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4
The fragments are collected in G. Ostrogorsky, Studien zur Geschichte des Byzan-
tinischen Bilderstreites (Breslau, 1929), pp. 8-11, followed by a study of Constantine's
iconoclastic ideology, based on these and other sources (pp. 11-45). The fragments
are found in Nicephorus' first two Antirrhetici (P. G. 100, 205-374). H. Hennephof,
in his florilegium of iconoclastic literature, characterizes the arguments of the icono-
clasts recorded in Nicephorus' third Antirrheticus (P. G. 100, 375—534) s fragments
from Constantine's third πεΰσις (Textus byzantinos ad iconomachiam pertinentes in
usum academicum edidit Herman Hennephof (Leiden, 1969), p. 55. In fact these
iconoclastic Statements, though interesting in themselves, are defmitely not attributed
to Constantine, s a reading of the context in Nicephorus' work reveals, and cannot be
adduced s representing eighth-century ideology. Hennephof also claims to have
located additional fragments of the first two πεύσεις (his No. 145, 147, 148, 150, 153,
154). These all in fact are either paraphrases of already quoted fragments (e. g.,
No. 145) or Nicephorus 5 interpretations of what the fragments imply (e. g., No. 154).
The fragments from the πεύσεις (according to Ostrogorsky) and parts of the horos of
754 are also reprinted in H. J. Geischer's collection of texts (Der byzantinische Bilder-
streit [G tersloh, 1968], pp. 41-53).
5
ed. Ostrogorsky, pp. 8-9. We shall presently discuss relevant aspects of this
πεΰσις. In a future work I hope to be able to submit iconoclastic christology to a
thorough analysis.
6
Fragments 18-19 (P. G, 100, 332 B, D).
7
έκέλευσε τοις άγίοις αύτοΰ μαθ-ηταΐς και αποστόλους παραδοΰνοα δι' ου ήράσθη πράγματος
τύπον είς σώμα αυτού, (Fragment 1.9; Ρ. G. ιοο, 33^ Α), Constantine seems to place
some emphasis on the arbitrary, symbolic nature of the sacrament, but then reaffirms
its reality: ίνα δια της ιερατικής αναγωγής, καν ει εκ μ ε τ ο χ ή ς και θέσει γίνηται,
λάβωμεν αυτό ως κ υ ρ ί ω ς και αληθώς σώμα αύτοΰ.
8
καΐ καν ως εικόνα του σώματος αύτοΰ -8-ελήσωμεν λογίσασθαι ως εξ εκείνου παραχ&έν,
Ιχομεν αυτό [i. e. το σώμα] εις μ ό ρ φ ω σ ι ν [του σώματος] αύτοΰ (Fragment 20; 336 Α).
One MS, Coisl. 93? lacks the second mention of του σώματος; in fact the wording
seems to be more consequent if the text had εις μόρφωσιν αύτοΰ; the "body" which we
have in the bread is His form, μόρφωσις.
9
και είκών εστί του σώματος αύτοΰ και ό άρτος δν λαμβάνομεν,μορφάζων την σάρκα
αύτοΰ, ως εις τύπον του σώματος εκείνου γινόμενος (Fragment 21; 337 Α).
10
ου πας άρτος σώμα αύτοΰ, ώσπερ ουδέ γαρ πας οίνος αίμα αύτοΰ, ει μη ό δια της
ιερατικής τελετής αναφερόμενος εκ του χ ε ι ρ ο π ο ί η τ ο υ προς το ά χ ε ι ρ ο π ο ί η τ ο ν
(Fragment 22; 337 CD).
