Psychological Bulletin Copyright 1988 by the American Psychological Association, Inc.

1988, Vol.104, No. 2, 236-250 0033-2909/88/$00.75

The Decision to Leave an Abusive Relationship:

Empirical Evidence and Theoretical Issues

Michael J Strube
Washington University

Empirical research addressing the decision to leave an abusive relationship is reviewed, methodologi-
cal limitations in that research are outlined, and theoretical models potentially useful for explaining
this decision process are discussed. The review of past research suggests that a variety of factors
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influence the decision to leave an abusive relationship, including employment outside the home,
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length of relationship, presence of child abuse, and number of previous separations. Many of these
studies, however, are limited by nonrandom samples, retrospective designs, and overreliance on self-
report measures. Four interrelated models show promise for aiding in the understanding of this
complex decision situation: psychological entrapment, learned helplessness, cost/benefit analysis,
and reasoned action.

Concern over the widespread occurrence of wife abuse has
led to increased efforts among social scientists to uncover the
social and psychological determinants of this ubiquitous prob-
lem (e.g., Gelles, 1979; Giles-Sims, 1983; Hilberman, 1980;
Martin, 1977; Roy, 1977; Straus, Gelles, & Steinmetz, 1980;
Straus & Hotaling, 1980). Prevalence data indicate that as many
as 1.8 million women are beaten by their husbands each year
(Straus, 1978), and nearly 30% of all couples report experienc-
ing at least one violent episode during their marriages (see also
Straus & Gelles, 1986). Due to the likelihood of underreport-
ing, however, these figures probably underestimate the severity
of the problem (Straus et al., 1980). Indeed, it has been sug-
gested that actual estimates of physical abuse are closer to 50%-
60% (Straus, 1978). Although some couples may experience
only a single violent episode, for others the abuse is a severe,
chronic problem. On the basis of national survey data, Straus
and his colleagues reported that two thirds of the women who
reported a beating (which did not include pushing or slapping)
also indicated that abuse occurred two or more times during
the interview year (Straus et al., 1980); half of these women re-
ported five or more attacks (see also Fojtik, 1978). The magni-
tude of the problem is underscored by the fact that nearly 1,700
women die each year as a direct result of spouse abuse (Stein-
metz, 1978; see also Fields, 1978;Ohrenstein, 1977).
Although these statistics are frightening in their implications,
an even more alarming aspect of wife abuse is that many women
choose to remain in their violent relationships, even though
they may risk severe injury or death. Understanding the deci-
sion to leave an abusive relationship is crucial from a practical
standpoint. Identifying the factors that determine relationship
The helpful comments of two anonymous reviewers are gratefully ac-
knowledged.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Mi-
chael J Strube, Department of Psychology, Washington University, St.
Louis, Missouri 63130.
maintenance or termination is particularly important because
women at risk for repeated abuse need to be distinguished from
those who leave abusive relationships on their own. Unfortu-
nately, little empirical research, and even less systematic theory,
has addressed this issue.
The major purposes of this article are (a) to review critically
the available empirical research that has addressed the decision
to leave an abusive relationship, and (b) to examine several the-
oretical models that provide potentially useful frameworks
within which this decision process can be understood. From
this review should emerge a clearer picture of the factors that
have been found to be reliably related to relationship termina-
tion; methodological limitations in past research that need to
be addressed in future inquiry; and theoretical processes that
may explain the operation of decision-relevant factors. I turn
first to a consideration of previous empirical efforts.
Empirical Research
Available empirical research can be grouped into two basic
categories: (a) studies that indirectly examined the decision to
leave an abusive relationship, and (b) studies that directly ad-
dressed relationship termination, either in an exploratory fash-
ion or from some theoretical perspective. This distinction is im-
portant when considering the kinds of information that avail-
able studies yield and the limitations in interpreting it.
Indirect Studies
Because much research on wife abuse is conducted with
women seeking aid at shelters, one piece of information often
obtained is the status of the woman's relationship at various
time points after discharge from the shelter. Still other studies
report on the relationship status of battered women who seek
counseling for abuse-related problems (e.g., alcoholism, child
abuse). Although these reports are selective, and few make any
systematic attempt to determine the antecedents of relationship

236
 DECISION TO LEAVE
status, they do provide information on the typical percentage of
women who are still living with their assailants.
For example, Giles-Sims (1983) conducted in-depth inter-
views with 31 women who had sought aid at a shelter. Six
months following discharge from the shelter, Giles-Sims reinter-
viewed 24 of the women and found that 42% had returned to
live with their assailants. Of those who had returned, 62% re-
ported being beaten since discharge. Stone (1984) also inter-
viewed women who sought aid at a shelter and examined their
living arrangements at 1 and 3 months after discharge. Of 124
women who were married to their assailants, 41.9% decided to
return rather than seek a divorce.
Korlath (1979) interviewed 33 battered women under treat-
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ment for alcoholism. This sample is different from most re-
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ported in the literature in that the women were not seeking aid
for their abusive relationships (although some reported having
done so in the past), and the maj ority of those relationships were
not marital (70%). Thus the sample includes a majority of un-
married women and women who did not know (initially) that
aid for their abuse was available. Nonetheless, of those women
in stable relationships prior to the interview (i.e., married or
cohabitating), 50% reported they were returning to live with
their assailants following discharge.
Similarly, Hilberman and Munson (1978) interviewed 60
battered women who had been referred for psychiatric evalua-
tion by the medical staff of a rural health clinic. At the time of
referral 76% of the women were living with their assailants, and
this figure dropped to only 53% by the end of treatment. It is
important to note that in these latter two studies women re-
ported their relationship status during the interview, not at
some follow-up time point. The actual number of women who
did return is unknown. On the other hand, past research indi-
cates that many women return to their assailants despite pre-
viously saying they intended not to (cf. Snyder & Fruchtman,
1981). Thus, Korlath's and Hilberman and Munson's data
probably underestimate the return rate. Most recently, Berk,
Newton, and Berk (1986) reported that 76% of the 155 women
examined in a study of shelter impact on subsequent abuse were
living with their assailants at the beginning of the study (post-
shelter living arrangement data were not reported, although
during the course of the study 37% sought aid at a shelter).
Other studies have reported somewhat lower percentages of
women who remain in abusive relationships. For example,
Walker (1983) interviewed 403 women who reported having
been a member of an abusive relationship, 24% of whom were
still living with their assailants. However, women were self-re-
ferred in Walker's study, which introduces a bias against obtain-
ing a representative sample of women still living with their abu-
sive partners (i.e., women still living with an abusive partner
would be more reluctant to volunteer to be interviewed for fear
of the consequences). Label! (1979) also reported a relatively
low return rate. She examined the admission and departure
forms of 512 women who had sought shelter for physical abuse.
Labell reported that 28% of the women returned to their part-
ners immediately upon discharge from the shelter. Because
many women return to their abusive partners after a short sepa-
ration, this percentage is likely an underestimate. Indeed, at the
time of discharge, only 26.6% of the women moved into an inde-
237
pendent living arrangement (the others moved in with friends
or went to another agency or shelter).
The studies reviewed so far are, of course, quite limited in (a)
their informativeness regarding the percentage of women who
choose to remain in abusive relationships and (b) their ability
to identify antecedents of those decisions. They do, however,
indicate that the magnitude of the problem is not trivial. Some-
what more informative are studies by Pfouts (1978), Snyder and
Fruchtman (1981), and Rounsaville (1978).
Pfouts (1978) examined 35 cases of wife abuse from the per-
spective of cost/benefit analysis to determine if different coping
responses were chosen by women with different "payoffs" in
their present relationships compared to alternative relation-
ships. According to Pfouts, four different coping styles can be
identified: (a) the self-punishing response, (b) the aggressive re-
sponse, (c) the early disengagement response, and (d) the reluc-
tant mid-life disengagement response. The latter two represent
decisions to leave an abusive relationship and occur, according
to Pfouts, when the economic, social, and psychological payoffs
of nonviolent alternatives exceed those of the abusive relation-
ship. Of the women who had left their abusive relationships
(57% of the sample), 80% were identified by Pfouts as respond-
ing in one of these latter two ways, which suggests that relative
costs and benefits may play an important role in relationship
decisions. Although the classification was subjective and post
hoc, Pfouts's coping strategy model provides an interesting
framework for future research. (I will return to a more complete
consideration of Pfouts's model when I discuss theoretical is-
sues.)
