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ICoCSPA 2018
Proceedings of the
4th International Conference on
Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age

Surabaya, East Java - Indonesia

August 13, 2018

Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda.
All rights reserved

Edited by Myrtati Dyah Artaria and Titik Puji Rahayu

Printed in Portugal
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Depósito Legal: 463043/19

http://icocspa2018.org
icocspa@fisip.unair.ac.id
 B RIEF C ONTENTS
O RGANIZING C OMMITTEES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV

A BOUT IC O CSPA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V

F OREWORD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII

C ONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX

III
 O RGANIZING C OMMITTEES
O RGANIZING C OMMITTEE
Chair: Titik Puji Rahayu, M.Comms., Ph.D.
Secretary: Nisa Kurnia Illahiati., S.Sos., M.Med.Kom
Finance: Sri Endah Kinasih, S.Sos., M.Si.
Finance: Prisca Febriani Prawiro,SE.
Public Relations: Nurul Ratna Sari., S.IP., M.Comm
Publication: Dr.Phill., Siti R. Susanto, S.OP., MIR.
Publication: Linggar Rama Dian Putra, S.Ant., MA.
Venue: Dr. Dwi Prasetyo
Venue: Moch. Mubarok muharam, S.IP., M.IP.
Registration: Fadilla Inas Pratiwi., S.Hub.Int., MA.
Registration: Marhaeni Mega W., M.Sosio
Registration: Kurniawati Saadah, S. Sos., M.Hub.Int.
Technical Support: Mochamad Ressa Amriza, S.Ant.
Technical Support: Rifqi Rahmatullah Luqman

S CIENTIFIC C OMMITTEE
Prof. Dr. Hotman Siahaan, Drs., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Bagong Suyanto, Drs. Msi., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Dra. Myrtati Dyah Artaria, M.A., Ph.D, Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Dra. Rachmah Ida, M.Comms, PhD, Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Kacung Marijan, Drs, MA., Ph.D, Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Dr. H. Jusuf Irianto, Drs. M.Com., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Prof. Dr. Musta’in, Drs., M.Si, Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Associate Prof. Panizza Allmark, Edith Cowan University, United States
Prof. Peter Soewarno, Ph.D, Arizona State University, United States

R EVIEWERS
Dr. Cheryll Ruth Soriano, De La Salle University, Philippines
Dede Oetomo, University of California Irvine, United States
Diah Ariani Arimbi S.S., M.A., Ph.D., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Dr. Dra. Rahma Sugihartati, M.Si., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Sartika Soesilowati, Dra.,M.A., Ph.D., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Dr. Siti Aminah, M.A., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia
Dr. Suyatno Ladiqi, Universiti Sultan Zainal Abidin, Malaysia
Drs. Vinsensio M. Arifin Dugis M.A., Ph.D., Universitas Airlangga, Indonesia

IV
 A BOUT IC O CSPA
ICoCSPA is an abbreviation for the International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs.
This is a yearly conference held by the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga
(Unair), Indonesia. ICoCSPA is part of our university’s strong commitment to foster academic discussions
and increase scholarly publications in the field of social and political studies.
ICoCSPA is a forum for knowledge and ideas exchange among academics of social and political sciences.
This is also a forum for building academic and professional networks among social and political scholars.
More importantly, ICoCSPA supports dissemination of scientific work and research in the field of social and
political sciences.

Previous ICoCSPA themes were:

2015 - "Strengthening Democratic Accountability for Creating Good Governance"
2016 - "Reexamining Governance: Strengthening Citizenship in a Changing World"
2017 - "Development and Security in Risk Society"

V
 F OREWORD
A warm welcome to the 4th International Conference on Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA) 2018!
This year’s conference theme is “Empowerment and Impairment in the Global Digital Age”. The advance-
ment of digital information technologies, with the Internet as its catalyst, has been known to accelerate the
pace of global integration. McLuhan believed that the technological force will eventually create ‘a global
village’. Other scholar claimed that the development of communication technologies has driven the indus-
trial society towards the so-called ‘information society’, where opportunities and power belong to those
having access to information. Further, it has also been argued that the development of digital information
technologies has led our society to the post-truth era where facts, myths and lies collide.
These developments demand our critical attention to uncover: how has digital information technologies
actually altered the struggle of power in various societies? How has the technological force facilitated the
emergence of a new source of power? Who have been actually benefited? And Who have been disadvan-
taged?
We are fortunate that in this year conference we have reputable scholars to share and discuss their criti-
cal insights on how globalization and digital information technologies have impacted our societies. Prof.
Ronald A Lukens-Bull from The University of North Florida, will discuss the issue of “Digital Religion,
Fanaticism and Terrorism” in today society. Subsequently, A/Prof. Cheryll Ruth Soriano from De La Salle
University, will present her study about “Digital Labour Solidarity” in Southeast Asia. Next, we will have
Prof. Ariel Heryanto FAHA from Monash University to deliver a talk about “Social Media and Identity pol-
itics in Indonesia”. Finally, representing the Indonesian government, Prof. Henry Subiakto as an Advisor to
the Minister of Communication and Informatics will offer a debate titled “The Indonesian Communication
Policies: Empower or Impaired Democracy”.
We would like to thank to Universitas Airlangga and the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences for the
financial support to the conference. We would like to give our thank to our fellow conference committee
members, including lecturers, students and technical staff, who have selflessly given their commitment, time
and effort to support the conference.
Finally, we hope ICoCSPA 2018 one-day conference will bring to you diverse and inspiring academic in-
sights, as well as enhancing your academic networking. Welcome!

Titik Puji Rahayu, S.Sos. M.Comms, PhD.

Chair of Committee

VII
 C ONTENTS

POLITICS

F ULL PAPERS

The Effectiveness of Social Media as a Tool for Regional Election Campaign in Indonesia 5
Endah Yuli Ekowati

Control the State in the Era of Digital Democracy - The Case Study of East Java Elections in 2018
10
Bayu Priambodo

Mass Media and Governor Candidates - Challenges of Neutrality and Trend of Alignments
15
Husnul Isa Harahap

The Challenge of Effective Socialisation and Voter Education 18

Dina Lestari

Controversies of Political Party Information System (SIPOL) for the 2019 Indonesian Election 22
Fitria Wulan Dhani

In the Midst of Truth - Verification and Ideology Dynamics for Indonesian Journalists
27
Kencana Ariestyani

Online Journalism and the Contestation of Interest in the Post-Truth Society of Indonesia
32
AG. Eka Wenats Wuryanta

Populism Politics in the Current Situation as an Object of Political Analysis - Post-Democracy and
Web Populism 37
Nubar Gurbanova, Ulviyya Khalilova and Rungthum Rangsikul

Identity in the Contemporary Indonesian Post-Truth Society - Primordialism on Social Media in the
2017 Election of the DKI Jakarta Governor 42
Medhy Aginta Hidayat

Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia

47
Kuno Yoseph Genta and Wihartono

Civic Participation and Facebook - A Cross Sectional Survey of Pakistani University Students
59
Qaisar Khalid Mahmood and Muhammad Saud

Coal Business and Local Political Dynamics

66
Andi Tenri Sompa

IX
PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

F ULL PAPERS
E-Government and Budget Transparency of Indragiri Hulu Government
75
Muslim Afandi and Syed Agung Afandi

Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia - Effectiveness Analysis of E-Sewaka Dharma in
Denpasar City 80
I Made Wimas Candranegara, I Dewa Gede Putra Sedana and I Wayan Sudemen

Management of Agricultural Irrigation and Non-Farm Economic Activities in Rural Areas -

Preliminary Studies 86
Rustinsyah

Asymmetric Decentralization in Coastal Areas Strategic Boundary of Indonesia -

Law-Political-Decentralization Perspective 91
Muchid Albintani, Mayarni and Mimin Sundari

Globalization and Indigenous People Adaptation - Sasi as Social Institution in Maluku

96
Citra Hennida, Santi Isnaini and Sri Endah Kinasih

State and Society in a Post-Authoritarian Indonesian City - A Study of Liponsos Keputih Surabaya
101
Dini Nurul Ilmiah and Karnaji

Relations of Political Interest in Local Development

107
Budi Prasetyo and Rizca Yunike Putri

SOCIOLOGY

F ULL PAPERS
Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism
117
Irfan Wahyudi

The Women’s Movement Against a Mining Corporation in Gunem, Central Java, Indonesia
124
Dia Puspitasari and Emy Susanti

SIWI Community’s Access to Information in Protecting Child Domestic Workers

128
Tri Joko Sri Haryono and Sri Endah Kinasih

The Representation of Persons with Disabilities in Indonesian Reality Shows

132
Angeline Anggalimea and Myrtati Dyah Artaria

Instagram as a Medium for Socialization of Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO)

137
Asfira RR, Amanah Rakhim S and Sulih Indra Dewi

Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia 142

Hersinta
Community Empowerment through Digital Maternal and Neonatal Care Services in Indonesia 153
Falih Suaedi and Nurul Jamila Hariani
Cyberbullying in Junior High School Students in Surabaya
157
Ahmad Frisk Taufany and Subagyo Adam

X
“Priawan” Identity Construction in Indonesia - Preliminary Study of the Third Gender
163
Dwi Prasetyo and Myrtati D. Artaria

The Impact of Mobile Devices on Indonesian Men’s Sexual Communication

167
Dédé Oetomo, Tom Boellstorff, Kandi Aryani Suwito and Khanis Suvianita

Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia
173
Pratiwi Fajriyah and Valentina Mariama Sadaedema

Gender Mainstreaming Strategy to Eliminate the Practice of Girl Marriage

182
Emy Susanti and Siti Mas’udah

INFORMATION / COMMUNICATION

F ULL PAPERS

Digital Storytelling - Joyfull Learning for Children in Kindergarten

191
Reza Nawafella Alya Parangu

Consideration of Parents’ Beliefs about Guiding Children’s Usage of the Internet

195
Rully Khairul Anwar, Edwin Rizal and M. Taufiq Rahman

The Relationship Between Meeting the Needs of Education and the Aspirations of Education by the
Parent and Child 200
Marhaeni Mega Wijayanti and Tuti Budirahayu

Instagram and Political Education for Net Generation in Indonesia - Study on the Usage of Instagram
for Political Education in Palembang City 205
Mariatul Qibtiyah and Alva Beriansyah

Free Internet Program for Public Literacy Development in North Lampung

211
Feni Rosalia, Dian Kagungan and Devi Yulianti

The Influence of Service Quality on User Satisfaction with Library Usage as the Intervening Variable
- Case Study of Universitas Airlangga Library 214
Agustina Masruroh and Helmy Prasetyo Yuwinanto

Digital Literacy Competencies of Netizens Activities on Twitter

219
Sofi Arinda and Rika Lusri Virga

Youth Behavior in Digital Age - The Born-digital Archival Concepts 223

Bachrul Ilmi

Information Seeking Behaviour in the Mualaf Communities of Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya

230
Panji and Meinia Prasyesti Kurniasari

XI
PUBLIC POLICY

F ULL PAPERS

Do We Have Privacy in the Big Data Era? - A Study of Privacy as a Legal Concept in Indonesia
237
Masitoh Indriani and Amira Paripurna

Copyright Infringement Using in Stream Ripping

Benhard Tanuatmaja, Siane Esar, Camellia Anand, Monica Olivia, Joshua K. Gani and 243
Jesslyn Nathania

#Kamitidaktakut - Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast
247
Ganesh Cintika Putri and Shafira Elnanda Yasmine

Broadcasting Law Amendment for Digital TV Migration in Indonesia - Concerning Policy Ideas
Fallacy 255
Titik Puji Rahayu

ECONOMICS

F ULL PAPERS

Digital Storytelling for Ecotourism Development

265
Eli Jamilah Mihardja, B. P. Kusumo Bintoro and D. M. Putri

The Online Marketing Communication Strategy for West Java Tourism by the Government
271
Diah Fatma Sjoraida and Rully Khairul Anwar

The Role of Online Transportation in Supporting the Mobility of Therapists with Visual Impairment
in Surabaya 278
Danny Heru Dwi Hartanto

Coup D’Etat Consumers’ Right Through Standard Form Clause in the Form of Notary Deed
281
Prisilia Anggraini Evelyn Terisno, Andrian Julius and Yuliana Angela

The Changing Face of Global Capitalism - Sharing Economy and Digital Society in Indonesia 284
Kurniawati Sa’adah

The Factors of South Korea’s Closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in 2016 289
Amalia Mastur and Siti R. Susanto

Development of the Information Economy in India and the Role of Diaspora - The Missing Intercourse
295
Reza Akbar Felayati and Joko Susanto

XII
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

F ULL PAPERS
The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by
Russian Federation in 2014 307
Maula Hudaya and Dwi Aulia Putri

The Implementation of China Peaceful Rise in The IMF Reform

313
Mahfudz Ibnu Romadhon and Moch. Yunus

International Environmental Non-Government Organization (IENGO) Diplomacy in Emerging

Countries - The Cases of China, Brazil, and Indonesia 320
Irfa Puspitasari, Masitoh Nur Rohma, Kartika Yustina Mandala Putri and Dinis Cahyaningrum

The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian
Hamas Movement 325
Ahmed Al Madani and Muhamad Muttaqien

The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa: - History and Critical Thinking 332
Devita Prinanda

AUTHOR INDEX 339

XIII
P OLITICS
F ULL PAPERS
 The Effectiveness of Social Media as a Tool for Regional Election
Campaign in Indonesia

Endah Yuli Ekowati

Political Science Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
ndah.yulie@gmail.com

Keywords: Digital Media, Social Media, Political Campaign, Election.

Abstract: This paper focuses on the use of digital media as a tool for political campaigns in regional elections (Pilkada), as
it is written in Law No. 10 Year 2016 Article 65 Paragraph (1) that all the candidates for the elections are allowed
to campaign by announcing, broadcasting, and/or using printed mass media, electronic mass media, and/or other
media (internet, social media, telecommunication services). Digital media can make the campaigns more
effective. However, it is frequently misused by people who are irresponsible, and it will eventually lead to a black
campaign. This paper will identify the effectiveness and the problems which emerge from doing a campaign
through social media. Can digital media make the campaign more effective? Or will it only cause a black
campaign war which leads to negative propaganda in this digital era?