την έμήν ανάμνηση ' ως ουκ έγχωροΰντος δηλονότι, άλλως είκονίζεσθαι, ή άναμιμνήσκεσθαι *
εφ* φ και το είκονίζεσ&αι αληθές, και το είκονίζειν ιερόν (Ρ. G. 99> 34° Α). The argument
here seems to centre more generally on the "image of commemoration" in the ecclesias-
tical rites: Theodore does, among other things point out that αυτό γαρ σώμα και αίμα
Χρίστου όμολόγηται εν τη μεταλήψει τοις πιστοΐς, κατά την θεόλεκτον φωνήν. τί τάς της
αληθείας μυστήρια εις τύπους μεταλαμβάνων φληναφεΤς (34° Β)·
32
See Ostrogorsky, Studien, pp. 48-51; P. J. Alexander, "The Iconoclastic Council
of St. Sophia (815) and Its Definition (Horos)", Dumbarton Oaks Papers 7 (1954),
pp. 58-66. Apparently the Council of 815 did not declare what it deemed to be the
true image of Christ. Nicephorus, in his unpublished refutation of the Council, does
ironically ask whether these latter-day heretics share Constantine's eucharist-icon
conception: Ι'σως τη του διδασκάλου μαμωνα επόμενοι άθε'ί'α φήσουσιν εικόνα του Χρίστου
σώματος δοξάζειν τα παρά των αξίων ίερουργούμενα θεια μυστήρια (Parisinus graecus
1250, fol. 230 r). But it seems that this is only a rhetorical question, meant to provide
the mise en scene for a repetition of Nicephorus' own eucharistic doctrine, and not a
quotation or paraphrase, (I am indebted to Professor Alexander for kindly lending
me his own transcript and photographs of the MS.) I do not quite understand the
reason for Alexander's Statement (commenting on the fact that the Council of 815
declaimed against "the images falsely so-called") (Fragment 14, ed. Alexander, p. 59:
την αύθαδώς δογματισθεΐσαν άκυρον ποίησιν των ψευδωνύμων εικόνων της καθολικής
εκκλησίας έξοστρακίζομεν) that this immediately recalled to the ninth-century Byzantine
the "famous argument . . . that a pictorial image of Christ is 'spurious* and that the
true image was the bread and wine" (op. cit., p. 41). Incidentally, Alexander seems to
deform V. GrurneFs thought by saying that Grumel "shows that a third iconoclastic
council was held at Blachernae under Theophilus and that it once again called the
Eucharist the true image of Christ" [op. cit., p. 57, note 42] italics mine). In fact
Grumel only points to the passage from Theodore cited above (see note 31), s indicat-
ing a persistence of the eucharistic argument in the ninth Century ("Recherches
recentes sur l'iconoclasme", Echos d'Orient 29 [1930], p. 99). Grumel's subsequent
speculation that the supposed synod of Theophilus "revint a la doctrine rigoriste
de 754" presumably refers to the Charge of idolatry, soft-pedalled at the Council of
8 15 .
33
Cf. F. D lger's review of Ostrogorsky's book in G ttingische gelehrte Anzeigen
191 (1929), p. 355, and H. Barion, "Quellenkritisches zum byzantinischen Bilder-
streit", Rom. Quartalschrift, 38 (1930), p. 8l.
was only applicable within the framework of the trinitarian relations. Thus, I think,
the horos perhaps passed in silence over the homo-ousios definition of "image" s
being irrelevant to the question at hand, but put even greater emphasis on the eucharist
s the one and olny true material image of the Savior.
41
Incidentally, though one ought still attribute to Constantine at least the simple
identification of image and original s his Leitmotif. Hans Barion questions, I think
quite rightly, the applicability of the same to the declarations of the horos of 754. We
have already seen the great emphasis that the horos places on the Holy Spirit s the
vivifying divine bond of union between Christ's natural body and the bread of the
Eucharist (notes 17, 18). The horos does not advocate a simple identity of essence;
rather, in Barion's words, "Das tertium comparationis ist vielmehr, da in beiden
F llen Stoff, der des Pers nlichseins entbehrt - im einen Falle die ύλη μόνη . . .