Snyder and Fruchtman (1981) interviewed 119 women ad-
mitted to a shelter in Detroit. Contrary to most of the research
cited thus far, the women in this study were primarily of minor-
ity ethnic status (34% were Anglo-American). At 6 to 10 weeks
following discharge from the shelter, 48 of the women were re-
contacted to determine their relationship status. Fully 60% of
the women had returned to live with their assailants even
though only 34% had expressed such an intention at discharge.
More important, Snyder and Fruchtman used a statistical tech-
nique to cluster the battered women into distinct subtypes. The
return rate for the five types ranged from 39% to 89%. Com-
pared to women who were less likely to return, women more
likely to return were also more likely to be Caucasian, were
more likely to have been assaulted by a husband, were beaten
relatively less frequently but more severely, were less likely to
have separated previously, were less likely to report child abuse,
were more likely to have retaliated against the abuser, and were
more likely to have said they intended to return following dis-
charge. Although the Snyder and Fruchtman study suffers from
a severe selection bias at the follow-up stage (only 40% of the
sample was classified according to living status at follow-up),
it does point out a variety of factors potentially important in
influencing the decision to leave an abusive relationship.
Finally, Rounsaville (1978) interviewed 31 women who
sought psychiatric counseling. At the time of the interview, 68%
of the women were still living with their assailants. Rounsaville
reported that women who left were more likely than those still
living with their partners to be victims of severe abuse, to fear
being killed, to have called the police, and to have discovered
 238 MICHAEL J STRUBE
that their assailants were also beating the children. Also of note,
Rounsaville reported that a variety of factors, including race,
social class, marital status, employment, presence of children
in the home, and childhood history of violence (for both the
victims and abusers), did not reliably correlate with relation-
ship status. These findings are informative but must be tem-
pered by consideration of the highly selective nature of the sam-
ple and the retrospective nature of the interviews.
Taken together, the research cited clearly indicates that a sub-
stantial percentage of battered women continue to live with
their assailants. Even if they seek help, a substantial number of
women return to be victimized again. Obviously, this research
has many methodological weaknesses that preclude sound in-
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ferences. The samples are highly selective and of unknown rep-
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resentativeness. The interviews are typically of a retrospective
nature that renders causal inferences ambiguous. Finally, the
self-reports of the women may be biased in a variety of ways.
Despite these limitations, and the wide variation in the charac-
teristics of the women studied, there is some consistency in the
reported percentages of women who choose to remain with
their assailants. From these studies it appears that about half of
all women who seek some form of aid for spouse abuse can be
expected to return to their partners. This return rate is stagger-
ing in light of two other considerations. First, women are typi-
cally reluctant to seek aid for their abuse and often do so only
when it becomes life-threatening. That half of these women then
return to such a dangerous environment suggests that powerful
forces are operating to keep the women in a cycle of continuous
abuse. Second, most studies use rather brief follow-up time pe-
riods, which suggests a general underestimation of the return
rate.
The magnitude of the rate at which women return to their
abusing partners underscores the need for research aimed at
identifying the antecedents of such decisions. Women who re-
turn to their assailants are at higher risk for continued abuse
than are those who decide not to return. The ability to identify
women at risk for continued abuse before they return allows the
clinician the potential for more effective intervention. Fortu-
nately, a small but growing body of research has appeared that
addresses this issue more directly.
Direct Studies
Four studies have been conducted in which the primary pur-
pose was to identify factors related to the decision to leave an
abusive relationship. The earliest was conducted by Gelles
(1976), who examined the modes of intervention (e.g., called
police, separation or divorce, went to an agency) used by women
from 41 abusive relationships. Overall, 78% of the women were
still living with their assailants at the time of the interview. More
important, Gelles investigated variables hypothesized to influ-
ence these decisions. Among these were (a) severity and fre-
quency of violence, (b) experience and exposure to violence in
the woman's family of origin, and (c) barriers to leaving (e.g.,
the woman's age and education, number of children). Not sur-
prisingly, the more severe the abuse, the more likely that women
would seek some form of intervention, with divorce or separa-
tion being the most likely (as opposed to calling police or going
to an agency). Frequency of abuse was also related to type of
intervention, but in a complex fashion. Women who were hit
frequently (weekly or daily) most often called police to inter-
vene, whereas women hit less frequently (at least once a month)
opted for divorce or separation. As Gelles suggested, perhaps
women who are hit frequently desire immediate intervention.
It is also possible that women hit less often but more severely
find the unpredictable events more traumatic and seek a perma-
nent solution. Gelles found little evidence for a relation between
experience with or exposure to violence in the woman's family
of origin and mode of intervention. There was a slight tendency
for divorced or separated women to be more likely to report
having observed their parents exhibit violent behavior toward
each other, but no apparent effect of having been a victim of
violence as a child. Somewhat surprisingly, there was no evi-
dence that women who left the relationship were better edu-
cated, more likely to be employed, or had fewer children than
those women who remained. However, as Gelles noted, there is
no way to determine when the women in his sample obtained
employment (i.e., before vs. after separation or divorce), so the
results are less clear.
In summary, Gelles found that several of his variables could
distinguish women who left the relationship from those who
remained. Any conclusions, however, must be drawn with cau-
tion. Because of the retrospective nature of the data collection
(interviews were conducted after the decision to leave or re-
main), the responses provided by the women are subject to dis-
tortions of unknown magnitude. Nonetheless, this study is
valuable; it highlights the importance of the issue of relation-
ship decisions, outlines variables that could potentially influ-
ence those decisions, and thus provides hypotheses for future
investigation.
In a more recent study, Snyder and Scheer (1981) attempted
to predict abused women's relationship status after a brief stay
at a shelter. While in residence at the shelter, women were ad-
ministered a questionnaire that measured basic sociodemo-
graphic information, domestic violence history, current medi-
cal status, and length of residence. Two months following dis-
charge the women were contacted to determine their current
relationship status. Overall, 55% of the 74 women contacted
were living with their assailants. Women who returned to their
assailants differed reliably from those who left in that they more
often sought admission to the shelter to allow a short-term sepa-
ration from their abusers, or sought conjoint marital counsel-
ing. Compared to women who were not living with their abusive
partners, women who returned were also more likely to be mar-
ried to their assailants and to be members of longer term rela-
tionships. Finally, women who returned were more likely to be
affiliated with the Roman Catholic religion, were less likely to
have had previous separations, had spent less time at the shelter,
and were more likely to state they intended to return to their
partners when interviewed at discharge. A discriminant analy-
sis indicated that three of these variables contributed indepen-
dently and significantly to relationship status (in order of im-
portance): length of relationship, previous separations, and reli-
gious affiliation. Contrary to the results reported by Gelles
(1976), Snyder and Scheer did not find severity or frequency of
abuse to be related to relationship status.
 DECISION TO LEAVE 239

In the most recent of the direct studies, Strube and Barbour Summary
(1983, 1984) examined factors related to the decision to leave
Before turning to a summary of conclusions suggested by the
an abusive relationship. In their first study, Strube and Barbour
foregoing research, I must highlight the methodological prob-
(1983) focused on two variables hypothesized to affect relation-
lems inherent in that research. This critique is not meant to
ship decisions: psychological commitment and economic de-
imply that past research was intentionally flawed. As research-
pendence. They argued that the more committed a woman is to
ers in this area are well aware, the study of family violence is
the relationship, the harder it is for her to justify psychologically
extremely difficult and limited by more practical and ethical
that leaving is the best decision. Moreover, the longer a woman
barriers than are present in most field research. However, any
has been a member of a relationship, the more committed she
conclusions drawn from this research are ultimately limited by
becomes and the more likely she will become "entrapped" in
the validity of the methods used, and future researchers may
the relationship. With respect to economic dependence, Strube
profit from an explication of these limitations.
and Barbour followed previous researchers in hypothesizing
By far the most common problem with research in this area
that lack of independent employment outside the home makes
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is the selective nature of the samples. None of the studies cited

it difficult for the woman to leave. During an intake interview
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used a random sampling procedure, and thus the representa-

at a counseling unit, Strube and Barbour questioned women
tiveness of the samples is unknown. Furthermore, most of the
about these two variables, using both objective and subjective
studies examined women who initially sought aid at a shelter. It
measures. The objective measures were length of relationship
is unknown whether these women differ from those who never
and the presence of employment. The subjective measures were
appear at shelters either in basic sociodemographics or violence
the women's self-generated reasons at intake for staying with
profiles or in the processes through which they decide to leave
their partners. These were categorized into seven types of rea-
their assailants (cf. Stone, 1984). Indeed, it may be that an en-
sons, including "love" and "economic hardship." At follow-up
tirely different population of battered women has not yet been
contacts made when cases were closed (1-18 months later),
studied because they do not enter the "system" and come to
Strube and Barbour determined the women's relationship
researchers' attention.
status.
