New Testament Stud. 26, p p .

279-297

GEORGE WESLEY BUCHANAN

WORSHIP, FEASTS AND CEREMONIES

IN THE EARLY JEWISH-CHRISTIAN
CHURCH

THE NATURE OF JEWISH-CHRISTIANITY

Problems of methodology. Since the distinction between early Jewish-Christianity
and early Gentile-Christianity is only a matter of degree, the character of
Jewish-Christians must be determined by comparing their description by
the church fathers, on the one hand, with Christian practices in general, and,
on the other, with orthodox Jewish practices.1
Descriptions of the church fathers. In their description of the sects they con-
sidered Judaizing the church fathers reported that they did not believe in
the virgin birth of Jesus, but they thought he was a human being like other
men.2 They kept the law just as other Jews did,3 to the extent of observing
Jewish feast days and keeping the Sabbath, even if they also observed the
1
A. F. J. Klijn, 'The Study of Jewish Christianity', N.T.S. xx (1974), 419-31, is undoubtedly
correct in thinking that Jewish-Christianity cannot be analysed apart from Gentile-Christianity as
scholars like F. C. Baur, 'Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde, der Gegensatz des
petrinischen und paulinischen Christenthums in der altesten Kirche, der Apostel Paulus in Rom',
Tubinger ^eitschrijijiir Theologie (1831), once thought. From one point of view all Christianity that
was not Samaritan was Jewish. Furthermore, there were several Gentile-, several Jewish-, and several
Samaritan-Christian churches at the same time which differed from each other in various ways.
Nonetheless, there were degrees of difference between Catholic Christians and those Jerome called
semi-Judaii or semi-Christiani (In Hab. 11. iii (MPL 25. 1390B); m. 10-13, 858 (CCLS LXXVTA, 641);
and In Esaiam xvn. t. 1/3, 16 (MPL 24. 609D; CCLS LXxniA, 692)).
In this study, 'Jewish-Christian' is defined by belief and practice rather than blood ties. Paul,
for instance, was a Jew who became a Christian, but he would not be considered a Jewish-Christian
in this study.
s
Tertullian, De Came Christi xiv. 5 (CCLS n, 900); Adv. Om. Haer. m. 1 (CCLS 11, 1405);
Carmem. 168-170 (CCLS 11, 1425); Hippolytus, Elenchosvn. 33, 1-2; ix. 14, 1; x. 21, 1-3 (GCS 26,
220-1; 252, 281); Eusebius, HEm. 27, 2; V. 17; Epiphanius, Pan. xxvin. 2 (GCS Ep. 1, 314-15);
LXIX. 23 (GCS Ep. in, 172-3); Augustine, De Haer. (CCLS XLVI, 294-5); Marius Mercator, Nest.
XII (MPL 48.9273-928A); Cum Contra xiv-xv (MPL 48.928A/B); Theodoret of Cyr, Comp. Haer.
Fab. 11.3 (MPG 83.399). Justin, Dial, XLVIII. 4 (MPG 6.580) and Origen, C. Celsum v. 61 (GCS Or. 11,
65), however, were aware of Jewish-Christians who acknowledged the virgin birth. This further
indicates the variety that existed among Christian sects.
8
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26, 2 (MPG 7, 686B-687 A) ; Hippolytus, Elenchos vn. 34, 1-2 (GCS Hip.
m, 221); Origen, C. Celsum a. 1 (GCS Or. 1, 126-7); Eusebius, HEm. 27,5; v. 17; Epiphanius, Pan.
xrc-3. 5 (GCS Ep. 1, 222); xxviii.5 (GCS Ep. 1, 317); xxx. 2, 1-2 (GCS Ep. 1, 334); xxx.26, 1-2
(GCSEp. 1, 368); Jerome, £/>. CXII. 13, 16 (MPL 22.924,926-7);In Hier. iv. 16:16 (MPL 25.139);
Augustine, C. Faustum xix. 4 (MPL 42.349-50); De Haer. ix (CCLS XLVI, 294); Theodoret of Cyr,
Comp. 11.1 (MPG 83.388-9).

0028-6885/80/2828-5100 $02.00 © 1980 Cambridge University Press

19 NTS xxvi

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 280 G. W. BUCHANAN
Lord's Day as well. They circumcised their males,5 practised ritualistic
4

ablutions,6 and believed that the Kingdom of God or Christ would take
place here on earth, centred around Jerusalem.7 Some of them believed
Jesus had not yet been raised from the dead,8 and many accepted only the
Gospel of Matthew as authoritative.9 Some believed in angels, and some
worshipped facing Jerusalem.10
Jewish-Christian trinitarians. Although Jewish-Christians denied the virgin
birth and considered Jesus a human being, they were not justly called anti-
trinitarians, as Danielou has done.11 In fact, the Jewish-Christians described
by the Clementine literature required the threefold blessing for all baptismal
liturgy.12 This blessing was made in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy
Spirit,13 which means they were trinitarians. This does not mean they be-
lieved Jesus was very God of very God in essence or substance, but that they
considered him to be the Christ, the king of the Jews.14 In their own judge-
ment, Jewish Christians differed from other Jews only on one point: they
believed the expected Messiah had already come.15 Therefore they baptized
in the name of Christ, rather than in the name of Moses.16
Apostolic christology. Jews, like Samaritans,17 both before and after the time
of Christ, believed that Moses was an apostle who mediated between the
Israelites and their heavenly Father.18 According to the rabbis, a man's
apostle or agent was like the man himself,19 not physically, but legally. The
apostle had the power of attorney and could act in behalf of the one who
sent him just as authoritatively as the sender himself. With this understanding,
the author of Hebrews called Jesus the high priest and apostle of God
(Heb. 3. i), and Jesus said that the one who received his apostles whom he
* Eusebius, HE m.27, 5; Epiphanius, Pan. xxix. 7, 5 (GCS Ep. 1, 329); xxx.2, 1-2 (GCS Ep. 1,
334); Pseudo-Hieronymus, Ind. Haer. x (MPL 81, 640 c); Augustine, C. Faustum xix, 4 (MPL
42.349-50); Origen, In Matt., ser. 79 (GCS Or. xi, 188-91).
6
Eugyppius Abbas Africanus, Thes. ccxxvi (MPL 62.588 B); John Damascene, De Haer. xxvm;
Dionysius Bar Salibi, In Apoc. CSCO LX, 4; Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26, 2 (MPG 7.686B-687A);
Origen, Horn, in Cen. in. 5 (GCS Or. vi, 44); Epiphanius, Pan. xvin. 1, 2 (GCS Ep. 1, 215); xix. 3,
5 (GCS Ep. 1, 222); xxiv. 7, 5 (GCS Ep. 1, p. 329); Jerome, De Situ CXLIII (MPL 23.888); In Hier.
XLIV. 6-8 (MPL 25.431); Filaster, Div. Har. xxxvi (CCLS ix, 233); Pseudo-Hieronymus, Ind. Haer.
x (MPL 81, 640C); Augustine, C. Faustum xix. 5 (MPL 42. 349-50); De Baptismo vn. 1 (MPL
43. 225); C. Cres. 1. xxxi. 36 (MPL 43. 465); De Haer. 8 (MPL 42. 27).
9
Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum (CSCO LXVI, 301).
7
Theodore of Cyr, Comp. 11.3 (MPG 83.389); Timothy, Presbyter of Constantinople, De Us
(MPG 86. 28029A); Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum (CSCO LXVI, 336); Eusebius, HE
in.28.2, 4; VII.25, 3; Augustine, De Haer. vm (MPL 42.27).
8
Epiphanius, Pan. xxvin.6, 1-2 (GCS Ep. 1, 318).
8
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1. 26, 2 (MPG 7.686B-687A); in. 11, 7 (MPG 884B-885A).
10
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26, 2 (MPG 7.686B-687A); Epiphanius, Pan. xix. 3, 5 (GCS Ep. 1,222).
11
J. Danielou, The Theology ofJewish Christianity, tr. and ed. J. A. Baker (Chicago, c. 1964), p. 63.
12
Horn. ix.23 (GCS Horn., p. 141); xi.26 (GCS Horn., p. 167).
13
Horn. xi. 26 (GCS Horn., p. 167); see also Recog. 1.69 (GCS Rec, p. 47).
11
Recog. 1.45, 46 (GCS Rec, pp. 34-5). " Ibid.
16
I Cor. 10.2; see also Recog. 1.48 (GCS Rec, p. 36).
17
Assump. Moses 11.37; Sifra b'huqqotai, perek 8.12; Lev. 26.46; Memar Marqah 11, § 12; in, § 6;
"v, §4; v, §3; vi, §3, 11.
18
Assump. Moses 11.37. See also Mekilta, Pisha 3.5-6 ond Vqyassa' 7.11-12. " Ber. 5.5.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 281
had sent received Jesus himself, and not only Jesus, but also the one who
had sent him (Matt. 10.40-2). Within apostolic limitations, Jesus could both
say, 'He who has seen me has seen the Father' (John 14.9) and 'The Father
is greater than I ' (John 14.28; see also I Cor. 5.1-5). Apostolic identity,
which belongs to the sphere of prophets and courts, adequately explains
Jesus' identity with God in the NT, and it is quite likely that Jewish-
Christians upheld the same belief. The belief in God as Father20 who had a
human agent,21 and was manifest through the Holy Spirit,22 was character-
istic of Jewish concepts in pre-Christian times. Jewish-Christians, who be-
lieved that they differed from other Jews only in accepting Jesus as the
Messiah or apostle of God, baptized in the name of the Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit. They were apostolic trinitarians.

