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330 SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION

The Spiritual Churches of New Orleans: Ori. ship with one, visits to members' homes, and
~ns, Beliefs and Rituals of an African. numerous formal and informal interviews
American ReIi~on, by Ct.UDE F. JACOBS provide the data that, along with twenty-
and AND~WJ. KAsLow.Knoxville: Uni- seven photographs, gŸ the reader a genuine
versity of Tennessee Press, 1991, xii + sense of the religious experience of Spiritual
235 pp. $24.95. churches. Descriptions of worship services
are detailed and show the high degree of
variation among the extant congregations.
Rooted in the Franco-American cul- The methods are especiaUy effective at un-
tural order of Louisiana, Spiritual Churches covering the meanings that ritual and belief
are part of an African-American religious have for members. The Spiritual Church
tradition that has attracted the attention of members see the world dualistically, as a
many writers, beginning notably with Zora constant struggle between forces of good and
Neale Hurston, who in 1931 studied the of evil, forces that pervade both the visible
herbalists and magicians known as "hoodoo" and invisible world. Jacobs and Kaslow show
practitioners. In this comprehensive histori- that social ills ate often attributed to the
cal, ethnographic and structural study, an- "unnatural" agency of evil forces. The use of
thropologists Jacobs and Kaslow view Spiri- spiritual guides, possession by spirits, and the
tual Churches asa religious movement with roles of healing and private advising are de-

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distinctive rituals inextricably linked to mem- scribed in detail.
bers' social and economic status in society. The authors make efforts to put their
The authors urge a reassessment of the view observations about Spiritual Churches into
that sucia churches are wholly other-worldly, the contexts ofbroader theories and perspec-
and see the beliefs and practices of the Spiri- tives, sometimes successfully, other times not.
tuals as symbols of empowerment and protest, One intriguing discussion describes the wor-
especially for the large number of women ship services and rituals of the Spiritual
members. Churches in terms of the asymmetry of other
First, Jacobs and Kaslow trace the devel- areas of African-American culture, such as
opment ofSpiritual Churches, and show that music and dance. Less successful is the appl~i-
the churches are an amalgam of elements cation of distinctions between "peripheral"
from Voodoo, Roman Catholicism, and "central," and between "subjective" and
Pentecostalism, native American religions, "objective" orientations. These serve as a
and the earlier forro of Christianity called useful framework to explore the syncretic
American Spiritualism, from which the con- nature of the churches, but beyond that do
temporary Spiritual Churches ate distin- not provide a particularly compeUing ana-
guished. The Spiritual Churches' acknowl- lytical strategy.
edged founder was Mother Leafy Anderson, a A final approach to the Spiritual
controversial and charismatic woman who Churches is described in a chapter on leader-
founded the Etemal Life Christian Spiritual- ship and membership. Here, the authors ana-
ist Association around 1920. The charisma of lyze data obtained in a survey of members
the early period gave way to a slow institu- from three congregations. The age structure
tionalization that brought the congregations of members, the high proportion of elite
further into the Christian mainstream. Spiri- membership, and the place of the churches in
tual Churches today have an ambiguous im- the rural-urban continuum and the social
age in the larger religious community, iUus- class structure ofNew Orleans are addressed.
trated here by members' testimony that is Recent declines in membership are seen here
miIdly defensive of the church and its rituals. as part of a general dwindling of traditional
Jacobs and Kaslow's ethnographic meth- cultures, but the authors perceive a tenacity
ods are the next best thing to being there. and persistence in the Spiritual Churches
Participant observation in eighteen congre- that may ensure their survival over the next
gations, anda particularly intensive relation- few decades.
BOOK REVIEWS 331

Jacobs and Kaslow have provided a read- of the church in this country.
able and intriguing account ofNew Orleans's That there was some American Catho-
Spiritual Churches, skillfully making the most lic involvement with modemist ideas has
of several methods of approach to their sub- long been known, but interpreters have dis-
ject, and never undermining the dignity or agreed about many of the specifics. Adoption
integrity of the church members. It would of Hutchison's approach allows Appleby to
make an appropriate text for courses in social lay out his particulars convincingly and ex-
studies of religion or African-American stud- plicitly, and to follow what he terms the
les. "trajectory" ofCatholic modernism (p. 4). As
it follows Appleby's "trajectory," Catholic
Anita M. Waters modernism becomes increasingly self-con-
Denison University scious and approaches greater systematiza-
tion. It also becomes more stridently anti-
traditional and ultimately anti-institutional
as ir becomes uncompromisingly insistent on
forcing the church toward a rapprochement
"Church and Age Unite ! " The Modernist Impulse with modern culture. Once it had reached
in American Catholicism, by R. ScoTr this "radical" stage (p. 206), it provoked sys-
APPLEI3"r Notre Dame Studies in tematic suppression at the hands of its oppo-

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American Catholicism, Volume 11. nents, who recognized that it involved a
Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre fundamental challenge to their authority.
Dame Press, 1992, vii+ 286 pp. $29.95. Appleby delineates the sources ofAmeri-
can Catholic modemism in some detail: Eu-
ropean modernism, American Catholic lib-
Appleby applies William R. Hutchison's eralism, and liberal American Protestantism.
American Protestant "modemist impulse" He follows the thought ofkey individuals as
concept to American Catholicism between they move in the 1890s from Americanism,
1895 and 1910. In Appleby's view there were the "precurmr," (p. 80) through modernism,
Catholics who held "a cluster of beliefs - - in to 1910, by which two American Catholic
cultural immanentism, religiously based pro- modernists held views virtually indistinguish-
gressivism, and the adaptation of religious able from the most advanced European ones,
ideas to modero culture"-- shared by Ameri- and both left the priesthood and the Catholic
can Protestant modernists. They also shared church rather than submit to official teach-
with their Protestant counterparts a "self- ings with which they fundamentally disagreed.
awareness with which they appropriated the John A. Zahm moved toward and em-
modem" (pp. 1-2). braced theistic evolution by the mid-1890s,
Appleby uses Hutchison's concepts in and this development made AmericanCatho-
order to: determine what to call modemist, lic modemism possible because it involved a
distinguish it from the earlier Catholic liber- self-conscious attempt to reconcile Catholi-
alism from which it developed, and specify cism with modem science. This self-aware-
the affinities the two tendencies continued to ness, in Appleby's view, is essentially what
share. He also uses them to make quite clear separates Zahm and the other modernists
why integralists were compelled to oppose from Americanists. Nonetheless, Appleby
modemism and to demonstrate the ways in carefully de monstrates Americanists' (chiefly
which the American versions diverged from Isaac Hecker's thought and the teachings of
the official church definitions employed in liberal Americanist bishops) considerable
their condemnations. Finally, he establishes contributions to their modemist followers
that there was great variety in emphasis and and discusses both the evolution of Zahm's
approach in the thought of the relative hand- thinking and its primarily European context.
fui of American Catholic modernists and Modernism in the curriculum and pro-
makes a case for its importance in the history grato at St. Joseph's Seminary, Dunwoodie

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