Even among samples of shelter residents there is a serious
Overall, Strube and Barbour found that 38% of their sample
selection problem at follow-up due to high attrition. Most stud-
of 98 women returned to live with their assailants. More impor-
ies that report follow-up data do not indicate the reasons for
tant, psychological commitment and economic dependence
any attrition, and few if any attempt to compare the available
were independent predictors of relationship status at follow-up.
sample with the dropouts on variables collected earlier in the
Women who were unemployed and women who were members
study. Rarely are attempts made to determine the reasons for
of relatively long-term relationships were less likely to leave
attrition, often because attempts to recontact respondents are
their assailants. A similar pattern of results emerged for the sub-
futile. Currently one can only speculate about the impact of
jective measures. Women who were still living with their part-
high attrition on return rate estimates or attempts to uncover
ners at follow-up were more likely to have said at intake that
the antecedents of relationship termination. At best, the attri-
they were staying because of love or because of economic hard-
tion could be random with no systematic impact. At worst, the
ship.
remaining sample at follow-up could differ dramatically from
In a second study, Strube and Barbour (1984) attempted to
those not available. For example, it is conceivable that those
replicate the results of their first investigation and to examine
refusing to participate at follow-up are fearful of the conse-
additional variables that might predict relationship decisions.
quences should their abusive partners find out. All that is cer-
Overall, 29.5% of the 251 women contacted returned to live
tain at this point is that until this problem is given adequate
with their assailants. Strube and Barbour found that length of
attention, research with selective samples will be seriously com-
relationship, employment status, and the subjective measures
promised. In the future, researchers should attempt to define
of love and economic hardship were reliably related to relation-
their samples more carefully and take steps to determine (if not
ship status, results replicating those of their first study. They
ensure) their representativeness (that this is possible is demon-
also found that women who left the relationship were more
strated by the national surveys conducted by Straus and his col-
likely than those who remained to have brought assault charges
leagues).
against their partners or to have obtained a protection order.
A second serious problem is the retrospective nature of re-
These women were also less likely to have said at intake that
search in this area. The antecedents of the decision to leave an
they were staying because they had nowhere else to go. In a mul-
abusive relationship can be identified only with time-based re-
tiple regression analysis Strube and Barbour found the follow-
search designs. Researchers who intend to study relationship
ing independent predictors of relationship status (in order of
decisions, and who wish to make sounder causal inferences, will
importance): employment status, length of relationship, eco-
need to adopt this more complex methodology.1 Somewhat re-
nomic hardship (subjective), love (subjective), ethnicity (Cauca-
sians more likely to stay), and having nowhere else to go (subjec-
' The design problems noted here are the same as those that epidemi-
tive). Of note here are the variables that did not discriminate ologists have discussed with regard to case-control and cohort studies.
women who left from women who remained: marital status, Full discussion of these issues is beyond the scope of this article. Re-
number of children, presence of child abuse, presence of alco- searchers in this area are encouraged to consult several excellent sources
hol as a precipitating event, number of previous abusive rela- that detail the relevant issues clearly (e.g., Feinstein, 1973; Hayden,
tionships, and presence of social support. Kramer, &Horwitz, 1982; Ibrahim ASpitzer, 1979;Sackett, 1979).
 240 MICHAEL J STRUBE
lated to this issue is the length of time between the initial inter-
view and the follow-up interview(s). Much of the variability in
relationship decisions, and in identification of antecedent fac-
tors, may stem from the wide variability in the time frames
used. Future research needs to control carefully or measure this
factor because the decision to leave or remain with an abuser
may be unstable and change over time (e.g., Snyder & Frucht-
man, 1981; Snyder & Scheer, 1981). This instability may itself
be an important outcome variable to assess. Finally, careful at-
tention must be given to differential attrition and the variety of
other artifacts that can confound time-based research (Cook &
Campbell, 1979).
A third problem with previous research is an overreliance on
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self-report data. In this respect, the researcher is often in a bind
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
because the private nature of family violence reduces the num-
ber of informants. Typically, only the woman and her partner
can describe their violent relationship, and the abusers are usu-
ally unwilling to do so. One solution is to attempt to collect
both objective and subjective measures of the same underlying
variable or process (e.g., Kalmuss & Straus, 1982; Strube &
Barbour, 1983, 1984). Though this procedure is not without its
own interpretive difficulties (see Strube & Barbour, 1983), it
does provide an additional source of data that may clarify the
antecedents of relationship decisions. A second "solution" is for
researchers to have a more healthy respect for the biases and
distortions that may plague self-report data, particularly when
the topic is sensitive (see also Jouriles & O'Leary, 1985). Obvi-
ously, in this latter regard, some types of data (e.g., reports on
the partner's history of violence, abuse of alcohol) must be con-
sidered less reliable and less valid than others (e.g., number of
previous separations).
Finally, the studies reviewed differ widely in the number and
type of variables that were measured and related to relationship
status. Because of the complex interrelationships among these
variables, a lack of commonality across studies makes interpre-
tation and comparison difficult. To make future integration of
research in this area possible, researchers will need to design
their studies in light of, not in spite of, past research.
Despite these limitations, the research reviewed does provide
several insights into the dynamics of leaving an abusive rela-
tionship. Indeed, several consistencies across studies should be
highlighted. First, four studies implicated relationship length,
marital status, or commitment as an important determinant of
relationship decisions (e.g., Snyder & Fruchtman, 1981; Snyder
& Scheer, 1981; Strube & Barbour 1983, 1984); women more
committed to their relationships are less likely to leave. Second,
at least three studies (Pfouts, 1978; Strube & Barbour, 1983,
1984) found that women who lack the economic means to es-
tablish an independent living arrangement are likely to remain
with their partners. Finally, at least two studies found that com-
pared to women who leave their assailants, women who remain
with their abusers have suffered less severe abuse (Gelles, 1976;
Rounsaville, 1978; but see also Snyder & Fruchtman, 1981),
are less likely to report child abuse (Rounsaville, 1978; Snyder
& Fruchtman, 1981), have separated from their abusers less of-
ten (Snyder & Fruchtman, 1981; Snyder & Scheer, 1981), are
less likely to have taken legal action against their abusers (Roun-
saville, 1978; Strube & Barbour, 1984), and are more likely to
say they intend to return to the abuser when interviewed at dis-
charge from a shelter (Snyder & Fruchtman, 1981; Snyder &
Scheer, 1981). Overall, these studies paint a picture of women
who lack the economic means to leave an abusive relationship,
are willing to tolerate abuse so long as it does not become too
severe or involve the children, and who appear to be very com-
mitted to making their relationships last (i.e., more likely to
say they love their assailants, less likely to separate or take legal
action). Future empirical efforts in this area can add to these
findings by addressing three crucial questions: (a) What other
factors influence the decision to leave an abusive relationship?
(b) What factors that predispose a couple to violence are not
related to the eventual outcome of the relationship (in other
words, are different factors related to entry into, but not exit
from, an abusive relationship)? (c) How are the antecedent fac-
tors related to each other? In this regard, advances in theory
should help guide future research efforts.
Theoretical Issues
Before proceeding to a discussion of theoretical issues, sev-
eral preliminary comments are necessary. First, in examining
the "theories" in this section I discuss them with specific refer-
ence to the topic of relationship decisions. Although ultimately
these decision processes will need to be conceptualized within
a more general context of family violence, I believe that the de-
velopment of these "mini-theories" or "mid-level" theories will
allow initial progress to be made most efficiently. One problem
with many existing theories of family violence is that they are
too general, and attempt to be too encompassing, to be of em-
pirical or practical utility. This is not to say that such theories
are of little use. The end goal of research in this area should be
general models. These models should be built upon verifiable
observations, however, and not be theories in search of data. In
one sense, the family violence area is exhibiting the not uncom-
mon tendency of new disciplines to try and "grow up" too
quickly, with a proliferation of rather grandiose but untested
theoretical frameworks.
