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Neferefre
Neferefre Isi (fl. 25th century BC; also known as
Neferefre
Raneferef, Ranefer and in Greek as Χέρης, Cherês) was an
ancient Egyptian pharaoh, likely the fourth but also possibly Raneferef, Neferefra, Noufirre,
the fifth ruler of the Fifth Dynasty during the Old Kingdom Noufirefre, Cherês
period. He was most likely the eldest son of pharaoh
Neferirkare Kakai and queen Khentkaus II, known as prince
Ranefer before he ascended the throne.
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Kakaibaef ♂
Family
Parents and siblings Father Neferirkare Kakai
Consort and children Mother Khentkaus II
Reign Died aged 20–23[21]
Accession to the throne Burial Pyramid of Neferefre
Reign duration Monuments Pyramid Netjeribau
Building activities Raneferef
Pyramid complex Sun temple Hotep-
Pyramid Re
Mortuary temple
Mummy of Neferefre
Sun temple
Pyramid of Neferirkare Kakai
Funerary cult
Notes, references and sources
Notes
References
Sources
Sources
Contemporaneous
There are very few archaeological sources contemporaneous with Neferefre, a fact which is now
seen by Egyptologists, including Miroslav Verner, to imply a very short reign.[22] In particular, as
of 2017, only one inscription dated to his rule is known. It was left by the builders of his pyramid
on a corner block at the end of the corridor leading to the pyramid substructures.[23] The
inscription was written on the fourth day of the Akhet season in the year of first occurrence of the
cattle count, an event consisting of counting the livestock throughout the country to evaluate the
amount of taxes to be levied. It is traditionally believed that such counts occurred every two years
during the Old Kingdom[24] although recent reappraisals have led Egyptologists to posit a less
regular and somewhat more frequent count.[25] Therefore, the inscription must refer to Neferefre's
first or second year on the throne, and his third year at the very latest.[note 3][26] Finally, a few
artefacts dated to Neferefre's rule or shortly after have been uncovered in his mortuary complex
and elsewhere in Abusir,[note 4] such as clay seals bearing his Horus name.[28]
Some of the Abusir Papyri discovered in Khentkhaus II's temple and dating to the mid- to late Fifth
Dynasty mention the mortuary temple and funerary cult of Neferefre. They constitute a written
source near-contemporaneous with his reign, which not only confirmed the existence of Neferefre's
pyramid complex at a time when it had not yet been identified,[29] but also gives details regarding
the administrative organisation and importance of the funerary cult of the king in Ancient Egyptian
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society.[30]
Historical
Neferefre is present on several Ancient Egyptian king lists, all dating
to the New Kingdom period. The earliest such list mentioning
Neferefre is the Abydos King List, written during the reign of Seti I (fl.
1290–1279 BC), and where his prenomen occupies the 29th entry,
between those of Neferirkare Kakai and Nyuserre Ini.[31] During the
subsequent reign of Ramses II (fl. 1279–1213 BC), Neferefre appears
on the Saqqara Tablet,[32] this time after Shepseskare, that is as a
second successor to Neferirkare Kakai. Owing to a scribal error,
Neferefre's name on this list is given as "Khanefere" or
"Neferkhare".[33] Neferefre's prenomen was in all probability also
given on the Turin canon (third column, 21st row), which dates to the
same period as the Saqqara tablet, but it has since been lost in a large
lacuna affecting the document. Nonetheless, the part of the reign Cartouche of Neferefre on
length attributed to Neferefre by the canon is still legible, with a single the Abydos king list
stroke sign indicating one year of reign to which a decade could in
principle be added, as the corresponding sign would be effectively lost
in the lacuna of the document.[23]
Neferefre was also likely mentioned in the Aegyptiaca, a history of Egypt written in the 3rd century
BC during the reign of Ptolemy II (283–246 BC) by the Egyptian priest Manetho. No copies of the
Aegyptiaca have survived to this day and it is now known only through later writings by Sextus
Julius Africanus and Eusebius. Africanus relates that the Aegyptiaca mentioned the succession
"Nefercherês → Sisirês → Cherês" for the mid-Fifth Dynasty. Nefercherês, Sisirês and Cherês are
believed to be the hellenized forms for Neferirkare, Shepseskare and Neferkhare (that is Neferefre),
respectively. Thus, Manetho's reconstruction of the Fifth Dynasty is in good agreement with the
Saqqara tablet.[31] In Africanus' epitome of the Aegyptiaca, Cherês is reported to have reigned for
20 years.[34]
Family
Neferirkare and Khentkaus had at least another son, the future king Nyuserre Ini. In addition,
since the relation between Shepseskare and Neferefre remains uncertain, it is possible that the two
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In addition, Khentkaus III was also called "king's mother" by inscriptions in her tomb, indicating
that her son had become pharaoh. Since Neferefre's second successor Nyuserre Ini is known to
have been his brother rather than his son, and since Khentkaus III might have been buried during