THE EUCHARIST AND THE FALL OF THE TEMPLE

Tradition and the fall. Christians and Jews have been slow in changing liturgy
and worship patterns, and many Jewish practices continued into Christianity
without analysis. The author of Hebrews argued strongly that Jesus' sacrifice
made further sacrifices on the Day of Atonement unnecessary, but if the
temple had not fallen, Jewish-Christians might have continued to share with
Jews this sacrifice in Jerusalem.23 Faced with this new crisis, however,
Christians found in the Book of Hebrews a justification for discontinuing this
practice. Six hundred years earlier Jeremiah's prophecies functioned in a
similar way for the Jews in Babylon. The events of history may be responsible
for including both Jeremiah and Hebrews in the canons of the covenanters.
Holy meals. After the first fall of the temple in 586 B.C. Jews in Babylon
were faced with a dilemma. They needed the Lord to rescue them from their
captivity; yet there was no longer a temple where sacrifices could be offered
to atone for their sins. When the temple was standing, there were priests
who kept Levitical purity laws there, so that the holy place was free from
defilement. When that was no longer the case another holy place had to be
provided as the dwelling place for the Lord. This may have been the be-
ginning of the priesthood of all believers. Devoted laymen organized and
assumed the responsibility of keeping their own homes as pure as the temple
area, and themselves as free from defilement as the priests in the temple.

80
Isa. 63.16, 6 4 . 8 ; Ahabah) fifth and sixth benedictions of the Eighteen Benedictions; Mekilta,
Vayassa' 1.30; Atnalek 2.146-7, 152; Behodesh 6.144, 11.88.
81
Philip held that that which was said of Jesus might equally be said of Moses (Recog. 1. 58
[GCS Rec, p. 41]), although Jesus, as the Christ, was greater (Recog. 1, 59 [GCS Rec, p. 41]).
Epiphanius (Pan. xxx. 16 [GCS, pp. 353-4]) reported that the Ebionites said Jesus was born of
human seed but received the office of the Christ from above. Rabbi Yohanan ben Zakkai said, 'As
the first redeemer [Moses], so shall the last redeemer [the Messiah] be' (Deut. R. on 10.1).
82
4QH 7.7, 9.32, 12.12, 14.13, 16.12, 17.26; Mekilta, Pishta 1.153; Beshallah 3.83-4, 132;
Shirata 1.87; 10.69; see also 4QH 4.31, 13-l9-
83
G. W. Buchanan, To The Hebrews (Garden City, 1972), p. 266.
19-2

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 282 G.W.BUCHANAN
To do this they segregated themselves from all others who did not follow the
same rules precisely. They refused hospitality to anyone except other strict
observers, so all of their meals were 'holy meals', sometimes called haburoth,
and the members themselves were called haberim.2* In NT times, some of these
haberim were Essenes. In their monastic residences, all Essene members bathed
and changed into clean garments before each meal, and only Essenes were
admitted to the dining hall.25 At each meal there was a prayer at the begin-
ning and at the end, very much like a Passover meal,26 which was also an ex-
clusive meal. Christians continued to hold common meals after the death of
Jesus, when they broke bread in each other's houses (Acts 2.46-7), and some
of them refused to eat with Gentiles (II John 7; Horn. XIII. iv). They also
celebrated the Lord's Supper as a complete meal. Paul chastened the
Corinthian Christians because they did not share properly at such occasions:
some became intoxicated, whereas others were neglected (I Cor. 11.19—21).
The rich had actually denied some Christians the minimal elements of the
required Passover meal!
Minimum Passover duties. Passover is a very important festival for Jews. No
Jewish family may deny another Jew the privilege of joining in this meal.
The minimum requirements for Passover duties are an olive's bulk of the
Passover offering, an olive's bulk of bitter herbs, an unspecified amount of
unleavened bread, and four glasses of wine.27 Following Jewish custom, Paul
was horrified that this basic concept was neglected. Paul said that those who
observed the feast unworthily, not only would not receive merit from God
for their observance, but would be punished instead. Unless they perceived
the body, that is, unless they took into account the entire body of Christ, the
whole community, they ate and drank to their own damnation (I Cor. 11.29).
Since there were many similarities between the Passover meal and sect-
arian holy meals, anyway, after the fall of the temple even these distinctions
apparently became confused. At an early date some Christians related the
crucifixion to the Lord's Supper, but they observed it more often than once
a year, perhaps in keeping with the daily meals. They stopped using the
entire meal for the celebration, but they delivered bread to those who had
been absent.28 Although the amount of unleavened bread required is not
specified, the volume of an olive's bulk each of Passover offering and bitter
herbs apparently became transferred to the bread as the required amount.
Probably because the common meal became an impractical worship ex-
perience for all but monastic Christians, the mass came to be celebrated
daily, apart from meals, with only the minimal quantities used. This became
indistinguishable from the Lord's Supper. The fall of Jerusalem may have
caused the omission of the meal in both.
M
G. W. Buchanan, The Consequences of the Covenant (Leiden, J970), pp. 261-3.
15
BJ 11. ii (129-30). Jewish-Christians also encouraged monasticism. See Epiphanius, Pan.
xxx. 2, 6 (GCS Ep. i, 335). •• BJ n.ii (131).
17 M
Pes. a.6, 8.3, 10.1. G. Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (London, c. 1964), p. 140.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 283
Fasting and lamentation. After the temple was destroyed in A.D. 70, some
Pharisees took vows that they would neither eat meat nor drink wine. Rabbi
Joshua asked them why they had done this. They replied that meat was no
longer being offered as sacrifice, and wine was no longer being offered as
libation offering at the altar. Therefore they could not eat meat nor drink
wine. Rabbi Joshua reminded them that, by that logic, they should also
not eat bread because the meal offerings had also ceased. They agreed and
vowed to eat only fruit. Then he reminded them further that first fruits were
no longer being offered at the temple either. They said they would confine
themselves to those fruits whose first fruits were not offered at the temple.29
Then he said they must not drink water, either, because there could no longer
be any ceremony of water pouring at the temple.30 This left them speechless,
but he responded sympathetically: 'My sons, come and listen to me. Not to
mourn at all is impossible, because the blow has fallen. To mourn excessively
is also impossible, because we do not impose on the community hardship
which many of the congregation cannot endure.31
Lamentation and the Lord's Supper. After the fall ofJerusalem, certain Jewish-
Christians also observed the eucharist annually with only unleavened bread
and water, omitting the entire meal and the wine.32 This was evidently
their observance of the Lord's Supper or the Passover meal, with the meat
and wine omitted as was true of the meals conducted by these ascetic
Pharisees. An older pastor wrote a letter to a certain Timothy to whom he
advised, ' No longer drink only water, but use a little wine for your stomach
and your frequent ailments.'33 In those days of primitive medicine, oil, wine,
and certain herbs and drugs constituted the entire pharmaceutical potential.
In such times, wine and oil were used much more extensively for medicine
than now seems justified. Timothy had evidently declared a fast from wine,
and probably also from meat, which prohibited him from using wine even
as medicine. The reason for Timothy's abstinence was probably the same as
the one the Pharisees gave for not drinking wine, and the counsel of Timothy's
superior officer was similar to that given to the Pharisees by Rabbi Joshua:
even though they mourned the temple's fall, they must not fast to the extent
of jeopardizing their health. The crisis that prompted Jewish-Christians to
remove the Passover lamb and the bitter herbs that were related to Egypt,
as well as the wine related to Canaan, and celebrate the Eucharist with only
the desert fare of water and unleavened bread was probably the same cause
that removed the Passover meal from the Lord's Supper generally.
Summary. These conjectured interpretations may not be accurate, but
there are some facts that are certain: (i) the fall of the temple was a great
28
Thefirstfruits were given only of seven kinds of crops: wheat, barley, grapes,figs,pome-
granates,
30
olive oil and (date) honey (Deut. 8.3). These were fruits
81
for which Palestine was famous.
As in the Feast of the Tabernacles. BB 6 O B .
32
Epiphanius, Pan. xxx. 16, i-a (GCS Ep. r, 353); Cyprian, Ep. 63 (CSEL m, par. 11).
33
1 Tim. 6.23.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 284 G. W. BUCHANAN
shock both to Jews and Christians; (2) both the Passover meal and the
Lord's Supper continued to be celebrated after the destruction; (3) Jews
and Christians fasted after the disaster; (4) some Jewish-Christians had
annual Eucharistic celebrations that only involved unleavened bread and
water; (5) Jewish requirements for Passover observance were the consump-
tion of an olive's bulk of each of the basic elements; (6) later Christians
provided the membership with an olive's bulk of unleavened bread for the
Eucharist; and (7) the fall of the temple somehow affected the celebration of
the Lord's Supper for Jewish-Christians, who adjusted within permissible
Jewish traditions.