1 INTRODUCTION As much as 36.94% of the internet users used that

technology to read the political news. The
The development of the internet and the use of demography of internet users in Java is 57.70% or as
social media are seen as a good opportunity by some much as (APJII 2017).
political parties for doing their campaigns. Political The Indonesian General Elections Commission
parties, political candidates or candidate pairs can (KPU) realises that social media cannot be
convey their messages to their voters by interacting trivialised; therefore, the KPU has regulated the use
through social media. The development of internet of social media as the medium of regional election
technology is increasingly utilised by the majority campaigns since 2015. Law No. 10 Year 2016 on
of Indonesians who have social media accounts on Regional Elections, states that all the candidates of
many different platforms such as Facebook, the elections are allowed to do a campaign by
Twitter, Instagram, Blog, and YouTube. announcing, broadcasting, and/or using printed mass
In Indonesia, internet users are continuously media, electronic mass media and/or other media. By
increasing. The Ministry of Communication and using other media, it means using telecommunication
Information Technology (Kemen-Kominfo) in 2017 services or internet technology to convey their
shows that internet users in Indonesia totalled 143.26 campaign promises.
million or 54.68% of the total population of If we looked back to Barrack Obama’s
Indonesia (which is 262 million people). The nomination as the US president in 2018, his
numbers show an increase by 10.56 million in the successful teams used the internet, especially the use
number of internet users as compared to the results of social media as a tool of political campaign.
of the survey in 2016 (https://kominfo.go.id). Obama’s successful team’s sharpness in using social
With the development of the number of internet media was also adopted by the contestants in the
users which is in line with users of social media, the presidential elections in Indonesia in 2014. Both
numbers for which are continuously increasing. The Prabowo Subianto and Joko Widodo have their own
result of the survey conducted by the Indonesian followers on their own Facebook Fans-Page. The
Internet Service Providers Association (APJII) in followers on Prabowo’s Facebook account total
2017 shows that at least 87.13% of the total number around 7,425,440 people while Jokowi’s Facebook
of internet users are accessing social media services Fans-Page was liked by 3,311,213 people. The
in Indonesia. Furthermore, for some Indonesian timelines of both candidates were filled by photos of
citizens, internet is also used in socio-political areas. their campaign activity, photos of their visions and

5
Ekowati, E.
The Effectiveness of Social Media as a Tool for Regional Election Campaign in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 5-9
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
missions, and also photos of their programs. There is
also an interesting fact: Jokowi’s successful team
also put their advertisement banner on their
Facebook log-in page, so that users who wanted to
log-in to their account, would see Jokowi’s ad.
With the emergence of such digital public space,
it also opens the opportunity for the political parties
and politicians to use such digital media as a medium
for them to do their campaigns. The candidates for
regional head, campaign teams, or sympathisers will
be more seriously working on their campaign
materials on social media.
This paper will identify the effectiveness and the
problems which are generated from doing political
campaigns on social media. Can digital media make
political campaigns on social media more effective
in assuring the voters so that the regional head
candidates get the voters’ votes? Or will it just
become a vehicle for a black campaign which leads
to negative propaganda in this digital era.
2 CAMPAIGN AS FORM OF
POLITICAL EDUCATION
Campaign is conducted as the manifestation of
political education within society, which is conducted
in a responsible manner and also based on fair, open,
and dialogical principles. This is in line with the KPU
Law No. 4 Year 2017 Article 4. Whereas the
campaign itself in Law No. 19 Year 2016 is defined
as an activity to assure voters, by way of offering the
visions, missions, and programs of the political
candidates or the candidate pairs. Based on the two
definitions above, it can be seen that campaign is an
important point in election practice, for political
education is not simply explaining political visions
and missions to the candidate pairs in the elections.
However, a campaign should be an educational and
comprehensive medium for the citizens so that they
know their role and function in politics, in the life of
the people and of the nation.
The campaign practice in Indonesia is still very
closely related to the conventional model by way of
recruiting voters with so many kinds of attribute at a
limited gathering, meeting, through dialogue, public
debate/open debate among the candidate pairs,
spreading the campaign materials amongst the public,
setting-up props and putting-up ads in printed or
electronic media.
6
3 EFFECTIVE CAMPAIGN
THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA
In Indonesia, campaigning on social media is not a
new thing. However, it is newly regulated since the
simultaneous local elections were held in 2015. The
KPU regulates the use of social media in the KPU
Law. Article 47 PKPU No.4 Year 2017 states “the
political parties or the political parties alliance, the
candidate pairs/campaign teams are obligatorily
required to register their official social media account
to the KPU in accordance with the level no later than
a day before the campaign is held”. Furthermore, the
materials and the durations of the campaign on social
media are also regulated i.e. it can be in the form of
texts, voice, pictures, or a combination of the three
whether it tends to be narrative, graphic, character,
interactive or not, and it should be acceptable for the
receiver’s devices of the messages and that the
official account must obligatorily be closed no later
than a day after the campaign period is over.
Social media is one of the common
communication tools for candidate pairs or
candidates during the campaign period to promote
their programs, visions and missions. Social media
enables the candidate pairs to directly reach their
voters, mobilise their supporters and influence their
voters. Campaigning through social media is also
considerably effective as a tool for exchanging ideas,
including the campaign materials which can be spread
very quickly. However, social media is significantly
ineffective for the impromptu mobilisation of a
campaign.
Social media is considerably effective in
conducting a campaign in this digital era.
Campaigning by using social media will be more
effective compared to using conventional campaign
props such as billboards or banners. Open-minded
citizens do not easily trust the contents of billboards
or banners; however, they will consider what their
friends or colleagues say on social media.
The candidate pairs, or the candidates who are
utilising the use of social media as the campaign
medium to connect themselves with the voters, need
to arrange a suitable strategy, as the information on
competing candidates can be very quickly and widely
spread to the audience. Even in the regional elections
in 2015, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDIP) specifically held communication and media
strategy training in collaboration with Friedrich
Naumann Stiftung (FNS), a German foundation
which focuses on improving democratic quality. This
event was followed by 19 regencies’/cities’
representatives who were conducting the regional
 The Effectiveness of Social Media as a Tool for Regional Election Campaign in Indonesia
elections in 2015; apart from conducting strategy-
making and media-handling training, the concept of
crowd sourcing and crowd funding were also
explained and presented (http://www.enciety.co).
During the regional elections in Surabaya in 2015,
the two candidates had different campaigning styles.
If the successful teams of the candidate pair of
Rasiyo-Lucy Kurniasari tended to use a conventional
campaigning model, it was different from their
competitor candidate pair, Tri Rismaharini- Wisnu
Sakti Buana who utilised the internet as a medium for
their campaign. A crowd-sourcing campaign model,
which involved society in everything relating to the
campaign, was used to gather support.
During the regional elections in East Java in 2018,
every candidate pair competed to grab support from
the millennial generations. Sebastian Stier et al., in
the journal Election Campaigning on Social Media,
states that, in order to earn the supports from the
millennial generations, the successful teams should
carefully arrange strategies to do the campaign
through different social media platforms. This is
because each of the social media platforms has its
own distinct architecture and characteristics;
therefore, the topic being discussed on each social
media platform is different; it also need to be adjusted
to media which is being used.
The contribution of social media also determines
the success of the candidate pair in winning the
elections during the regional elections in East Java in
2018. According to the data collected by Kumparan,
Gus Ipul’s Instagram account named gusipul_id, has
19,425 followers. Since he was nominated as the
candidate pair for the East Java regional elections on
February 12, 2018, within a period of 1 month and 15
days, Gus Ipul posted 66 posts. Meanwhile, Khofifah,
through her Instagram account named khofifah.ip,
has 71,594 followers. Even though the followers of
Khofifah are greater in number compared with the
followers of Gus Ipul, there were only 28 posts posted
by Khofifah from her account in the same period.
From the data above, it can be seen that Gus Ipul is
more active than Khofifah.
The effectiveness of social media as a medium for
political campaigns is not only determined by the
massive number of active users. The characteristics of
social media in being able to reach various realms is
one of its important strengths. Social media is a
medium by which to communicate in which each
individual can influence one another, and can spread
the information in terms of how multi-level marketing
works.
3.1 Social Media has Multi-way
Interactions
The contribution of social media towards the
success of the candidates’ or candidate pairs’
campaigns, relies on how the social media enables
the candidates and candidate pairs to interact with
their would-be voters in a highly unlimited scale
and intensity. Social media gives the opportunity
for voters to have a two-way dialogue with
candidate pairs or the candidate. With social media,
even a multi-way dialogue between candidate and
voters, voters and candidate, or voters and voters
can be made.
The supports gained from social media also add
more chance of earning the vote in the elections.
The votes gained in the elections will increase if
there is involvement or active participation from the
voter candidates. That active participation should
not always be done on the social media account of
the political party itself or the social media account
of the candidate or the candidate pair, but this kind
of support can be done by way of spreading the
campaign materials obtained from the social media
account of the candidate with a personalised
message in order to generate talk on social media.
3.2 Social Media Is Not Instant
The well-informed and educated users of social media
are not easily influenced and not quick to trust new
information. In social media, it is only the factual
information which can be accepted. In assuring that
the information that we get is factual, a debate or
dialogue frequently occurs to generate mutual
understanding and conclusions. This kind of process
requires a long length of time.
The process of assuring society through social
media requires a long amount of time, working
slowly by discussing the visions, missions, ideas
and ideologies, for the users of social media are not
people who are easily persuaded to support
something, but they follow their own willingness
and awareness.
Social media will be very useful for politicians
who are intensely spreading ideas and discussing
particular topics or social issues happening in
society; those topics/issues are deeply discussed
over time. Such politicians will win during the
elections held.
3.3 Social Media as the Stabiliser
In line with the regulation, which regulates the
national elections or the regional elections,
7
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
campaigns can be conducted through printed media
and electronic media ads, and some of those methods
are facilitated by the KPU and some of them are
independently produced by self-funding.
The existence of social media can function as a
solution to minimise unfairness during a campaign ad
that is conducted through commercial media. Social
media becomes the stabiliser medium to the television
broadcasts which are no longer able to keep their
independence and fairness. Many of the TV channels
are now owned by businessmen/women who are now
starting to enter the politic realm. This kind of
condition has made the television media a
campaigning and socialising stage for the owners.
Here, the social media is urgently needed.
It can be seen that the participants in elections are
still updating their programs and their activities or are
still introducing new members to their social media
accounts after the period of the elections is over. This
is done to keep their constituents and to recruit some
new members/followers.
4 BLACK CAMPAIGNS ARE
COMMONLY OCCURRING ON
SOCIAL MEDIA
Social media is very flexible. It has a large space to
convey the content of the campaign, and this is
becoming one of the gaps which can be used by
competitor candidates. The bad effect of social media
is that it can be used as a medium to do a black
campaign by spreading fake or hoax news; therefore,
it can put the competitor candidates down in society.
As a matter of fact, there are many politicians who
have felt this bad effect of the cruel social media.
A black campaign can ruin democracy and
everything which has been built, and it will affect
society. The society will find it hard to choose the
right candidate pair in the elections due to the wrong
information that they have received
5 CONCLUSIONS
Considering the development of the internet in
Indonesia which is rapidly increasing and improving
across the whole country, it can be assumed that the
role of social media in the political fight will become
stronger. The phenomenon of doing a campaign
through social media which has occurred at the
national level has already been duplicated by political
elites at the regional level during regional elections.
8
The existence of social media as a medium for doing
campaigns will only be significantly effective for
politicians who are working through times, not
simply once in a five-year period.
According to the discussions above, there are so
many things which need to be done to utilise social
media as an effective medium for an effective
campaign and in order not to make social media
merely the medium for a black campaign. The
following are several things which need to be
considered:
 A clear and comprehensive legal framework to
regulate the practices of the campaign on social
media. Fraud and violation are likely to occur
when the regulations have many legal flaws.
The regulations relating to the actors, materials,
and the right time to do a campaign on social
media can anticipate bogus campaigns which
are done through any anonymous irresponsible
accounts.
 Supervision of the campaign content on social
media can be done by all of society, and if there
is some violation found, society is allowed to
inform the supervisory board of the elections.
 The General Elections Commissions (KPU)
and The Elections Supervisory Board of
Indonesia (Bawaslu) need to set up a
cooperation agreement with The Ministry of
Communication and Information Technology
(Kemkominfo) to supervise and to take action
on the practices of political campaigning on
social media.
 The infrastructure of internet technology which
is equally distributed from urban to remote
rural areas.
The existence of the law regulating the legal
assurance and the involvement and also the
corporation between the elections administrator and
the government, the mass and the youth organisation,
media, educational institutions, and religious
foundations make social media the medium for doing
political campaigns effectively.
The support of the technology and the
effectiveness of social media as a medium for doing
political campaigns are not able to stand alone. The
success in doing a campaign on social media will not
always and not automatically lead to success in
winning the elections. A campaign on social media
should be followed and supported by a conventional
campaign. That is to say, an intensive campaign on
social media should be followed and supported by
limited conferences, face-to-face meetings and
dialogue, public debate, spreading the campaign
 The Effectiveness of Social Media as a Tool for Regional Election Campaign in Indonesia

materials and setting-up the campaign props. These

kinds of things are necessarily important even though
the rate of internet improvement in Indonesia is
getting better. However, there still remain remote
rural areas which are not reached by the internet and
there still remain tech-illiterate people in Indonesia.
The effectiveness of a campaign which is
conducted on social media can be felt by the urban
society which has already been supported by the
improvement of technology, but a campaign which is
conducted on social media might not be effective for
those who are living in a rural area.

REFERENCES
Kaitlin L. Vonderscmitt, 2012, The Growing Use of Social
Media in Political Campaigns: How to Use Facebook,
Twitter, and YouTube to Create an Effective Social
Media Campaign, Western Kentucky University, A
Capstone Experience/Thesis Project.
Sebastian Stier, Arniem Bleier, Haiko Lietz & Markus
Strohmaier, 2017, Political Communication, Election
Campaigning on Social Media: Politicians, Audiences,
and the Mediation of Political Communication on
Facebook and Twitter, Routledge - Taylor & Francis
Group, LLC.
www.apjii.or.id (Penetrasi dan Perilaku Pengguna Internet
Indonesia, Survei Tahun 2017). https://kominfo.go.id/
index.php/content/detail/12640/siaran-pers-no-
53hmkominfo022018-tentang-jumlah-pengguna-
internet-2017-meningkat-kominfo-terus-lakukan-
percepatan-pembangunan-broadband/0/siaran_pers
https://gspm.online.gwu.edu/blog/how-to-effectively-
leverage-social-media-in-a-political-campaign/
http://www.enciety.co/ini-konsep-kampanye-risma-
whisnu-dalam-pilwali-2015/
https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2014/03/29/1153482/M
edia.Sosial.dalam.Kampanye.Politik http://teknologi.
metrotvnews.com/tech-and-life/1bVELZGN-peran-
media-sosial-dalam-kampanye-politik
https://kumparan.com/@kumparannews/pertarungan-
sengit-gus-ipul-vs-khofifah-di-jawa-timur
UU No. 10 Tahun 2016 tentang Perubahan Kedua atas
Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2015 tentang
Penetapan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-
Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemilihan
Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota Menjadi Undang-
Undang.
PKPU No. 4 Tahun 2017 tentang Kampanye Pemilihan
Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur, Bupati dan Wakil
Bupati, dan/atau Walikota dan Wakil Walikota.
Siaran Pers No. 53/HM/KOMINFO/02/2018, tanggal 19
Februari 2018, tentang Jumlah Pengguna Internet 2017
Meningkat, Kominfo akan Terus Lakukan Percepatan
Pembangunan Broadband.

