawatil], Ibn Abi al-I$ba' aI-Mi,ri (d. 654) discusses this issue at some
length.125 Bint al-ShiJi' tao has done researeh on the fawatil1 al-suwar. In ber al-] JQz al-

Bayant, she cornes to the conclusion that every mrah starting with the fawëltill al-suwar

must talle about the triumph of the Qur' in and provide an explanation of ilS miracu10us

nature. 126

Based on Qurtinic verses t prophetie traditions, and reason, al-Rizi concludest

uTheologians negate this ide&, and they say that there should not be anything in the Qur' in

that cannot be known to creatures.,,127 Like other theologians, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi

asserts that the meanings of the fawatill should be known. He suggests that these fawalil1

are alsa names of chapters. 121 In addition to this, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi aftirms that the

• fawatil1 have several purposes, the most important of whicb is to stimulate people ta

"think about the Qur'in, 50 that they May solve its difficulty."l29

6. Variant Readings (aI-Qiri'it)

In bis interpretation of the Qur'in, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi refers ta variant readings

(qira 'al). He considers the Seven Systems, the most popular readings, but he aise refers

to the Ten Systems, and the Fourteen Systems. Yet he does not limit himself to these

1~ Ibn Abl al-I$ba~ al-Mipi. Min l'jaz a/-Qu,.'an: a/-Khawâ{i,. a/-SawaniIE fi Asrâr a/-Fawatil[.
ed. Hathi Mul)anunad Sharaf(n.d. and n.p.• 1960).
1:6 ~ A"ishah ~ Abd al-RaJ!mjn. a/-l'jar a/-Bayanl li a/-Qur 'an \Va lv/osa °il Ibn al-AZI'aq: Dirasah
Qu,.°aniyyah Lughawiyyah \Va Bayin{vyah, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Dar al-Ma~ârif. 1987). 155•

• lZf Al-Rizi. QI-Ta/Si,. al-KQhl,., vol. 2. 3.

13 Ibid.. 8.

129 Ibid.. IL

104
• readings, for on many occasions he quotes the variant readings of other scholars like Ibn

'Abbas and al·Fani. 130

Al-Rirl's discussion is marginally grammar-based. The ditrerent readings are

judgecl according to whether certain words are read as fatl1ah, kasrah, t/ammah, and with

or without tashdfd To some degree, these differences influence the interpretation of

words and verses. For his interpretation of verses 3: 1-2, for instance, al-Rizi elucidates
variant readings. He quotes the readings of' ~im, al-Farrâ (d. 207/822), and the scholars

ofB~ah. They aU held the idea that the ends of the fturiifa/-tahajjt should be read with a

full stop (annaasma' a/-Ipnüfmawqüfatu '/-awQkhir), to read a/if/am mtm. 131 In relation

to verse 2, which reads A//Dhu /a i/aha il/a huwa '/...1Jayyu '/-qtlJ')lÜm, Fakhr al-D'in al-RizI

suggest two possible approaches. The first, based on '~m' s reading, is that the mIm of

• "aliflim mIm" should be read with a sukün, as this verse is read with a full stop (waqf);

and that the hamzah of fan a/-ja/a/ah (Al/ah) should be read fatl1ah, for one of two

reasons: (1) the vowel ofthe hamzah is fatltah because this is at the beginning (ibtidiz 1: or

(2) the hamzah of /an a/ja/a/ah (Allah) should be read with a fatltah for the purpose of
taflchtm and ta'ilm (glorification). The second approach, based on the reading of al-Farri'

130 The Seven Systems. which Ibn Mujihid (cl. 324/935) believed 10 be canonical, are those of
Nafi~ of McdiDa (d. 169n85), Ibn KatbIr of Mecca (d. l20n38). Ibn ~ Amir of Damascus (d. l20n38).
Abü ~Amr ofBa$rah (cl. lS4n71), ~Â$im ofKütah (d. 128n4S). lJamzah ofKüfah (d. lSBn74), and al-
Kisi·I ofKüfah (d. 1891805); the Ten Systems include the Seven Systems along wim those or Abü la"Car
of Medina (cl. 130n47). Kba1af oC Kiïrah (cl. 229/843), and Ya~qüb of Ba$rah (cl. 205/820); and the
Fourteen Systems consist of the Ten Systems plus those of Ibn Mul)ay~ ofMecca (cl. 123n40). al-Yazidi

•
of Bqrah (d. 2021817), al-1Jasan of Ba$rah (d. 110n28). and a1-A~mash of Küfah (cl. 14Bn6S). Arthur
Jeifay. Materia!sfo, 'he History o/the Tut o/the Qu, -an:
The Old Cod/ces <Leidcn: El. Brin, 1937), 1-
2.
131 Al-RizL al-Ta/if, al-Kabir_ vol. 7. 163.