THE FALL OF JERUSALEM AND THE PROBLEM OF REDEMPTION

Sacrifices and ablutions. Before the temple fell, Essenes refused to offer sacrifices
at the temple, probably because they thought it was defiled by an improper
priesthood. Instead, they observed rites of their own,34 and were better
prepared than other Jews to get along without the temple after the fall of
Jerusalem. Among Christians, the Paulinists had achieved the same result.
Both groups probably argued with force that God had destroyed the temple
as a pronouncement against its necessity.35 The Gospel of Mark pictures the
Jerusalem apostles in a bad light at all times, a peculiarity not shared by
other gospel writers. The author or editor may have intended to show that
Jerusalem and its leaders were not as important as people once thought, and
now that the temple was gone, Christians had lost nothing of importance.
This argument may have helped Gentile Christians survive the shock. Jewish-
Christians mourned the fall of Jerusalem and apparently followed the
Essenes in believing that temple sacrifices were not necessary. They claimed.
that the resurrection of Christ was for the abolition of sacrifices36 and that
sacrifice was idolatrous.37
Necessity for baptism. Jewish-Christians claimed that God instituted baptism
to replace sacrifice as a means of removing sins38 and providing rebirth39
and salvation of souls.40 Baptism was required for permission to eat with
Jewish-Christians and partake of the Lord's Supper.41 It was necessary for
u
Ant. xvin.i (19). I t is not certain whether these rites involved sacrifices of their own or not.
The Greek is o-rfWiovTts 6uo(oc; ETTITEAOUCJIV 8ia<pop6Tr|Ti Ayvtiwv As voiiijouv, KCCI 81' a0r6 Etpyiutvot TOU
KOIVOO TEptvlayctTos S9' ocCrruv T&S Sualas ETNTEXOOOIV. For a discussion of the pros and cons see L. H .
Feldman (tr.), Josephus IX (Cambridge, 1965), p. 16 n. a.
35
Acts 7.48-51; Recog. 1. 64 (GCS R e c , p. 44).
*> Recog. 1.54, 55, 64 (GCS R e c , pp. 39, 40, 44).
87
Recog. iv. 19 (GCS R e c , pp. 155-6).
38
Recog. 1.29; x. 49 (GCS R e c , pp. 24-5, 357); Horn. ix. 23 (GCS Horn., p. 141); xva. 7 (GCS
Horn., p . 232).
»• Horn. vii.8 (GCS Horn., p . 120); xi.35 (GCS Horn., p . 171).
<0
Horn. XIII. 20 (GCS Horn., p. 202).
" Recog. 1. 19 (GCS R e c , p. 18); vi. 15 (GCS R e c , p. 196); vn. 29 (GCS R e c , p. 211); Horn.
XIII.4 (GCS Horn., p. 194).

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 285
42
entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven. Not only were initial baptisms
required of Jewish-Christians, but also regular ablutions after sexual inter-
course and menstrual periods.43 This was consistent with the hospitality rules
observed by legalistic Jews. Essenes refused to admit other Jews or Gentiles
into their homes who did not observe priestly rules with the same degree of
strictness as they themselves did. Because seminal discharges and menstrual
emissions were ritually defiling, the strictest of Jews were celibate, in their
efforts to reduce defilement to the very minimum.
Ablutions and Jewish hospitality. Non-observant Jews were not admitted
into the homes of observant Jews unless they first bathed and changed their
garments. By removing every type of defilement from his body by baptism
and changing into the undefiled garment of his host, the non-observant Jew
was then admitted without hesitation, because his presence could not defile
the home of his host. In the same way, baptism was used as an initiation rite
to admit the non-observant Jew, not only one time into the observant Jew's
home, but if he had been properly instructed, he could then be baptized for
admission into the community to which the observant Jew belonged. It was
this practice that identified baptism closely with initiation and admission
into a community. Traditionally novices were dressed in white garments
which the community provided after baptism, just as the host provided the
garments for his guest,44 but this did not put an end to ablutions for the
Jewish-Christian.46 The once-for-all nature of baptism meant that there
could be only one initiation baptism. For the adult Jew who was baptized to
become admitted into the Essene or Jewish-Christian communities, circum-
cision was not an issue, because the adult male would have been circumcised
at the age of eight days. The local custom, practised among Jews alone, of
admitting members without circumcision became further extended until
some Jews admitted Gentiles into the community as well, by baptism alone.46
Paul either initiated or accepted this practice as valid in the diaspora and
defended it against Jewish-Christian apostles. By the time of Jerome,
Jewish-Christians were the only Christians who required circumcision for
admission. These Christians also circumcised infants.