9
 Control the State in the Era of Digital Democracy
The Case Study of East Java Elections in 2018

Bayu Priambodo 1
1Magister of Political Science, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
Bayu.priambodo93@gmail.com

Keywords: Indonesia, digital democracy, political participation, state control, freedom

Abstract: The rapid development of information technology means political participation in the digital world is
increasing. Political participation in the large digital world has made it necessary for the state to exist to
control democracy in the digital age. This study aims to describe and analyse the control of the country in
the era of digital democracy using the theory of digital democracy by Anthony G. Wilhem. Methods in this
study are qualitative and descriptive and include data collection techniques using interviews. The results of
this study indicate that state control limits political participation in the era of digital democracy. Some actors
in digital democracy are severely disadvantaged by the control of the state. The purpose of the state itself is
not to limit freedom in democracy but through freedom in democracy not to harm the rights of others.

1 INTRODUCTION social media especially among young people.

The development of information technology is
increasingly sophisticated and many people who use
the internet contribute to digital democracy. Digital
democracy is a new form of democracy as a result of
technological development where, in digital
democracy, there is no space, time, and other
physical conditions but it is not a substitute for
traditional analogue political practices (Kenneth &
Dijk, 2000). Digital democracy in practice uses
digital media to communicate online.
The development of increasingly sophisticated
information technology is very helpful for
community activities even in the affairs of political
participation. Many people use digital media such as
Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and Online Media to
participate in politics through things such as mutual
discussions, deliberations, giving opinions and
criticism as a form of surveillance by citizens.
Currently many citizens who use the internet to
search for any information so many who do political
campaigns through social media. The influence of
social media in the election is very high. One of
them is Jokowi and Ahok’s victory in the Jakarta
election in 2012 where social media became an
effective tool for organising citizens and voters
(Utomo. Wisnu Prasetya, 2013). Dissemination of
information through social media is cheaper and
more efficient because many people today are using
Indonesia itself gets a demographic bonus because,
in the election, the number of productive age is very
much and they are actively using internet and social
media.
Today many young people are using the internet
for political literacy. Social media provides rapid
accessibility and dissemination of information so
that it will facilitate the delivery of opinions and
ideas to influence government policy (Ruby,
Cristina, 2014). Millennials today prefer to engage
in politics through digital media (Nelson, Lewis &
Lei, 2017). This study shows that young people are
more involved online than offline in discussing
political issues. They do not want to interfere
directly in politics but they use their own way to
participate in politics. They use the internet a lot to
influence the policies of the authorities. So now
social media has a very strong influence in the
process of democracy.
The more people who use the internet to channel
their opinions and ideas, the greater the digital
democracy within a country. In this case, the state
must be present to control the digital democracy to
run properly and fairly. Political campaigns through
social media should not be offensive to a person,
religion, tribe, race, class in a way that can harm
others. This arrangement refers to the 2008 ITE Law
where the ITE Law was created to protect internet
activity and increasingly sophisticated cybercrime.

10
Priambodo, B.
Control the State in the Era of Digital Democracy - The Case Study of East Java Elections in 2018.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 10-14
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Control the State in the Era of Digital Democracy - The Case Study of East Java Elections in 2018
2 THEORITICAL REVIEW
Computers and the internet that emerged in the
1980s and 1990s, posed problems in the political
field and future policy-making processes. Wilhelm
(2000) describes the attempt to change which
emerges from the increasingly sophisticated
advances in technology for digital democracy. There
are four characteristics of cyberspace that exist in
digital democracy. Firstly, the essential resource is
the basic ability to write, speak and speak well. The
basic fundamentals of the community include the
interaction through which people have the
opportunity to express their choices through
sophisticated telecommunication equipment.
Thirdly, freedom, allows people to propose their
ideas and opinions for giving the power of law. With
free democracy, the documented debates in politics
need to provide reasons to support their argument.
Fourthly, the design, which includes information
networks, including networks that are interactive,
should be quiet, safe, and uncensored, with
sufficient capacity preserved for non-commercial
purposes.
3 METHOD
This research uses a descriptive qualitative method
and focuses on state control in digital democracy.
The technique for collecting data was interview so
that researchers could explore information on how
the state controls digital democracy. Information
digging is also supported by data collection from
documentation studies by conducting tracking and
identification.
4 DISCUSSION
4.1 Political Campaigns in Digital
Democracy
With the increasing number of internet users,
political campaigns are often conducted using social
media and online media. In Indonesia itself, in a
study conducted by We Are Social and Hootsuite,
the research results showed that internet users in
Indonesia are very fond of using social media to
interact. Approximately 130 million Indonesians are
active on various social media such as Facebook,
Twitter, YouTube and Instagram. As many as 54%
of internet users are on the island of Java. So, the
basis of digital democracy in Indonesia is on the
island of Java and became the national election
benchmark.
The east java elections in 2018 were a bit unique
because the fight to win in the election was not
focused on the candidate for governor but on the
vice governor. The East Java community is familiar
with the name of Gus Ipul and Khofifah who is a
candidate for governor but the people of East Java
were not familiar with the name of Emil Dardak and
Puti Guntur, the vice governor candidates. The two
vice governor candidates were new figures in East
Java, so they needed to be introduced to the people
of East Java. In introducing the two vice governor
candidates in the eastern Java elections in 2018,
many people used social media and online media.
Campaigns using social media and online media are
cheaper and today's society prefers to search for
information using the internet.
One of the practices of digital democracy is how
social media influence the policies of the authorities.
The spread of bad photos led to a lot of negative
news about Azwar Anas which caused him to drop
out of the nomination for deputy governor of East
Java. This shows that the influence of social media
in digital democracy is very high. According to
Anthony G. Wilhelm (2000) the involvement and
freedom of the people to use and access the internet
allows the public to be able to channel their opinions
and ideas to put pressure on or control the authorities
so as to be able to give control to a government.
After Azwar Anas resigned from the group of vice
governor candidates, the position of deputy governor
candidate was taken by Puti Guntur Seokarno. To
introduce Puti Guntur to the people of East Java,
many people used the internet media. So, in a short
time, the people of East Java were able to know
something about the figure of this Guntur Puti. The
basic resources possessed by society are a political
function to recognise the figure of a future leader.
This was seen when nominating Puti Guntur as a
substitute for Azwar Anas as a candidate for Vice
Governor of the community immediately find the
year who Puti Guntur is.
4.2 State Control in Digital Democracy
The greater the influence of digital democracy, the
more the state must be present in controlling the
digital democracy. Indonesia is a country that
implements direct election then the state control
must exist to maintain political stability. In direct
elections, the competition between candidates for
elections in the election is enormous because they
11
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
have to convince the people that they are eligible to
be elected so that direct election is very draining on
resources owned by the party and the leader
candidate. They are mobilising all the resources they
have to win in direct elections. One of the biggest
expenditures in direct elections is to conduct
political campaigns. To conduct a campaign,
political parties or prospective leaders spend
substantial funds. One way to reduce the cost of
such a large campaign, is to use social media and
online media to conduct campaigns. In addition,
online media and social media are quite cheap, and
many people access them to search for and share
information. Indonesian people also use the internet
to open social media. So, with the number of
campaigns conducted on social media or online
media then the state must be present to control the
phenomenon for democracy to run well.
The state regulates the use of social medical as a
campaign tool through Law no. 8 of 2015 on the
Election of Governor and Vice Governor, Regent
and Deputy Regent and Mayor and Deputy Mayor,
under Election Law. The state organises campaigns
on social media so that campaigns do not insult a
person, religion, tribe, race class, or incite, insult,
slander, or pit groups, individuals, community
groups and so forth against each other. Forms of
state control are also contained in the KPU
regulation no. 7 of 2015 on electoral campaigns
together with articles 41,46,47 and 48 which state
that campaigns for candidate pairs can be done using
social media. Paired candidates can create social
media accounts for purposes during the campaign
period but the social media accounts must be
registered to the election organiser of the local
KPUD. The social media accounts must be
registered the day before the campaign period. This
is done so it is easy to carry out surveillance
considering it is now easy to create a fake account
that is used to spread hoax news. The existence of an
official account registered at the Election
Commission will minimise the spread of hoax news
in the community.
In addition to these two regulations, there is also
Bawaslu Regulation no. 8 of 2016 on amendments to
the regulation of the election supervisory body
number 10 of 2015 on the supervision of regional
head elections campaigns. The regulation was made
to oversee the campaign during the election. Here
Bawaslu is specifically working with the police to
crack down on a black campaign. Bawaslu will
examine whether the black campaign includes
administrative or criminal offenses. If it proves that
it is an administrative violation then it is still under
12
the authority of Bawaslu but if it is deemed a
criminal case it will be the responsibility of the
police. Bawaslu will examine the black campaign
case for three days but if that is not enough then
there will be an additional two days to study it. In
the east Java election, Bawaslu never sanctioned one
of the candidate pairs for proven to violate the rules.
The candidate pair was proven to put up a campaign
ad on one of the online media sites before the
campaign was open. Bawaslu sent warning letters to
the team of the candidate pairs and also to the online
media company.
With various forms of regulation made by the
state to control digital democracy, there are severely
disadvantaged parties. Internet users in Indonesia are
very much making online media companies benefit
because they can provide information very quickly
to the readers. Successful teams of election
participants often use this to advertise in online
media companies because online media readers are
numerous. This was proven by the east Java
elections in 2008 and 2013; one of the largest online
media company’s servers in East Java experienced
overload because a lot of people accessed the news
about the election. In addition, the reason the team
successfully put an ad campaign on online media is
that it is relatively cheap and can be read by many
groups.
According to the online media company itself,
the moment of the regional head election is
something that is in waiting because online media
companies get an abundant advantage of advertising
campaigns of candidate pairs. But because there are
so many rules issued by the state to control digital
democracy, the online media companies call the
2018 east java elections with the term "not rain".
This is because, in every election, the company
makes a lot of profit from advertising but, in this
election, the online media company only got a little
profit. The country's control in the East Java election
of 2018 was, indeed, somewhat increased from the
previous year because the development of
information technology has been very fast and the
state must be present to control digital democracy
which is becoming a bigger phenomenon by the day.
State control in this increasing digital democracy
cannot be separated from the experience in the
Jakarta elections in 2017. In the 2017 Jakarta general
election, the movement of social media was massive,
causing movements that could trigger conflict
(Ikramina, Tia Zatu, 2017). The campaign in the
election of DKI Jakarta used social media to conduct
a negative black campaign so as to cause enormous
protests to reject one candidate pair because it is not
 Control the State in the Era of Digital Democracy - The Case Study of East Java Elections in 2018
a belief and considered insulting one of the groups.
The wave of protests caused by the influence of
social media could trigger a very dangerous conflict.
Learning from the experience of the Jakarta
elections, the state must control digital democracy
more strongly in order not to cause movement that
could trigger conflict in society.
The state makes all the rules so that the public
space remains conducive to the realisation of a
secure and comfortable digital democracy. In
reference to the theory of digital democracy,
Anthony Wilhelm states that there are four
conditions to ensure ideal cyberspace to maintain a
conducive climate for digital democracy.
The first is that the former resource is the
community's ability to use various technologies to
obtain information. The increasingly sophisticated
technological developments make the community
grow dynamically; it is no longer static. This is
because the public can very easily get information
from the internet that requires people to adapt to
follow the times. The adaptability of the community
to use information technology will greatly influence
the development of digital democracy as it relates to
what they access. The ability of the community to
understand content on social media or online media
can be measured from their educational status. The
higher a person's education the more proficient the
ability to be able to know whether the information is
correct and which information is a hoax. But if
people have low education then they will find it very
difficult to distinguish which information is correct
and which is hoax. They will be easily pre-populated
about hoax news spread across the media and they
also share the hoax, so that the preceding resources
must be fulfilled to realize a conducive digital
democracy. The second condition is engagement. If
the first condition is fulfilled then the community
needs to be involved in the exchange of information
online. Involvement here refers to freedom to access
and exchange information in the digital world.
Currently people prefer to exchange information
through the digital realm than conventionally
because it is considered more quick and efficient.
Community involvement in political participation in
digital democracy is necessary so that people can
control the policies made by the government. If
society does not want to engage in political
participation in digital democracy then the deviation
of a government is bound to happen. So, the
involvement of people for digital democracy to run
well is very important.
The third condition is freedom. Actually, the
freedom of Indonesian society has been regulated in
the law. Freedom referred to here is the freedom to
debate, discuss and put forward ideas or ideas to the
public. So, with this freedom, people can exchange
information in the public sphere. Communities can
pass the activity for the sifting of opinion, conduct
discussion and debate by face to face or through
cyberspace. But the current problems that occur in
many countries and not just in Indonesia occur
because the freedom to spread information and
debate in the virtual world can trigger conflict in the
community. Incorrect dissemination of information
such as hate speech, slander and hoax can trigger
conflict in the community. So, the fourth
requirement relates to design. Involvement and
freedom so as not to trigger conflict in the
community needs to be regulated by the
government. The government needs to take a
preventive step so that the debate and exchange of
information in the digital world does not trigger
conflict in the community. It has been seen by
Wilhelm that engagement and freedom will trigger a
commotion in society because democracy itself is
essentially a managed conflict. So, the government
needs to ensure it designs good regulations in order
to keep digital democracy running well.
In the East Java elections, the practice of digital
democracy can be said to be safe because it does not
cause conflict in the community. All political parties
and prospective leaders follow all forms of control
set by the state. They, in conducting political
campaigns through social media, also register all
their social media accounts to the KPUD. So, when
the country wants to know all the activities of the
campaign through social media can be controlled
properly. The KPUD also socialises the official
accounts of potential leaders. This is done so that
people do not easily believe in hoax information
spread through social media. If there is a social
media that spreads bad news outside the official
account registered with the KPUD East Java, it can
be ascertained that the information is a hoax. But in
the East Java election there are also violations so the
state must take action. One of the successful teams
of prospective couples pairs advertisements in online
media without first reporting to the KPUD East Java.
Therefore, the KPUD gives a reprimand to the team
of the candidate's success. But overall digital
democracy in the East java elections run quite safely
and fairly.
13
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

5 CONCLUSION
State control in digital democracy aims to make the
democratic process work well. The state gives
freedom and involvement to the community using
various social media or online media to participate
in the East Java elections. Digital democracy in the
East Java election process runs quite safely because
it does not cause conflict in society. All elements in
the election process follow all forms of control
established by the state so that the election process
can run safely. The country was able to run all the
controls in the practice of East java elections in
2018. Although the state control is detrimental to
online media companies, it must be done to maintain
the quality of democracy in order for it to run well.

REFERENCES
Hacker, K. L & Dijk, Jan Van 2000. Digital Democracy:
Disourse and Decision Making in The Information
Age, Sage Publication.
Ikramina, T.Z. 2017. Dampak UU ITE dalam Demokrasi
Digital: Studi Kasus Kampanye Digital Dalam
Pilkada DKI Jakarta Tahun 2017, Doctoral
dissertation, Universitas Airlangga.
Nelson, J.L., Lewis, D.A., and Lei, R. 2017. Digital
democracy in America: A look at civic engagement in
an Internet age. Journalism & Mass Communication
Quarterly, 94(1), pp.318-334.
Ruby, C. 2014. Social Media and Democratic Revolution;
The Impact of New Forms of Communication
Democracy.
Utomo, W.P. 2013. Menimbang media sosial dalam
marketing politik di Indonesia: belajar dari Jokowi-
Ahok di Pilkada DKI Jakarta 2012. Jurnal Ilmu Sosial
dan Ilmu Politik, 17(1), pp.67-84.
Wilhelm, A.G. 2003, Demokrasi Di Era Digital:
Tantangan Kehidupan Politik di Ruang Cyber,
Pustaka Pelajar. Yogyakarta.