Second, and related to the first comment, I discuss no com-
pletely new theories here. Research has not shown existing theo-
ries to be inadequate, and in the absence of such information
there is little justification for not building upon the efforts of
others.
Third, in the discussion to follow I make the basic assump-
tion that the decision to leave or remain in an abusive relation-
ship is a "rational" decision from the perspective of the decision
maker. The decision is based on an analysis of available "data"
and follows predictable "decision rules." The outcome may be
considered abnormal by normative standards (i.e., Who in their
right mind would choose to remain in an abusive relationship?),
but the process is not pathological.
With these comments in mind let us turn to a discussion of
four theoretical models that show promise for guiding the study
of relationship decisions. I provide a brief description of each
model and its supporting evidence but make no attempt to pro-
vide a comprehensive review of each model. Rather, I highlight
the major features of the models with particular reference to
their application to spouse abuse. I attempt to outline how each
 DECISION TO LEAVE
model could be applied to the decision to leave an abusive rela-
tionship and, where possible, note specific predictions.
Psychological Entrapment
The idea that battered women can become "entrapped" in
abusive relationships is a popular one (e.g., see Gelles, 1976).
This terminology, however, is somewhat unfortunate because,
contrary to the general use of the term in the spouse abuse liter-
ature, entrapment also refers to a specific psychological decision
process that provides a useful model of the decision to remain
in an abusive relationship. Psychological entrapment is "a deci-
sion process whereby individuals escalate their commitment to
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a previously chosen, though failing, course of action in order to
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justify or 'make good on' prior investments" (Brockner & Ru-
bin, 1985, p. 5). In other words, entrapped individuals act as
though they have "too much invested to quit" (Teger, 1980; see
also Rubin & Brockner, 1975).2 Psychological entrapment is
based on the notion that individuals feel compelled to justify
the time, effort, money or other important resources they have
spent in pursuit of some goal (cf. cognitive dissonance theory,
Festinger, 1957; Wicklund & Brehm, 1976) and continue to in-
vest resources in pursuit of the goal to justify past expenses (to
give up without achieving success would mean admitting the
investments had been wasted). This justification process arises
from the individual's commitment to a course of action (Kiesler,
1971;Salancik, 1977;Staw, 1982).
The decision to remain in an abusive relationship can quite
easily be thought of as effort justification arising from commit-
ment. Initially, the woman exerts effort to make the relationship
work, but as with most abusive relationships, these efforts fail
and the abuse continues. Feeling compelled to justify these past
efforts, the woman continues (and may escalate attempts) to try
and make the relationship work under the belief that if she tries
hard enough her efforts will succeed. This belief is engendered,
of course, by the cultural norm that it is the woman's responsi-
bility to make the relationship run smoothly and that if the rela-
tionship is failing, she must not be trying hard enough. The
more time and effort the woman invests, the harder it becomes
to give up without success and the less likely that a battered
woman will leave the relationship (cf. Strube & Barbour, 1983,
1984).
Brockner and Rubin (1985) described five necessary condi-
tions for entrapment, and a consideration of these features with
regard to abusive relationships suggests the plausibility of this
decision process as an explanatory model. First, individuals
must engage in some goaWirected behavior. It appears rather
clear that an important goal for partners in an intimate rela-
tionship is the successful maintenance of that relationship (at
least initially). Second, initial attempts to attain the goal are
unsuccessful, requiring an escalation of commitment and re-
source investment. The abuse itself signals the failure to achieve
a harmonious relationship, indicating the need for more time
and effort to make the relationship work. Third, the individual
must experience conflict about the prudence of continued re-
source investment. This seems a likely occurrence in abusive
relationships because the investments are also irretrievable ex-
penses. Women who tolerate abuse invest considerable time,
241
effort, and emotional involvement (Foss, 1980) and forgo many
personal, educational, and economic opportunities. The pru-
dence of continued lost opportunities is not likely ignored, par-
ticularly as investments mount. Fourth, individuals must be-
lieve that they have a choice about entry into the decision setting
and a choice about deciding to escalate commitment. !%w
women marry against their will, and few do not realize that leav-
ing the relationship is an option (although they may not perceive
it to be a particularly viable option). Finally, the probability
of goal attainment must be uncertain; that is, individuals must
believe that the goal may never be attained or, if certain to be
attained, will require investments disproportionate to available
resources. The battered woman who commits herself to the rela-
tionship probably feels she will eventually succeed in attaining
relationship harmony, but it may take a long time. When these
five antecedents are considered in the light of the factors that
accompany abusive relationships, it is clear that entrapment
may be a viable explanation.
Given that abusive relationships appear to possess the basic
requirements for entrapment, it is useful to examine variables
that have been found to moderate the magnitude of entrapment
and to consider their plausibility in the context of the decision
to leave the abusive relationship. Note that none of the variables
to be discussed has been examined directly in abusive relation-
ships. Accordingly, the discussion that follows is intended to
suggest plausible hypotheses to be tested in future research.
Two early studies (Rubin & Brockner, 1975; Staw, 1976) un-
covered four critical variables that moderate the degree of en-
trapment and that pose intriguing possibilities for the abusive
relationship domain. Staw (1976) found that commitment to a
chosen course of action was greatest when previous investments
had resulted in failure and individuals were made to feel person-
ally responsible for the previous investment. This suggests that
individuals have a stronger need to justify their own decisions
than decisions initially made by others. A common finding in
the spouse abuse literature is self-blame among battered women
(cf. Walker, 1978, 1983), which suggests that perceived personal
responsibility may be common and may contribute to an escala-
tion of commitment to the relationship.
Three additional moderators of entrapment have been un-
covered by Rubin and Brockner (1975), who found that com-
mitment to a chosen course of action was enhanced by (a) a goal
that decreased in value slowly as opposed to quickly over time,
(b) costs that were low rather than high in salience, and (c) per-
ceived close proximity to the goal. Here too we see some strik-
ing similarities between entrapment conditions created in the
laboratory and those that appear to exist in many abusive rela-
tionships. For example, the expectation that "things will work
out" biases the abused woman's perception of the ultimate
value of the relationship, making a gradual process of the real-
ization that achieving relationship harmony is not worthwhile.
The intermittent nature of abuse, which produces relatively
2
This process has received considerable attention in the organiza-
tional behavior literature, where it is sometimes referred to as the "sunk
cost" effect (Northcraft & Wolf, 1984) or the "knee deep in the big
muddy" effect (Staw, 1976; see also Brockner, Nathanson, Friend, Har-
beck, Samuelson, Houser, Bazerman, & Rubin, 1984).
 242 MICHAEL J STRUBE
longer periods of harmony between the explosive periods (cf.
Walker, 1979), may serve to reduce the salience of costs (see also
Brockner et al., 1982), as does the fact that such costs (e.g.,
lower employment salability) accrue gradually. The intermit-
tent nature of the abuse also likely enhances (periodically) the
perception that the goal of relationship harmony is close to be-
ing attained.
More recently, additional moderators of entrapment have
been uncovered, and these, too, appear to be paralleled in abu-
sive relationships. Not surprisingly, it has been found that the
more valuable the goal, the more likely that individuals will be-
come entrapped (Brockner & Rubin, 1985). This suggests that
women who value the goal of relationship harmony the most
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are also more likely to remain in abusive relationships. It has
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also been found that the attributions made for past investment
(and failure) are important moderators of continued invest-
ment. Most important is the perceived stability of the cause for
prior investment (Conlon & Wolf, 1980; Levi, 1982; Staw &
Ross, 1978). Individuals who perceive the cause of their previ-
ous failure to achieve the goal as being stable are less likely to
persist in their investment. This variable is particularly crucial
in that it potentially allows one to distinguish the entrapped
decision maker (an active behavioral mode) from the decision
maker who is experiencing learned helplessness (a passive be-
havioral mode). As I will discuss shortly, learned helplessness is
assumed to be accompanied by attributions for past failure that
are stable in nature.