" Recog. 1.69 (GCS Rec, p. 47); vi. 9 (GCS Rec, p. 192); Horn. xi. 25-6 (GCS Horn, pp. 166-
7); xm. 21 (GCS Horn., p. 203).
43
Horn. xi. 33 (GCS Horn., p . 170.)
44
St John Chrysostom (t4O7) invited those coming to be baptized to come as to a wedding and
a royal banquet, where, without cost, the initiate received a wedding garment (see also Hom. 8.23;
T. Levi 11.9-10, 15.8, 21.2; Shepherd of Hermas&'m. 8.2, 3-4). Members of the Essene sect also at
holy meals dressed in white garments after bathing (BJ n.ii [127-31]). Since that community was
communistic, the clothing also belonged to the group. The parable of the man who came to a
wedding without a wedding garment may have referred to a person attempting to attend the Lord's
Supper or a community meal without baptism (Matt. 22.11—13).
45
Essenes baptized themselves before every meal and changed into clean garments. Jewish-
Christians claimed that John the Baptist baptized himself every day. Some Gentile-Christians
however, prohibited further ablutions.
49
Yeb. 46a; Ker. 9a; AZ 97a; Shab. 135a.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 286 G.W.BUCHANAN
Infant baptism. In pre-Christian times, Jewish males were probably both
baptized and circumcised on the eighth day after birth. This would have
been required by cleanliness rules of the Pentateuch. After the birth of a
male, a mother was defiled for seven days (Lev. 12. i). She could be baptized
for her defilement on the seventh day and be clean in the evening, when the
eighth day began. Prior to that time her son, like everything else she touched,
was denied, so he too had to be baptized.47 In their comment of Lev. 12.3,
rabbis told both of washing the boy and circumcising him (Shab. 19.3). One
rabbinic tractate (Gerim 2.4) said Israelites entered the covenant by three
commandments: circumcision, baptism, and a gift. Since Jews were circum-
cised and admitted into the community at eight days of age, they were
evidently baptized at the same time. At the time of Cyprian (1258), a
certain Fidus had requested the council that a general policy be made to
baptize all infants on the eighth day, holding that a newly born infant was
not pure.48 The request was not granted, because Cyprian said these Jewish
customs had been cancelled with the coming of Christ, but it indicates the
likelihood that both Jews and Jewish-Christians baptized and circumcised
infants on the eighth day at that time.49
Initiation. Three rites that were closely related both in pre-Christian
Judaism and in later Christianity were: (1) instruction, (2) baptism, and
(3) sharing the common meal. The length of training required before each
step varied from sect to sect, but the consistency of requiring instruction
before baptism and baptism before the common meal or the Lord's Supper
in all other sects means it is very likely that all Jewish-Christians followed
the same basic order.60
Motivation, The practices of infant and adult baptism as well as closed
communion in Christian churches today all have their origin in the hospi-
tality practices of exclusive, sectarian Judaism whose members tried to
observe priestly holiness rules in their own homes and employed necessary
ablution rites before admitting non-observers into their homes. Jewish-
Christians were close enough to this practice that they related these initiation
rites to the purity rules that made them necessary. Therefore they baptized
infant males on the eighth day, and they continued to observe other ablu-
tions necessary for ritual purity after initiation into the community. Jewish-
*' Job asked rhetorically, 'Who can produce something clean from something unclean? No one'
(Job 14.4). It is from this thought-form that the whole idea of original defilement or original sin
began.
48
Cyprian, Ep. 64.1-4, responded, 'To the pure all things are pure', and further argued that
Jewish rites of circumcision on the eighth day had been made unnecessary by Christ. Therefore
spiritual circumcision should be administered as soon as possible. If all things were pure to the pure,
namely the Christian, then the baby could be accepted at once without baptism, but tradition does
not change rationally or radically, all at once. Now, nearly two thousand years later, many
Christians who do not believe in original sin or defilement continue to baptize infants as the initial
rite for admission into the church.
4
* The Consequences of the Covenant, pp. 215-22.
60
Ibid. pp. 282-90.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 287
Christian baptism differed from Jewish baptism only in that it was done in
the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

PRIVATE AND CONGREGATIONAL WORSHIP

Joint practices. Immediately after the fall ofJerusalem in A.D. 70, Samaritans,
Jews and Jewish-Christians apparently still worshipped together on some
occasions,51 which means their patterns and beliefs were enough alike to
permit this interchange. Even after this was no longer done, their practices
continued to be very much alike. This will be evident upon an examination
of several practices observed by Jews as well as Christians.
Frequent, earnest prayer. Many pre-Christian Jewish communities required
prayer at dawn, noon and sunset.52 Some also ordered the community
members to take turns watching, each a third of all the nights of the year,
studying the law and blessing the community.53 These customs were con-
tinued with variation in early Christianity. Paul told the Thessalonians to
pray without ceasing (I Thess. 5.17). Tertullian said Christians should always
pray at least three times a day,54 even if this took them away from business.
This in addition to morning and evening prayers and prayers at all meals
and at bath. Hippolytus prescribed seven times a day, including a prayer
at midnight.65 Christians also observed the Jewish practice of keeping all
members awake during the entire service.66 Jewish-Christians undoubtedly
shared with other Jews and Christians practices of frequent prayer through-
out the day and night.
The kaddish and the Lord's Prayer. The number of early dissertations on the
Lord's Prayer, together with the command that it be said three times a day,
assures us that it was considered very important to the early church.67 It was
composed very early,58 and its content is illuminated by a Jewish prayer
composed some time between 20 B.C. and A.D. 70. In this prayer, called
Amram's kaddish,89 Jews prayed that God's kingdom would reign, his
salvation spring forth, and his Messiah draw near. Like the Lord's Prayer,
the kaddish also asks that God's name be sanctified. This nationalistic prayer
was clearly related to the longings of zealous Jews in the first century. They
61
Samaritans might even lead in Jewish worship, but Jews were forbidden to say, 'Amen!' until
the entire prayer was over (Ber. 8.9). A curse against Jewish-Christians was included in the Eighteen
Benedictions to keep the Jewish-Christians out (Ber. 28 a; Justin, Dial. 16 (MPG 6.511); Jerome,
M
In Esaiam 52.5, Ep. cxn. 13 (MPL 22.924). 1Q.S 10. i; II Enoch 51.4; Ber. 4.1.
M M
iQS 6.7. Tertullian, De Orations xxv. 5-6.
M
Apostolic Tradition iv. 35-6, especially iv.36, 8-9, 12.
M
Pes. 10.8; Matt. 26.40-5; Acts 20.7-u; Didascalia Apostolorum xn [ii.57] (p. 57).
67
T e r t u l l i a n , De Oratione ( M P L 1.1149); C y p r i a n , De Oratione Dominica ( M P L 5 . 5 1 9 ) ; O r i g e n ,
De Oratione (MPG 2.4161); Cyril of Jerusalem, Fifth Myst. 11 (MPG 33.1117); el alia.
68
It occurs in the Sermon on the Mount. At least part of this unit presumes the existence of the
temple (Matt. 5.23-4).
58
D. de Sola Pool (ed.), The Traditional Prayer Book for Sabbath Festivals (New York, c. i960).