14
 Mass Media and Governor Candidates
Challenges of Neutrality and Trend of Alignments

Husnul Isa Harahap

Department of Political Science, Universitas Sumatera Utara, Medan, Indonesia
husnul.harahap@usu.ac.id

Keywords: Governor Candidates, General Election, Democracy, Newspaper.

Abstract: Mass media is one of the main pillars of democracy. This is because the mass media is one of the channels to
obtain political information. Interestingly, the mass media are always actively involved in the reporting of
candidates who compete in the election. Thus, the phenomenon that can occur is the unequal amount of news
from each candidate in the mass media. At the time of the general election, mass media in North Sumatra
province also wrote information about the governor candidate. This study describes the state of the news
distribution in terms of quantity. This study has found that there are variations in the reporting of governor
candidates in terms of numbers. In some cases there is a phenomenon where the mass media only focus on
one candidate. Meanwhile, other candidates are rarely reported. But this study does not want to prove whether
the mass media has sided with one of the candidates or not. This study concludes that the trend of partisanship
has emerged from the news of candidates that can be seen from the quantity.
In the case of elections in northern Sumatra, the mass media selects its own news without considering the
issue of neutrality.

1 INTRODUCTION mass media is considered as a communication tool for

A general election for Regional Head was held on
June 27, 2018. This activity was conducted
simultaneously in several regions in Indonesia,
including the Province of North Sumatra. Other areas
that also conducted an election were Provinces such
as Riau Province, South Sumatera Province,
Lampung Province, West Java Province, East Java
Province and several other areas, including some
areas in districts and cities located in Indonesia.
The mass media was involved in the election,
especially in terms of delivering the news about the
election. The coverage of the candidates was also the
focus of the news, even before the candidates were
fixed. After the official candidate was announced by
the election organiser, the focus of the news was on
the candidates. No newspaper ignored it.
As one of the pillars of democracy, mass media
play an important role in the election. The mass media
socialise election activities as well as the candidates.
The problem is the election moment is an arena of
political competition. Mass media inevitably have to
be in the competition room. Any coverage of the
candidate will affect public opinion. And public
opinion has an effect on political choice. Thus, the
the candidates. Furthermore, the mass media is
identified as part of a certain candidate's political
machine.
At the time of the general election, mass media in
North Sumatra province also reported information
about the governor candidate. The election of the
North Sumatra Governor (Sumut) 2018 is followed
by two pairs of candidates. Candidate number 1 was
Djarot Saiful Hidayat-Sihar Sitorus (DJOSS) and
candidate number 2 Edy Rahmayadi-Musa Rajekshah
(ERAMAS). A small number of candidates and split
voting conditions led to a very serious competition.
Is there a balance of news about the governor
candidate in the mass media, especially the
newspaper? Is there a difference in the amount of
news (about candidates in the paper) to illustrate that
the mass media has sided with the candidate? This
study will answer these questions.
2 APPROACH AND METHOD
This study uses a political communication approach.
The representative of mass media included in this
study is the newspaper in North Sumatra.

15
Harahap, H.
Mass Media and Governor Candidates - Challenges of Neutrality and Trend of Alignments.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 15-17
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Observations of news in local newspapers were
conducted in April 2018. The method of analysis in
data collection was quantitative and descriptive.
3 MASS MEDIA AND POLITICS
There are many studies related to mass media and
political relations. One earlier study revealed that the
less-known candidate is very little covered by the
print media. According to Licher and Smith they even
have a small chance of disseminating their opinions
in the mass media (Kaid, 2015, p. 309).
Other studies have revealed the things that often
become news during the election. Hess has explained
that one of them is the theme of what happened during
the campaign. It is also the strategy of the candidates
and their experiences, including personal qualities, or
leadership skills (Kaid, 2015, p. 309).
In the news, some candidates get fewer benefits
than other candidates. Kahn and Kenney revealed that
Republican candidates have received a favourable
report compared to candidates from the Democratic
Party. This case occurs in the United States. But the
evidence of partisan bias is still not found. So the
decision of reporters in choosing news about the
campaign, will affect the advantages and
disadvantages for candidates (Kaid, 2015, p. 308).
There is also a classic question that arises in
America in terms of media and political relations. The
question is whether news reflects a partisan or
ideological bias? (Kaid, 2015, p. 307). This question
is related to content evaluation and the quality of
media coverage in elections.
Chandrappa, in his studies The Influence of the
Media in Politics - Campaigns and Elections,
concluded that “…the media has a very strong effect
in politics, campaigns and elections by dictating what
issues are relevant, what candidates will get the most
coverage and what criteria they should use to evaluate
candidates.” (Chandrappa, 2014, p. 2312)
A more recent study (Moy, David, and Mark,
2016, p. 11), in the study Agenda-Setting, Priming,
and Framing, explains that in the digital age, news
readers have more choices. This means that fewer
voters are affected by the print media in determining
their political choices. They have direct access to the
news they have chosen. Therefore, they are not
dependent on one-way information.
16
4 THE NEW ERA OF MEDIA:
THE END OF NEUTRALITY?
The election of Governor of North Sumatra 2018
followed by two pairs of candidates. Have the
newspapers been identified as supporting particular
candidates? In this study there was a gap in the
amount of news content in each newspaper.
Quantitatively, Newspapers A and C mostly
contained candidate number 1 (DJOSS) news.
Newspaper B reported more on candidate number 2)
(ERAMAS) (see Diagram 1). However, the news
content does not always provide a positive image of
the candidates to the voters. Therefore, basically, the
quantity of news only describes how actively the
mass media reports on the candidates in the news.
Figure 1: Quantity of News Candidates in the Newspaper
(Source: results from data analysis).
Figure 1 illustrates that newspaper A reported
more on candidate number 1, i.e. 64.4 percent. That
means that newspaper A only reported on candidate
number 2 approximately 35.95 percent of the time.
Meanwhile, newspaper B reported more on candidate
number 2, 73.17 percent of the time. This means that
this newspaper only reported on candidate number 1
26.82 percent of the time. newspaper C reported on
candidate number 2 55.81 percent of the time and
candidate number 1 44.18 percent of the time. This
means that there is an 11 percent number of news
from candidate number 2 compared to candidate
number 1.
Although the news in the mass media reported
many activities of one candidate only, in fact,
individuals at this time tend to be autonomous in
choosing news, especially since access to news is so
easy through the internet with mobile phones.
Newspapers still provide news that reports the vision
of the candidates' mission, but controls on the news
 Mass Media and Governor Candidates - Challenges of Neutrality and Trend of Alignments

are in the hands of readers. This is consistent with the

analysis by Patricia Moy.
Patricia Moy, in her study about mass media and
democracy, explains that “…as news audiences
migrate online, they exert increasingly greater control
over the nature of the news they choose to receive.
This newfound ability of individuals to select news,
perhaps on the basis of their comfort with the issue or
its frame…” (Moy, David, and Mark, 2016, p.
11).However, this condition does not automatically
change the core issue. The challenge of mass media
neutrality remains an important issue in elections and
democracy.

5 CONCLUSIONS
In 2018, the election of the governor of North
Sumatra was re-implemented. Candidates were
elected by general election. One of the interesting
things is the news about the candidates for governor
in the newspaper. There are differences in the
quantity of news on the candidates. The newspapers
tend to report the activities of one candidate only. Is
this evidence that the mass media has sided with one
of the candidates? The answer, of course, still needs
more research to prove it. This study only indicates
that there is a trend of newspaper alignments with
candidates, especially when viewed in terms of the
quantity of news on the candidates. There seems to be
a pattern that the newspapers tend to be positioned
only effectively to be sources of news activities on
certain candidates. Therefore, the issue of neutrality
in newspapers becomes a challenge in elections and
for democracy in Indonesia.

REFERENCES
Chandrappa, K. 2014. The Influence of the Media in
Politics - Campaigns and Elections.International
Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 3 (12), 2310–
12.
Kaid, L. L. 2015. Handbook Penelitian Komunikasi Politik.
Translated by Ahmad Asnawi, Penerbit Nusa Media.
Bandung.
Moy, P., Tewksbury D., & Rinke E. M. 2016. Agenda-
Setting, Priming, and Framing. In The International
Encyclopedia of Communication Theory and
Philosophy, 1–13. https://doi.org/10.1002/
9781118766804.wbiect266.

17
 The Challenge of Effective Socialisation and Voter Education

Dina Lestari
1
Magister of Political Science, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
clawura@gmail.com

Keywords: socialisation, political education, effective

Abstract: The Indonesian Electoral Commission which is in charge of the general election in Indonesia has to
socialise with the public to increase public participation. Public participation in the election is one of the
democratic election parameters that has to be promoted. In the current era of public information disclosure,
the Indonesian Electoral Commission needs to innovate for an effective method in providing socialisation
and voter education to the public. The purpose of this study is to find out the methods or strategies that can
be used by the Indonesian Electoral Commission in facing the challenge of socialisation in the digital era
today. The method used in this research is an explanatory literature study of books, journals and articles
related to this theme. The results of this study are expected to provide insight into the Indonesian Electoral
Commission in terms of socialising and voting education in the digital era.

1 INTRODUCTION shows that there are still some voters who did not
exercise their rights at 26.76%.
Socialisation and voter education are the Indonesian In this digital era, the Indonesian Electoral
Electoral Commission’s important tasks to increase Commission faces the challenge of making new
public participation in general elections. Public innovations for effective and efficient voter
participation is one of the parameters of democratic education. The Indonesian Electoral Commission
elections in Indonesia. This is stated in Article 12 of should be able to take advantage of technological
Law No.7 of 2017 about general elections. developments to do voter socialisation and
Several things have been done by the Indonesian education.
Electoral Commission to provide voter information Based on the background, this paper primarily
and education to the public, such as information focuses on revealing how the Indonesian Electoral
services on websites, socialisation of young voters in Commission can conduct effective socialisation and
schools and campuses, and establishing smart voter education. By conducting this study, the author
election houses at the Indonesian Electoral expected to provide input and insight into the
Commission’s offices at a central, provincial and Indonesian Electoral Commission in conducting
district level. socialisation and voter education effectively in
Nevertheless, there are still a number of voters today's digital era.
who have registered on the voter list who are not
using their right to vote. There are several reasons
why voters do not come to the voting station, 2 LITERATURE REVIEW
because they work outside the region, performing
tasks that cannot be abandoned, or because of other 2.1 Socialisation
personal factors.
Based on data from the Indonesian Electoral Socialisation is a long process referring to
Commission, the total voter participation in 2018 internalisation of a value from the old generation to
reached 73.24% of 152,079,997 total voters young people; the purpose of this process is to
registered on the Voter List. The percentage shows maintain the existing social system. Socialisation is
the national average of female voter participation to the transfer of habits, values and rules in a group or
be 76.67% and male voters to be 69.32%. This society.

18
Lestari, D.
The Challenge of Effective Socialisation and Voter Education.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 18-21
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved

Specifically, Edward S. Greenberg defines
political socialisation as the process by which an
individual acquires attitudes, beliefs, and values
relating to the political system of which he is a
member and to his own role as citizen within that
political system. This term is important because
every political regime seeks to instil young people
with values, beliefs, and behaviours for continuance
of its political order, and those individual political
attitudes and aggregates of individual attitudes have
an impact on the operation of a nation’s political life
(Greenberg, 2017, pp. 3-4)
Some scholars have conducted more specific
research on civic education in some countries to
know the extent of its influence on students as
prospective and young voter subjects. Based on case
studies of civic education in some countries (1997-
2008) and research of the International Association
for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement
(1995-2000), Carole L. Hahn and Theresia Alviar-
Martin conclude that (Hahn, 2008, pp. 98-99):
 Students and teachers tend to view citizenship
as a passive role;
 Civic-political knowledge tends to be
correlated with socioeconomic status;
 Civic-political attitudes depend on gender;
 Civic-political instruction can increase student
knowledge;
 When its instruction is delivered through
participatory active learning strategies,
students develop political interest, efficacy
and trust –and they are more willing to extend
rights to diverse groups;
 Experiences in school are important for
developing student intention to become
actively engaged in politics;
 Confidence in school participation is often
associated with positive civic attitudes.
2.2 Voter Education
Voters in Indonesia are citizens that have reached
seventeen years old on voting day, or have been
married, and registered on the voter list. The
Indonesian Electoral Commission which is in charge
of general elections in Indonesia have to register all
qualified citizens. This is important so that all
citizens can use their right in the general election.
To increase voter participation in the election,
the Indonesian Electoral Commission needs to
conduct voter education amongst the public. Voter
education is an electoral knowledge transfer process
to know the importance of an election. It's not about
qualifications, how, when, and where to register as a
voter, but why we register as a voter. Also, it's not
The Challenge of Effective Socialisation and Voter Education
about how, when, and where to vote, but why we
have to choose a party or candidate (Surbakti, 2013,
p. 6).
2.3 Effective
Being effective according to the Big Indonesian
Dictionary is being able to bring results, succeed, or
having an effect (consequently, its influence, its
impression). Barnard (2005) said that effectiveness
is the degree to which operative goals have been
attained, which allow the purpose of the Indonesian
Electoral Commission in implementing socialisation
to be achieved.
Schemerhon (2009) explains that effectiveness is
the achievement of output target, measured by
comparing the output budget with actual output; if
OA > OS, it is deemed to be effective. So, in this
case, effectiveness can be achieved if the target of
socialisation and voter education that has been
established by the Commission can be achieved.
3 RESEARCH METHOD
This research uses an explanatory literature study of
books, journals and articles related to this theme.
The data used are secondary data obtained from
official sources. Research focused on how the
Indonesian Electoral Commission deals with the
challenge of effective socialisation and voter
education in the digital era.
4 DISCUSSION
A general election is a means of implementing the
sovereignty of the people directly, publicly, freely,
secretly, honestly and fairly in Indonesia based on
Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The purpose of
a general election is to elect the Head of Region and
Deputy Head of Region, Members of the People's
Legislative Assembly, Regional Representative
Council, Regional People's Legislative Assembly,
and the President and Vice President as the
embodiment of the people's sovereignty in
accordance with the mandate of the 1945
Constitution Article 1 Paragraph (2) stating that
sovereignty is in the hands of the people and
implemented according to the Law Constitution.
In order to exercise the right to vote, a citizen
must be registered in the voter list or have a National
ID card if not already registered. The Indonesian
Electoral Commission as the organiser of the general
19
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

elections has to ensure that all eligible citizens are Based on the table below, it can be seen that the
registered. internet media is one of the most appropriate ways
Based on the Law No.7 Tahun 2017, the taken by the Indonesian Electoral Commission to
Indonesian Electoral Commission’s main tasks are: conduct socialisation and voter education. This is
 planning programs, schedules and budgets; based on the estimated figure of the Central Bureau
 preparing the Indonesian Electoral of Statistics (BPS) and based on the Indonesian
Commission Regulation for every stage of the population in 2015 as 255,461,700 people. It can be
election; said that about half of the population of Indonesia
 coordinating, organising, controlling and accesses the internet.
monitoring all stages of the election;
 updating voter data based on the latest election
and data submitted by the government;
 socialising the implementation of elections
and / or issues related to the Indonesian
Electoral Commission duties and authorities to
the public;
 conducting an evaluation and making a report
of each stage of the implementation of
elections.