ανθρωπινής ουσίας κατά πάντα τελείας, μη χαρακτηριζούσης ιδιοσύστατον πρόσωπον
(Mansi XIII, 264 Α); im anderen Fall das Brot — durch den Heiligen Geist mit der
Person des Sohnes Gottes verbunden und so vergottet wird" (Rom. Quartalschrift 38
£1930], p. 82; [italics mine]. The refutation of the horos oversimplifies the iconoclasts'
stand in stating ( propos the christological dilemma) that the latter "say that the
image and the prototype are the same thing" (την εικόνα και το πρωτότυπον ταύτόν
λέγουσιν είναι, Mansi XIII, 260 Ε).
42
e. g., λάβωμεν αυτό ως κυρίως και αληθώς σώμα αύτοΰ (Constantine, Fragment 19,
Ρ G 100, 33 ) 5 δια της του αγίου πνεύματος έπιφοιτήσεως άγιαζόμενον θείον σώμα
ευδόκησε γίνεσθαι (Mansi XIII, 261). However, special attention should be paid to
Constantine's Statement that the eucharist is Christ's body, εκ μετοχής και θέσει
(Fragment 19, Ρ. G. 100, 333 B), which is echoed by the horos" θ έ σ ε ι [σώμα] (see
note 16). One should note that the iconoclasts talk about the body of Christ, the image
of which is the eucharistic bread. In these Statements we may simply have a reflection
of the notion that the eucharist is an "arbitrary" image of the body, not a "natural"
image, which is the result of generation - an application of the well-known philosophi-
€al θέσει-φύσει distinction. In this connection G. Ladner adduces a text from
Eustathius of Antioch (P. G. 83, 176 C) which he interprets s saying "Christ s man
is compared to an art-image made θέσει, Christ s God to an image generated φύσει"
(The Concept of Image, p. 18), It seems to me however that this passage does not
•describe Christ's body s an image θέσει, but rather men or believers in general who
are σύμμορφοι της εικόνος του Υιού (Romans 8:29). Eustathius says: C O μεν γαρ Υιός,
τα θεια της πατρώας αρετής γνωρίσματα φέρων ε'ικών εστί του Πατρός* . . . ό δε άνθρωπος
δν έφόρεσεν εικών εστί του Υίοΰ. There seems to be a break in the text here, and the
next sentence appears to be an Illustration: του και εξ ανόμοιων κηρογραφεΐσθαι
-χρωμάτων εικόνας * και τάς μεν είναι θέσει χειροτεύκτους, τάς δε φύσει και όμοιότητι
γεγενημένας. Some images are handmade of dissimilar substance, θέσει; other, natural
images are images φύσει. At any rate, I cannot see Christ's manhood being described
directly s a "thetic image" in this passage. Be that s it may, the thought underlying
Constantine's and the horos' Statement is that the eucharist is an "arbitrary", not a
'''natural", begotten image - hence it is an εικών θέσει, not φύσει. (The Council of 754,
in adopting this terminology may have seen its incorigruity with Constantine's consub-
stantial image concept, and, accordingly, tacitly consigned the latter to oblivion.)
43
The best collection of documentation, though not quite complete, is available in
J. Betz, Die Eucharistie in der Zeit der griechischen V ter (Bd. I) I (Freiburg i.
Br., 1955), and D. Stone, A History of the Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist vol. I
(London, 1909). For a summary, see F. Heiler, Die Ostkirchen (M nchen, 1971),
pp. 161-74, or the excellent survey by A. Hamman, art. "Eucharistie", parts I and II,
in Dictionnaire de Spiritualite IV (Paris, 1960), col. 1553-1586.
44
This does not mean of course that an Opposition or contradiction between the
two views was not recognized. For instance Macarius Magnes (ca. 400) combats a
"typical" doctrine of the eucharist "Ου γαρ τύπος σώματος ουδέ τύπος αίματος, ως
τίνες έρραψφδησαν πεπωρωμένοι τον νουν, άλλα κατά άλήθειαν σώμα και αΐμα Χρίστου,
επειδή το σώμα από γης, από γης δ' ό άρτος ομοίως και ό οίνος" (Apocriticus, I I I , 23,
ed. C. Blondel, Macarii Magnetis quae supersunt, Paris, 1876), p. 106, 1.1-4.
