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Introduction
A social welfare system offers support to persons as well as households in need. The kind and
quantity of welfare obtainable by persons and families differ depending on the nation. The
system functions through programs, for instance, healthcare, childcare aid, compensation for
unemployment, and housing support, among others (Gencer, 2017). Various aspects surrounding
individuals' economic status and its relationship with the minimum acceptable levels in a specific
country determine the eligibility for social support. Gosta Esping-Anderson regarded the social
welfare system as a mechanism for correcting the structure of inequality. He saw it as a means of
system as a system of stratification in its own right. This write-up seeks to examine the extent to
which Esping-Anderson's perception can be applied to China's social system. It will also analyze
the factors that determine "who gets what and why" in China's social welfare system.
democratic, conservative, and liberal systems. The three-fold typology is founded on the
duty of the government, households, and market in the provision of welfare. The liberal model
entails the weakening of social rights (Gencer, 2017). There is a minimal provision of public
welfare. The poor in society are provided with aid programs associated with stigma. The rich
depend on bought insurance and social services. Stratification levels are high, while
decommodification levels are low. The leading provider of welfare is the market. The
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conservative model entails performative social rights. Benefits are dependent on a record of
equity as opposed to equality. The schemes for social protection are divided occupationally.
Families rely on male wage-earners; therefore, the social rights of women are derived (Wu,
2019). Levels of stratification, as well as the degree of decommodification, are medium. Family
is the primary provider of welfare. The social-democratic model is devoted to universal social
privileges. It promotes the employment of women and men. The regime has a high level of
decommodification and embraces solidarity. The state is the sole provider of welfare, and the
Esping-Anderson emphasized that the idea of social citizenship ought to comprise the
provision of social rights. Personal rights must not be affected by the market. China's system for
social security includes separate schemes for employed and resident-based unemployed persons.
Social rights target employees in the urban regions. Benefits derived from employment-based
structures are contributory (Gencer, 2017). The social policies are limited because they assume
labor market participation. The participation of employees without labor contracts is voluntary
and restricted. Benefits related to sickness and unemployment is only accessible to insured urban
dwellers. It means that workers in the rural areas are excluded. However, all citizens are covered
by the health insurance regardless of employment status and location of residence (Wu, 2019).
The social welfare system needs to be improved. Mismanagement and corruption have dogged
the system.
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Unfortunately, eighty percent of eligible families do not receive the rural minimum earnings. In
addition, sixty percent of the beneficiaries are not within the stipulated criteria. There is a
disparity in the retirement age for men and women. Men retire at 60 years while women retire at
50 years (Wu & Zheng, 2018). It is unreasonable because the life expectancy is approximately
75 years. Employees have lobbied for changes to be made but no policies have been formulated
so far. Rural workers are not eligible for unemployment insurance, which is unfair. The current
disparities in the system promote inequality. For this reason, Esping-Anderson's argument is
Social stratification refers to the structuring of social relationships based on class as well
as social order. Empirical indices of socialism, liberalism, and conservatism measure the impact
treatment of civil employees (Gencer, 2017). China's pension scheme is not segmented across
occupational groupings. It nullified the relative rights of China's public and civil servants.
Liberal stratification is captured through patterns in private spending for social relief as well as
health. China's social security system entails diverse social aid initiatives, for instance, the
Ministry of Labor Social Security (MSSL). The MSSLfunctions in both urban and rural regions
and the rural Five Guarantees System among others (Gencer, 2017). China spends about 0.42
percent of the sum of public social budget on social aid. Approximately 44 percent of China's
total expenses on health come from spending on private health. It implies that China puts
can be captured through the identification of the portion of population covered under schemes
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such as health, pension as well as unemployment (Wu, 2019). In China, 75 percent of the sum of
adult populace is covered under social security schemes. Approximately 540 million persons
paid to the renewable portfolio standard (RPS). Programs for health insurance cover ninety-nine
percent of China's populace. However, the unemployment insurance (UI) covers only a quarter
of the urban workers. The above details reveal that stratification related to occupation and status
trends in China's social welfare system is small. In terms of liberal stratification, the system is
not keen on social relief (Wu & Zheng, 2018). The degree of universalism can be described as
medium as the UI covers only a segment of the employees. Generally, China's social welfare
system can be rated as medium in terms of stratification. Elements such as the absence of special
treatment of civil servants, UI covering only a segment of employee and an inclination to private
health spending makes one conclude that stratification is not high or low but medium.
The elderly population receives a pension based on several factors. Beneficiaries are
required to have contributed to their wage for at least fifteen years. Men must meet the statutory
retirement age of 60 and 55 for females. Sick persons are entitled to health insurance only if an
individual has been contributing (Gencer, 2017). A person's work history, as well as seniority at
work, is also considered. Unemployed persons are eligible for the Unemployment Insurance that
covers every employed or unemployed person. Migrant employees are also beneficiaries of the
program. Rural workers do not qualify for the program. Generally, entitlements are based on
Conclusion
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Medium levels of equality and stratification characterize China's social welfare system.
The system has certain aspects of Esping-Anderson's model. The system has some limitations,
which restrict the application of the model in specific dimensions. Issues such as urban residents
having more benefits as compared to rural residents and the fact that only a quarter of the
workforce is covered by health insurance are some of the limitations. China has made steps in
building its social welfare system. However, some gaps need to be filled to enable it to fit into
Esping-Anderson's model.
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References
Sociology, 45, 363-382.
Wu, X., & Zheng, B. (2018). Household registration, urban status attainment, and social