Development in Practice

ISSN: 0961-4524 (Print) 1364-9213 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cdip20

Cultural-based challenges of the westernised

approach to development in newly developed
societies

Esmat Zaidan

To cite this article: Esmat Zaidan (2019) Cultural-based challenges of the westernised approach
to development in newly developed societies, Development in Practice, 29:5, 570-581, DOI:
10.1080/09614524.2019.1598935

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2019.1598935

© 2019 The Author(s). Published by Informa

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DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE
2019, VOL. 29, NO. 5, 570–581
https://doi.org/10.1080/09614524.2019.1598935

Cultural-based challenges of the westernised approach to

development in newly developed societies
Esmat Zaidan

ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY

Urban theorists and policymakers are increasingly recognising the Received 23 November 2018
importance of integrating culture into urban development models. This Accepted 12 March 2019
article provides a critical assessment of Dubai’s integration of cultural
KEYWORDS
planning in its approach to tourism development. It argues that Aid – Development policies;
western-influenced modernisation has side-lined indigenous creative Globalisation (inc trade;
resources in the pursuit of a cosmopolitan urban vision. Rapid private sector); Environment
urbanisation and westernisation of Dubai define and redefine the (built and natural); Arab
approaches for tourism development. The article suggests that States
embracing more culturally focused tourism plans may socially sustain
local community and identity affected by rapid modernisation and
westernisation in newly developed modern societies such as Dubai.

Introduction
Cultural tourism and integrating culture into urban development strategies are increasingly becom-
ing significant in the context of globalisation and the associated growth in urban and regional place
competitiveness. There is a renewed emphasis on the importance of “culture” in recent urban devel-
opment models, theories, and policies (Young 2008). The need for new approach for developing
urban planning strategies within the context of the twenty-first century that takes planning away
from its traditional approach and narrow land-use focus has become essential (Brand and Gaffikin
2007). With growing interurban and regional competition, cities are increasingly required to highlight
or create distinctive and liveable communities to attract social and capital investment (Baeker 2005).
Scholars have emphasised culture, including cultural heritage, as the key to promoting such market-
able places (Baeker 2002a; Evans and Foord 2008). Recognising the economic benefits, urban theor-
ists and policymakers are supplementing their traditional preoccupation with land-use issues with
both tangible and intangible aspects of culture to promote place (Bianchini and Ghilardi 2007;
Zaidan 2016a). Identifying cultural assets and resources to improve the economic and local develop-
ment of a community, is a part of integrating culture into urban development strategies (Baeker
2002b). The main aim is to transform cities into culturally vibrant destinations.
After the work of Florida (2002), notions of creativity and the growing recognition of the role that
culture-rich environments can play in attracting the “creative class” have gained momentum. These
notions are being used partially in the prevalent adoption of urban planning strategies. Highly mobile
creative people (scientists, engineers, professors, artists, entertainers, high-tech and knowledge-
based professions) are seeking more than employment opportunities in their search for “home”
(Florida 2008). The creative class is being drawn to destinations that offer rich lifestyles and

CONTACT Esmat Zaidan ezaidan@qu.edu.qa

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.
© 2019 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the
original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
 DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 571