Macarius seems to oppose a view which resolves the very Institution and celebration
of the rite into spiritual allegories. (As can be found e. g., in Origen, Contra Celsum
VIII, 57: εστί δε και σύμβολον ήμΐν της προς θεόν ευχαριστίας, άρτος «ευχαριστία»
καλούμενος, ed. P. Koetschau, Origenes Werke, II [Leipzig, 1899]» Ρ· 2 74> 1.6—8). Cf.
Betz, p. 215. The Apophthegmata Patrum (5th cent.) cite a macabre story about a
desert monk who presumed to call the bread of the eucharist a mere antitype: Ουκ
εστίν φ ύ σ ε ι ό άρτος δν λαμβάνομεν σώμα Χρίστου, αλλ* άντίτυπον. The anchorite is
converted to the realistic view of the elements upon being exposed to a horrifying
vision wherein an angel actually slays a small child upon the altar, and distributes the
grisly remains. The wayward monk then learns that the persistence of the outward
appearance of bread and wine is simply a concessioii to human revulsion at cannibalism,
and in no waydetracts from the realityof the sacrifice (P. G. 65,157 A-i6oA). Incident-
ally, in the Syriac translation which reproduces the episode in all its details, άντίτυπον
is rendered s dmuth . . . dpagreh, "form (or image) of his body" (ed. E. A. Wallis
Budge, The Book of Paradise, vol. II (London, 1904), p. 621, lines 15-16). (Perhaps
the translator 'Anan-Iso 4 had, instead of άντίτυπσν, είκών του σώματος αύτοΰ in his
Greek text ?) Cyril of Alexandria, commenting on Matthew 26:27, declares that, though
our Lord gave us a paradigm (τύπος) for re-enacting the ceremony of the eucharist,
the eucharistic elements themselves are certainly not a τύπος, but reality itself: ήμΐν
τύπον διδούς πρώτον εύχαριστεΐν και οΰτω κλάν τον άρτον και διαδιδόναι . . . δεικτικώς δε
είπε τοΰτό μου εστίν σώμα και τοΰτό μου εστίν το αίμα, ϊνα μη νομίσης τύπον είναι τα
φαινόμενα, άλλα δια τίνος αρρήτου ενεργείας . . . μεταποιεΐσθαι εις σώμα και αίμα Χρίστου
(ed. J. Heuss, Matth us-Kommentare aus der griechischen Kirche [Texte und Un-
tersuchungen, 6l], Berlin, 1957), p. 255, fragment 289, lines 4-11). Cf. J. M he,
"L'Eucharistie d'apres Samt Cyrille d'Alexandrie", Revue d'histoire eccles. 8 (1907),
p. 688.
45
E. g., Cyril of Jerusalem: το σώμα αυτού τύπον έφερεν άρτου (Ρ. G. 33> 79^ BQi
Clement of Alexandria, Stromata V, 9, 62, l: ό θεός άνοιξη ήμΐν θύραν του λαλήσαι το
μυστήριον του τύπον ευχαριστίας (ed. O. St hlin, Clemens Alexandrinus, II (Leipzig,
1939), ρ. 319, 34—320, l). The witness of Theodore of Mopsuestia is more ambiguous;
though Betz adduces Theodore at length s a witness for a sophisticated, symbolic
view (pp. 227-239), Theodore explicitly disclaims this Interpretation s far s the
eucharist is concerned, "When he gave the bread, he did not say, "this is the type (tups )
of my body" but "this is my body" . . . not "this is the type (tupsa] of my blood" etc.
(MS. Mingana Syr. 561, fol. 119 v, lines 6-8; facsimile ed., R. Tonneau and R.