Entrapment also appears to be more likely when the contin-
ued investment is a passive decision (e.g., Brockner, Shaw, &
Rubin, 1979; Rubin, Brockner, Small-Weil, & Nathanson,
1980). That is, if continued investment requires no overt re-
affirmation of intent, entrapment is a more likely consequence.
In a similar fashion, it appears that relationship maintenance
is the status quo (i.e., intent to stay in the relationship is not
constantly reaffirmed), which suggests the passive nature of the
relationship decision context. Abused women may become en-
trapped partly because they are not required to actively reaffirm
their intent to continue with the relationship. It has also been
found that the way the decision is "framed" or perceived can
moderate the experience of entrapment. The more that individ-
uals focus on the negative features of the situation, the more
likely that entrapment will occur (Brockner, Bazerman, & Ru-
bin, 1984, cited in Brockner & Rubin, 1985; see also Kahne-
man & Tversky, 1979). Given the salience of negative conse-
quences in an abusive relationship, it seems highly likely that
the decision setting is negatively framed.
Most of the factors related to entrapment discussed thus far
are structural or nonsocial variables (cf. Brockner & Rubin,
1985). Research has also uncovered several social moderators
of entrapment that may have parallels in abusive relationships.
For example, entrapment is more likely if the behavior being
performed is viewed as socially appropriate (Brockner, Rubin,
&Lang, 1981; see also Conlon & Wolf, 1980; Fox & Staw, 1979;
Levi, 1982). It seems likely that most women view striving for
a harmonious relationship to be socially appropriate and con-
tinue to do so in the face of abuse in part to salvage an impres-
sion of "doing the right thing." On the other hand, it is unlikely
that the decision to remain in an abusive relationship is gov-
erned only by impression management concerns. It has also
been demonstrated that entrapment is enhanced when it has
self-definitional implications. Stated differently, if a decision is
diagnostic of a wide variety of self-aspects or diagnostic of an
important, fundamental aspect of a person's self-concept (or
both), entrapment is more likely (Brockner & Rubin, 1985;
Brockner et al., 1986). In one sense, the greater the "ego in-
volvement" or psychological importance of the decision, the
greater the need to justify one's prior action and the greater the
likelihood of escalated commitment (cf. Staw, 1982). This as-
pect of entrapment suggests that those abused women who have
a greater psychological investment in making their relationships
work (i.e., who define their self-worth in terms of relationship
functioning) are more likely to become entrapped.
Fox and Staw (1979) also found that decision makers who are
placed in a state of high insecurity are more likely to become
entrapped than individuals who are more secure. Security in
the context of abusive relationships may also be an important
determinant of entrapment. In this case, the viability of alterna-
tives to the abusive relationship may influence entrapment in
that a woman without alternatives (i.e., high insecurity) has lit-
tle choice but to take further risks with her current relationship.
Finally, it has been demonstrated that entrapment is suscepti-
ble to the influences of models (Brockner, Nathanson et al.,
1984). It is well-known from the family violence literature that
generational effects exist whereby the use of violence as a con-
flict resolution tactic is passed from parents to children. One
explanation is that children learn to use violence by watching
their parents. The demonstrated effects of modeling on entrap-
ment suggest the intriguing possibility that the decision to leave
or remain in an abusive relationship may be partly determined
by what abused women viewed their mothers (or other impor-
tant models) doing. In other words, both the tendency to use
violence and the tendency to remain in abusive relationships
may be learned via modeling.
Although identification of the many moderators of entrap-
ment provides guidance for identifying its display in abusive re-
lationships, it is also important to consider the psychological
process that underlies this decision phenomenon, particularly
with an eye toward intervention. Entrapment is first and fore-
most an exercise in justification, and as commitment escalates,
the decision process turns from rational to rationalizing (Brock-
ner & Rubin, 1985; see also Brockner, in press). This escalating
concern with justifying past expenses is part of what makes the
phenomenon self-perpetuating, but it also appears that as com-
mitment increases there is a concomitant narrowing of atten-
tion, or "tunnel vision" (see Brockner & Rubin, 1985; see also
Janis & Mann, 1977), that may blind the decision maker to
changing conditions and alternative courses of action. Further-
more, there is suggestive evidence that this less than optimal use
of available information may be more typical of individuals
with low self-esteem (Brockner & Rubin, 1985; Janis, 1982), a
finding of particular importance for the spouse abuse domain.
It also appears that escalating commitment carries with it the
growing perception that alternatives are too risky or not likely
to be effective (Janis & Mann, 1977) and an underestimation of
the true cost of continued investment (in the context of past
 DECISION TO LEAVE
investments, new investments seem smaller later in the decision
process; see Kahneman & Tversky, 1979).
Given the apparent abandonment of rational information use
by entrapped decision makers, several tactics for reducing en-
trapment appear promising and await empirical test. First, it
appears that an intervention that focuses attention on the long-
term implications of continued investment could potentially
interrupt the escalation process. Second, Brockner and Rubin
(1985) suggested that explicit limit setting may counter the urge
to keep investing (see Brockner etal., 1979;Teger, 1980), partic-
ularly if such limits are publicly voiced. Third, there is some
evidence that making individuals aware of the entrapment pro-
cess may make them more mindful decision makers (Nathan-
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son et al., 1982), which indicates the potential feasibility of an
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educational intervention. Finally, it appears that individuals
can learn from their own past experience with entrapment, re-
ducing their susceptibility to future entrapment (Teger, 1980).
If this experiential effect generalizes across situations it may be
possible to "inoculate" abused women against entrapment via
a planned but inocuous exposure to the phenomenon. (See
Brockner, in press, for additional intervention recommenda-
tions.)
Overall, the psychological entrapment model provides an in-
triguing framework within which to examine relationship deci-
sions. The model documents a ubiquitous decision process with
antecedents and moderators that are clearly identifiable in abu-
sive relationships. The full utility of the entrapment model
within the context of abusive relationships must await future
empirical test, but the potential moderators have been outlined
clearly by past research in other areas and provide convenient
research blueprints for future inquiry. It is also crucial that the
time course of psychological entrapment in abusive relation-
ships be charted carefully. At what critical time point does a
person become entrapped rather than exit early from the rela-
tionship? As I will note later, Pfouts's (1978) cost/benefit model
provides one possible answer to this question. Furthermore,
does entrapment always beget further entrapment? Or does en-
trapment evolve into another response style at some time point?
In this regard, the understanding of relationship decisions may
benefit from an integration of the entrapment model with the
learned helplessness model. It is to a discussion of the learned
helplessness model that I now turn.
Learned Helplessness
Walker (1978, 1983) suggested that battered women can be
characterized as exhibiting learned helplessness (Seligman,
1975). Learned helplessness arises as a result of a perceived
noncontingency between responses and outcomes that gives rise
to the expectation that future responses and outcomes will also
be independent. Learned helplessness is typically presumed to
involve three deficits. First, there is a motivational deficit char-
acterized by the inability to initiate responses that could re-
move the individual from the helplessness-inducing situation.
Furthermore, in the absence of a belief that responses will deter-
mine outcomes, the individual has no incentive to emit new
responses in the future. Second, there is a cognitive deficit char-
acterized by the inability to learn, should the situation change,
243
that responses and outcomes are contingent. The cognitive
deficit is an instance of proactive interference whereby the past
experience with noncontingency hampers the ability to recog-
nize and learn a new contingency. Finally, there is an affective
deficit characterized by depression. Together these three deficits
conspire to create a self-perpetuating cycle of helplessness be-
cause the belief that responses have no impact on outcomes re-
duces the likelihood that new responses (that could end the
helplessness) will be initiated. Even if new responses are initi-
ated, and have some impact, they may not be recognized as
such.