opportunities for social and cultural interaction (Florida 2002). Similar to many globalised cities, Dubai
is embracing the growing role that culture and creativity play in urban policy and planning (Stephen-
son 2013; Ewers 2016). The new policy initiative, titled “creative city movement”, is a strategy based
on developing a city’s culture. This initiative has received wide acceptance, and is applied in combi-
nation with many other policy sectors such as planning, transportation, economic development, and
tourism.
The fact that Dubai has recognised the significance of culture in urban development models is
evident by its focus on creation of a knowledge-based economy, in the form of international educational
institutions and development of free zones for various knowledge and creative economies (Mould 2012;
Ewers 2016). With leading companies such as TECOM Group and initiatives such as Expo 2020, Dubai has
positioned itself as a social and economic capital of the Gulf (Tournois 2018).1 In line with the emphasis
on culture and creativity (Ewers 2016), the strategic plan for Expo 2020, which is expected to attract
more than 25 million visitors to UAE, focuses on a combination of education, innovation, and entertain-
ment (Tournois 2018). Selling Dubai through culture is linked to attempts to build emotional bonds
between the city and the creative class (Ogaily 2015). The recent strategic vision and plans for the
UAE nationally (Vision 2021) and locally in Dubai (Dubai Plan 20121and the D3 Dubai Design District),
suggest that cultural planning in Dubai has been significantly considered.
With ambitious developmental projects such as the 2020 master plan, the ruler’s dynamic vision
for a “Global City Culture”, and World Expo 2020, there is a need for the market chain to address not
only the potential strengths and challenges, but also the resources to ensure that the ruler’s vision is
efficiently and effectively executed; the goal is not to construct Dubai as a sustainable city from
scratch, but to make the existing Dubai a city that is sustainable. This article provides a critical assess-
ment of Dubai’s integration of culture and cultural tourism in its approach to urban development.
However, other than a few scholars’ (Henderson 2006a; Bagaeen 2007; Sharpley 2008; Stephenson
2013) recent analysis of social and cultural challenges facing the development of tourism in the
emirate of Dubai, critical analysis of tourism planning and development in this state has been signifi-
cantly overlooked. More explicitly, critical analysis of tourism planning and development in Middle
Eastern countries, specifically in oil-rich Middle Eastern states, is still under-researched; a noteworthy
inattention given the political economic structures in such countries (Sharpley 2008; Zaidan 2016a).
The paper also identifies creative-cultures and creative-tourism in urban development as a
literature gap.
Therefore, this article aims to fill this gap in tourism planning literature, in particular, in cultural
tourism. Its main objective is to critically emphasise the ways in which indigenous and traditional-
based resources do not strongly feature as part of Dubai’s overall tourism strategy. Nonetheless,
local culture and tradition are not endorsed as crucial and holistic features of the destination tourism
experience. Due to the recognised challenges facing scholars in authoritarian states, mainly concerning
conducting face-to-face interviews with official planners and having access to official policy and plan-
ning documents (Stephenson 2013), the analysis is based upon available secondary sources, including
reviewing the urban planning literature, and tourism planning and development in Dubai. The paper
may also contribute to knowledge and understanding of cultural tourism and development in the
top tourism destination in the Middle East in particular and of tourism planning broadly.
The paper begins with a brief review the recent strategic vision and plans for the UAE nationally
and locally in Dubai, including Dubai Tourism Vision, and the D3 Dubai Design District, and Expo stra-
tegic plan (Tournois 2018).

Literature review
There are three main requirements expected of urban theorists and planners while developing strategic
plans: to improve people’s quality of life, to focus on plans that are inclusive, responsive to public needs,
and seek to provide variety of opportunities for various segments in society, and to avoid conflicts
between the outcomes of various strategic plans by ensuring integration. Grogan, Mercer, and
572 E. ZAIDAN

Engwicht (1995) argue that regardless of the foci of these plans, each have common features. The idea
behind “cultural cities” is based on the use of arts and culture as instruments to rejuvenate and revive
cities. This idea is commonly employed in cities across Europe, USA, and Canada to strengthen their
reputations as global economies and cultural capitals of the world (City of Toronto 2008).
When developing a city that is focused on utilising art and culture, urban planners seek to foster a
competitive environment for the creative segment and the government, as well as corporate inves-
tors (Landry 1999, 2000; Florida 2002). According to Zukin (2002, 24), instead of marketing traditional
landmarks, natural resources, infrastructure, cultural cities are expected to sell their “symbolic capital”.
According to Webster (2001), this symbolic capital can include the city’s culture, lifestyle, safety, facili-
ties, educational institutions, and overall quality of life (32).
In a highly globalised world, there is a demand for cities to offer a variety of attractions to cater to
human capital that is easily mobile. Human capital consisting of creative kinds such as scientists,
artists, engineers, and entertainers, belonging to various knowledge-based professions such as
health, legal, business, seek more than merely employment opportunities when searching for a pro-
spective “home”. Often this creative segment is attracted to cities that provide a rich lifestyle in
addition to opportunities to experience life as a part of a diverse society and culture (Florida
2002). This leads to a requirement for planners to create cities that are competitive and urban, attract-
ing the creative segment, which in turn attracts investment and industries to boost the city’s standing
in the global economy (Landry 1990, 2006).
The point of departure for dominant discourse on “cultural cities” advances the idea of a market-
able “local culture”. In such cases, culture-oriented development includes buildings that are cultural
flagships, endorsing cultural distinctiveness, and fostering the residents’ sense of belonging to the
city (Grogan, Mercer, and Engwicht 1995). It is often advocated to be a mechanism that improves resi-
dents’ lives in a city. It is also thought to determine the approach used for a city’s built environment
such as public transport, roads, street lighting, and urban safety. This focus on culture-oriented devel-
opment models and practices leads to development strategies for leisure, recreations, art, and enter-
tainment that aim to improve the quality of life in an urban city (Evans 2001, Evans and Foord 2008).