Nyuserre's reign, as indicated by mud seals,[48] this only leaves either Neferefre's ephemeral
successor Shepseskare or Nyuserre's successor Menkauhor Kaiu as possibilities.[48] There is an
ongoing debate in Egyptology concerning these two alternatives. Verner posits that Shepseskare
was an uncle of Neferefre and therefore that Menkauhor Kaiu was Neferefre's son. Meanwhile,
Krejčí views the opposite hypothesis, that Shepseskare was Neferefre's son with Khentkaus III, as
more probable.[41]
Two further sons of Neferefre and Khentkaus III have been proposed by Verner: the "king's son"
Nakhtsare,[54] whose filiation is supported by the general date and location of his tomb,[41] and
Kakaibaef, a member of the elite buried in Abusir.[54] Krejčí notes the lack of the titular "king's
son" in relation to Kakaibaef, thereby emphasizing the conjectural nature of Verner's assertion.[41]
Reign
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This view was challenged at the turn of the millennium, Drawing of the impression of a cylinder
seal of Shepseskare
most notably by Verner,[58][59][60] who has been
responsible for the archaeological excavations of the
Fifth Dynasty royal necropolis of Abusir since 1976. Firstly, there is the relief, mentioned earlier,
showing that Neferefre was in all likelihood Neferirkare's eldest son.[39][61]
Secondly, excavations of Neferefre's pyramid have yielded his mummy, which showed that he was
18 to 20 years of age at the death of Neferirkare.[62] Consequently, as the previous king's eldest
son, in his late teens to early twenties, Neferefre was in optimal position to ascend the throne.
Positing that Shepseskare reigned between Neferefre and his father would thus require an
explanation as to why and how Shepseskare's claim to the throne could have been stronger than
Neferefre's.[63]
two months".[74]
Fourthly, archaeological evidence also favors dating Shepseskare's reign to after Neferefre's.[75]
Some of the few seal impressions bearing Shepseskare's name have been discovered in the oldest
part of Neferefre's mortuary temple,[76] which was not built until Neferefre's death.[77] This seems
to indicate that Shepseskare made offerings for the funerary cult of Neferefre, who must therefore
have reigned before him.[77][78] Another argument concerns the alignment of pyramids of Sahure,
Neferirkare Kakai and Neferefre: they form a line pointing to Heliopolis, just as the three pyramids
of Giza do.[note 8][66] In contrast, Shepseskare's unfinished pyramid does not fall on the line to
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Heliopolis, which strongly suggests that Neferefre's pyramid had already been in place when
Shepseskare started to build his.[79] Lastly, while Shepseskare is noted as the immediate
predecessor of Neferefre in the Saqqara king list, Verner notes that "this slight discrepancy can be
attributed to the [political] disorders of the time and its dynastic disputes."[78] Verner's arguments
have convinced a number of Egyptologists, including Darrell Baker, Erik Hornung and Iorwerth
Edwards.[13][55][80]
Reign duration
While Neferefre is given a reign of some 20 years in epitomes of
Manetho's Aegyptiaca,[34] the current academic view is that this
number is an overestimation of his true reign length, which must have
been significantly shorter. Before the results of the extensive
excavations in Abusir were fully published, Egyptologists following
the traditional succession hypothesis credited Neferefre with around a
decade of rule, based on the paucity of attestations contemporaneous
with his reign. For example, von Beckerath and Winfried Barta gave
him 11 and 10 years on the throne, respectively.[82][83] This view now
has few supporters.[33]
Indeed, since then, Verner has set forth the hypothesis of a reign of no
more than two years.[23] His conclusion is based on archaeological Schist[6] statue of Neferefre
evidence: the unfinished state of his intended pyramid, and the wearing the white crown of
general paucity of documents datable to his rule. Verner writes that: Upper Egypt discovered in
his pyramid complex at
Abusir, Egyptian
The shape of the tomb of Neferefra...as well as a number
Museum[81]
of other archaeological finds clearly indicate that the
construction of the king's funerary monument was
interrupted, owing to the unexpected early death of the
king. The plan of the unfinished building had to be
basically changed and a decision was taken to hastily
convert the unfinished pyramid, (of which only the
incomplete lowest step of the core was built), into a
"square-shaped mastaba" or, more precisely, a stylized
primeval hill. At the moment of the king's death neither
the burial apartment was built, nor was the foundation of
the mortuary temple laid.[23]
Furthermore, two historical sources conform with the hypothesis of a short reign: the mason's
inscription in Neferefre's pyramid was discovered "at about two thirds of the height of the extant
core of the monument"[23] and probably refers to Neferefre's first or second year on the throne;
and the Turin canon which credits Neferefre with less than two full years of reign.[23] The
combination of archaeological and historical evidence led to the consensus that Neferefre's reign