Generally, the evidence strongly supports the learned help-
lessness model (for reviews, see Alloy, 1982; I. W. Miller & Nor-
man, 1979), although as I will note, there have been major revi-
sions to the model in recent years. One notable exception to the
general support for the basic model has been the failure to find
convincing evidence for the cognitive deficit assumed to follow
from the expectation of future noncontingency (see Alloy,
1982). It appears that exposure to noncontingency does not im-
pair the ability to recognize and learn new contingencies in the
future (Alloy & Abramson, 1982; Ford & Neale, 1985). Indeed,
it appears that depressed individuals (who may be helplessness-
prone) are more accurate than nondepressed individuals at rec-
ognizing contingencies (Alloy & Abramson, 1979; Alloy,
Abramson, & Viscusi, 1981; Colin, Terrell, & Johnson, 1977;
Golin, Terrell, Weitz, & Drost, 1979). Thus, it appears that the
self-perpetuating nature of learned helplessness arises primar-
ily from the lack of motivation to emit new responses. On a
descriptive level, the learned helplessness model provides a
compelling account of the battered woman syndrome: The con-
tinued abuse despite efforts to make the relationship function
communicates a lack of contingency between responses and
outcomes.
Although the learned helplessness model holds promise for
helping us understand why some women remain in abusive rela-
tionships, it is evident that not all women remain with their
abusers. Some decide to terminate the relationship and appar-
ently break out of the learned helplessness cycle. A truly useful
learned helplessness account must be able to explain why some,
but not all, women are at risk for continued abuse. Fortunately,
recent advances in learned helplessness theory provide a possi-
ble resolution.
Abramson, Seligman, and Teasdale (1978; Abramson,
Garber, & Seligman, 1980) proposed an attributional reformu-
lation of the learned helplessness model (see also Metalsky,
Halberstadt, & Abramson, 1987). Their intent was to better de-
fine the boundary conditions for helplessness. Quite simply, al-
though the expectation of response-outcome independence is
sufficient to cause helplessness, the "character" of that helpless-
ness depends on how that noncontingency is interpreted. Ac-
cording to the reformulated model, a mediating attribution
stage influences the nature of the response to noncontingency.
According to Abramson et al., individuals confronted with non-
contingency make causal attributions that can be conceptual-
ized along three dimensions: internal versus external, stable ver-
sus unstable, and global versus specific. The internal versus ex-
ternal distinction influences self-esteem, with self-blame for
uncontrollable negative outcomes producing self-esteem defi-
 244 MICHAEL J STRUBE
cits. The stable versus unstable distinction influences the chro-
nicity or temporal duration of helplessness. The global versus
specific distinction influences the generality of helplessness.
Classic learned helplessness is presumed to occur when the non-
contingency between responses and outcomes is attributed to
internal, stable, and global causes (e.g., Mikulincer, 1986).3 Un-
der these circumstances, individuals blame themselves for their
negative outcomes, expect such outcomes to persist over time,
and expect such negative outcomes to extend into other do-
mains of their lives. In other words, the helplessness experience
is profound, chronic, and general. On the other hand, helpless-
ness will not be accompanied by self-blame if an external attri-
bution is made, will be only temporary if an unstable attribu-
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tion is made, and will have only a narrow range of impact if a
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specific attribution is made. Of even greater importance for our
purposes here is the proposition that people vary in their typical
attributional styles, which suggests a "risk factor" for helpless-
ness effects. That is, some people are more predisposed to mak-
ing the internal, stable, and global attributions for negative out-
comes, which enhances the likelihood of chronic and general
learned helplessness with self-esteem deficits. A reliable and
valid measure of this helplessness-prone attributional style,
known as the Attributional Style Questionnaire (ASQ; Peterson
et al., 1982; Seligman, 1984), has been used in numerous stud-
ies that have demonstrated the important moderating role
played by attributional tendencies (e.g., Alloy, Peterson,
Abramson, & Seligman, 1984; Metalsky, Abramson, Seligman,
Semmel, & Peterson, 1982; Peterson & Barrett, 1987; Riskind,
Rholes, Brannon, & Burdick, 1987; Seligman & Schulman,
1986; for reviews, see S. M. Miller & Seligman, 1982; Peterson
& Seligman, 1984; see also Fincham & Cain, 1986, for a discus-
sion of the development of individual differences related to
learned helplessness). In light of this attributional reformula-
tion it becomes clear that the learned helplessness model could
provide an explanation for why some, but not all, women re-
main in abusive relationships. It could be that women who re-
main have the attributional style that makes the deficits associ-
ated with learned helplessness more severe. An intriguing ave-
nue for applied research will be investigation of attributional
retraining (Forsterling, 1985) as a means of intervention with
helpless abused women.
An obvious question concerns how the learned helplessness
and entrapment explanations can both provide accounts of re-
lationship decisions. One model proposes that women are pas-
sive participants in their relationships (i.e., learned helpless-
ness), whereas the other suggests a more active, eifortful role
(i.e., entrapment). One resolution is to suggest a two-stage pro-
cess of entrapment followed by learned helplessness. Initially,
women may exert a great deal of effort to get their relationships
to work and may persist in these efforts partly to justify past
investment. Eventually, however, the women reach a point
where it is evident their responses have no impact (i.e., noncon-
tingency). Depending on the attributions made for this pro-
longed failure, some women may leave the relationship, whereas
others may succumb to the self-perpetuating cycle of learned
helplessness.4 (Note that this sequence is similar to the integra-
tion of reactance theory and learned helplessness proposed by
Wortman and Brehm [1975] and verified by Pittman and Pitt-
man [1979].) The integration of the entrapment and learned
helplessness models to explain relationship decisions suggests
an exciting area for future research, but one that will require
careful charting of responses to violence over time, measure-
ment of chronic attributional style, and assessment of the key
parameters specified by both models. For example, the expecta-
tion of future response-outcome independence is the key vari-
able in eliciting learned helplessness, yet this expectation is of-
ten not assessed adequately in helplessness studies (Alloy,
1982).
Relative Costs and Benefits
A third conceptual model that can be used to examine deci-
sions to leave abusive relationships derives from exchange the-
ory (e.g., Kelley & Thibaut, 1978; Thibaut & Kelley, 1959) and
is based on the premise that relationship decisions follow from
an analysis of the costs and benefits of current relationships
compared to those of alternative relationships. Within the
spouse abuse literature this type of model has been articulated
by Pfouts (1978), who followed Thibaut and Kelley (1959) in
suggesting a two-stage decision process. First, the battered
woman decides whether the total benefits of the relationship are
greater than the total costs of the relationship, arriving at a sub-
jective estimate of satisfaction. Second, the satisfaction with the
current relationship is compared to the estimated satisfaction
with alternatives to the relationship (should she decide to leave).
Thus rewards can be greater than or less than costs in the cur-
rent relationship, and rewards can be greater than or less than
costs in the alternative relationship. This gives rise to four possi-
ble situations or coping strategies. According to Pfouts, when
economic, social, and psychological costs are greater than re-
wards in both the current and alternative relationships, the typi-
cal coping behavior is the "self-punishing response." In this situ-
ation, "(t)he wife blames herself for being trapped in a violent
marriage in which she can neither change her husband's behav-
ior nor find nonviolent alternatives for herself or her children"
(Pfouts, 1978, p. 103). A second situation, also likely to keep
a woman in an abusive relationship, occurs when the rewards
exceed costs in the current relationship, but costs exceed re-
wards in alternative relationships. In this instance, an "aggres-
sive response" is likely, where "(t)he wife responds to violence
with violence, sometimes against her husband but more often
against her children, or she takes her anger into another violent
relationship" (Pfouts, 1978, p. 103). By contrast, when the re-
wards of alternative relationships exceed the costs, the woman
is likely to leave the abusive relationship. The timing of the de-
parture, however, depends on the payoffs in the current relation-
3
The learned helplessness model has also been applied to noncontin-
gent success (i.e., appetitive helplessness; see Alloy, 1982). This aspect
of the helplessness model is not considered here; instead, attention is
focused on noncontingent aversive outcomes.
4
Note that attributions for the failed relationship may have different
effects at different times. Early in the relationship, a stable attribution
may lead to exiting early because it suggests the folly of further invest-
ment. Later in the relationship, a stable attribution may further con-
vince the woman of the permanance of her negative situation.
 DECISION TO LEAVE
ship. When costs exceed rewards in the abusive relationship, the
"early disengagement response" is likely, where "(b)ecause she
has viable alternatives, the wife either moves quickly out of the
marriage or forces the husband to give up abusive behavior"
(Pfouts, 1978, p. 103). On the other hand, where rewards exceed
costs in the abusive relationship, the "reluctant mid-life disen-
gagement response" is more likely, where "(b)ecause she has
devoted many years to 'saving' the marriage, the wife moves
reluctantly into a nonviolent alternative when she finally be-
comes convinced that the abuse is too high a price to her and
her children" (Pfouts, 1978, p. 103).