In accordance with the description of the task

above, the Commission undertook several ways to
conduct socialisation; there are:
 public information through the website; Table 1. Top 25 Countries Ranked by Internet Users,
 public information services (PPID) online and 2013-2018
offline;
 socialisation of young voters in schools and
campuses;
 establishing smart election houses in
Indonesian Electoral Commission offices in
several provinces for pilot project;
 holding art performances that accommodate
local wisdom with the electoral theme.

Nevertheless, the number of voters participating Table 2. Internet User Composition in 2016
during the 2018 elections did not meet the 77.7%
target already set by the Indonesian Electoral
Commission. The level of public participation in
local elections 2018 was 73.24% from a total of
152,050,861 on the voter list.
The total voter participation in Pilkada 2018 was
73.24%, which is the average of the national women
voter participation rate of 76.67% and the male
voters at 69.32%. Women's voter participation rate
was higher than that of men nationally.
To increase the number of voters participating,
the Indonesian Electoral Commission should try to
find new ways to improve socialisation and voter
education in today's digital age. Information
technology can be used by the Commission to
achieve its objectives. Based on internet user data
launched by eMarketer, Indonesia ranks in the top Table 3. Individual Internet activity 2016
six in countries in the world with an estimated
number of 123 million users by 2018.

20
 The Challenge of Effective Socialisation and Voter Education

Furthermore, based on Kominfo data in a survey Socialisation and voter education should be
of Internet User Composition in 2016, about 90% of packed as attractively as possible, communication
Internet users have the right to vote in elections. should run two ways, not just in one direction in
Therefore, the socialisation and education of voters providing information, for example, by holding
through the internet has been right on target games, writing competitions, and some contests with
according to the minimum age requirements of an electoral theme.
voters.
After discovering that the most effective method
of socialisation and voter education is on the REFERENCES
internet, the next question is how or in what way
should the Commission conduct socialisation and Greenberg, Edward F., 2017. Political Socialization,
voter education. To answer this question, we need to Routledge. New York.
look at the table above. Hahn, Carole L.and Martin, Theresa Alviar, 2008.
From the table above, we can conclude that the Handbook of Research in Social Studies Education,
main activity undertaken by netizens is opening Routledge, New York.
social networking sites, such as Facebook, Twitter, Surbakti, Ramlan dan Supriyanto, Didik, 2013. Partisipasi
Instagram, line, and so on with a total percentage of Masyarakat Dalam Proses Penyelenggaraan
73.30%. Thus, we can conclude that the Indonesian Pemilihan Umum. Kemitraan, Jakarta.
Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017 tentang Pemilihan
Electoral Commission should innovate in socialising
Umum
and voting education through social media in https://www.republika.co.id/berita/nasional/pilkada/18/06/
creative ways in order to attract voters. 30/pb45jy428-kpu-partisipasi-pemilih-pilkada-2018-
7324-persen, diakses tanggal 30 Juli 2018
https://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/detail/4286/Pengg
5 CONCLUSION una+Internet+Indonesia+Nomor+Enam+Dunia/0/sorot
an_media, diakses 19 Juli 2018
https://www.bps.go.id/statictable/2014/02/18/1274/proyek
One of Indonesian Electoral Commission’s tasks is si-penduduk-menurut-provinsi-2010---2035.html,
to socialise the implementation of elections and / or diakses tanggal 25 juli 2018
issues related to Indonesian Electoral Commission https://statistik.kominfo.go.id/site/data?idtree=424&iddoc
duties and authorities to the public. This has been =1517
done by the Commission in several ways, among https://statistik.kominfo.go.id/site/data?idtree=424&iddoc
which are public information services online and =1521
offline, socialisation of young voters in schools and
campuses, establishing smart election houses in
Indonesian Electoral Commission offices in several
provinces for pilot projects and holding art
performances that accommodate local wisdom with
the electoral theme.
There are some voters that are not using their
right to vote. The Indonesian Electoral Commission
has to face the challenge of effective socialisation
and voter education in the digital era today. The best
way that the Commission can do this is by using
information technology as an effective tool for
giving information to the public.
Based on Kominfo data about individual activity
on the internet, it was found that 73.30% of people
on the internet use social media. So, it can be
concluded that the most effective way to conduct
socialisation and voter education is to use social
media. Some types of social media that exist, among
others, are Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Line, Path,
and others.

21
 Controversies of Political Party Information System (SIPOL)
for the 2019 Indonesian Election

Fitria Wulan Dhani1

1
Master Program of Political Science, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
wulaniymam@gmail.com

Keywords: SIPOL, information technologies, political parties, election, Indonesia

Abstract: One of the stages in the 2019 election arrangement begins with the registration and verification process for
political parties aspiring to participate in it. One of the media employed by the National Election
Commission (KPU) as the election organiser is called the Political Party Informational System (SIPOL) and
it is a system to help the KPU during the registration and verification process. In the current digital era
where everything is conducted via the internet, SIPOL is expected to assist the KPU service towards
political parties, as well as to improve the results’ accuracy during the administration and verification
process. On the contrary, SIPOL draws some controversies instead. Some political parties, which failed
during the administration process, have prosecuted SIPOL through the Election Supervisory Board
(BAWASLU). What went wrong with SIPOL and why did it keep being supported? This article aims to
deepen the analysis about how the controversy happened in SIPOL implementation and what factors caused
the controversy. It employed a qualitative method with descriptive analysis. The data were collected through
literature reviews and an online data search. The findings indicated that SIPOL, as a web-based
informational technology, can provide a space for transparency and administrative discipline; however, it is
not aligned with political parties’ preparedness to face the advancement of informational technology.

1 INTRODUCTION should be held on time, because an election itself is

Information technology, which grows rapidly along
with human civilisation in the digital era today,
causes some huge influences in daily life. It is not
only needed in society, the economy, and culture,
but also in the political process of a country. It has
become a necessity for certain state institutions to
implement it to ensure that the political process is
going smoothly. Information itself is necessary,
because it will be studied to obtain some data which
will be further disseminated as knowledge for the
society. Moreover, information can be used by state
institutions to make political decisions or formulate
public policy.
One of political processes which needs
information technology is an election. In Indonesia,
elections are organised by a government-affiliated
institution called the Election Commission (Komisi
Pemilihan Umum – KPU, hereafter). At every stage
of an election, each piece of information should be
delivered swiftly, accordingly, and thoroughly to
every election stakeholder. The scheduled election
an urgent matter and needs to be conducted within a
certain period of time to avoid a vacuum of power,
which further disrupts political processes and
contributes to state instability. Therefore, in
fulfilling their duties as the election committee, the
KPU makes use of various types of information
technology through some digital media to ensure a
smooth-running election.
One of the election stages employing information
technology is the registration and verification
process for political parties as the candidates for
election use the Political Party Information System
(SIPOL, hereafter). In the KPU Regulation No.11,
Year 2017, Article 1, Point 30 on Registration,
Verification, and Confirmation of Political Parties as
the Participants in Legislative Election, it is stated
that SIPOL is a set of system and information
technology to support the performance of political
parties and election organisers in conducting the
registration, administration process, and factual
verification in terms of whether the political parties
have fulfilled the necessary requirements as election
participants. SIPOL is a web-based information

22
Dhani, F.
Controversies of Political Party Information System (SIPOL) for the 2019 Indonesian Election.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 22-26
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Controversies of Political Party Information System (SIPOL) for the 2019 Indonesian Election
technology using internet network to collect data
from political parties applying as election
participants. SIPOL is employed to help the KPU
during the registration and verification of political
parties’ data to determine whether they are eligible
to be election participants or not. It is expected that
it should simplify and accelerate the data verification
process. Prior to the submission of official
documents to the KPU, the political parties are
required to upload their data and official documents
to SIPOL, then submit the hard copies to the KPU.
Next, the KPU has to compare the hard copies and
SIPOL data. SIPOL is expected to provide accurate
verification results of parties’ documents. According
to the KPU, SIPOL can also help achieve an orderly
administration process and fulfil the transparency
principle, because both the KPU and political parties
can monitor the data input process and documents’
completeness.
However, when the KPU announced the political
parties which had passed the document completion
process and gone through the verification process,
some lawsuits were issued by some political parties
which did not pass the stage. The lawsuits were sent
to the Election Supervisory Board (BAWASLU),
along with a report of alleged administrative
violation by the KPU as the defendant, because the
KPU employed SIPOL during the party registration
process. The plaintiffs were 9 (nine) political parties
which did not pass administration verification stage,
because they did not upload the complete documents
to SIPOL. They reasoned that SIPOL violates
Election Regulation, is not well-socialised, and that
it was highly problematic during its implementation.
They further stated that the KPU did not conduct
actual administration verification in determining
which parties should pass the stage, but merely
based their judgments on the data uploaded on
SIPOL. Finally, BAWASLU issued a verdict that the
KPU was guilty and committed administrative
violation during the registration and verification
process for political parties. BAWASLU then
ordered the KPU to improve registration procedures
for the political parties by reaccepting official
document submissions.
2 RESEARCH PROBLEMS
Based on the research background above, this
research proposes two questions. Firstly, how is
SIPOL implemented in the registration process for
political parties as election participants? Secondly,
what factors caused the controversies surrounding
SIPOL in its implementation?
3 RESEARCH METHOD
This paper employed a qualitative method with a
descriptive analysis technique. The data were
collected through a literature study and online. The
literature study was conducted by searching for
documents related to this research in books, as well
as scientific journals or reports which contained
political parties’ registration processes. This
research focused on SIPOL implementation process
and factors which led to SIPOL causing
controversies in its implementation.
4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 SIPOL Implementation for the
Registration and Verification of
Election Candidates
The Encyclopedia ACE Electoral Network stated
that the Electoral Management Body (EMB) can
organise and self-manage electoral processes,
including the registration of political parties and
election candidates; however, it must be based on
applicable law and regulation. Therefore, the KPU
as the election organiser in Indonesia stipulate
various KPU Regulations (PKPU, hereafter) as a
complete description of the procedure and process
for organising elections in Indonesia.
PKPU No. 11, Year 2017, Article 13 explained
that prior to registering as election candidates,
political parties are required to upload their party
data into SIPOL. The data include details on the
party structures from the central to the district level,
party membership, and other supporting data. The
uploading process should be done before the parties
register themselves as election participants with the
KPU. After uploading all the documents into SIPOL,
the parties can print out a registration requirement
form to be submitted to the KPU upon registration.
Hence, if there is a political party which does not
enter complete data into SIPOL and does not submit
a printed registration form from SIPOL, it cannot
register as an election participant.
Before implementing this rule, the KPU
conducted some socialisation about the mechanism
for data submission to SIPOL to the political parties.
Political parties have liaison officers involved in
socialisation and can operate SIPOL at the party
level. It implies that before the party’s operator
enters any data into SIPOL, she/he obtains
knowledge on how to use SIPOL, starting from login
23
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
access (username and password), to the upload
mechanism, necessary documents and the equipment
needed (such as computers and internet devices).
SIPOL is an information system utilising the
internet network to store data and send them to a
server. The data can then be viewed by SIPOL
operators both in the KPU and at party level. SIPOL
users are divided into two, namely the KPU and the
political party. Data input by a party’s operator is
similar to those received by SIPOL operators in the
KPU. Each operator can also monitor the data
progress and the extent to which data has been or
has not been sent. A KPU operator can even match
the data entered by a party operator, though they
cannot change any data. Therefore, SIPOL is
employed as a cross-check mechanism by the KPU
and this system can simultaneously integrate party
data at every level.
4.2 SIPOL Objectives and Obstacles
In general, an information system aims to facilitate
users in processing data, and this is the aim of
SIPOL. SIPOL specifically serves the following
purposes:
§ To serve political parties in conducting data
input on their parties’ information, namely
their committees, office address, membership,
and other required documents as election
participants;
§ To provide information about the possibility
of identical membership of party members;
§ To provide information about the possibility
of dual membership between party members;
§ To provide information about identical
membership of a party’s external members.
In its implementation, SIPOL will display the
data of political parties’ possible dual membership
through a similarity analysis using the Membership
Card Number (KTA), Population Identity Number
(NIK), and name. It aims to facilitate KPU in
verifying party membership. In accordance with
election regulations, political parties should have at
least 1000 members, or 1/1000 of the total
population in each district or city. This is the main
reason why KPU implements SIPOL during the
party registration process. If each political party
registers 1000 members, then multiplies it by 514
districts and cities in Indonesia, it is impossible for
KPU to verify party membership manually without
any assistance from a quick and accurate
information system.
24
An information system designed and created by
humans definitely has some limits and constraints.
Both SIPOL users, KPU and political parties,
encounter some obstacles during the data input
process. The frequently occurring problem relates to
network interruption when the operator inputs the
data. A web-based information system heavily relies
on an unpredictably unstable internet network,
particularly when the network is busy. Hence, as
long as the internet network is stable, the system can
operate well everywhere and every time.
A number of party figures have offered their
opinions on SIPOL. A politician from PKS (Partai
Keadilan Sejahtera), Mardani Ali Sera, mentioned
that during his visit to DPW in Riau, his party
operator encountered difficulty in inputting data,
because there was a network disturbance on the
SIPOL web. Other problems occur when the SIPOL
website is inaccessible due to a disrupted network.
Moreover, the website has allegedly been hacked
several times. Those problems are listed as a part of
some parties’ litigation to BAWASLU.
4.3 Controversies in SIPOL
Implementation
Regulation No. 7, Year 2017 on a General Election
provides the KPU the authority to formulate some
detailed procedures for the registration process for
political parties, including administrative
investigation procedures and document validity.
When the regulation does not contain a detailed
procedure in the registration and verification
process, then as the election organiser, the KPU
should fill the void by issuing PKPU.
SIPOL caused some controversies among
election stakeholders during its implementation.
There are two opposing arguments. Several parties
support SIPOL, but some others are sceptical and
doubt SIPOL implementation. For instance, related
to litigation materials from nine parties to
BAWASLU, the plaintiffs claimed that SIPOL
contradicts the Regulation on Election, because the
Regulation does not mention using an information
system for the registration process for political
parties; thus, the KPU is considered to be violating
the law. Other parties which disagree argue that the
KPU is not fully ready to employ SIPOL, because
there are some problems during its operation which
cause parties’ failure to input data.
As the election supervisor, BAWASLU
expresses its own opinion on the implementation of
SIPOL. BAWASLU asks the KPU not to employ
SIPOL as a mandatory requirement in registration,
 Controversies of Political Party Information System (SIPOL) for the 2019 Indonesian Election
administrative investigation, and factual verification
of electoral participants. To respond to the
complaints from political parties, BAWASLU
expresses that it expects an election system which
can simplify things for both election participants and
voters
A different opinion is expressed by Partai
Perindo, a newly-established party which
appreciates the implementation of SIPOL for
elections. According to its Secretary-General,
SIPOL can assist the party in fixing its organisation
and membership. It is also considered as a goodwill
from the KPU to help political parties and facilitate
them as election participants.
Based on the opinions of supportive parties, it
can be concluded that SIPOL can basically improve
the relationship between parties and its constituents,
because SIPOL displays party membership data
clearly and accurately. SIPOL can also provide
information and validation of dual membership,
whether within the same party or with different
parties. By implementing SIPOL, it will show party
supporters clearly. The party can also track its
members easily in order to fulfil its vision, mission,
and programs promised to its constituents.
Meanwhile, disagreement over SIPOL is shown
through the litigation from several political parties.
The lawsuit occurs either because the parties
encounter some difficulties in using SIPOL, or the
party is not ready to input their data. It is also
possible that the party is not prepared to face
technology advancement and the modernisation of
the political party. However, it is also possible that
the party is ready in terms of using information
technology, but the internal party itself does not
prepare enough materials to complete the required
documents to be uploaded into SIPOL.
According to Arief Budiman, Chairman of KPU-
RI, the SIPOL system was introduced even before
Regulation of Election was enacted. This claim is
evidenced by the system renewal for SIPOL, as well
as simulation activities conducted repeatedly by the
KPU by inviting representatives from political
parties. It indicates that political parties should be
aware of SIPOL implementation plan before the
registration process begins. Therefore, the parties
should have sufficient time to prepare themselves, in
terms of preparing the documents and operating the
SIPOL system.
To implement information technology in the
election process, approval from various parties is
required, particularly from legislators and election
stakeholders. SIPOL has gone through such a
process; as stated in PKPU, SIPOL had been set up
in consultation with the House of Representative
before it was legalised and socialised to political
parties. As an information system, SIPOL should
have earned support from all parties to run without
obstacles. This system combines hardware, software,
and a communication network used by people to
create, collect, and disseminate data which is usually
organised within organisation rule. Therefore, under
its implementation, the processed data should not be
arbitrary, because the system should be able to filter
valid data in accordance with the analysis created by
its designers under certain provisions. The data
within it should be valid and objective. However, the
system should also be supported by a reliable sub-
system, namely good quality computers and a stable
internet network, to ensure smooth data processing.
If this criterion is fulfilled, the data will be ready to
use and publish.
The main advantage of SIPOL is its ability to
detect multiplicity, especially in terms of those
associated with party membership. Party
membership will be examined further during the
verification stage, which is the strictest stage of the
registration process. The multiplication detection
feature should improve the quality of party
membership, so that the political parties elected as
election participants really deserve the candidacy
and truly have enough support in accordance with
the existing law.
As quoted by the Encyclopedia ACE Electoral
Network, Election and Technology, information
technology can be employed by an Electoral
Management Body (EMB) in the registration
process for political parties as potential election
participants. Specifically, computer software can be
employed to determine whether a party is eligible to
register and to be established legitimately as election
participants. In some countries, political parties will
fulfil minimum membership requirements in order to
be officially registered as a political party and
election participant. EMB can verify that a party has
fulfilled such requirements using certain software to
analyse party membership status. This statement
indicates that using technology in an election
process is a commonplace in various countries,
because information technology can also improve
the quality of an election system.
Analysing the positive aspects of SIPOL, it can
actually serve as a tool in political parties’
modernisation in Indonesia. Political parties’
establishment in Indonesia tend not to be well-
organised, even though Indonesia is one of the
countries with the largest number of political parties
participating in the elections. Therefore, SIPOL can
25
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
ensure that only political parties with the best
qualities can be filtered and guaranteed as election
participants. Moreover, it can also help fulfil the
government mission to simplify political parties.
Utilising SIPOL in the registration process makes
the parties put more effort into organising their
parties’ management. Such efforts to organise their
management also instigate better results in terms of
parties’ progress.
Finally, in response to BAWASLU decision on
the 9-parties-lawsuit, the KPU issued a ruling that
those parties should continue uploading data and
documents into SIPOL, as required in the Election
Regulation. Those nine parties were given another
chance to re-input their data into SIPOL. It indicates
that SIPOL is necessary and BAWASLU ruling does
not mention anything about the cancellation of
SIPOL usage. Therefore, KPU decision remains fair
for the political parties which have passed the stage.
5 CONCLUSION
The Political Party Information System (SIPOL)
actually has some constructive benefits, not only for
KPU as the election committee, but also for political
parties as the participants. SIPOL benefits include
encouraging the political parties to be
administratively organised and to fulfil the
transparency principle during the document
submission process. Even though its implementation
demonstrates some pros and cons for many parties,
KPU still insists on implementing SIPOL.
Information system technology is essential to
process accurate and valid data. Those data are
needed so that KPU decisions are justified based on
rightful processes and legislation.
Although SIPOL implementation does cause
various problems, the related parties should have
come up with some solutions together. Those
problems do not merely arise from political parties
as the participants, but also from KPU as the support
system for political parties. Even though political
parties are not ready to use information technology,
this has to be countered by KPU readiness to
actively provide the best service to them. Hence, the
author suggests both the KPU and political parties
should provideofficial guidelines on SIPOL which
are agreed by them. Such guidelines can be
distributed when simulation and socialisation
processes are conducted prior to the data input
process. The guidelines can act as a control for
information system users to be more responsible.
Hence, even if there are some misunderstandings or
26
miscommunications between application users, such
problems can be solved by both parties.
Furthermore, an information system should also
be protected under law and through regulations,
specifically during an election process where
legitimacy is always the core indicator of a
successful election.
REFERENCES
ACE Electoral Network “Election and Technology” di
akses dari http//aceproject.org/ace-
en/topics/et/onePage
ACE Electoral Network “Election and Technology”
accessed from https://aceproject.org/ace-
en/topics/et/eta/default
Excerpted from Information systems today – Managing in
The Digital World, fourth edition. Prentice-Hall, 2010
Hall,Prentice.2010. Information systems today –
Managing in The Digital World. Fourth Edition.
http://www.tribunnews.com/nasional/2017/11/02/ laporan-
parpol-yang-masuk-ke-bawaslu-mayoritas-persoalkan-
sipol
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1024327/begini-partai-
politik-memandang-sipol
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1023292/bawaslu-minta-
kpu-tak-wajibkan-sipol-untuk-peserta-pemilu-2019
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1024327/begini-partai-
politik-memandang-sipol
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/1023292/bawaslu-minta-
kpu-tak-wajibkan-sipol-untuk-peserta-pemilu-2019.
KPU RI ; Manual User of Political Party Information
System. Year 2017. Publisher : KPU-RI
KPU RI, 2017. User Manual of Political Party
Information System. Publisher : KPU-RI
PKPU No. 11 Year 2017 ; On Registration, Verification
and Confirmation of Political Parties as Participants of
Legislative Election.
SUARA KPU. Edisi September – Oktober 2017. Penerbit:
KPU RI
 In the Midst of Truth
Verification and Ideology Dynamics for Indonesian Journalists