105
• and most Blfran scholars, the mtm of "a/if /a", mfm" should be read with a fatlIah, 132 as

the result ofthe transmission of the vowel of hamzat a/-w~1 of laft a/-jala/ah (AI/ah) to

the mtm. In short, one cao choose either to read "alif Ian. mfm" with a full stop

(mawqü/ah) or to read them as a continuing into the following verse, in which case the

mtm should accept the fatltah ofthe wllfl (continuous reading) with the hœnzah ofthe laf~

a/-ja/a/ah.

Another instance of grammatical emphasis is Fakhr al-DTn al-Ri2i' s discussion of

the readings of the phrase fanëzdathu 'f-ma/a ';kah in verse 3:40. Supported by ijamzah

and al-Kisi'L one reading sugests that this phrase should read fanildiIhu 'I-mala 'ilœh,

without la' al-ta 'nith, thus retaining the masculine form of the verb. Another reading,

supported by the majority of authorities, suggests fanildathu 'f-ma/a 'ikDh with la' al-

• ta 'ntth on the consideration that the word mala 'ikah is feminine. The reading of Ibn

Mas'üd suggests that it should readfanadQhu Jibrll. In this respect, Fakhr al-Dk al-Ri2i

seems to support the reading of the majority. However, he alsa tries to reconcile lhis

majority stance with that ofIbn Mas'üd. He seems ta accept the idea that "the angel who

calls" is Iibri!, if there is independent evidence for this assertion. Linguistically, he says,

such an understanding is possible, if one considers Iibrll the chief of the angels. He gives

an analogy with the statement "somebody ate excellent food and wore excellent clothing."

This statement does not Mean that this persan ate every single variety of excellent food

and wore every single excellent garment, but ooly a small seledion ofthem. By lhis logic~

"the angel who calls" could be one ofthe angels. who would most likely be their chief: i.e.

• 132 Abü lJayyin·s a/-&I!r a/4/ulii{ iŒludes this re8diog among the seven acœpled readings (a/·
qirà 'QI a(-sab 'ah). MuIJammad AlpDad Khipr, ecL. a/-Qi,.à 'QI a/-Qu,.·aniyyah fi a/-Bali' al.Mulii{. vol 1
(Mecca: Maktabat A.z:4r Mugati al·Biz, 1995, 94.

106
• Jibrll. 133 When interpreting the following phrase, which is n anna 'lIëzha yubashshiruka bi

yaJtyëz, " be reconciles tbe readings of Ibn Amir and 1:Ia.mzah, who suggest that the anna
Il

should be read with a /tasrah (inna), on the one band, and that of the majority, who

suggest ajatlJah (anna), on the other. For tbose who read it with a kasrah, the following

phrase is considered the content of a speech (qawl), sa that this verse should be

understood as janadathu 'l-ma/a 'ikatu ... inna '//Qha yubashshiruka bi yal1Ya. But for

those who read the text with afatllah. the phrase is considered an indirect abject, 50 that it

should be understood as fanDdathu '/-ma/a 'ikatu .... bi anna 'I/aha yubashshiruka bi

yaJtyQ.134

A simiIar type of discussion takes place in al-Ri.li's interpretation of verses 124-5.

'Amir,

•
For the former he quotes two readings: one is the reading of Ibn who reads

munazzalÏn ("to be sent down for many timestt ); and for the other he quotes that of other

scholars, who read munzaIin ("to be sent downtt). For the latter, he quotes the readings of

Ibn KathIr, Abü 'Amr, and '~im, who read musawwimtn ("send downtt), and that of

others, who read musawwamin (''ta be sent down,,).135

Interpreting verse 3:15, al-RizI raises two points for discussion. namely,

Q 'unabbi 'ulcum and riqwân. He gives two different readings for the ward a 'unabbi 'u/cum,

referring ta the seven readings with the exception ofIbn KathÏr's. The first reading, which

is reported under the authority of Ibn Il Amir, '~im, l:Ia.mzah, and al-Kisi'i, reads

a 'unabbi 'u/cum with two &amzahs. The other, narrated on the authority ofNifi' and Abû