Urban shifts and development in the Gulf region and its impact
The Middle Eastern region experienced its first wave of western architecture after the First World War.
In Iraq, a new architectural era (from 1915 to 1923) was introduced by three English architects, includ-
ing H.S. Mayson (1892–1960) and G.M. Wilson (1887–1965), who contributed to Indian Islamic archi-
tecture in the Indian capital of New Delhi and were appointed as public works manager in the first
Iraq Government in 1921. Their main public and organisational buildings, including the Baghdad
train station (1947–51) and Al Basra airport (1931), mirrored the influence and integration of Classical
English architecture and local Indian and Iraqi brick building architecture. G.P. Cooper, the third archi-
tect, worked in India and Iraq, inspired by local vernacular (Elsheshtawy 2010;Zaidan 2016b). Cooper’s
contributions were in the designs and close supervision, in partnership with Wilson, of the Kings
Shrine (1934–1936) and College of Engineering (1937). Similar period building designs can be
observed in Kuwait, Bahrain, Jeddah, and Muscat. These efforts were linked with the re-emergence
of an initial Arab contingent of architects and planners graduating from various western universities,
mainly from the UK. Al Sultani (2014) argues that after the 1930s, two main design movements
emerged in the works of local architects. The first took urban planning and local and environmental
specificity theory into account in the construction of architectural design, as seen in Makiya’s works in
the region. The second movement perceived art as the architectural base, which can be observed in
Chaderchi’s works. Other architects who graduated from US universities were close to the architec-
tural engineering mode. Therefore, the 1930s experienced a shift from traditional gated organic
fabric cities in the Arab world to new developments constructed via master plans of wide, straight
roads and large side plots with new building guidelines and setbacks – considered the first move
to alter local environmental urban planning and social structures (Zaidan 2016b).
 DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 573

Significant movements by governments and internationally-recognised architects in the 1950s

and 1960s began the design of public institutional buildings. For instance, architects such as Le Cor-
busier, Alvar Aalto, Gio Ponti, Josep Lluis Sert, and Walter Gropius influenced architects in Iraq in
taking on the design development, and created modern buildings based on the local environment.
The 1970s witnessed a rapid growth in the urban population within the Gulf region, necessitating
a transformation that paved the way for the import of western technology in order to gain instant and
significant changes. Pace, adequacy and quantity functioned as underlying parameters, without a
transitional period; while when we look at history such transitional periods have allowed cultures
and their values to transform, grow, and fortify their own identity. The result has been internationally
styled buildings based on the latest technology introduced into an essentially traditional environ-
ment. In Middle Eastern cities, the majority of vernacular architecture is being restricted owing to
the belief that its cultural, symbolic, and economic patterns are inferior to new living trends and
ideas of space allocation – which present their own representation of technology – and new policies
of urban management cut off from human scale and traditional organic city fabrics. Cities and towns
that once changed via an inner rhythm that shaped their designs are now destroyed or gave in to
development systems and transport demands that have little consideration for human scale and
urban environment. Moreover, new planned “car cities” have emerged as population hubs depen-
dent on the most up-to-date traffic systems and roads.