Kencana Ariestyani1
1
Department of Communication, Universitas Paramadina, Jakarta, Indonesia
kencana.ariestyani@paramadina.ac.id, kenariesuryadi@gmail.com

Keywords: news-story verification, post-truth era, digital journalism, phenomenology

Abstract: This study examines journalists in terms of how they interpret the process of verifying information in the
post-truth era. Nowadays, mass media tend to comply with the interests and policies of the media owners.
This phenomenon is likely to increase, particularly if the media owners hold a position as a chairperson of a
political party. This situation often contradicts the journalists’ personal beliefs. At the same time, the
journalists are required to decide whether to follow the editorial policy or to uphold their values. This study
aims to investigate the experience of journalists in the process of verification in the post-truth era.
Therefore, the research question is: how must the journalists’ experiences in the verification process be
interpreted? Moreover, amidst the overwhelming exposure to information in the digital age, journalists tend
to spend more time looking for news updates rather than verifying new facts. A media phenomenology
method will be used in this research. The main focus of this study is the experience of the informants. The
results of this research show that journalists tend to follow the ideology of the media owners with economic
imperatives being the reason.

1 INTRODUCTION
Nowadays, mass media tend to comply with the
interests and policies of media owners. This
phenomenon is likely to increase, particularly if the
media owner is a chairperson of a political party.
Altschull (1984) cited in McQuail (2005, p. 226)
states that news media content always reflects the
interests of the media owners. Owners of market-
based media seems to have ultimate power over the
content of the news so they can determine which
news content should be included or not. Meanwhile,
a journalist also has personal values that they
uphold. Indeed, these personal values can affect their
journalistic work. Thus, the contradiction between
the personal values of journalists and the ideology of
the media owner occurs frequently. Journalists are
required to decide whether to be obedient to the
editorial policies or to uphold their personal values.
In the post-truth era, these circumtances are
complex, where personal and emotional beliefs take
precedence in shaping public opinion over true facts.
In fact, in the mass media industry, journalists need
the true facts to tell news-stories. Journalists also
need data to convey accurate information. Especially
amidst the overwhelming exposure to information in
the digital era, hoax and fake news are increasingly
widespread. For this reason, verification of
information before writing news-stories is becoming
ascendant. This is before we even consider if the
news content, which will be written, contradicts the
personal beliefs of journalists yet is in line with the
ideology of the media owner.
This study aims to investigate the experience of
journalists in the process of verification in the post-
truth era. Therefore, the research question is: how
must journalists’ experiences in the verification
process be interpreted? Moreover, amidst the
overwhelming exposure to information in the digital
age, journalists tend to spend more time looking for
news updates rather than verifying new facts.
2 NOTION OF POST-TRUTH
ERA, VERIFICATION AND
IDEOLOGY DYNAMICS
In the post-truth era journalists are challenged to
uphold their professionalism and not implicate
emotions and personal beliefs in their journalistic
work. Medeiros (2017, p. 23) even asserts that in