• 133

134

135
Al-~ a!-Ta[iira/-Kabi,.. vol. 8 36.7.
Ibid.. 37.
Ibid.• 228-9.
t

107
• 4 Amr, reads it 'unabbiulcum with one hamzah. 136 For this verse, al-Rizi prefers the

reading of ~im without giving any explanation for this preference. In tbis case, 1 do not
4

see any point in explaining these different readings, except to restate repons on the

readings. For the second ward, he quotes the reading of' ~im as rut/wan, and that of

others as ricfwan. In this instance, al-RÏl.i seems to accept both, basing himself on al-

Farra"s explanation, which gives linguistic prooforthe two possibilities. 137

In explaining the meaning ofverse 3:18, Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi presents the narration

of Ibn 'Abbas. Unlike MOst readings, the former reads this verse as "shahida 'llahu

innahü la ilaha il/a huwa wa- '/-ma/a 'ikatu wa- 'ulu '/- 'ilmi qa 'imam bi- '/-qisp /a ilQha

il/a huwa '/-'aiizu '1-1Ia/dm. "138 By raising a difticult theological consequence from

accepting tbis reading, Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi states that lhis reading is not accepted by the

• 'ulama and is therefore unreliable.

t

Following Fakhr al-D'in al-Rizi's exposition of the variant readings in bis exegesis,

one might ask about the funetion ofthese readings. As far as his exegesis of the Qur' in is

concemed, there is no mention of why variant readings of the Qur' in are explained. By

looking at bis exposition ofthese readings, one may speculate that he meant to say that the

Qur' in we have is, in one way or another, ditrerent trom the one which was revealed to

MuQammad and disseminated among the early Companions. In faet, he does not state

clearly whether or not he recognizes the current Qur'inic text (mu#1aJ) as the authentic

• 136lbicL~ vol. 7, 212·3.

137 IbicL~ 214.

131 Ibid, 219-20.

lOI
• one revealed to Mw,ammad. 139 However, in view of the departure point of Fakhr al-Din

a1-RizÏ's exegesis, it is highly unlikely that he questioned the authenticity ofthe Qur' in.

139 Basccl on the presence of many variant readings of the Qur'i!L wlûch someÛlnes difl"er widely

• !rom the ~ut1uninl te.~ Arthur Jeffay feels doubtful that the present Qur'in is the samc as the one
revealed to Mul)ammad. Ieffery shows three books, namely, Kilab a/..MaraJ1i[oflbn AbI Diwücl. Ibn al-
Anbiri, and Ibn al-Asbta. in wbich the detaiIs of variant readings were set down al an carly date.. For
more discussion, sec Arthur IefI"CIY, Materia[sfor the H;sto", ofthe Text ofthe Qur "in; The O/d Codices.

109
• Conclusion

Fakhr al.Din al-Rizi's magnum opus, al-TafSir al-Kabir, otrers a distinctive

interpretation of the Qur' in. Its unique perspective is the result of his exposure to a wide

range of subjects, sueh as kalâm, philosophy, logie, fiqh, and astronomy, on ail of whieh

topics he wrote independent studies or which he pursued as themes of discussion in bis

exegesis of the Qur'in. There is alsa evidence of the influence exercised on him by

scholars, especially those in the fields of philosophy and ka/am, of both the previous and

the contemporary generations. This contributed greatly to the way he perceived the

Qur'in, and lent a unique eharaeter to the methodological principles bebind his

interpretation ofthe text.

In bis al-TafSir al-Kabir, al-RizÏ approaehes the Qur'in rationally. This results in

• an exegesis that tends to be philosophical, in the sense that he tries to demonstrate

rationally the Qur'inic verses he interprets. This rational demonstration is not

philosophical in the precise sense of the word but it does employ reason in explaining a

variety ofIslamic teaehings as well as the meaning orthe Qur'an. His rational approach to

scripture can be seen in bis basic assumptions regarding the Qur'in, such as when he

reconciles Qur' wc teachings with bis rational argumentation, or in the way he interprets

il, and defines the sources ofexegesis.

On the issue of reconciling Qur'inic doctrines and rational argumentation, a1-Rïzi

maintains first of all that everything in the Qur'in should be understandable. This is

because, as the Qur' in itself declares, it is a guidance for human beings. In order for the

•
Qur' in to give such guidance, everything in it must be understandable. Al-Riif supported

110
• this idea with the fact tbat the Qur'in wu revealed in Arabie in order that the people to

whom Mul)ammad wu sent could understand its message. He also holds the idea that the

i JO: of the Qur' in lies in its f~l1ah. In maintaining this, he gives a rational explanation

ofthe Qur' in' s miraculous nature. However, it is sometimes dif1icult for bim to apply this

rational approach. When he discusses "problematie verses" he often faUs into a circular

argument. Faced with difficulties posed by certain verses, he does not provide a

satisfactory solution to them but instead argues on the basis of the belief that ~'if the

Qur'in were from other than God, they would have found in it a lot of diserepancy." Here,

al-Rü.i justifies the truth of ODe Qur'inic belief by invoking another, which in this case

does not provide a satisfying answer.