This cost/benefit analysis provided by Pfouts is useful in
identifying multiple responses to abusive relationships (cf. Sny-
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der & Fruchtman, 1981). Furthermore, because many rewards
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and costs can be easily identified and altered in relationships,
it provides a potentially valuable aid for intervention. It also
accounts for women who do not become entrapped in continu-
ous abuse (i.e., early disengagement response) and thus provides
a nice complement to the entrapment and learned helplessness
models. Thus far, however, Pfouts's model has been tested only
indirectly.
A similar model, and one with more empirical backing
(though not in the spouse abuse domain), has been proposed
by Rusbult (1980, 1983). Rusbult's model makes an important
distinction between relationship satisfaction and relationship
commitment. Satisfaction (SAT) is primarily a function of the
rewards (R) and costs (C) associated with the relationship rela-
tive to an individual's standard or comparison level (CL) for
relationships:
SAT = (R - C) - CL.
Thus, a woman should be satisfied with the relationship if re-
wards exceed costs to an extent that is greater than expected for
most relationships.
Commitment, on the other hand, is determined by satisfac-
tion (as just defined), the quality of available alternatives to the
current relationship (e.g., another relationship, or being alone),
and the magnitude of investments made in the relationship. The
quality of alternatives to the current relationship (A) is deter-
mined in the same way as SAT; that is, the rewards and costs of
the best alternative are compared to the comparison level:
A = (Rat - CM) - CL.
The investments (/) represent material and psychological re-
sources that are put directly into the relationship (i.e., intrinsic
investments), such as time, effort, and emotional energy, or re-
sources that were originally extraneous to the relationship but
have become bound to the relationship (i.e., extrinsic invest-
ments), such as mutual friends and shared possessions. Com-
mitment (COM), then, is defined as follows:
COM=SAT+I-A.
Thus, a woman will be committed or attached to the relation-
ship to the extent that she is currently satisfied with the relation-
ship, has invested heavily in the relationship, and has relatively
unsatisfactory alternatives (see also Kurdek & Schmitt, 1986).
The importance of the distinction between satisfaction and
245
commitment is now apparent: It is possible for a woman to be
committed to her relationship although that relationship may
not be very satisfactory. This could, of course, characterize the
abusive situation in which costs exceed rewards in the current
relationship, but high investments and lack of alternatives keep
the woman committed to it. Although the overlap with the in-
vestment model is clear (cf. Brockner & Rubin, 1985), Rus-
bult's model may help explain those situations in which women
remain committed to the relationship despite low investments.
In such cases, when lack of suitable alternatives makes leaving
an undesirable option, it is probably more appropriate to speak
of women as being "trapped" in the relationship rather than
"entrapped."
The overall empirical support for Rusbult's model is impres-
sive. The predicted relations among model components have
been demonstrated in college dating couples (Rusbult, 1980,
1983), adult couples (Rusbult, Johnson, & Morrow, 1986c), ho-
mosexual relationships (Duffy & Rusbult, 1986), and even in
the work arena with regard to job satisfaction and commitment
(Farrell& Rusbult, 1981; Rusbult &Farrell, 1983). Equally im-
portant, the model has been shown to have both concurrent and
predictive validity. Longitudinal research (e.g., Rusbult, 1983;
Rusbult & Farrell, 1983) indicates that the model can predict
the likelihood of relationship termination, at least in nonabu-
sive relationships (its application to the termination of abusive
relationships awaits empirical test). Several specific findings are
of particular note. First, sex differences have emerged and indi-
cate that, compared to men, women report higher commitment
and greater investments (Duffy & Rusbult, 1986). Second, in-
vestments appear to become more important with time (Rus-
bult & Farrell, 1983; Rusbult et al., 1986c). Thus, women may
be particularly susceptible to remaining in relationships, and
this attachment may escalate over time (cf. discussion of entrap-
ment).
More recently, Rusbult, Zembrodt, and Gunn (1982; Rus-
bult & Zembrodt, 1983) articulated the responses to relation-
ship dissatisfaction more fully, identifying four strategies: (a)
exit, (b) voice, (c) loyalty, and (d) neglect. Exit refers to ending
the relationship or acting in a way that is destructive to the rela-
tionship. Voice refers to responses that actively and construc-
tively try to improve the relationship. Loyalty represents pas-
sively waiting for conditions to improve in the relationship. And
neglect refers to passively allowing the relationship to deterio-
rate. Two dimensions underlie the four responses: (a) construc-
tive versus destructive, and (b) active versus passive. Whereas
voice and loyalty represent constructive responses, exit and ne-
glect represent destructive responses. Likewise, whereas exit
and voice represent active responses, neglect and loyalty repre-
sent passive responses. Rusbult's investment model argues that
greater satisfaction and greater investments promote construc-
tive responses to dissatisfaction in the relationship. Further-
more, higher quality alternatives to the relationship will pro-
mote a more active response to dissatisfaction. Rusbult et al.
(1982) found general support for these propositions, although
the impact of quality of alternatives to the relationship was
weak. A more recent study by Rusbult et al. (1986a) found sup-
port for all three propositions among an adult sample and also
found that the use of voice and loyalty resulted in more favor-
 246 MICHAEL J STRUBE
able outcomes (see also Rusbult et al., 1986b; Rusbult & Low-
ery, 1985). It is of interest to note that passive responses (i.e.,
loyalty and neglect) are more common the longer the duration
of the relationship (Rusbult, Johnson, & Morrow, 1986a) and
that women are more likely than men to use loyalty as a re-
sponse (Rusbult et al., 1986b). The parallels with learned help-
lessness (also a passive response) deserve empirical attention.
The commonality between the response typologies proposed by
Pfouts and Rusbult also needs to be examined.
Although the exchange theory approach to relationship deci-
sions is attractive, some limitations to current applications need
to be recognized. First, exchange theories propose that the anal-
ysis of relationship costs and benefits is a complex, reciprocal,
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
dyadic process (indeed, it is an exchange process). The dynam-
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
ics of relationship maintenance and satisfaction can be under-
stood only when the perceptions of both participants are con-
sidered. (This criticism applies to all models discussed, but is
more apparent here). Second, it is insufficient to designate a
priori the costs and benefits that apply to all relationships. The
necessity to account for idiosyncratic payoffs demands some re-
course to an ideographic approach. Finally, the quantity and
quality of costs and benefits will shift over time. The impact of
these shifts on relationship status (and vice versa) needs to be
addressed (although, see Rusbult, 1983; Rusbult & Farrell,
1983).
Reasoned Action
A final model to be considered has yet to be applied to the
spouse abuse area but has demonstrated its promise in several
other applied decision domains. The theory of reasoned action,
proposed by Fishbein and Ajzen (1975; Ajzen & Fishbein,
1980), holds that thoughtful actions and decisions are directly
related to behavioral intentions (BI). Behavioral intentions are
in turn determined by (a) the attitude toward the behavior
G4b«h), and (b) subjective norm (SN). The attitude toward the
behavior (e.g., leaving the relationship) is defined by the individ-
ual's belief (60 that the given behavior is instrumental for or
related to obtaining a particular outcome (i.e., perceived proba-
bility) multiplied by the evaluation fe) of that outcome (i.e., its
desirability) summed across multiple outcomes:
To the extent that an individual believes that a behavior has
a high likelihood of producing valued outcomes, or avoiding
undesirable outcomes, the intention to perform that behavior
will be high. For example, a woman may perceive that leaving
the abusive relationship will have the positive consequences of
ending the abuse, increasing personal freedom, and enhancing
social opportunities, as well as the negative consequences of
loneliness and lack of financial security. The attitude toward
leaving the relationship will depend ultimately on the relative
perceived pleasantness or unpleasantness of these outcomes in
combination with their perceived likelihoods.
Some applications of this model also include the perceived
antecedents to the behavior in determining A* (e.g., R- H.