Urban shifts and development in Dubai

The fast-paced urbanisation of Dubai and regional Middle Eastern cities brings challenges in terms of
the traditional local city fabric and contemporary high-rise buildings (Ewers 2016). It is imperative that
project stakeholders take into account the cultural values, local environment, human scale, and
current historical urban fabric in their strategy to fulfilling project needs, which mainly demand
“iconic high-rise buildings” overlooking basic and fundamental conditions in creating sustainable
building designs and comfortable spaces that can easily be utilised. Development firms and construc-
tion regulations should conform to the needs of the surrounding community and society as a whole
for carefully planned urban spaces – balanced with economic benefits and reasonable return on
investment arising from the project development (Zaidan 2016b). Despite their integration in local
culture, high-rise structures are not always the solution for local accommodation needs. Open
spaces, systematically and comfortably sized buildings need to be taken into consideration via
land use zoning and urban plans. In addition, socially mixed development also needs to be con-
sidered for promoting harmony and peaceful integration among local and non-local residents.
During the past 15 years, Dubai has become one of the world’s fastest expanding cities. This sig-
nificant rate of growth was fuelled by the desire to construct high-rise structures as a strong message
of modernity, globalisation, and economic prosperity, which further fuels a swiftly expanding popu-
lation. Consequently, the high rate of population growth has presented several challenges to urban
planning and the environment.
On the 25 km journey along the famous six-lane Sheikh Zayed Road, a commuter observes build-
ings of various heights comprised of: unusual building tops that are incorrectly constructed with
tapered, twisted, and tilted forms that reflect, rightly or wrongly, developers’ power – and the archi-
tects’ neglect towards the nature, surroundings and dimensions of the site. This is aggravated via the
inclusion of flyover intersections, overhead transit rail, and tram networks to tackle issues associated
with traffic congestion. Hence, the important question is how Dubai can attain its ambitions to evolve
urban planning leadership on a regional and global scale into a successful functioning model of an
urban environment that personifies the integration of its cultural and socio-economic realities.
Tourism development in Dubai has drawn a significant academic attraction (Junemo 2004; Govers
and Go 2005, 2009; Henderson 2006a, 2006b; Bagaeen 2007; Sharpley 2008; Yeoman 2008; Stephen-
son and Ali-Knight 2010; Stephenson 2013). Some consider Dubai a “visionary form” of tourism devel-
opment, but others highlight considerable challenges, including environmental concerns, issues of
574 E. ZAIDAN

international division of labour (Sharpley 2008), scarcity of natural and cultural heritage resources
(Henderson 2006a, 2006b; Zaidan 2015) and culturally informed imagery (Govers and Go 2005,
2009). Recently, Dubai has attracted research focusing on the sociocultural impacts of tourism devel-
opment on the host community (Stephenson and Ali-Knight 2010; Stephenson 2013; Zaidan et al.
2016; Zaidan and Kovacs 2017).
In its continued efforts to achieve its ruler’s modern development vision, Dubai has marked out
sizeable plots of land for the development of mega-urban projects (cities within a city), which will
potentially be home to more than a million residents. The goal of the tourism plan is to attract 15
million tourists annually, increasing to 20 million by 2020. The sociocultural element consists of a
diversity of more than 100 nationalities with different lifestyles, belief systems, and ethnicities.
Stephenson (2013) analysed the cultural implications of Dubai’s tourism development approach
focusing on the demise of culture because of tourism, as well as limited public knowledge of the
ethnic and traditional elements of the indigenous society. Whereas “brand Dubai”, a tourism
slogan, is based on policies that do not highlight local culture, tradition, and indigenous identity
as key elements of promoting Dubai as a tourism destination, the following discussion attempts to
provide a critical assessment of Dubai’s approach to cultural planning and development.

Dubai as a case study

Dubai’s high rise, megaprojects, and urban development
Until 40 years ago, Dubai was one of the least developed regions in the world (Sharpley 2008).
According to Smith (2010), Dubai’s new landscape has contributed to its position as the fastest-
growing tourism destination (Stephenson, Russell, and Edgar 2010); making it an internationally
acclaimed tourist destination today (Bagaeen 2007; Sharpley 2008). Historically, societal structures
in UAE were based on tribal and familial ties and nomadic lifestyles, with limited collaborations
and interactions with other Middle Eastern and western societies (Zaidan et al. 2016; Heard-Bey
2005). The recent focus on boosting tourism and economy in Dubai has greatly affected these societal
structures.
According to (Elessawy and Zaidan 2014), the population of Dubai multiplied 100 times from 1950
to 2010, to an estimated 1.9 million residents, of which only 17% are UAE nationals. The large migrant
population in UAE with different races, nationalities, religions, and cultures is due to rentier econom-
ies where there is an increasing dependence on foreign labour to sustain the private sector and to
form a vital pillar to UAE economy. The migrant workforce (the official number of migrant workers
in the country) may increase in the context of an economy dependent on oil revenue and oriented
toward construction and services.
This increase in population has caused a corresponding increase in the changes associated with
UAE’s urban fabric. Considering that the population growth continues at a medium pace, the total
population of UAE is expected to rise to 2.8 million people by 2020 (Elessawy and Zaidan 2014).
However, until recently, population was not the driving factor behind urbanisation plans and prac-
tices. Instead, economically profitable initiatives were prioritised over population growth (Ewers
2016). These initiatives often aimed at, and resulted in, attracting foreign investment for the devel-
opment of Dubai as a sustainable economic hub.
A component of the tourism plan was to appeal to western visitors (Henderson 2006a; Sharpley
2008; Zaidan et al. 2016). There has been a shift in priorities that guide development plans in
Dubai. Reflecting Dubai’s futuristic development vision, resources have been dedicated for the devel-
opment of mega-urban projects, with an aim to house over one million inhabitants (Alhosani and
Zaidan 2014). Furthermore, the tourism plan is expected to attract up to 20 million tourists by
2020. The high density of inhabitants of different races, nationalities, religions, and cultures results
in Dubai being a sociocultural destination (Zaidan 2016a) comprising inhabitants from over 100
different countries.
 DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 575