lasted "not longer than about two years".[23]
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Building activities
Pyramid complex
Pyramid
Neferefre started the construction of a pyramid for himself
in the royal necropolis of Abusir, where his father and
grandfather had built their own pyramids. It was known to
the Ancient Egyptians as Netjeribau Raneferef meaning
"The bas of Neferefre are divine".[note 9][84]
The monument was used as a stone quarry from the New Kingdom period onwards,[90] but was
later preserved from further damages as its appearance of a rough unfinished and abandoned
pyramid did not attract the attention of tomb robbers.[88]
Mortuary temple
Works on the mortuary temple in which the funerary cult of the deceased king was to take place
had not even started when Neferefe died. In the short 70-day period allowed between a king's
death and his burial,[91] Neferefre's successor—possibly the ephemeral Shepseskare[55]—built a
small limestone chapel. It was located on the pyramid base platform, in the 5 m (16 ft) gap left
between the masonry and the platform edge, where the pyramid casing would have been put in the
original plans.[91] This small chapel was completed during Nyuserre's reign.[92] This pharaoh also
built a larger mortuary temple for his brother Neferefre, extending over the whole 65 m (213 ft)
length of the pyramid side but built of cheaper mudbrick.[93]
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A significant cache of administrative papyri, comparable in size to the Abusir Papyri found in the
temples of Neferirkare and Khentkaus II,[97] was discovered in a storeroom of the mortuary temple
of Neferere during a 1982 University of Prague Egyptological Institute excavation.[67] The presence
of this cache is due to the peculiar historical circumstances of the mid-Fifth Dynasty.[97] As both
Neferirkare and Neferefre died before their pyramid complexes could be finished, Nyuserre altered
their planned layout, diverting the causeway leading to Neferirkare's pyramid to his own. This
meant that Neferefre's and Neferirkare's mortuary complexes became somewhat isolated on the
Abusir plateau. Their priests therefore had to live next to the temple premises in makeshift
dwellings,[98] and they stored the administrative records onsite.[97] In contrast, the records of
other temples were kept in the pyramid town close to Sahure's or Nyuserre's pyramid, where the
current level of ground water means any papyrus has long since disappeared.[99]
Mummy of Neferefre
Fragments of mummy wrappings and cartonnage, as well as scattered pieces of human remains,
were discovered on the east side of the burial chamber of the pyramid.[100] The remains amounted
to a left hand, a left clavicle still covered with skin, fragments of skin probably from the forehead,
upper eyelid and the left foot and a few bones.[101] These remains were in the same archaeological
layer as broken pieces from a red granite sarcophagus[100] as well as what remained of the funerary
equipment of the king,[note 11] hinting that they could indeed belong to Neferefre.[15] This was
further corroborated by subsequent studies of the embalming techniques used on the mummy,
found to be compatible with an Old Kingdom date.[15]
The body of the king was probably dried by means of natron and then covered with a thin layer of
resin, before being given a white calcareous coating. There is no evidence of brain removal as
expected from post-Old Kingdom mummification techniques.[15] A final confirmation of the
identity of the mummy is provided by radiocarbon dating, which yielded a 2628–2393 BC interval
for the human remains in close correspondence with estimated dates for the Fifth Dynasty.[102]
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Thus, Neferefre is, with Djedkare Isesi, one of the very few Old Kingdom pharaohs whose mummy
has been identified.[62] A bioarchaeological analysis of Neferefre's remains revealed that the king
did not partake in strenuous work,[15] died in his early twenties at between 20 and 23 years old and
that he may have stood 1.67 m (5.5 ft) to 1.69 m (5.5 ft) in height.[103] The remains of a second
individual were discovered in the burial chamber, but those proved to belong to an individual from
the Late Middle Ages, who likely lived during the 14th century AD. He had simply been laid on rags
and covered with sand for his burial.[15]
Sun temple
Following a tradition established by Userkaf, founder of the
Fifth Dynasty, Neferefre planned or built a temple to the
sun god Ra. Called Hotep-Re[note 12] by the Ancient
Egyptians, meaning "Ra is content"[5] or "Ra's offering
table",[104] the temple has not yet been located but is
presumably in the vicinity of Neferefre's pyramid in
Abusir.[5] It is known solely[105][106] from inscriptions
discovered in the mastaba of Ti in North Saqqara,[107][108]
where it is mentioned four times.[105] Ti served as an The mastaba of Ti, where the only
administration official in the pyramid and sun temples of attestations of the Hotep-Re have been
found
Sahure, Neferirkare and Nyuserre.[108][109]
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Funerary cult
Like other pharaohs of the Old Kingdom period, Neferefre
benefited from a funerary cult established at his death.