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 288 G. W. BUCHANAN
wanted victory over Rome; they wanted the corrupt priesthood that was
subject to Rome removed; they were eager for the construction of the temple
to be completed and pure worship instituted in it; they wanted all pagan
temples removed from the land. This would take place when God's Messiah
arrived and God's kingdom was empowered. None of these things could take
place until Israel's sins were forgiven so that God could restore the promised
land. This meant redemption, liberation, and victory over the Romans. The
fierce religious war of A.D. 66-70 acted out the longings expressed in the
prayer.
The request in the Lord's Prayer that God's will be done meant the same
as the parallel request that God's kingdom come. The difference between
this and the kaddish was the means by which worshippers expected God to
fulfil his promises. Like Joshua and the Maccabees, the kaddish looked for
a military confrontation with Rome, whereas the Lord's Prayer, like Jeremiah,
looked for a time when Israel's sins would be forgiven, and God would bring
in some outside force like Cyrus to overcome the enemy and restore the land.
In the fifth century, Jerome said Jewish-Christians still expected the prophecy
of Isa. 61 to be fulfilled by Gentiles bringing gifts to Jerusalem.60 Therefore
Jewish-Christians prayed that they might be spared the trials of war: ' Lead
us not into the test', they prayed. At the same time they wanted the Lord to
deliver them from the evil one, which probably meant Rome. This could
happen only when all debts of sin were forgiven, and God's will would take
place on the land of Palestine as it was in heaven, and his kingdom would
come to Jerusalem as it had done in the time of David and Solomon. There-
fore they also prayed for these benefits. Other expressions of the Lord's
Prayer are found in three of the Eighteen Benedictions Jews were expected
to recite three times a day.61 Because their messianic and pacifistic beliefs
differed from those of other Jews, Jewish-Christians were tortured during the
Bar Cochba rebellion.62
Didache and the prayerfor the majorfeasts. In a Jewish prayer, the worshippers
prayed that the Lord rebuild the temple quickly, reveal the glory of his
kingdom, exalt Israel before all people, gather the dispersed Jews from
among the nations, and bring them to Zion.63 This prayer reflects Isa. 18.3;
Ben Sira 37.1-17, 51.6; and the tenth of the Eighteen Benedictions, recited
three times a day.64 This 'gathering together' theme was also included in a
Christian prayer: 'Just as this broken bread was scattered on the mountains
and, after it was gathered together, became one, thus let your church be
gathered together from the ends of the earth into your kingdom, for yours
is the glory and the power through Jesus Christ for the ages.'65 Although the
00
Jerome, In Esaiam xvn. 60.1-3 (MPL 24.587).
61 62
Ber. 4 . 1 . Eusebius, HE iv.8, 4.
63
S. Singer (ed.), The Authorized Daily Prayer Book (New York, 1915), p. 234.
64 65
Ber. 4 . 1 , 3. Didache 9. 3.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 289
Didache may not have been written by Jewish-Christians, this predominantly
Jewish theme would also have been expressed in the prayers of Jewish-
Christians.
The sign of the cross. Tertullian argued that it was not necessary to justify a
practice by scripture if it could be clearly shown to be traditional. He listed
practices which owed their origin to tradition, their confirmation to custom,
and their continual observance to faith. One such custom was that of marking
their foreheads with a sign of the cross in all travels and movements, while
coming in or going out, while putting-on shoes, at table, at bath, while lying
down, sitting down, or engaged in any occupation.66 Tertullian probably
thought only of the sign of the cross as being non-biblical, because Jews
understood that the practice of prayer at all such times was prescribed in
Deut. 6.6-7: ' These words which I command you today shall be upon your
heart, and you shall teach them to your sons, and you shall speak of them
when you sit down in your house, when you walk in the way, and when you
lie down, and when you rise up.' 67 Though for many years, at least, Jews
have not made the sign of the cross on their foreheads while worshipping
on these occasions, at one time they may also have done this.
The cross in Judaism. More than five hundred years before Christ, Ezekiel
envisioned a man with a pen in his hand and an inkwell at his waist (Ezek.
9.2), going through the city ofJerusalem and marking with a tau the forehead
of all those who mourned and lamented for the abominations that had taken
place in their midst (Ezek. 9.1-4; CD 19.12). Just as the tau, which looked
like a cross in ancient script, is the last letter of the Hebrew alphabet, so the
cross-mark (X) became the sign of the end for which many Jews in Babylon
hoped - the end of the foreign domination of the promised land and the
beginning of the kingdom of God. Dinkier said that prior to his crucifixion,
Jesus expected his disciples to wear the cross on their foreheads in opposition
to Roman allegiance when he said those who would not take up the cross
and follow him could not be his disciples (Matt. 10.38; Mark 8.34; Luke
9.23).68 The 144,000 redeemed saints who were destined to reside in the new
kingdom of God after the resurrection were all sealed as such on their fore-
heads (Rev. 7.3-4; 9-4)-69
The cross to the east. In the third century a certain Hipparchus (1297) kept
M
De Corona m.i-iv. 1 (CCLS 1 and 2).
87
Early rabbis argued about how this passage could be fulfilled literally in daily worship.
Shammai said Jews must say their evening prayers lying down and their morning prayers standing
up. Hillel insisted that this meant you could say prayers in any posture. Otherwise, how could you
explain the words, 'As you walk by the way' (Ber. 1.3)? These commandments were also fulfilled by
placing Mezuzoth on all doorposts and gateposts to motivate prayer upon all entrances and exits.
See also iQS 10.13-16.
68
E. Dinkier, 'Jesus Wort vom Kreuztragen', Neulestamentliche Studienfur Rudolf Bultmann (Berlin
1957), PP- uo-29.
6>
The conscious imitation of Ezek. 9 by the author of Rev. 7 makes it likely that the seal was
made with the sign of the cross or tau. Such a cross would have been more closely related to an
eschatological expectation than to the crucifixion.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 2gO G. W. BUCHANAN
a cross painted on the eastern wall of a well-ordered room. There before
the cross, facing the east, he prayed seven times a day.70 Danielou suggested
that this is the origin of keeping crucifixes in houses, not as objects of worship,
but as directional guides. The cross indicated which way was east so that
Christians could turn toward that direction when praying.71 Irenaeus and
Epiphanius both reported that Jewish-Christians faced Jerusalem whenever
they prayed. Elxai, a Jewish-Christian, specifically said not just toward the
east, but toward Jerusalem from whatever direction the worshipper was in
relationship to the holy city.72 From most parts of the Roman empire
Jerusalem would have been basically east but not always. Solomon's prayer
specifically directed diaspora covenanters in their captivity to pray toward
the temple, Jerusalem, or the promised land, after they had repented, so
that the Lord would return them to their land (I Kings 8.48). Jewish-
Christians, like Elxai or Hipparchus, apparently held this eschatological hope
as they prayed toward the east or to Jerusalem, in the direction of the cross.73
Significance of the cross. The cross held an eschatological significance already
at the time of the Babylonian captivity. Jesus reportedly demanded that
disciples 'take up the cross' before his crucifixion. At a very early date
Jewish-Christians made the sign of the cross on initiates when they baptized
in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. At least the basic ingredients
of a trinity existed in Jewish theology before the time of Christ. It is possible
that both the trinity and the sign of the cross originated in the Jewish tradi-
tion and were believed and practised by Jewish-Christians from the very
beginning. It is not necessary to look for the origins of the trinity from the
analogies of the Osiris, Isis, Horus triad in Egypt as Schoeps presumed.74
The practice of making the sign of the cross in every walk of life is consistent
with the commandment of Deut. 6.6-7, which Jews of the time fulfilled with
daily prayers and the use of the Mezuza. By the time of Tertullian, the practice
of making the sign of the cross in relationship to every activity of life was
already a tradition whose origin was forgotten, and whose biblical basis
escaped Tertullian's memory. It was probably practised by Jewish-Christians
in their daily worship.
The scripture in worship. The responsibility of reading the scripture aloud to
worshippers in public is very old, and there has always been a close relation-
ship between the sacred word and the worshipping community. This is
evident from the scripture itself.75 Jewish- and Gentile-Christians both con-
70
Ada Sep., p. 125. See also A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (eds.), The Ante-Mcene Fathers (Grand
Rapids, c. 1970), 11, 533 and in, 31.
71
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1. 26, 2 (MPL 25.431); Epiphanius, Pan. xix. 3, 5 (GCS Ep., 1, 220).
78
Epiphanius, Pan. xix.3, 4-5 (GCS Ep., 1, 220).
73
See also Dani61ou, Jewish Christians, p. 269.
74
H. J. Schoeps, The Jewish-Christian Argument (New York, c. 1961), tr. D. E. Green, pp. 44-5.
76
SeeM. Smith, Tannaitic Parallels to the Gospels (Philadelphia, 1951), pp. 88-98; G. W. Buchanan,
'Midrashim Pr6-Tannaites', RB LXXII (1965), 226-39; Col. 3.16; Eph. 5. 19; II Tim.3.15; I Tim.
4.13; Acts 17. I I .

