Globalization, that catch word of our time, is provoking mixed reactions
in the industrialized world. Most see it as inevitable. Many defend it as a positive phenomenon. Many others - workers in particular - are uneasy about the effects it is having on them and feel defenceless, unable to protect themselves against what they consider to be its negative consequences. Globalization, or the growing interdependence of national economies, results from basically three groups of factors: (i) enabling factors - these are principally faster, cheaper and more reliable telecommunications and international transport; (ii) government policies to promote trade liberalization and external capital liberalization; and (iii) corporate strategies - today, companies both sell and purchase more abroad. They sell more abroad through exports and through the relocation of activities to principal markets or low cost production sites. They also buy more abroad: the enhanced feasibility of splitting up production in stages has made it easier to subcontract parts and components. International subcontracting is assuming a prominent role in this. Although globalization is in large part a spontaneous development - there is little that can be done to influence the enabling factors and the corporate strategies - it is also influenced by government policies. Governments have wanted to lower barriers to international capital flows and they continue to negotiate the lowering of external trade barriers. As a rule, they do so after a careful assessment of the costs and benefits in the belief that, on the whole, globalization is a positive phenomenon. Economic integration enables a more efficient international division of
O. Memedovic et al. (eds.), Globalization of Labour Markets
labour. More competition leads to a greater choice of goods and services
at competitive prices, thus contributing to a higher standard of living. However, the shift towards globalization is not necessarily a smooth process. It is often argued that by promoting external trade and capital liberalization as a policy goal and by accepting globalization as a positive phenomenon, governments must accept a degree of responsibility for achieving an equitable outcome. Greater openness threatens activities which are not competitive. Trade and capital liberalization demand adjustments in the structure of production and employment. People and resources shift or need to shift from slow to fast growing activities. Roughly speaking, this occurs either within companies or through the market. In the latter case, efficient capital markets ensure a smooth flow of capital from declining to expanding activities. For workers, however, the flow to expanding activities can be more problematic. Labour markets are often not particularly transparent. It takes time for information about new job opportunities to reach workers who are redundant (or are about to become so). Many workers may need to be retrained for new jobs and that also takes time. Furthermore, it may be hard (or impossible) to retrain others. The current unfavourable employment situation influences this process in several ways. It may take much longer for people to find a new job. Their new job may pay less well or have less favourable working conditions. Or they may not find a new job at all. Economists have tried to quantify the labour market and employment effects of trade liberalization and of globalization in general. They have found that, on the whole, the effects of these factors tend to be minor compared with those of other factors such as changes in domestic demand, technological change and changes in the supply of labour. But the conclusions of these studies have not taken away the apprehension that many people feel, as unemployment remains high, wages stagnate and working conditions are under threat. The liberalization of trade and capital flows has both a global and a regional dimension. In the United States, recent concern about globalization and its effects has to a large extent coincided with discussions about the merits and demerits of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Canada and even more about those of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Mexico and Canada. Largely in response to a loud public debate, a considerable body of research now exists in North America on the likely effects, particularly the effects on labour, of the FTA with Canada and NAFTA.' In Europe, however, there has been much less research in this field. The for a long time quite upbeat tone of reports issued by or on behalf of the European Union (EU) has so