Some details of this cult as it occurred during the Fifth
Dynasty have survived in the Abusir Papyri. A 10-day yearly
festival was held in honor of the deceased ruler during
which, on at least one occasion, no less than 130 bulls were
sacrificed in the slaughter house of his mortuary temple.[30]
The act of mass animal sacrifice testifies to the importance The pyramid of Neferirkare in Abusir
that royal funerary cults had in Ancient Egyptian society,
and also shows that vast agricultural resources were
devoted to an activity judged unproductive by Verner, something they propose possibly
contributed to the decline of the Old Kingdom.[30] The main benefactors of these sacrifices were
the cult's priests, who consumed the offerings after the required ceremonies.[30]
The funerary cult of Neferefre seems to have ceased at the end of the Old Kingdom or during the
First Intermediate Period.[114] Traces of a possible revival of the cult during the later Middle
Kingdom are scant and ambiguous. During the Twelfth Dynasty, a certain Khuyankh was buried in
the funerary temple of Neferefre. It remains unclear if this was to associate himself closely with the
deceased ruler or because other cultic activities in the area constrained the choice of location for
Khuyankh's tomb.[115]
Notes
1. Proposed dates for Neferefre's reign: 2475–2474 BC,[3][4][5][6] 2460–2455 BC,[7] 2460–2453
BC,[8] 2448–2445 BC,[9][10] 2456–2445 BC,[11] 2431–2420 BC,[12] 2404 BC,[13] 2399 BC.[14]
Finally, the radiocarbon dating of a skin fragment from the mummy of Neferefre has yielded the
dates 2628–2393 BC.[15]
2. Uncertain translation, might be a diminutive.[16][20]
3. The inscription reads rnpt sp tpy, 3bd 4 3ḫt.[23]
4. For example, the mastaba of princess Hedjetnebu, a daughter of Djedkare Isesi, yielded clay
seals of Neferefre.[27]
5. The transliteration of the inscription is [s3-nswt] smsw Rˁ-nfr.[35]
6. That is Jrj-pˁt. Often translated as "hereditary prince" or "hereditary noble" and more precisely
"concerned with the nobility", this title denotes a highly exalted position.[44]
7. Miroslav Bárta, the head of the team of archeologists who made the discovery states that "The
unearthed tomb is a part of a small cemetery to the south east of the pyramid complex of King
Neferefre which led the team to think that Queen Khentkaus could be the wife of Neferefre
hence she was buried close to his funerary complex".[52][53]
8. Heliopolis housed the main temple of Ra, which was the most important religious center in the
country at the time.[66] The temple was visible from both Abusir and Giza[63] and was probably
located where the lines from the Abusir and Giza necropolises intersected.[66]
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References
1. Verner 1985b, pp. 272–273, pl. XLV–XLVIII. 34. Waddell 1971, p. 51.
2. Hornung 2012, p. 484. 35. Verner 1985a, p. 282.
3. Verner 2001b, p. 589. 36. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 135.
4. Hawass & Senussi 2008, p. 10. 37. Posener-Kriéger 1976, vol. II, p. 530.
5. Altenmüller 2001, p. 599. 38. Verner 1980, p. 261.
6. El-Shahawy & Atiya 2005, pp. 61–62. 39. Verner 1985a, pp. 281–284.
7. Schneider 1996, pp. 261–262. 40. Roth 2001, p. 106.
8. Clayton 1994, p. 60. 41. Krejčí, Arias Kytnarová & Odler 2015, p. 40.
9. Málek 2000a, p. 100. 42. Schmitz 1976, p. 29.
10. Rice 1999, p. 141. 43. Verner, Posener-Kriéger & Jánosi 1995,
11. Strudwick 2005, p. xxx. p. 171.
12. von Beckerath 1999, p. 285. 44. Strudwick 2005, p. 27.