According to Stephenson (2013, 8), Dubai’s tourism industry is based on “the production of ‘ludic’
forms of leisure and conventional forms of entertainment”. Desert safari activities such as camel riding,
dune bashing and sand boarding are available outside the city and are promoted and perceived as
integral to Dubai’s tourism experience. These experiences represent ways in which the tourism pro-
grammes are not only separated from culture, but also possibly reduce the prospects of appreciating
local life.
In its quest to be the world’s top tourist destination and a cultural city, Dubai has raced to build
skyscrapers that represent modernity, globalisation, which also reflect the city’s economic prosperity
(Ewers 2016) and attract millions of tourists and residents. The speed and scope of this growth has
caused various environmental and urban planning-related challenges (Mould 2012). Therefore, the
question is how Dubai can harness its growth aspirations to transform regional and international
urban planning governance into a successful example of a city with an urban environment that inte-
grates its culture and socio-economic realities.
Tourism in Dubai may result in a significant socio-cultural impact in that it accommodates the
tastes of tourists rather than residents (Stephenson 2013). In doing so, a significant concern is
Dubai’s perceived lack of cultural consistency, mainly in the absorption of the old into the new.
This is evident through a scarcity of heritage resources and institutions related to tourism, in addition
to narrow public recognition of the ethnic and traditional components of the local society (286).
The emergence of high-rise developments results in population segregation. While the majority of
non-local residents (typically with small or no families) reside in high-rise clusters such as Business
Bay, Downtown, Dubai Marina, nationals (typically with larger families) prefer living in traditional
houses (Mould 2012; Ogaily 2015). This results in clusters segregated on the basis of socio-economic
characteristics and urban establishments (Timothy 2017). This is a serious issue that needs to be
addressed through urban planning that limits segregation by focusing on using land for mixed devel-
opment, controlling building heights, balancing density, and integrating communal and recreational
spaces (Zaidan 2016b).
High-rise structures became a feasible economic solution to supply more space in congested old
cities such as Chicago and New York, where these buildings represent modernity, globalisation, and
prosperity, and evoke an idea of pride and major accomplishment as symbols of capitalist power
(Zaidan 2015; Ewers 2016). Such structures exist in large numbers in Dubai, seen as defining monu-
ments including towers like Burj Khalifa and Emirates Towers. However, the city skyline at present is
dispersed by numerous relatively average height buildings built next to well-planned and carefully
constructed high-rise buildings. With respect to population growth in urban areas, it is evident
that even traditional urban forms address society’s need for taller buildings, where the identity
emerges from within its region and culture. The first tall buildings in the 16th century from the
Yemeni Shibam are a living example of traditional high-rise buildings. Classified as one of the
oldest World Heritage sites by UNESCO, “the Manhattan of the desert” is a model from the past of
sustainable planning and traditional building design in tower houses. The purposeful design,
materials, and building techniques used in this heritage site clearly express traditional Arab
culture, illuminated in the skills of the builders, along with the production of a built environment
in a peaceful cohesion with man and the notion of environmental unity (Ogaily 2015). The success
of this old heritage site is mirrored by the present Al Badiya residential development in Dubai,
which is inspired by Shibam.