Devreesse, Les homelies catechetiques de Theodore de Mopsueste [Studi e Testi 145,
Vatican, 1949]). Of course a single negative Statement like this does not exhaust the
richness and subtleness of Theodore's argumentation, which unfortunately for a great
part is extantonlyinSyriac translation. The correspondingGreekfragment interestingly
enough has σύμβολον: Ουκ είπε* Τοΰτό εστί το σ ύ μ β ο λ ο ν του σ ώ μ α τ ο ς μου, και
τούτο του αίματος μου, άλλα τοΰτό εστί το σώμα μου (Ρ. G. 66, 7*5 Β)· At any rate I do
not think it is quite correct to adduce Theodore s a witness for the eucharist - είκών
concept, s Betz does (p. 227); Theodore only uses the language of "mimesis", very
much inline with the later pseudo-Dionysiac ideology of the mystagogical commentaries
when he says that the priest performs the liturgy s an image (yuqn , είκών) of the
heavenly sacrifice (fol. 125 r). Cf. F. J. Reine, The Eucharistic Doctrine and Liturgy
of the Mystagogical Catecheses of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Washington, 1942),
P-59-
46
See Betz, pp. 223-226, and E. G. C. F. Atchley, On the Epiclesis of the Eucha-
ristic Liturgy and in the Consecration of the Font (Oxford, 1935), p. 137, note 6.
We have seen the qualified assent the Council of 787 gave to the άντίτυπον terminology
of the liturgy of St. Basil (see note 21). It rests on an old liturgical tradition; e. g.
Hippolytus, Apostolic Tradition (2nd Century): Et tunc iarn offeretur oblatio a diaconi-
bus episcopo et gratias agat panem quidem in exe[m]plum (quod dicit Gr<a>ecus anti-
typum) corporis Christi (ed. E. Tidner, Didascaliae Apostolorum, Canonum Ecclesi-
asticorum, Traditiones Apostolicae Versiones Latinae [Berlin, 1963], p. 132; also
{Calicem) in nomine eiiiiu dei benedicens accepisti quasi antitypum sangumis Christi
[op. cit., p. 143, lines 9—10]. The Coptic version renders the central phrase "bread
which is form of the body of Christ" s "woyk ethbe gep-smot ntsarks mp-khs" [W.
Till and J. Leipoldt, Der koptische Text der Kirchenordnung Hippolyts (Texte und
Untersuchungen, 58, [Berlin, 1954], p. 22, 23-24. For the Coptic text see also P.
deLagarde, Aegyptiaca [G ttingen, 1883], P· 257])· The phrase can be translated s
s "a bread because it is the form of the flesh of Christ". The central term smot is
quite a general one, which has been used to render τύπος, είδος, μορφή, σχήμα, ομοίωμα
though not είκών. In the Sahidic version of the eucharistic miracle from the Apophtheg-
mata (see note 44) the heterodox monk declares that the bread is not His body, but
only His "sign" (smof)\ an pe p-soma m-pe-christos phusi (φύσει) alla p-ef-smot pe
(ed. M. Chaine, Le manuscript copte . . . des Apophthegmata . . . [Cairo, 1960]. The
Apostolic Constitutions (4th Century) employ the expression: την άντίτυπον του
βασιλείου σώματος Χρίστου δεκτήν εύχαριστίαν προσφέρετε (ed. F. Χ. Funk, Didascalia
48
J. Meyendorff asserts that "the source of this iconoclastic doctrine [for the
eucharist] s image or symbol was none other than Pseudo-Dionysius" (Christ in
Eastern Christian Thought [Washington and Cleveland, 1969], p. 148, citing s proof
De coelesti hierarchia I, 3). In fact this passage is a fairly Standard expression of the
author's neo-Platonic image philosophy; a propos the eucharist he says that the
Divinity τεταγμένης έξεως τάς των ένθα δε διακοσμήσεων τάξεις, και της ' Ιησού μετουσίας
την της θειοτάτης ευχαριστίας μετάληψιν . . . ήμΐν δε συμβολικώς παραδέδοται (ed. G.