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 2gi
76
tinued this practice, and, as in Judaism, the readers stood while reading
scripture (Luke 4.17-21). The only variation was in the scripture used.
Origen said that Jewish-Christians rejected the apostle Paul right up to
Origen's day.77 Other fathers said Jewish-Christians used Gospels, but they
did not say which ones.78 Some said the Ebionites used only the Gospel of
Matthew79 or a Nazorean gospel of their own,80 which may have been a
version of Matthew. Filaster said Cerinthus rejected the Acts of the Apostles
and the gospels of Mark, Luke and John. 81 Irenaeus said the Ebionites
expounded the prophets diligently,82 but Origen said the Elkesaites used
only portions of the Old Testament and the Gospel.83
This variation in testimony may mean that some of the fathers were in-
accurately informed, were referring to different Jewish-Christians, or used
different terms for the same meaning. Although they would not have used
the Acts or letters of Paul, Jewish-Christians probably composed such books
as Hebrews, James, the Petrine and Johannine epistles, and the Book of
Revelation. Prior to the formation of the NT canon, they may also have
used other poems, prophecies, and wisdom writings of their own composition
as well as parts or all of the OT. Although they were read to congregations
for administration purposes (Col. 4.16), letters, as literary forms, are not
readily adapted to liturgical readings, and it is likely that before Marcion's
canon Christian liturgical readings were in other literary forms, like prophe-
cies, psalms, history, homilies and law, but this is conjecture. That which is
certain is that Jewish-Christians read scriptures in their regular worship
services.
Sermons in worship. The tradition of relating sacred scripture to the worship-
ping community has always involved interpretation of scripture to meet the
needs of the current community (II Chron. 17.9). Much of the OT itself is
interpretation of earlier scripture.84 The majority of Philo's writings are
interpretations of the Pentateuch. Early Jewish synagogue services regularly
employed a 'meturgeman' to interpret relevant scripture readings for the
day. Luke reported Jesus acting as a 'meturgeman' in Nazareth, commenting
on Isa. 61.1 (Luke 4.16-24). P a u l u s e d this custom to preach a sermon about
'• Yoma 7.1; Sotah 7.7; but see also Meg. 4.1.
77
C. Cets. v . 6 5 ; cf. Eusebius HE in. 27. 4
78
J o h n of Damascus, De Haer. x x x and Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum, C S C O LXVI, 3 0 1 .
Pseudo-Tertullian claimed that they upheld the l a w for the purpose of excluding the gospel (Adv.
Om. Haer, m , C C L S 1 a n d 2 ) , b u t h e m a y have been referring to the Christian message in general
and n o t to the literary gospels.
7t
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. n. 11, 7 (F. Sagnard, Mnie de Lyons, Cmtre Us HMsies [Paris: Editions d u
Cerf, 1952]) i n , 192, and Filaster, Div. Her. x x x v i . 2 ( C C L S 9 , p . 2 3 3 ) .
80
Paschasius Radbertus, Ex. n . 2 ( M P L 120.149 c ) .
81
Filaster, Div. Her. x x x v i . 2 ( C C L S 9, p . 2 3 3 ) . S e e further A . F. J. Klijn a n d G. J . Reinink,
Patristic Evidence for Jewish-Christian Sects (Leiden, 1973), p. 49.
81
Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26.2 (MPG 7.686 B-687A).
8S
Origen, reported in Eusebius, HE vi.38; Epiphanius, Pan. xrx.5, 1 (GCS Ep. 1, 222).
84
To The Hebrews (Garden City, 1972), p. 1 and 'Midrashim Prfi-Tannaites'.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 292 G. W. BUCHANAN
Jesus' resurrection in relationship to Israelite history (Acts 13.15-42).85 The
rabbis gave directions for reading scripture in relationship to the man who
interprets it to the congregation (Meg. 4-4).86 From the beginning Christians
have used the sermon in worship as a means of providing scriptural proof for
their faith.87 There were numerous sermons preserved in the writings of the
church fathers,88 so it is certain that Jewish-Christians also preached as part
of congregational worship.
Summary. This analysis has shown that there was a great deal of Jewish
tradition carried over into Jewish-Christian private and public worship, and
this is no exhaustive examination: Both employed means for silencing those
who included heretical beliefs in prayer.89 There are close parallels between
early Jewish and Christian prayers.90 Both washed their hands before pray-
ing.91 The Christian kiss of peace92 and the antiphonal readings with re-
sponsive 'amens' 93 were normal parts of pre-Christian Jewish worship. Many
outlines and formulae for Jewish prayers were imitated in the structure of
Christian prayers.94 Both Jews and Christians were commanded to fast on
certain days and forbidden to fast on others.95 Orders of worship, confessions,96
doxologies,97 benedictions,98 patterns of posture,99 singing, and celebration
were all carried over from Judaism to some extent into Jewish-Christian
worship. Major feasts and celebrations in Judaism were held on certain days
of the calendar year. Many of these have been accepted into the Christian
calendar, although not always in the same way or on the same date.
86
Smith, Tannaitic Parallels, pp. 88-98.
•• See Ptsikta Rabbati and Pesikta de Rav Kahana for excellent Jewish sermons.
87
Dix, Shape, p. 40, said most sermons were preached by bishops.
88
See also Justin, Apol. 1.67 (MPG 7. 629); Dial. 28 (MPG 6.536), 85 (MPG 6.676-80); Clement
of Alexandria, Stromateis vi. 14 (MPG 9. 338); Tertullian, De Cult. Fern. 11. 11 (MPG 1.1329).
89
Ber. 5 . 3 ; Apos. Const, VII. 2, 2 5 ; Apos. Trad. 1.10, 3 - 6 .
80
Compare the second and third of the Eighteen Benedictions with 1 Clem. 59.3-4 and the tenth
benediction with Didache 9.9. See also Dix, Shape, pp. 214-18; A. Finkel, The Pharisees and the
Teacher of Nazareth (Leiden, 1964), pp. 115-16; W. O. E. Oesterley, The Jewish Background of the
Christian Theology (Gloucester, 1965), pp. 76, 77, 130-47.
91
Ber. 8.4 144-150; Apos. Trad, rv.35, 1; iv.36, 8-9; Tertullian, De Oratione xm. 1-2.
92
Dix, Shape, pp. 103-10; Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. v. 3 (MPG 33.1112).
93
Oesterley, Jewish Background, pp. 70-1, 73-6, 145; Dix, Shape, pp. 128-30.
94
Finkel, Pharisees, pp. 115-16.
95
An early Jewish document, called the scroll of the fasts (see H. Lichtenstein, 'Die Fastenrolle',
H.U.C.A. VHI-IX [1931-32], 257-351), has a misleading tide. Instead of containing a list of various
fasts Jews must observe, it lists the days of the year on which Jews are forbidden to fast or mourn.
Tertullian (De Corona in, CCLS 1 and 2) said Christians were forbidden to fast or worship on the
knees on the Lord's Day and from Easter to Pentecost. The reason seems to have been that these
were days of rejoicing. See also Didache 8.1; Apost. Const, v. 3, 13; vn. 2, 21; Ta'anith.
94
II Sam. 24.14; Dan. 9.9; Lev. 16.21; Yoma 3.8; Oesterley, Jewish Background, pp. 76-9.
97
Isa. 6.3; Ezek. 8.12; Ps. 146.10; TBer. 1.9; Origen, C. Celsum vm. 34 (GCS Or., 11); Cyril of
Jerusalem, Myst. v. 4 (MPG 33.1112); 'The Liturgy of the Blessed Apostles' in The Ante-Nicene
Fathers vm, 537, 47, 54, 57, 61, 63, 64, 68.
88
Ibid. pp. 543, 47, 50, 53, 56, 68; Oesterley, Jewish Background, pp. 46-70; Dix, Shape, p. 94.
99
Megillah 4.1-10; JTamid 7.4; Apost. Trad. 11.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 293