Loss of cultural resources

Using cultural resources in Dubai is important to improve its liveability and quality of life to enable
Emiratis to feel that they belong to place with a distinctive identity. This sense of belonging is
more related to “the sense of the place” (Stokowski 2002) than to the development of luxurious cul-
tural amenities. Thus, initiatives have been undertaken to conserve about 40 traditional buildings in
Bastakia district. However, many others were demolished (Elsheshtawy 2010). Picton (2010, 81)
576 E. ZAIDAN

explores themes of heritage revival and preservation of culture in the UAE, but focusing on Sharjah.
He describes Sharjah as the UAE’s cultural capital and a place of art, culture, and heritage unlike the
liberalism, impatient consumerism and modernity accompanying Dubai.
The fast-paced population growth in this region was followed by a need for change, led by
imported western planners and technology required to achieve immediate and severe transform-
ation of cities. The resulting change showed incompatibility between the transformations and tra-
ditions. Western and planners gave more weight to speed, sufficiency, and quantity rather than
allowing a transitional period, which could have been conducive in letting local traditions evolve,
expand, and strengthen to accommodate the sudden changes in the urban fabric of these cities
(Ogaily 2015). This put pressure on societies to change at a pace that was not organic or holistic,
especially in urban needs and planning. Most of the ideas utilised in the region have been imported
from the West. As a result, much of the urban landscape is based on western planning and technol-
ogy introduced in an essentially traditional environment. While the need for a speedy transformation
made western technology attractive, it has resulted in societies that are highly industrialised with
little regard to the Arab environment and its rich heritage and traditions. Furthermore, cities that
are not the centres of population rely primarily on technology and the creation of an artificial environ-
ment to sustain their existence, rather than relying on the natural environment of the region.
For instance, in traditional Middle Eastern cities, places of worship (masjid or mosques) are an inte-
gral part of the urban fabric. Along with having significant religious importance, places of worship are
also communal spaces and community centres, with their domes and minarets being a dominant
feature of the cityscape. In contrast, in Dubai Marina Zone the mosque is dwarfed by the surrounding
high-rise buildings and is insufficient for the number of worshipers.
This disparity between urban developments based on imported ideas and developments that
should be based on tradition, leads to inquiries exploring the impact of theology, philosophy, soci-
ology, history, and economics on the urban environment of a city. In addition to planners and archi-
tects, politicians, municipalities, developers, speculators, and contractors all play a significant role in a
holistic transformation of a city. The transformative effects that development of high-rise buildings
and reliance of technology have on life in the region cannot be undone. However, it is imperative
for local municipalities to introduce measures that improve planning, designing, and regulating
city zones that can lead to a more balanced use of land, limited residential building heights, and pro-
vision of adequate communal spaces across the city.
Planners in Dubai should not only be engaged in reshaping physical space but also a city image
through guiding policy plans. In particular, planners should formulate the city’s image by creating
planning policy that selectively highlights specific place-promoting themes at the expense of
others, Place development themes are selected by planners to project images of innovation and cul-
tural vitality to targeted audiences including investors, enterprises, tourists, and residents (Chang
2000). Also known as qualities of place, place themes are based on particular components of a
place’s geography, history, economy, demography, culture, and aesthetics. Thus, Dubai needs to
identify and record tangible cultural resources by roundtable meetings including tourism planners,
consultants, council representatives, arts boards, cultural and heritage groups, and community
groups. The second step would be linking these cultural resources products, services and heritage
with the creative industries such as media and entertainment, design, architecture and fashion,
which will offer great advantages in attracting visitors. Vibrant cultural environment also promotes
cultural tourism and local spending, employment, and social cohesion. Dubai may invest more in
shaping its regional roots, for example, with new building designs and structures reflecting the
“Arab eclectic” similar to Atlantis Hotel (Elsheshtawy 2010, 46).
According to Stephenson (2013, 13), the privatisation of social life and the social detachment from
tourists may be understood as a way through which the Emiratis adapt to their feelings that their city
and their country are in the international spotlight. However, Emiratis may have recognised that their
culture, related to their life in the desert, signifies important meanings and social context with which
they can withstand rapid modernisation and cosmopolitanism (Zaidan 2015). Accordingly, if Emiratis
 DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 577