Heil, Denys l'Areopagite, La hierarchie celeste (Sources chretiennes No. 58), (Paris,
1958, p. 73). Now, though in Maximus Homologetes (yth Century) one can find even
more explicit evidence for viewing the eucharistic elements s σύμβολα and άπεικονίσ-
ματα (see R. Bornert, Les commentaires de la divine liturgie du VII e au XV e siecle
[Paris, 1966], p. 117) it would be erroneous to hold that pseudo-Dionysiac ideology by
itself is enough to account for the iconoclastic doctrine. The liturgy of pseudo-Dionysius
himself, s far s it can be reconstructed, unfortunately lacks the anamnesis and the
epiclesis, which alone would help us decide whether those crucial terms of τύπος and
είκών we are seeking for were applied to the eucharistic elements (see E. Boularand,
"L'Eucharistie d'apres le Pseudo-Denys PAreopagite", Bulletin de litterature eccle-
siastique 59 [1958], p. 161). It should be noted that the Historia Ecclesiastica (attri-
buted with rnost plausibility to the patriarch Germanus I himself, Bornert, pp. 142-60),
though otherwise "symbolic" in a thoroughgoing manner, affirms the reality of the
eucharistic transformation, without the employment of figurative language: . . .
γενηΦήναι ήτοι μ,εταποιηθήναι τον άρτον και τον οίνον εις σώμα και αίμα αύτοΰ Χρίστου
του θεού (ed. Brightman, Journal of Theological Studies, 8 [1907], p. 395, 13-14). Cf.
Bornert, pp. 174—5. A propos pseudo-Dionysiac influence on the iconoclasts it is very
interesting, though, that according to the express Statement of the refutation, the horos
of 754 borrowed its preface from Pseudo-Dionysius (είθε δε ως πατρική φωνή προ-
οιμ,ιασάμενοι Δ ι ο ν υ σ ί ο υ του Θ ε ο φ ά ν τ ο ρ ο ς . . . εκ Θ ε ο λ ο γ ί α ς προοιμιάζονται,
ούτωσί φάσκοντες, Mansi XIII, 212 Α). The subsequent passage from iconoclastic horos
(212 B), though replete with pseudo-Dionysiac phraseology, is not, however, an exact
quotation from any of the pseudo-Dionysiac writings, in particular not from the
Mystica Theologica. Of course, pseudo-Dionysius was part of the theological heri-
tage of eighth-century Byzantium; but the είκών concept of the eucharist is both
more specific and more archaic than pseudo-Dionysius' version of neo-Platonic icono-
logy.
49
There is a solitary witness, for the kindred expression of ομοίωμα (not employed
by Constantine or the horos] in the Euchologion of Serapion (middle of the 4th Century):
σοι προσηνέγκαμεν τον άρτον τούτον, το ομοίωμα του σώματος του μονογενούς, ό άρτος
ούτος του αγίου σώματος εστίν ομοίωμα (ed. F. Χ. Funk, Didascalia et constitutiones
apostolorum II [Paderborn, 1905], p. 174, 1.10-12). The next mention however raises
the concept to a more general level: ημείς "το ομοίωμα του θανάτου" (Romans 6:5)
ποιοΰντες τον άρτον προσηνέγκαμεν (ι. 15-16). Serapion also employs the expression for
the cup of the oblation: προσηνέγκαμεν δε και το ποτήριον το ομοίωμα του αΐ'ματος . . . δια
τούτο προσηνέγκαμεν και ημείς το ποτήριον ομοίωμα αίματος προσάγοντες (ι. 22-28).
and ancient comparison between the bloody sacrifices of Jews and pagans,
and the imbloody sacrifice of Spiritual Christian worship. Ephraem's
thought is thoroughly anchored in the Semitic notion of r z symbol, pre-
figuration, mystery.68 The kinship to the iconoclastic doctrine seerns to be
quite striking however; perhaps Ephraem preserves a particular trait of
archaic patristic polemic against idolatry and image-worship,69 which feil
into oblivion, on account of its unsuitability, in the orthodox synthesis?