FEASTS AND SACRIFICES

Problems of tradition and calendar. Eusebius reported a controversy that broke

out in the church near the end of the second century in an unsuccessful
attempt to reduce differences of their calendars. Members of the Eastern
church, which apparently included the Jewish-Christians,100 always observed
the Lord's Passover on the fourteenth of Nisan, whichever day of the week
it was, whereas members of the Western church always celebrated Easter on
the first day of the week. By the time of the dispute, customs had been well-
imbedded into both divisions of the church.101 The conflict was not newly
established but based on two calendars that had previously existed in Juda-
ism, the older of which had been widely used throughout the whole Fertile
Crescent for thousands of years.102
The old pentecontad calendar had no months. The annual cycle was based
on sevens. There were seven days to a week and seven weeks before a pente-
contad festival. There were seven pentecontads of fifty days per year with
the addition of two special periods of seven days each. A forty-nine-day
period always concluded on the Sabbath. The fiftieth day was not counted
in the days of the week. It was preceded by the Sabbath and succeeded by
the first day of the week. The old year ended in the spring, followed by a
seven-day feast of unleavened bread,103 which, in turn, was followed by the
New Year's celebration. During the feast, all food from the previous year
that was not eaten was destroyed.104 In New Year's Day the first grain of the
new crop was cut, and people began to eat the new produce, saving all the
first fruits to be offered to the priests at a waving ceremony in the temple.105
On the first pentecontad festival after New Year's Day, there was a Feast of
Weeks106 for the dedication of the first fruits of the harvest. Three events - the
beginning of the feast, New Year's Day, and the feast of Weeks - all fell on
the day after the Sabbath.
Wilderness customs in Canaan. When the Hebrews moved into Canaan, they
100
Jerome, Ep. cxn. 13 (MPG 22, 924).
101
Eusebius, HE v. 23-5.
102
J. and H. Lewy, 'The Origins of the Week and the Oldest West Asiatic Calendar', H.U.C.A.
xvn (1942-43), 3, 88. Before the Dead Sea Scrolls appeared, the Lewys, loc. cit. pp. 1-152, wrote an
extensive and important analysis of the pentecontad calendar. After the Scrolls became known,
A. Jaubert, 'Le Calendrier des Jubiles et de la Secte de Qumran. Ses Origins Bibliques', V.T. m
(•953)) 25°~72> noted the relationships between Jubilees, some of the Scrolls, intertestamental
literature, and the OT. The calendar she projected was so nearly exactly like that described earlier
by the Lewys that J . Morgenstern, 'The Calendar of the Book of Jubilees, its Origin and its
Character', V.T. v (1955), 34-76, related the two articles and traced the history of the calendar to
modern times. Analyses made here are based upon these three articles.
103
Lewys, 'Origins', 50-1, 77.
104
Morgenstern, 'Calendar', p. 41. This practice was continued only symbolically in Judaism
by destroying all leavened bread (Pes. 1.1-7).
105
Bik. 1.8,3.4.
108
The term 'weeks' was a label given to a pentecontad, i.e. a period of seven weeks. The Feast
of Weeks is the feast held after the first group of weeks of the year was over. So Lewys, 'Origins',
pp. 92-6.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 G W
294 - - BUCHANAN
adapted their religious events to the Canaanite agricultural calendar. The
first day of unleavened bread became their day to celebrate the Passover.
After the week of unleavened bread, Hebrews, like the Canaanites, cele-
brated New Year's Day. They also shared with the Canaanites their Feast of
Weeks, bringing their first fruits seven weeks after the New Year's celebra-
tion, on the day after the Sabbath. They may also have celebrated their
Feast of Tabernacles at the same time.107
In the autumn, as the rainy season began, the smoke from the tent of
meeting settled around camp, and the Hebrews took this to be the sign that
camp should not be moved. In the spring, however, when the smoke went
straight up to heaven in a column, providing a channel for the Lord to
descend, the Hebrews could move camp day by day, because they were sure
the Lord was tabernacling in their midst (Num. 9.17-23). Morgenstern108
noticed that the tabernacle was reportedly constructed on New Year's Day
(Exod. 40.2, 17) and that the smoke went up as a column on the twentieth
of the second month, or fifty days after New Year's Day. This would co-
incide with the Feast of Weeks (Num. 10.11), according to the pentecontad
calendar. It seems more likely that they celebrated the Feast of the Taber-
nacles when the Lord's presence returned to their midst in the spring than
when it departed to heaven in the fall, although it was considered an autumn
festival already in the Pentateuch (Lev. 23.34).
In addition to the seven-day feast in the spring, there was also a feast in
the fall of seven days, just four pentecontads or 200 days after New Year's
Day. Lewys thought that this was originally also a period of celebration, which
was turned into the fast of mourning and repentance associated with the Day of
Atonement after the first destruction of the temple. At least part of Judaism
also celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles just a few days after the Day of
Atonement.109
Changes with the solar calendar. Although Assyria began to replace her pente-
contad calendar in 2300 B.C.,110 this agricultural calendar worked well in
Canaan until Israel began to trade with western nations that observed a
solar calendar of months. For business reasons Israel accepted this solar
calendar, readjusting its entire religious programme accordingly.111 Passover
107
The Lewys, however, did not consider the possibility, but were convinced '... that the Feast
of Booths originally marked the celebration on the fiftieth day of the pentecontad of ingathering of
fruits' (ibid. p. 123; see also pp. 140-1). By fruits, they meant the autumn fruits and grapes. They
also did not think of the possible relationship between the Feast of Tabernacles and the theology
of the Lord's 'presence' tabernacling with his people in the wilderness. The Lewys' case rests on
the necessity of interpreting the 'sabbath' of Exod. 31.12 ff. as a pentecontad.
108
Morgenstern, 'Calendar', p. 53.
109
Rabbi Joshua ben Levi said it should have fallen fifty days after the Day of Atonement, but
it was advanced by God's mercy because of weather conditions (SSR 58 b).
110
Lewys, 'Origins', p. 4.
111
This was not done all at once in any of the countries. In some areas people gave dates according
to two calendars at the same time to meet the needs of varying people. See Lewys, 'Origins', p. 67.
See also Morgenstern, ' Calendar', pp. 67-8.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 295
was made to fall on the night of the first full moon after the Spring equinox,
whatever day of the week that was.112 This automatically changed the end
of the feast of unleavened bread to fall on the same weekday just a week
later and the Feast of Weeks to fall on the same day just seven weeks later.
New Year's Day was changed to the fall, on the first full moon after the
autumnal equinox.113 The former seven-day feast was changed to a ten-day
period of fasting before the Day of Atonement, with only a few days between
the Day of Atonement and the Feast of Tabernacles, now held in the fall.114
Conservatives and the calendar. The pentecontad calendar was a religious
calendar, and the business reasons for its rejection did not satisfy many
faithful, conservative covenanters. The authors of Jubilees, Enoch, and the
Habakkuk Commentary, as well as the Therapeutae, 115 and the Boetusians116
of NT times, and the Moslems and Christians in southern Palestine of the
present day have all observed the old agricultural calendar. This means that
Judaism did not have just one calendar at the time ofJesus, but at least two,
and Christians began in a situation of conflict with alternate, traditional
possibilities for establishing their own calendar. Like Jews, Christians did
not agree on the right procedure.
Christian adaptations. Western Christians tended to emphasize the celebra-
tion factor on the day after the Sabbath that was characteristic of the pente-
contad calendar. Each week they celebrated the Lord's Day, although Jewish-
Christians also observed the seventh day as a day of rest.117 Palm Sunday,
Easter and Pentecost were all celebrated on the day after the Sabbath. The
New Year's Day festival of the old agricultural calendar became the Easter
Sunday celebration ofJesus' resurrection, but oriental Christians broke their
fast on the fourteenth of Nisan on whatever day of the week that happened
to fall, just one day before Passover for popular Judaism. For Western
Christians, Pentecost also fell on the day after the Sabbath, seven weeks after
Easter, the day of the old Feast of Weeks for the agricultural calendar.
Jewish-Christians may have celebrated the Feast of Weeks together with
popular Judaism, but Western Christianity probably agreed with another
part of Judaism of the time in celebrating the descent of the Holy Spirit
with Pentecost, the day when the smoke from the tent of meeting first
reached heaven in a column (Num. 9.11, 17-23; Acts 2.1-42).
One of the nationalistic symbols of Judaism, associated with the Feast of
Tabernacles, involves carrying and waving of palm and citrus branches into
Jerusalem and up to the temple. On one occasion Alexander Jannaeus was
118 us
Pes. 1.1. I.e. the day after the 14th of Nisan. RH 1.1-4. RH 1.1-4.
114
That is, unless the Feast of Tabernacles was always in the fall, as the Lewys thought.
116 116
Philo, Vita Conternplativa m.30; iv.36; vm.65. Menahot 65a.
117
Those who observed the pentecontad calendar would also have observed the Sabbath. There
was an ancient taboo that considered all work done on the Sabbath to be ill-fated. Therefore work
was suspended on that day. Some Jewish-Christians believed Jesus had not been raised from the
dead but that he would be raised in the general resurrection (Epiphanius, Pan. XXVIII.6. 1 ([GCS
Ep. 1]). These may not have celebrated either the Lord's Day or Easter.
NTS XXVI