decided not to engage in the development of a tourism strategy, this is their right that has to be
respected.
Emphasis on growing tourism numbers has shifted attention from key elements such as city and
community development (Stephenson and Vyas 2017); amenities and open spaces for the public
located around tall building zones are usually replaced by more buildings, giving preference to sell-
able plots rather than the provision of community amenities, with the chief goal to increase the
return on investment for developers (Hazime 2011). The Jumeirah Beach Residence is a prime
example, with extremely limited open space for the community. This trend can also be observed
in the master planning of the Lagoons, one of several mega development projects undertaken
during 2005–08. The Lagoons were designed as a contemporary, luxurious multi-use destination sur-
rounding seven islands which resemble pearls. The financial requirements demanded that more plots
be sold, and as a result plot sizes for high-rise buildings became relatively small, contributing to
decreased building footprints and increasing the levels of podiums and basements. The use of
plots for open spaces and amenities was overlooked to pave the way for developable land (Ogaily
2015). Consequently, this led to extra strain on amenities and infrastructure.

The future for creative and indigenous tourism

From a political perspective, significant cultural buildings and institutions represent a dynamic,
modern polity, and reflect the city’s and the country’s international position (Jenkins 2005). Dubai
shows that for newly developed modern societies, particularly those aiming to make an instant
and exceptional appearance on the global stage (Stephenson 2013), it is essential not to lose oppor-
tunities for the critical development of more locally produced cultural products, such as local
museums, heritage centres, indigenous sport, local cuisine and festivals.
While high-rise buildings emerged as a feasible solution to problems related to space in densely
populated cities such as Chicago and New York, these buildings also represent modernity, globalisa-
tion, economic prosperity, and are a source of national pride. There are numerous such structures in
Dubai, such as Burj Khalifa and Emirates Tower; however, at the same time Dubai’s skyline is also scat-
tered with many mediocre skyscrapers (Ogaily 2015).
Within this context, Dubai may develop an idea of merging features of the conservative Islamic
lifestyle with modern tourism, which could present new tourism options (Al-Hamarneh and Steiner
2004, 25). Islamic hotels, for example, potentially have important opportunities for growth, and
some examples in the Middle East have illustrated ways in which Islamic hospitality can be developed
(Zaidan 2016a), such as the “traditional village” in Beirut (Mona 2006). Dubai could follow such initiat-
ives and produce “meaningful experiences” of places involving the local community.
While some emirates have already developed cultural initiatives through heritage and museum
tourism (Fox, Mourtada-Sabbah, and Al-Mutawa 2006), the lack of a master plan that prioritises the
production of cultural heritage forms is resulting in tourist experiences that are socially detached
from Dubai’s culture and tradition. Dubai has significant potential to develop localised forms of cul-
tural capital. Entertainment and leisure amenities such as large shopping malls, theatres, and urban
theme parks are generating greater amounts of consumer spending (Stephenson and Vyas 2017;
Zaidan 2019).
With the stress on increasing tourism, little attention has been granted to community develop-
ment in Dubai. Public facilities and open spaces are superseded by buildings, as these buildings
result in larger profits for the developers (Zaidan 2016b). Jumeirah Beach Residence and the
Lagoons are two examples, with very limited open spaces, and increased demands on infrastructure
and services.
A host of different (and sometimes contradicting) approaches have been employed to address
these challenges, illustrating the confusion regarding integrating modern technology into traditional
culture. One approach is to ignore traditions and impose an international style of architecture in an
attempt to show growth, prestige, and progress. This has resulted in buildings that are more suited to
578 E. ZAIDAN

environments outside Dubai, using architectural styles that disregards the environment they are situ-
ated in (Hazime 2011). This results in a highly compartmentalised and industrialised landscape that
lacks elements signifying local spirit, identity, culture and traditions. An opposite approach is to give
exaggerated importance to the past, and replicate buildings that indicate Islamic architectural heri-
tage. Designers have used superficial constructs and features, such as the dome or arches, to depict
Islamic identity in an attempt to make a building traditional. In reality, these buildings owe their exist-
ence to the international style and technology more than to local culture (Ogaily 2015).
Like other emirates who have already started to develop cultural initiatives (Picton 2010), Dubai
has the potential to promote local creative arts/heritage and localised forms of cultural capital.
There are strong design examples in the region, such as Souk Al Bahar and Dubai’s Old Town,
where Arab and non-Arab architects have collaborated to design buildings that strike a balance
between the local environment and culture and international technology. However, these buildings
are surrounded by large circular boulevards which cut off public access unlike traditional open
spaces. This can be addressed by designing creative pedestrian links that lead to open community
spaces.
Finally, this confusion in integrating modern technology with traditional culture suggests a lack of
local agency. However, there are Islamic institutions, architects and planners who are able to
proactively fuse modernity with indigeneity as shown in the Arab eclectic architectural style and
Islamic hotels discussed earlier. Urban planning requires achieving balance and effective integration
among four components and needs, namely environmental, spiritual, social, and economic
(Zaidan 2016a). All four components require close consideration when it comes to successful
urban planning ethics, which are present in all religions and ideologies. Urban design is the
central element of knowledge, which gathers and combines various aspects and key functions
such as art and technology, the creation and subsequent organisation of the built environment to
attain social function, comfort, and visual preference for the surrounding community. In addition,
urban design aims to create visual impacts of urban components through ensuring consistency in
building forms and experiences.