13. Hornung 2012, p. 491. 45. Baud 1999b, p. 418, see n. 24.
14. Strudwick 1985, p. 3. 46. Verner, Posener-Kriéger & Jánosi 1995,
p. 70.
15. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, p. 558.
47. Dodson & Hilton 2004, pp. 64–69.
16. Leprohon 2013, p. 39.
48. Discovery of the tomb of Khentkaus III 2015,
17. Clayton 1994, p. 61.
Charles University website.
18. Verner 1985a, p. 284.
49. Krejčí, Arias Kytnarová & Odler 2015,
19. Verner 1985a, pp. 282–283. pp. 28–42.
20. Scheele-Schweitzer 2007, pp. 91–94. 50. The Express Tribune 2015.
21. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, p. 558 & 560. 51. Krejčí, Arias Kytnarová & Odler 2015, p. 34.
22. Verner 2001a, p. 401. 52. Luxor Times 2015.
23. Verner 2001a, p. 400. 53. Conservation and Archaeology 2016.
24. Kanawati 2001, pp. 1–2. 54. Verner 2014, p. 58.
25. Verner 2001a, p. 414. 55. Baker 2008, pp. 427–428.
26. Verner 1999a, p. 76, fig. 6. 56. von Beckerath 1999, pp. 58–59.
27. Verner, Callender & Strouhal 2002, p. 91 & 57. von Beckerath 1999, pp. 56–59.
95.
58. Verner 2000.
28. Verner, Callender & Strouhal 2002, p. 91.
59. Verner 2001a.
29. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 135 & 166.
60. Verner 2001b.
30. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 152.
61. Baud 1999a, p. 208.
31. Verner 2000, p. 581.
62. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, p. 559.
32. Mariette 1864, p. 4, pl. 17.
63. Verner 2001a, p. 397.
33. Baker 2008, p. 251.
64. Verner 2000, p. 602.
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65. Lehner 2008, p. 142. 91. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 140.
66. Verner 2000, p. 586. 92. Lehner 2008, p. 148.
67. Grimal 1992, p. 77. 93. Verner & Zemina 1994, pp. 141.
68. Daressy 1915, p. 94. 94. Verner 2010, p. 91.
69. Verner 2000, p. 583. 95. Verner & Bárta 2006, pp. 146–152.
70. Verner 2001a, p. 396. 96. Sourouzian 2010, p. 82.
71. Verner 2000, p. 582. 97. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 169.
72. Verner 2000, pp. 584–585 & fig. 1 p. 599. 98. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 79 & 170.
73. Kaplony 1981, A. Text pp. 289–294 and B. 99. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 79 & 169.
Tafeln, 8lf. 100. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, p. 552.
74. Verner 2001a, p. 399. 101. Baker 2008, p. 250.
75. Verner 2000, p. 585. 102. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, pp. 558–559.
76. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 85. 103. Strouhal & Vyhnánek 2000, p. 555.
77. Verner 2003, p. 58. 104. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 110.
78. Verner 2002, p. 310. 105. Verner 1987, p. 294.
79. Verner 2000, p. 587. 106. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 111.
80. Edwards 1999, p. 98. 107. Épron et al. 1939–1966, vol. I pl. 37 & 44,
81. Verner 1985b, pp. 274–275, pl. XLIX–LI. vol. II pl. 183.
82. von Beckerath 1997, p. 155. 108. Verner 1987, p. 293.
83. Barta 1981, p. 23. 109. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 53.
84. Grimal 1992, p. 116. 110. Verner 1987, p. 296.
85. Grimal 1992, p. 117. 111. von Bissing, Borchardt & Kees 1905.
86. Lehner 2008, pp. 146–148. 112. Grimal 1992, pp. 116–119, Table 3.
87. Lehner 1999, p. 784. 113. Lehner 2015, p. 293.
88. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 138. 114. Málek 2000b, p. 245.
89. Verner 1999b, p. 331. 115. Morales 2006, pp. 328–329.
90. Verner & Zemina 1994, p. 139.
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Preceded by Succeeded by
Pharaoh of Egypt
Neferirkare Kakai or Shepseskare or
Fifth Dynasty
Shepseskare Nyuserre Ini
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