Miller, 1983). Antecedents refer to behaviors that must be per-
formed, or conditions that must exist, before the behavior in
question can be performed. For abused women, these anteced-
ents may include finding employment outside the home, locat-
ing a new place to live, and finding someone to look after the
children. This appears to be a crucial component for relation-
ship decisions in which women may perceive they cannot per-
form the required antecedent behaviors or may perceive the an-
tecedent conditions as too aversive. As a result, the attitude to-
ward leaving the relationship may be quite negative despite
beliefs that positive consequences would result.
More recently, Ajzen (1985; Ajzen & Madden, 1986) ex-
tended the theory of reasoned action beyond purely volitional
behavior. The theory of planned behavior includes the concept
of perceived behavioral control to account for beliefs regarding
internal and external constraints on intended behavior. These
constraints may resemble antecedents to action as described
previously, but in the theory of planned behavior they influence
behavior and behavioral intentions independently ofA^t,. Re-
gardless of their ultimate causal pathway, barriers to perform-
ing the action in question, and the individual's perceived ability
to overcome these barriers, are important considerations in at-
tempting to predict an abused woman's intention to leave.
The second major component of the model, subjective norm
(SN), allows assessment of the influence of important others on
the decision to leave the relationship, an aspect of the decision
process not accounted for by other models. STVis also composed
of two components: the individual's normative belief (nbj)
about what significant others (e.g., parents, friends, clergy) ex-
pect with regard to the behavior in question, multiplied by the
individual's motivation to comply (me,) with those significant
others, summed across multiple significant others:
To the extent that an individual believes that significant others
think the behavior should be performed and the individual is
motivated to comply with those views, behavioral intention will
be high. Thus this model accounts for the potentially important
influence of an individual's social system on relationship deci-
sions.
In summary, the theory of reasoned action holds that the A\^
and 57V components combine to influence behavior in the fol-
lowing way:
Behavior ~BI=
where wt and w2 are empirically derived weights that indicate
the relative influence of attitudinal and normative components
on the prediction of behavioral intentions.5 This model has re-
5
The additional component of "behavioral control" proposed by the
theory of planned behavior would be an independent contributor to
prediction of behavior. Note, however, that this theoretical extension is
relatively recent, and consequently, little empirical verification exists.
Furthermore, the contribution of behavioral control to prediction of
behavior that has been demonstrated (e.g., Ajzen & Madden, 1986) is
typically smaller than for the original components of the theory of rea-
soned action. Indeed, when behavior is under complete volitional con-
trol, the theory of planned behavior reduces to the theory of reasoned
action. The utility of the additional behavioral control component for
the spouse abuse area will be an important problem for future research.
 DECISION TO LEAVE
ceived impressive empirical support demonstrating strong and
independent relations between the model's components and be-
havioral intentions, and between behavioral intentions and ac-
tual behavior (Ajzen & Fishbein, 1973, 1980). The model has
been successfully applied to such problems as family planning
(Vinokur-Kaplan, 1978), voter decision making (Bowman &
Fishbein, 1978), weight loss (Sejwacz, Ajzen, & Fishbein, 1980;
Schifter & Ajzen, 1985), and adolescent alcohol use (Schlegel,
Crawford, & Sanborn, 1977).
With regard to relationship decisions, this model is attractive
for a variety of reasons. First, it is well developed methodologi-
cally (see Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980), allowing relatively easy ap-
plication to the spouse abuse domain. Second, it is a conceptu-
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
ally sound model with a wealth of empirical verification (e.g.,
Ajzen & Fishbein, 1980; Fishbein, 1982). Third, it is a general
model allowing relationship decisions to be considered in the
context of other "reasoned action." Fourth, the previously dis-
cussed models can be encompassed by the theory of reasoned
action. The set of antecedents and consequences of the behavior
can be constructed to include the costs, benefits, and invest-
ments described previously with regard to exchange theories
and the entrapment model. Furthermore, the expected likeli-
hood of consequences and antecedents will undoubtedly be
affected by the deficits associated with learned helplessness
(e.g., likelihood that positive consequences will occur, likeli-
hood that antecedent behaviors could be performed success-
fully). One assumption of the theory of reasoned action is that
all determinants of volitional behavior act through either A^
or SN. Consequently, the theory provides a useful organizing
framework for studying the specific variables highlighted by
other models.
Finally, the specificity inherent in the model provides a po-
tentially invaluable aid for intervention. In fact, the theory of
reasoned action contains four specific points of intervention.
Consider first the components of Aba,. One reason a woman
may not intend to leave an abusive relationship is that she pos-
sesses beliefs (&0 about the consequences of that action that un-
derestimate or overestimate the true probabilities. For example,
women may doubt that the abuse will really end if they leave, or
they may think it unlikely that they can find employment to
ensure financial independence. In this case, intervention efforts
should be educational and focus on altering women's beliefs
about what will happen if they leave so that those beliefs become
more realistic. Alternately, the intention to remain in the abu-
sive relationship may stem from unrealistic evaluations (Q) of
the consequences of leaving. In this case, women may underesti-
mate the desirability of the positive consequences (e.g., educa-
tional and economic opportunities). Indeed, it seems quite
likely that if they have never experienced such opportunities
firsthand, abused women may have quite poorly formed evalua-
tions of them (cf. Fazio & Zanna, 1981). Abused women may
also overestimate the undesirability of the negative conse-
quences of leaving. For example, women may fear the prospects
of being alone. This fear might be somewhat exaggerated if
women are not made aware of the support groups that may be
available to them. Altering unrealistic evaluations calls for in-
terventions that educate, inform, and perhaps avail women of
247
the direct experiences that can serve to alter the perceived desir-
ability of the consequences of leaving.
The SN component also allows two points at which to inter-
vene. First, a woman may remain in an abusive relationship
because her social network consists largely of those who support
such action (nftj). Indeed, in some abusive relationships, the
woman's social contacts are quite impoverished and may be
dominated by the husband. In this case, exposure to other opin-
ions could be beneficial (e.g., counseling, peer support groups).
A second problem could be an unrealistically high motivation
to comply (mCj) with those who believe the woman should stay.
This does not seem unlikely given the low self-esteem that ac-
companies abuse and the concomitant decrease in self-confi-
dence. Intervention aimed at bolstering self-esteem may allow
women to be more self-reliant and self-confident.
Three additional comments are pertinent. First, the theory
of reasoned action is nomothetical at the level of predicting be-
havior, but it provides valuable ideographic data for attempts
to understand individual intentions. Second, although I dis-
cussed the four points of intervention separately, they may not
be independent; intervention may have to proceed along multi-
ple fronts. In other words, the decision to remain in an abusive
relationship may vary in the number and complexity of its de-
terminants across individuals. Finally, should perceived behav-
ioral control prove to be a useful addition to the model (e.g.,
Ajzen, 1985; Ajzen & Madden, 1986), then interventions aimed
at removing external barriers to leaving, or aimed at increasing
the woman's sense of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1986), may also
prove useful.
Summary and Conclusions
In this article I have attempted to review the current litera-
ture, both empirical and theoretical, on the decision to leave
an abusive relationship. The goal has been to highlight stable
empirical findings, outline methodological problems, and ex-
amine theoretical issues in the hope that future research in this
area will proceed more smoothly and productively. It is clear
that spouse abuse is a monumental problem, particularly for
those women who choose to remain in abusive relationships. It
is also clear that, although a fair amount of knowledge has been
accumulated regarding relationship decisions, our understand-
ing of the dynamics of this decision process is still weak. The
four theoretical approaches outlined in this article may prove
useful in improving our understanding, but two caveats must be
kept firmly in mind. First, application of each of the models is
based on the assumption that the decision to leave an abusive
relationship is ultimately a rational decision and can be under-
stood using rational decision models. To the extent that the dy-
namics of this decision are pathological, the models described
here will not be appropriate. Of course, it is possible that both
cases are true, so one must be cognizant of the appropriate do-
mains of application. Second, although I described the models
separately, it is unlikely that any one model will provide a com-
plete account of the decision to leave an abusive relationship.
In one sense, each model provides a different lens or perspective
for viewing relationship decisions. Future research should ex-
amine the ways in which the models can be integrated to maxi-
 248 MICHAEL J STRUBE
mize explanatory and predictive power. It is my hope that the
concurrent development of sounder methods and theory will
produce a level of knowledge that will enable effective interven-
tion and spare many women needless and senseless suffering.
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Received February 12, 1987
Revision received November 20, 1987
Accepted December 14,1987 •