Conclusion
Developing a cultural plan for Dubai is essential given that it is now a dynamic global city that com-
petes with other regional and international cities for cultural and economic dominance. This article
provides a critical assessment of Dubai’s approach to cultural urban planning, focusing on its
tourism implications. It examined the impacts of urban shifts and development on the region, high-
lighting how planners in Dubai should be more engaged in reshaping a city image through guiding
policy plans rather than reshaping physical space. The paper then analysed how emphasis on
growing tourism numbers shifted attention from key elements such as city and community develop-
ment, open spaces and public amenities, to developing mega-projects.
Destination Dubai is building an image based on iconographic prominence, immense novelty and
invention and super-modernism. Culture and identity are not the primary design considerations for
architects planning buildings and spaces in Dubai. Urban management policies, such as planning
living spaces and allocating spaces, reflect a disparity in architecture based on international technol-
ogy and style and architecture based on traditions, culture, and identity. Towns and cities that were
once the epitome of rich heritage and culture are now reduced to industrialised cities that disregard
the importance of balance between development needs and urban environment. To add to this,
cities based on communal spaces and public cities that accommodated culture-oriented construc-
tions are now replaced by car cities where populations rely on roads and traffic systems.
Dubai the destination is already solidly developed and established, and many people across the
world admire its prosperity. This paper is calling for a holistic transformation in Dubai’s approach
for tourism development; it rather suggests that if Dubai’s tourism industry recognises the signifi-
cance of adopting a cultural approach to a sustainable tourism development, positive outcomes
 DEVELOPMENT IN PRACTICE 579

could be accomplished in the long term. Embracing more culturally focused tourism plans may
socially sustain the local community and identity affected by rapid modernisation and westernisation.
Dubai has become a city whose urban fabric is deeply fragmented. Today there are more high-rise
buildings, built with an aim to maximise profit for their developers. These buildings result in fissures in
the city’s urban fabric, further worsened by developers’ focus on quantity over quality, especially
when it comes to land use.
Cultural mapping will help Dubai assesses its community strengths and potential within a frame-
work of cultural development. This establishes an inventory of local culture and defines resources,
gaps and needs, enabling planners to plan for better, liveable, socially just and responsive commu-
nities. However, by not prioritising the production of cultural heritage forms of tourism, tourists’
experiences are usually socially detached from indigenous culture and tradition. Therefore, this
study recommends reconceptualisation of the planning tasks and objectives by adopting a holistic
definition of culture that focuses on more than just cultural production and consumption, or cultural
tourism. This definition should enhance the idea that culture should be used in urban planning for its
value rather than solely its economic benefits.
Thus, defining of culture should be based on arts activities, narratives of the city of Dubai, and built
and natural heritage. Cultural values and arts to be promoted when branding the city through cul-
tural planning, negotiated between cultural experts and practitioners with the engagement of the
public or community, rather than defined by arts producers, organisations and governmental auth-
orities alone.

Note
1. ECOM group has rolled out an AED 4.5 billion innovation strategy to create infrastructure, and drive entrepreneur-
ship. This includes developing innovation complexes, creative spaces, technology laboratories and smart build-
ings, new business incubators, and a start-up fund to stimulate innovation. An Expo is a global event that
aims at educating the public, sharing innovation, promoting progress and fostering cooperation.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Funding
The publication of this article was funded by the Qatar National Library.

Notes on contributor
Esmat Zaidan is an Associate Professor of Policy, Planning, and Development at Qatar University, Doha, Qatar.

ORCID
Esmat Zaidan http://orcid.org/0000-0001-7813-3362

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