27
Ariestyani, K.
In the Midst of Truth - Verification and Ideology Dynamics for Indonesian Journalists.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 27-31
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
journalism, post-truth represents a threat and an
opportunity. Consequently, a professional journalist
should always obtain qualified information and
realise that the components of news ethics such as
verification and accuracy as well as balance are
highly related to their profession (Hoxha, 2016, p.
5). Therefore, verification should be done first by a
journalist. They have to verify whether the
information is trustworthy, then write it clearly so
that the public can understand it efficiently (Kovach
and Rosenstiel, 2004, p. 21). However, journalists
not only deal with facts – professional ethics dictate
that journalists must remain objective – but also
assess and verify facts (Martin, 2014, p. 5). Even
Patria (2017, p. 7) emphasises the importance of
critical thinking in addition to the ability to verify
information due to the fact that journalistic
investigation cannot stop at a single layer of fact. He
states that the first layer of facts may be misleading,
but the second layer, after the authentic facts have
been dug up comprehensively, will reveal other
truths. In brief, journalists should seek the truth and
tell it as completely as possible while shaping their
sense of critical thinking when putting facts into
news-stories.
Ideological positions and arguments have an
impact on the ethics of journalism in real terms. The
impact is not only visible in the media and amongst
the public they serve but also in the argument
between journalists about personal beliefs, political
beliefs, and loyalty. Even every day, both in the
newsroom and outside work, every journalist carries
with them emotional and intellectual attitudes
toward their source and audience, as well as the
news they report (Hirst & Patching, 2005, p. 29). It
will vary among journalists, depending on the family
background, education and friends, as well as the
area and environment in which they were raised.
In journalistic work, every journalist makes
important decisions about which events or
phenomena and issues are to be reported and which
are not. Vivian (2001, p. 239) even asserts that
journalists bring personal values to their journalistic
work and therefore determine which story to tell and
how it is written.
Although journalists have an important role in
deciding what makes the news (Vivian, 2001, p.
247), the ruling elite in the media they work for has
the power to determine the nature of the news
coverage. Unfortunately, media owners rarely admit
that they manipulate news coverage for their own
economic interests (Vivian, 2001, p. 248). Thus
clashes of ideology between journalists and media
owners occur frequently. Journalists who are
28
bothered by this condition have three choices
(Vivian, 2001, p. 248) whether to persuade the
media owner of their wrong way, obey the media
owner's directions, or quit and move to a more
respectable media.
3 RESEARCH METHODS
This research uses a phenomenological method. The
phenomenological approach is often called the
interpretive paradigm (Lindlof, 1995, pp. 27-58 cited
in Kuswarno, 2007, p. 3). The study of
phenomenology aims to examine and describe a
phenomenon as experienced directly by humans in
their daily lives (Crotty, 1996; Spiegelberg, 1978;
van Manen, 1990 cited in Asih, 2005, p. 1) or the
experiences of the subjects (the respondents
participating in the research) and how they interpret
their experiences (Hasbiansyah, 2008, p. 178).
Christensen, Johnson, and Turner (2010) cited in
Simon and Goes (2011, p. 1) state that the main
purpose of a study using phenomenology is to
explain the meaning, structure, and group of people
around certain phenomena.
The phenomenological framework requires
relatively homogeneous participants. Therefore,
individuals participating in phenomenological
research should have experience with the same and a
significant phenomenon in terms of the phenomenon
under investigation (Cresswell, 2007; Moustakas,
1994, cited in Yuksel & Yildirim, 2015, p. 9). In this
phenomenological study, the method of data
collection primarily involves in-depth interviews
with the participants. The purpose of the in-depth
interviews is to describe the meaning of phenomena
shared by the participants (Marshall & Rossman,
2006, in Yuksel & Yildirim, 2015, p. 9). The
subjects of this study are individuals related to the
research theme and willing to share their experiences
in interview. Data gained from the observations and
interviews were analysed using the
phenomenological analysis approach of Von
Eckartsberg (Moustakas, 1994, pp. 15-16, cited in
Hadi, p. 8) through these steps: (a) formulating (or
defining) the research question; (b) narrating the
data resulting from interview descriptively; (c)
analysing the data. The researcher reads and
examines data carefully to disclose the configuration
of meaning.
 In the Midst of Truth - Verification and Ideology Dynamics for Indonesian Journalists
4 DISCUSSION
The phenomenological approach focuses on human
subjective experiences. This study reveals that the
experiences of research subjects in interpreting news
verification within the post-truth era are as follows:
4.1 Verification of Information is
Imperative
All respondents acknowledged that verification of
information is significant before it is conveyed to the
public. This is because verification is one tool to
ensure that the news delivered to audiences is true
and accurate: “It is important. Verifying news is a
part of the basic principles of journalism: check and
recheck, accuracy, and balance as well. That's what
distinguishes journalistic products with other
products” (R2).
Journalists realise that verification of information
should be done first to ensure that the information is
credible in order that the public understand it
efficiently as Kovach & Rosenstiel (2004, p. 21)
state: “Verification is crucial notably in the age of
information overload. We call it the inflation of
information. We should also be able to assess the
information whether the facts are true or hoax” (R4).
Hence a professional journalist should always get
qualified information and realise that the
components of news ethics such as verification,
accuracy and balance are highly related to his
profession (Hoxha, 2016, p. 5). Moreover, it is also
regulated in the Journalistic Code of Ethics that
journalists should not make up false news. In other
words, journalists must deliver news in accordance
with the true facts. Thus, it is essential to always
check and recheck the truth of the information. This
is the experience of journalists in terms of the
verification of information before writing it into
news-stories. However when verification is fulfilled,
sometimes journalists have other considerations in
conveying news: “There are some considerations
such as social conditions of society, timing and
context before we publish it” (R3).
Another journalist revealed that many people
think that news which has published in the online
news media is less verified – along their experience
in verification. People think that online news media
are more concerned with immediacy in delivering
news than verification. “But, actually, immediacy is
only part of our work, accuracy is also necessary
because in the following news we provide the
completeness of the initial data that had already
existed” (R1).
Online news media journalists emphasise that
immediacy does not mean they ignore accuracy and
verification because those two elements are
mandatory in journalistic work.
4.2 Information Verification Should be
Done with More than One Step
Verifying information is done through some steps by
journalists. They referred to it as confirmation with
many parties who are related to the issue being
investigated. This layered verification method
practiced by the journalist to keep cover both side on
the news-stories: “...cover both side, especially for
news that tends to discredit one party. We verify
with many parties related to that information,
particularly in the investigation... But obviously we
do it (verification) many times according to the
information we need” (R2).
In addition to covering both sides, notably for
controversial issues, journalists will also seek
experts’ help, if required, for verification for the
sake of truth in the information obtained.
This state is consistent with Patria’s (2017, p. 7)
dictum that journalistic truth should not quit at a
single layer of facts. Thus, critical thinking of the
journalists is crucial in addition to the ability to
verify information. Journalists should seek the truth
and tell it as fully as possible while sharpening their
sense of critical feelings when putting facts into a
news article.
In their experience, other journalists also stated
that verification is done at least in two layers.
Editorial and corporate policies that allow
contradiction between a journalist and a media
owner are the reason for this. However, if the
information obtained does not have a big impact for
the public, then they only do standard verification:
“...if the statements of the source or event in the field
has a big impact we will do a deep research at the
office before writing the news” (R1).
Moreover, the position and ideological argument
of journalists that has an impact on journalistic
ethics are debated often in the newsroom. This is
because personal values can affect their journalistic
work. All in all, this causes fear in the age of post-
truth, where personal and emotional beliefs take
precedence in shaping public opinion over true facts.
4.3 The Dynamics of Ideology Occurs
in the Newsroom
The contradiction between the personal values of
journalists and the ideology of the media owner
takes place frequently. This condition, however, is
29
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
considered reasonable as discussion is still possible
in the newsroom. Based on the experience of the
informant, personal values greatly affect their
journalistic work. One journalist asserted that he
decided to be a journalist to give a voice to the
voiceless and help less fortunate people: “I chose
this profession conciously because I feel I can help
people, defending the oppressed people through my
writing” (R2).
He seeks to convince his superiors of logical
reasons to shift the angle of writing once a
contradiction of personal values has taken place in
the newsroom. “So far, if we can explain and argue
with a logical reason they are willing to discuss”
(R2).
Every day, both in the newsroom and outside
work, every journalist carries with them emotional
and intellectual attitudes toward their sources and
audience, as well as the news they report (Hirst &
Patching, 2005, p. 29). Based on their experiences,
journalists sometime write news-stories that are in
line with their ideology or personal beliefs: “...we
can’t deny the writing taste of a journalist, suppose
he has affiliation with politics or other but it remains
in the corridor that can be accounted for. We check
the account before it is published to avoid
tendencious news content” (R1).
Meanwhile journalists working in the media,
whose owner may also be the chairman of a political
party, experienced a strong clash of ideology and
personal values. This condition occured when they
were writing political news. Although there is a
media owner's intervention when writing news,
verification and covering both sides of a story are
still done. However, sources who support the media
owner have a greater space in the news. “...supposed
the media owner complained to us because he didn’t
like the content of the news-stories that we had
written, then we change the angle and made the
news according to his direction in the next day.
Mostly, it happened in political news-stories because
it probably has a direct influence to him” (media
owner who is affiliated to a political party) (R4).
However, journalists refuse to write news-story
if the contradiction between personal beliefs and the
ideology of a media owner grow stronger. “...I’ve
experienced this when writing a news-story of a
political case that’s involving a name. I believe this
person is wrong, but people are talking about that,
they defend this person. At that time, I refuse to
write this because I believe what they told me is not
true”.
In journalistic work, every journalist makes
important decisions about what events or
phenomena and issues are to be reported and which
are not. Journalists bring personal values to their
30
journalistic work and, therefore, determine which
story to tell and how it is written (Vivian 2001, p.
239).
4.4 Journalists’ Tendency to Follow the
Ideology of the Media Owner if the
Condition of the Dispute is Still
Conducive.
Although the media owner highly interferes in the
newsroom to determine news-stories, journalists
choose to stay in the media where they are working
for various reasons. “If I still feel comfortable, then I
will stay. What I mean by being comfortable is the
team and the salary that I receive. Our condition
here is better than our colleagues in the other media
who often contradict with the ideology of their
media owner. I consider it a supportive team, so it
isn’t merely economic reasons. I am not eager to
move and start it again from the beginning” (R1).
However, when the ideology clash has violated
the basic principle that the journalists believe, they
will choose to quit and move to another media: “If I
can’t tolerate it anymore, it means that, in the end, I
have “prostituted” my profession for the owner's
interest, something that has nothing to do with the
public. This profession (journalist) is closely related
to the public interest” (R2). “To date I have been
staying because -I think- I’m still in a natural or
common stage. If the situation is getting worse then
I will decide to quit and move to a more respectable
journalistic organisation. For example, they want us
to write news-stories that strongly discredit
someone. No, I refuse to do that” (R4).
This is in line with what Vivian (2001, p. 248)
states, in that journalists who experience an
ideological clash with the media owner have three
choices. Two of them are being obedient to the
direction of the media owner, and the other is
quitting and moving to another respectable media.
5 CONCLUSION
This paper examines how journalists interpret the
verification of information in the post-truth era. The
findings of this study reveal that verification remains
important despite the ideological dynamics in the
newsroom. Verification is done in layers to reveal
the truth of information. The interests of the media
owners do exist in the selection of issues and events
that will be covered for publication to the public.
The personal value of journalists also influences
their journalistic work. However, discussions are
 In the Midst of Truth - Verification and Ideology Dynamics for Indonesian Journalists

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31
 Online Journalism and the Contestation of Interest
in the Post-Truth Society of Indonesia

AG. Eka Wenats Wuryanta1

1
Department of Communication Studies, Paramadina University, Jakarta, Indonesia
eka.wenats@paramadina.ac.id

Keywords: ethics, online journalism, digital media, convergence, Indonesia

Abstract: The progress of digital media is transforming the nature of Indonesian media, especially in journalism. The
individual citizen can influence a lot, while the internet encourages new forms of media journalism that are
more immediate and interactive. Journalists shared journalistic activities through social media or new kinds
of media. The economics of journalism and the Citizen’s Media struggles as audiences migrate online. The
shrinkage of newsrooms creates concern for the future of journalism and truth. The revolution requires us to
re-think our assumptions. What can ethics mean for a profession that must provide instant news and
analysis, where everyone with a modem is a publisher? The media revolution has created ethical tensions. If
journalism and online media have a global impact, what are its global responsibilities? Should media ethics
reformulate its aims and norms so as to guide the media and truth now that it has a global reach and impact?
What would that look like?

1 INTRODUCTION Straubhar (2002) stated that an information

Communication experts are now beginning to agree
that the modern era is marked by the information
age. The mastery and hegemony of information
places power as a logical consequence. The
prediction and analysis conducted by Alvin Toffler
(1980) stated that the era of humanity is divided into
three major eras, namely the era of agrarian society,
industrial society and information society. This has
been and is becoming a common fact that will not be
recognised. Don Tapscott (1996), an observer of the
development of information and communications
technology in the United States, in his book ‘The
Digital Economy, Promise and Peril in the Age of
Networked Intelligence’, suggests that the
development of the world economy is undergoing a
shift from the dynamics of an industrial society
based on steel, vehicles and roads to the dynamics of
a new economic society formed by silicon,
computers and networks. Some of the adagios that
have been expressed by observers of the
development of modern communication show that
information has become one of the constitutive
elements in society.
society is a society that has political and social
economic activity through the process of the
production, consumption and distribution of
information. An information society is characterised
by a high intensity of exchange and through the use
of communication technology (Straubhar, 2002). It
can be said that information becomes a basic
requirement, which it can be expressed with the
phrase "information is the lifeblood that sustains
political, social and business decisions". Society has
begun to open up with the development and
dynamics of new media and global communications.
Production turnover, consumption and information
distribution are increasingly experienced and owned
by a new global community system that is powered
by economic strength and expansion, global
information system networks and supported by
technology.
Technology, in the development of the
production, consumption and distribution of the flow
of information, plays an important role. The role of
technology in the process of information
massification occurs when technological results help
to change the pattern of communication that is
bound by space and time into a pattern of unlimited

32
Wuryanta, A.
Online Journalism and the Contestation of Interest in the Post-Truth Society of Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 32-36
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Online Journalism and the Contestation of Interest in the Post-Truth Society of Indonesia
information communication. Technology is basically
good, so it is not surprising if there is a change from
traditional mass media into new mass media.
Ultimately, new media in the context of technology
and globalisation undergoes complex changes.
Globalisation is one of the most important factors in
the industry and in relation to media technology.
2 THEORETICAL REFLECTIONS
Over the past three decades (1970-2000), global
media has gone through major technological and
structural transformations leading to significant
penetrations of the national media systems. This has
taken place through direct broadcast satellites
(DBS), low orbit satellites, digital telephony and the
internet, as well as micro-media such as audiotapes,
videotapes, CDs, computer laptops, palmtops, and
wireless telephony and the Internet. Global
communication has virtually created a world without
borders. While commercial systems dominate the
content of news and entertainment, government
systems attempt — often unsuccessfully — to
control the information flows through censorship
within their own territorial sovereignties. Three
technological trends characterise the global media,
including digitalisation, convergence, and
miniaturisation. The technological transformations
have led to three structural consequences, including
globalisation, localisation, and fragmentation.
Structural changes have, in turn, led to three new
cultural patterns; globalisation, tribalisation, and
democratisation.
The age of media digitalisation was established
through the promise of convergence between all
forms of media, relying on digital codes. Digital
formation storing and circulating information has
become basic information in computers, mass media
and telecommunications. It can be said the digital
format is seen of as the basis of world media. In the
book titled ‘The Internet Challenge to Television’,
Bruce Owens (2000) stated that through
digitalisation, the Internet will be all, and television,
telephone, and computers will all converge on the
Internet. Henry Jenkins (2006) and Friedrich Kittler
(1999) said that a platform of digital media is the
basis for the convergence of discrete kinds of media
for which digital code is enabled as a generic
language. Jenkins argued that the interoperability of
new media or platform convergence can provide
much more participation in the media if made to
work. He argued that there was not isolation
between the old audiences and new. The new
audience of convergent and digitalised media are
more socially connected.
In the economic perspective, Brian Winston
(2005) stated that digital media technology has
become a rhetorical justification for wider
deregulations in the communications and media
industries, downplaying capital accumulation as a
cause. For Winston, economical mergers and
takeovers are not just about plundering technological
opportunities but they are also driven by the
monopoly of a single industry. From a technological
standpoint, Winston argued that digital media or
technology is not required for convergence. Rather,
there have been other sufficient means of
convergence based on analogue signals that have
allowed interchangeability between medium
functions for many years. Today, people can listen
to the radio over their digital televisions or make
telephone calls on their computers.
3 A REVOLUTION IN ETHICS
Digitalised media has been transforming journalism
and its ethics. The internet encourages a new genre
of journalism that is interactive and immediate. The
ecology of media has changed. Journalists share
journalistic links with the citizen journalism that is
apparent on Twitter and other social media
platforms.
In the midst of every revolution, new
possibilities arise when and where old-fashioned
journalism is threatened. The economy of
professional journalism fights when audiences
migrate online. The depreciation of the editorial
space or newsroom creates concerns over the future
genre of journalism. However, this fear also
encourages experimentation in journalism, such as a
non-profit investigative journalism. The main
question is the extent to which existing media ethics
are suitable for today's news media and that of
tomorrow, which is direct, interactive, and always
online. We are moving toward mixed news media -
citizens of news media and professional journalism
on many media platforms. This genre of new media
requires new media ethics - guidelines that apply to
social media journalism, blogs, tweets, and writing
for newspapers. Media ethics needs to be rethought
and reinvented for today's media.
33
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
4 TENSIONS ON TWO LEVELS:
INTEREST AND ROLES
These changes challenge the foundations of media
ethics. The challenge is deeper than the debate about
one or two ethics principles on their own, such as
objectivity or accuracy. The challenges outweigh
special problems, such as how the editorial room can
verify content from its citizens. The rapid evolution
requires rethinking the assumptions. What is the
meaning of ethics for providing instant or immediate
instant news and analysis? To what extent do ethics
have meaning related to the algorithms related to
news in social media etc.?
The changes in the media have influenced ethical
tensions. For the first level, there is a tension
between traditional journalism and online
journalism. Traditional journalism culture, with its
accuracy values, publication verification process,
impartiality, editorial process and information
filtering integrates an online journalism culture that
emphasises speed, transparency, transparency,
alignment, non-professional journalists and post-
publication corrections. At the second level,
journalism has a global impact. What is its global
responsibility? Should new media ethics redefine its
goals and norms to guide current global journalism
in its reach and impact?
The challenge for current media ethics can be
summarised with the question: Where is ethics in the
multi-media world? Media ethics should go beyond
just showing these tensions. Theoretically, it should
describe the conflict between the values. It must
decide which principle to preserve or create.
Practically, this should provide a new standard to
guide both online and offline journalism.
5 INDONESIA ONLINE
JOURNALISM ETHICS:
IN PROGRESS
Ward stated that the presence of the Internet as a
new medium, with all of its practical implications,
has created a new tension in the ethical world. The
issue of journalistic ethics comes in two levels. First,
ethical issues arise when journalism is mingling with
an interactive reader. Secondly, the new style of
online journalism that has developed in Indonesia is
very distinctive. The new style of journalism is
unique and different from the old journalism model
that has been applicable in print and television.
Beyond that, the old problem of media junction
business is still prominent.
34
Online media opens up a free public
conversation space on the comments page provided
on any news article. As mentioned above, interactive
space is an online medium. However, we also see
that the interaction space also has a business
perspective. What kind of mechanism does the
editorial staff impose on incoming reader
comments? Of course, we often see reader
comments that are rude, sarcastic and disrespectful.
The second ethical issue is a matter of accuracy.
The speed of Bill Kovack and Rosentiel states that
the obligation of journalism is the truth. "The main
principle of journalism, rather than partial truth, is
that it greatly differentiates it from all other forms of
communication.” Furthermore, Kovach and
Rosentiel said that in pursuit of truth, the essence of
journalism is the discipline of verification. Today's
high-tech era brings in journalism resembling a
conversation. "The function of journalism has not
changed fundamentally even though we have
entered the digital age. The technique used may be
different, but the underlined principle remains the
same. Verification is a precondition for absolute
accuracy. Therefore, no matter how and in what
form, online media is a verification medium. A
related issue, created by new media, is how to
handle errors and corrections because reports and
comments are constantly updated. The more
journalists who blog 'live' are working at speed, the
more mistakes are made, from misspelled words to
making factual errors Should the news organisation
go back and correct all of the errors? Or should they
fix the error later and leave no trace of the original
error – making it "unpublished?"
In addition to its accuracy, the quick and flowing
principle also alludes to the old principle of
journalism which is a matter of balance. This news
comes in 3 KEWI: "Indonesian journalists respect
the notion of innocence, do not confuse facts with
opinions, balance and always check the truth of
information, and Article 3 KEJ affirms that:"
Indonesian journalists always test information,
remain balanced, do not mix facts and opinions and
apply the presumption of innocence. This is as
explained in KEJ, an information test that means
checking and re-checking the correct information.
Meanwhile, the balance principle is about
providing space and time when reporting to the
respective parties proportionally. Typically, the print
media broadcast news. The balance is in the rules
contained therein. For online media, the principle of
balance in their news does not appear in the news,
but in principle, in the updates, piecemeal or broken.
So, news that is balanced typically does not appear
 Online Journalism and the Contestation of Interest in the Post-Truth Society of Indonesia
in the news at first, but in the second report or the
third and so on. Ethical problems are potentially
detrimental to certain public opinions that have been
formed while those who feel cornered are not getting
the opportunity to clarify the content of the news.
The news verifies the views at the next opportunity,
to allow those who feel cornered to assess their
clarification late. Over this issue, the online media is
often blamed for unbalanced news.
Partisan journalism comes in at least two types:
First is opinion journalism that likes to comment on
events and problems with or without verification.
Another form is partisan journalism that uses the
media as a funnel for political parties and
movements. To some extent, we can see the
resurrection (or return) of popular opinion / partisan
journalism before the emergence of objective
reporting in the early 1900s. Both opinion and
partisan journalism have long roots in the history of
journalism. However, their revival in the online
world creates serious ethical riddles for current
media ethics. Should objectivity be abandoned by all
journalists? Which one is best for a strong and
healthy democracy - impartial journalism or partisan
journalism?
To make matters more contentious, some new
exponents of impartial opinion and journalism do
not only question objectivity, but they question the
old principles that journalists should be independent
of the group that they have written about. For
example, some partisan journalists reject allegations
of journalistic "conflicts of interest" when they
receive money from a group or when they contribute
to a political party. Economically, the main
newsroom that upholds traditional principles, such
as impartiality, is increasingly compelled to move
toward a more polite or partisan approach to news
and commentary. No impartiality is said to be boring
for viewers. Audiences are said to be interested in
strong opinions and a conflict of opinion.
Even where the editorial room upholds the rules
of impartiality - say by delaying a journalist due to a
conflict of interest or partial commentary - they fail
to gain full public support. Some residents and
groups complain that the newsroom restricting what
analysts and reporters can say about the groups that
they cover is censorship. Is it good that more and
more journalists no longer stand between opposing
groups in society and try to inform the public fairly
about their perspectives, but become part of the
groups that seek to influence public opinion in the
process?
Another problem is that less attention is paid to
online media managers concerning content
aggregators. Simply put, content aggregators are
sites that stream information from other sites. They
do not produce, just collect. Technically, the practice
of news accumulation can be done automatically
through RSS systems and the like. What matters is
when accumulator sites get information from
something that is not self-produced.
6 CONCLUSIONS
Ethics for media and journalism could be public
in one of two ways - in terms of topics and in terms
of justification. Ethics are a common topic if its role
is to discuss and evaluate behaviour and policies
with significant public impacts, such as ethics
related to police actions during protests or ethics to
enable severely ill patients to die. Ethics are a public
justification if it is necessary, in the end, to justify
the norms by referring to the concepts of public
goods, and not individual goods. Often, this type of
behaviour involves public ethics in both senses.
Has the media revolution undermined the idea of
journalistic ethics based on the public interpretation
of the role of journalism in democracy? The answer
is no. The overall impact of journalism is increasing,
not declining. What is different is that many citizen
journalists are not included in the professional code.
It's hard to say if the public code should include
professionals and non-professionals. But such
difficulties do not deny the idea that some of the
public grounds for journalism ethics are necessary.
Their job is to reinterpret the ethics of public
journalism for the global media world.
These points lead to my main conclusion -
journalistic ethics does not "belong" to journalists.
There should be publicly owned journalistic ethics.
Responsible reporters should formulate principles
that meet the "media needs" of citizens in a self-
regulating democracy. There are at least six media
needs: information needs - citizens should be alert
and informed even if without access to a rich soup of
information about the facts and reports going on in
their world. Explanation needs - citizens need more
than facts. They need context and cause-and-effect
explanations to understand the facts and events
correctly. "Perspectival enrichment” is necessary:
citizens need comments, criticism, and many points
of view about the information that they get, and
about the state of their society. Advocacy and reform
needs - citizens must be free to go beyond the
comments to use the media to advocate for causes
and to encourage reform, or to hear the position of
supporters. Participative needs - citizens must have
35
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