With regard to the way al-Rü.i interprets the Qur'in, he systematizes bis exegesis

• by setting aside certain verses for interpretation. Subsequently, he divides bis

interpretation of these verses into divisions, subdivisions, and sub-subdivisions, labeling

each of them with certain terms, such as mas'a/ah, su 'al. bal1th, qawl, il1timal, and

riwayah, depending on the nature of their content. This enables him to discuss some

problems and oirer solutions to them in greater detail. This process, however, does not

prevent him trom considering other verses, for he links a given verse with others, which

enables bim to reach a more comprehensive interpretation.

Similarly, al-RizI's definition and sources of exegesis rely very much on the use of

reason. He believes that anything that cao explain the meaning of the text constitutes

exegesis, whether it is found in the tradition or not. Thus in bis taf~r he draws on several

•
branches of knowledge, such as philosophy and psychology, in addition to the sciences

111
• wbieh are directly related to the Qur'in. In order ta interpret a verse, al-RizÏ refers ta

both revelation and reasan. He places revelation, consisting in bis referenee to other

Qur'inie verses and prophetie traditions, on the same level as other rational disciplines,

sueh as linguistics and logie. He maintains that neither revelation nor reason CID invalidate

the other. Whenever he encounters a verse which seems ta contradiet rational

considerations he sets up a rational framework by way of linguistic justification to explain

it.

Like other exegetes of the Qur'an, al-RizÏ had to address certain themes and

follow certain standard principles in discussing them. His lengthy discussion of the

mul!kamal-mutashabihat controversy, and bis proposition of a linguistic framework for

tbis discussion is a case in point. He maintains that a mul1kam (clear) statement is one that

• May have any number ofconnotations, but ofthese one preferred, obvious meaning (~ir)

stands out. On the other band a mutashDbih (ambiguous) statement is one whose

connotations are more than one, yet none is to be more preferred ta another (mu 'awwa/'

mushtarak, and mujmal). In spite of having carefully established this framewor~ he was

as much a reduetionist as other exegetes who tended ta consider the interpretation that

suited their school ofthought as mul1kam, and that which did not as mutashabih.

Another instance is al-RizÏ's position on the doctrine of abrogation, which he

seems disinclined to accept. In view of theological difticulties arising ftom abrogating

Gad's divine ward, he appears unwilling to accept that abrogation should Mean "ta

nullify/replace some verses by other verses or traditions." Rather~ he sees it as "the

•
replacement ofthe previous sharÎ'ahs of other religions with Mu1)ammad's sharl'ah. As tp

112
• in bis al-M./' he discusses in al-TafSir al-Kabir the pros and the cons of abrogation

without stating ta which group he belongs. It is obvious, though, that in al-Ta/Sir al-

Kablr he disagrees with scholars who support this doctrine in its traditional sense.

Al-Rïzi also pays close attention to the occasions of revelation (asbab al-nuzül).

He uses asbab reports ta arrive at a sense ofthe meaning, indicating as they do the context

in which the text was revea1ed. His use of these reports, however, does not imply that he

saw the meaning of a text as depending on its context. Rather, he supports the idea that

the meaning of a text depends on its general reference, not on the special occasion on

which it was revea1ed.

Last but not least, a1-Rizi quotes variant readings, not only tram the three

canonical reading systems -namely, the Reading ofthe SeveD, the Reading ofthe Ten, and

• the Reading ofthe Fourteen- but also trom other authorities known in the fields of taf~r

and linguistics. His quotations tram these readings serve primarily ta show the various

possible interpretations which previous exegetes had attempted. Al-RizI avoids any
discussion of the implications ofthese variant readings, which Jetrery held showed that the

text ofthe Qur' in in Mul)ammad's time was different trom that orlater generations.

AlI things considered, al-Rizi' s rational approach comes across quite clearly in bis

methodology in interpreting the Qur' an. In faet, this rational approach is even more

apparent in bis manipulation of the sources of exegesis, and on the issue of mu~kœnQt­

mUlashabihat, for there a1-Ri,j' s use of reason outweighs bis reHance on revelation. In

the tirst instance, whenever there is a verse that does not accord with other verses or

•
reason, he relies on linguistic evidence. In the second instance, the categories of

113
• mul1kœnat and mutashDbihDt are detennined by bis rational evaluation of certain Qur'inic

verses.

•
11~
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