We have already noted the horos* emphasis on the Spirit s the vivifying
principle which unites Christ's natural body and his body θέσει, the
eucharistic bread. In Eusebius* symbolism only partial Inspiration could
be found for this aspect. A more specific parallel can perhaps be had in a
text of Apollinaris preserved in a biblical catena.70 Commenting on
Jacob's blessing again ( s was Eusebius, it should be recalled!) Apollinaris
draws a parallel between the legacy left behind by the patriarchs, and that
given by Christ ascending to heaven.71 After His ascension, He sent the
Holy Spirit, Who made men into sons of God, making thern into images
orthodox Byzantine ecclesiastical life has long been recognized (see, e. g., A. Baum-
stark, Comparative Liturgy [London, 1958], p. 141); it would perhaps be worthwhile
to investigate the possibility of a peculiarly Syriac influence in the eighth-century
controversies ( s distinguished from the well-known problems of heretical Muslim,
Nestorian, or Jacobite influence on the iconoclasts). The first iconoclastic dynasty
originated from Syrian Mar c as, and there is evidence for some of the collaborators of
Leo (including the patriarch Anastasius) to have had Syrian antecedents. I investigate
this last point in some more detail in my book (see note 2).
68
See, in general, E. Beck, "Symbolum-Mysterium bei Aphraat und Ephr m",
Oriens Christianus 41 (1957), pp. 19-43; e. g., Aphrahat (4th Century) says "He gave
there the mystery ('r z ) in the bread of life" (Demonstratio XI, ed. J. Parisot,
Patrologia Syriaca I [Paris, 1894], p. 503, i. 11). For a thorough study of Ephraem's
eucharistic doctrines, see Beck,,,Die Eucharistie bei Ephraem", Oriens Christianus 38
(1954), pp. 41-67 (especially pp. 63-64 for the "image" concept). Occasionally
Ephraem uses the loanward yuqn (είκών); e. g., "And the picture (yuqn } of your
Lord be formed in your heart" (Hymnus de Virginitate, II, stanza 15, l. 4, ed. E. Beck,
C. S. C. O. Scriptores Syri, Tomus 94 (Louvain, 1962), p. 8. But nowhere, to my
knowledge, does Ephraem call the eucharist yuqn .
69
A major theme in iconophile apologetic is that the true, anthropornorphic images
of Christ, tokens of His incarnation, destroyed the hold that false idols had on mankind.
N ow, of course this is a direct reaction to the claim that the iconoclastic reformers
destroyed the idols (Mansi XIII, 253 C). Yet, there may be a reflection here of the
deeper need to reinterpret patristic tradition; the motif of the true eucharist image of
Christ, the counterthrust to the heathen cult images, may well have been a more
prominent feature of the insistent parallelism drawn between demon-inspired heathen
cult and worship, and true Christian spiritual sacrifice and prayer, than is immediately
apparent from extant early Christian apologetic.
70
ed. R. Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs, p. 131. The impressive number of
extant exegetical comments of this author (condemned repeatedly s a heretic) should
be noted (pp. 128-154).
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Το γαρ 'ίδιον αύτοΐς δοθέν άγαθ-όν εις το γένος παραπέμπουσιν οι πατέρες δτε του βίου
μείΚστανται . . . Και ην τούτο εις την άληθινήν αρχήν ήδη προεισαγόμενος τύπος, ήτις
εστίν δ Χριστός, δς αφ' εαυτού το αγαθόν εις τους ιδίους διαπέμπει . . . (ed. Devreesse,
1. 1-6).