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 296 G. W. BUCHANAN

pelted with the convenient citrus fruit on the branches by antagonistic Jews
while he officiated at the altar.118 It was at the Feast of Tabernacles that
Jonathan first donned the robes of the high priest.119 When Jesus entered
Jerusalem before Passover, however, he also was greeted by people in pro-
cession waving palm branches on their way to the temple. This custom may
have been practised on more occasions than one each year by all Jews or by
some Jews one day and other Jews another. It is not likely that Jesus intro-
duced any change of calendar and found the people going to Jerusalem all
prepared with their palm branches to concur. The procession on Palm
Sunday may have been a Jewish expression of an old Assyrian custom, held
on the first day of the festivity before New Year's Day. On that day all the
people of the city went out in procession to a certain temple. There they
remained until New Year's Day, when they returned to the city. The only
Jewish temple at the time of Jesus was inside the city, but it may have been
a custom of those Jews who observed the pentecontad calendar to walk in
procession to the temple of Jerusalem on that day, waving their palm
branches as a symbol of their nationalistic zeal. It may have been in relation-
ship to this procession that Jesus entered Jerusalem in messianic tradition.120
If this were the case it would explain why Christians associate palm branches
with Palm Sunday in the spring whereas Jews wave palm branches in the
fall in relationship to the Feast of Tabernacles. After Jesus entered in parade,
Christians would have needed no other reason for continuing the festival, but
Jewish-Christians may have observed the Jewish Feast of Tabernacles in the
fall, either in place of, or in addition to, Palm Sunday.
Christian assimilations. The religious nationalism that was associated with
autumn holy days may have motivated Gentile-Christians to avoid these
festivals and relate the traditions involved to a different calendar, or they
may have developed naturally out of that part of Judaism that observed the
agricultural calendar. The Day of Atonement no longer found a special day
on the Western Christian calendar, but Jesus' Passover was interpreted as
an atonement of offering121 and also the first fruit of the dead.122 In due time
118 n 8
Ant. XIII.5 (372-4). Ant. xm.3 (46).
120
Fulfilling the prophecy of Zech. 9.9-10.
181
Heb. 9.14-28 interpreted Jesus' death as an atonement offering, and Paul and the author of
the Johannine epistles also interpreted Jesus in terras of a sin offering. See The Consequences of the
Covenant, pp. 222-35. On the Day of Atonement, the high priest had first offered a sacrifice for his
own sins and those of his family. After that, he offered a second offering for the sins of all Israelites
(Yoma 4.2-6.2). In the Lord's Supper, the clergyman still receives the elements for himself first and
then serves the rest of the congregation.
182
After the fall of the temple, Jews were still required to bring their first fruits to priests (Bik.
1.10), but they could bring them any time from the Feast of Weeks until the Feast of Tabernacles
(Bik. 1.1 o). Since they did not bring them to the same place at the same time, the significance of this
feast was diminished. Christians continued to bring their first fruits to the bishop to be dedicated
to God, but instead of seven kinds, they brought fruits of eleven kinds {Apos. Trad. in. 1-5). Jesus'
sacrifice was also considered the first fruits of the dead (I Cor. 15.20). This all meant that the mass
took on part of the significance of Easter, Pentecost, Passover, and the Day of Atonement (Didascalia
Apostolorum ix [xxv]: [ii. 26]: (p. 36).

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35

 CEREMONIES IN THE EARLY CHURCH 297
the sacrament of penance was instituted. The nationalistic, millennial theo-
logy associated with the autumn New Year's Day was continued by Gentile-
Christians, but not so enthusiastically as the Jewish-Christians probably did.
Gentile-Christians also omitted the Feast of Purim, understandably enough,
during which Jews read the scroll of Esther and looked forward to the time
when they themselves could destroy Gentiles at their own discretion, but
Jewish-Christians may have participated in this celebration.
Jewish-Christians and feasts. The church fathers accused the Jewish-
Christians of observing the feast days of the Jews. This does not mean that
all Jewish-Christians observed all the feasts of popular Judaism or that they
rejected all the feasts observed by Gentile-Christians. They observed the
Sabbath and also the Lord's Day. They celebrated Passover on the fourteenth
of Nisan, but they may also have celebrated the resurrection at Easter. They
may or may not have observed the Jewish Feast of Weeks instead of, or in addi-
tion to, Pentecost. It is uncertain whether they observed New Year's Day, the
Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Tabernacles with popular Judaism in the
fall. The number of feasts celebrated may have varied from church to church.
At any rate, Jewish-Christians were closer to popular Judaism in their
observances than Gentile-Christians were, but Gentile-Christians were just
as traditionally Jewish in their calendrical observances as were either Jews
or Jewish-Christians.
SUMMARY

Jewish-Christians readily interpreted the life, ministry and sacrificial death

ofJesus in agreement with accepted Jewish concepts: the trinity, the apostolic
christology of the Messiah, meritorious suffering in behalf of all Israel,
reconciliation of Israel to God through the death of the Messiah, refusal to
participate in active rebellion against Rome, and willingness to dispute with
other religious sects about many points. The fall of Jerusalem taught them
to adjust their worship practices according to Jewish traditions which deemed
the temple unnecessary, but they continued to mourn for it and hope for its
restoration. Daily and weekly private and congregational worship attempted
to fulfil needs formerly met by the function of priests in the temple. Baptism
became still more important than before, assuming more responsibility for
cleansing from sins, but it did not make circumcision unnecessary. There
continued to be scripture reading and exhortation in congregational worship
services. Some of them observed the same calendar of feasts as the majority
ofJews and also the Jewish Sabbath, but they adhered to the Lord's Day and
perhaps some of them even concurred with Gentile-Christians in their
Christian adjustments to the old agricultural calendar. Jewish-Christians of
the second century were in closer agreement with the theology of the NT and
Jews of their day than they would have been with Catholic Christians who
lived a few centuries later.

http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 19 Mar 2015 IP address: 138.251.14.35