the ability to participate in meaningful ways in
discussions and debates, sharing facts and analysis.
Dialogical needs - citizens must have the
opportunity to be part of a plausible and informed
dialogue on a common problem, and should not be
subjected to offensive attacks. Therefore, journalists
have no special authority to simply announce ex
cathedra, as individuals, as a particular platform
user, or as a collective, what they value. They must
show how their values are firmly rooted in the six
media needs. Of course, they can make such
announcements but their statements do not have any
social power unless the journalists show how their
principles promote the public good, and not just their
subjective or idiosyncratic goals. Subjectivism can
damage free journalism. If citizens are notified by
journalists that they are making their own ethics,
then the citizens can conclude that tighter press laws
are needed. "Ethics are subjective" makes hash of
the idea of self-regulation journalism. The latter
refers to wide accountability practices. The "self" in
"self-regulation" does not mean that every journalist
regulates their own activities.
Media Information and Communication Centre.
Singapore.
Ward, Stephen J. A. 2005. “Ethics for the New
Investigative Newsroom.”
Winston, B. 2005. Messages: Free expression, media and
the west from Gutenberg to Google. New York:
Routledge.
Ward, Stephen J. A. “Ethics for the New Mainstream.” In
The New Journalist: Roles, Skills, and Critical
Thinking, eds. Paul Benedetti, Tim Currie and Kim
Kierans, pp. 313-326. Toronto: Emond Montgomery
Publications
Low, P. C. (2003). The Media in A Society in Transition:
A Case Study of Indonesia. The Fletcher School. USA.
Börnsen, A., Braulke, T., Kruse, J., & Latzer, M. (2011).
The allocation of the digital dividend in Austria.
International Journal of Digital Television, 2(2), 161-
179.
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Alternative Media in a Networked World.
Darmaputera, E. 1988. Pancasila and the Search for
Identity and Modernity in Indonesian Society. E.J.
Brill. The Netherlands.
De Wolk, R. (2001). Introduction to Online Journalism.
Allyn and Bacon. USA.
Ess, Charles, 2009. Digital Media Ethics. Polity Press:
Cambridge
Friend, Cecilia and Jane Singer. 2007. Online Journalism
Ethics: Traditions and Transitions. Armonk, N.Y.: M.
E. Sharpe
George, C. 2006. Contentious Journalism and the
Internet: Towards Democratic Discourse in Malaysia
and Singapore. Singapore University Press: Singapore
Jenkins, H. (Ed.). 2006. Convergence culture: Where old
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Pavlik, J. 2001. Journalism and New Media. Columbia
University Press. USA.
Pavlik, J. (Jul/Aug 1997). The Future of Online
Journalism. Columbia Journalism Review. Retrieved
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Laws and Regulations in Indonesia. Asian

36
 Populism Politics in the Current Situation
as an Object of Political Analysis
Post-Democracy and Web Populism

Nubar Gurbanova1, Ulviyya Khalilova2, Rungthum Rangsikul3

1
Faculty of Social and Political Studies, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2 The Institute of History named after A.Bakikhanov, Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, Baku, Azerbaijan
3Faculty of Humanities, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia

zizi1707@gmail.com1; ulviyya.khalilovaa@yahoo.com2; nevexuz01@gmail.com3

Keywords: populism, digital media, illiberal democracy, post-democracy, web populism, political transformation.

Abstract: In the modern environment, characterised by inconsistency and instability, there is a deep crisis in the socio-
economic, political and constitutional-legal spheres, and the phenomenon of populism has become
widespread in our society. The current political situation and the development trend in the US, Europe and
many developing countries can generally be described as a "crisis of leaders". This phenomenon brings
great uncertainty both in domestic and international politics. Modern liberal democracies are not able to
provide citizens with full access to participation in political life: that is why the grey electoral zone is
growing every year, and populist movements and leaders come to power in a number of countries. This
article is devoted to the phenomenon of contemporary populism. Attempts at its conceptualisation give rise
to a contradiction: populism is often described as a phenomenon which is completely ineradicable, but
marginal, receding when the situation is normalised; and at the same time, in discourses that interpret
modernity in the categories of post-politics, postmodernism, post-democracy, post-ideology, etc., populism
appears as a system-forming element of the modern political field. Recent situations in Turkey, Russia and
Myanmar were taken as a case for the paper. The aim of this article is to find answers to the following
questions: What does this concept mean and why does populism act as an impeding factor in the
development of democracy? What measures exist to minimise these political means that are dangerous for
today's reforms?

1 INTRODUCTION populism understands the network not as a new

media, but as a technologically new way of
The current political situation and the development disseminating information, similar to newspapers
trend in the US, Europe (Mudde and Kaltwasser, and agitation, but only on the internet. The network
is a set of horizontal interactions between people.
2012) and many developing countries can generally
be described as a "crisis of leaders". This The internet becomes only a means of facilitating
phenomenon introduces huge uncertainty both in communication between them.
In the 1990s, there was an increase in the
domestic and in international politics.
When it comes to populism, media and discontented migration and globalisation of right-
commentators often suffer from historical myopia, wing populists in France, Germany and Italy. Brian
Fishman, the Yale University researcher,
seeing in the emergence of populist politicians a
specific feature of the post-truth era. In fact, convincingly proves that jihadist movements in
populism as a phenomenon goes back deeper than general and the “Islamic State of Syria and Iraq” in
particular are forms of populism in the Islamic
the recent political campaigns of Putin and Erdogan.
Turning to the technological characteristics of world.
modern populism, it should be noted that it is often So, populism has acquired a truly global
character, which proves the political success of such
called web-populism, since its successes are largely
based on internet technologies and, first of all, on figures as Polina Henson in Australia, Rodrigo
working with the social network. Successful web- Duterte in the Philippines, Recep Erdogan in

37
Gurbanova, N., Khalilova, U. and Rangsikul, R.
Populism Politics in the Current Situation as an Object of Political Analysis - Post-Democracy and Web Populism.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 37-41
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Turkey, Rafael Correa in Ecuador, or Vladimir Putin
in Russia. This means that the challenges faced by
these states, namely, the unjustified expectations of
the population, the demand for simplified solutions,
the expectations of paternalistic actions from the
state, the demagogy of irresponsible politicians and
the gap between the demands of citizens and the real
capabilities of the state – these challenges are not
unique. This state of affairs is also good news,
because the solution is being sought in Washington,
Buenos Aires and Manila. On the other hand, the
global nature of populism may portend the crisis of
the world political system to which we are
accustomed.
The varieties of populism are quite clearly
defined: right and left, political and economic. The
fundamental difference of right and left populism is
the image of the enemy. The enemy of right-wing
populism is the “immigrant”, “alien”, and “other”
(Schäfer and Streeck, 2013). The enemy of left
populism is the “world of capital”, “oligarchy”,
“banks”. But they both agree on one thing: officials
have moved away from the people and do not
represent the interests of society.
Recent situations in Turkey, Russia and
Myanmar were taken as a case for the paper.
Content analysis was used as a method in order to
enrich the discussion. The aim of the article is to
find answers to the following questions: What does
this concept mean and why does populism act as an
impeding factor in the development of democracy?
What measures exist to minimise these political
means that are dangerous for today's reforms?
2 DISCUSSION
2.1 Populism and Media
Populism (from the Latin populus – the people) is a
political stance or style of rhetoric appealing to the
masses of the people. Politicians and public figures
are obliged to appeal to the masses, because the
people are the source of the legitimacy of any
government.
However, the term has acquired a clearly
negative connotation, because, in most cases, it is
just about cheap, reduction populism when we are
dealing with unrealistic promises or overly
emotional PR-reasons on which politicians want to
raise their rating. It is worthwhile to understand that
such populism is certainly dangerous, but it has been
and always will be (Mudde, 2004). Therefore, it is
more important not to strive to eradicate it, but,
remaining within the framework of a public
consensus, to change it towards progress.
38
The ideological morphology of populism is quite
simple. The core of the ideology consists of four
coherent theses:
 In any organized community there are
"people" and elites;
 They are in a state of irreconcilable
antagonism between themselves;
 The people have the right to sovereignty;
 The people are the bearer of all social virtues,
therefore it is necessary to listen to its
thoughts and aspirations.
Semantic primitiveness and morphological
simplicity allow populism to adapt to the problems
and demands of a particular society, because any
social problems and troubles can be explained as the
result of a “conspiracy of greedy elites” but rather
solved by a simple “return of power to the hands of
an industrious and honest people”. Due to its ability
to adapt, it seems that populism can be “right”,
“left”, “religious”, etc. In fact, this ideology is only a
“collection of empty symbols”.
As shown in the book with the eloquent title
How Democracies Die by Levitsky and Ziblatt
(2018), when populists win elections, they often
paralyse the activities of democratic institutions and
try (consciously or not) to establish an authoritarian
regime. For example, of the five populists who won
the presidential elections in Latin America (Evo
Morales, Rafael Correa, Alberto Fujimori, Lucio
Gutierrez and Hugo Chavez), each significantly
weakened democratic institutions (Levitsky and
Roberts, 2013). This applies to R. Erdogan in
Turkey and V. Putin in Russia, that is, the “drift
towards authoritarianism” caused by the political
victory of the populists, which does not depend on
the cultural or historical context. As noted by Burton
and Higley, historical events show that when the
regime faces various crisis phenomena and
processes, the elites tend to begin to change
institutions in radical ways (Burton and Higley,
1998). This is especially evident in the last few
years, when the authorities of many transitional
political regimes are trying to strengthen control
over new media.
Specifics of the functioning of the media in
transitional regimes can be considered through the
concept of Bryant and Thompson (2004), who
develop Laswell's idea that the mass media perform
three main functions in society: observing the
external environment, linking fragments of the
external environment, transferring social norms and
regulations. The authors offer several models of
media impact on the audience: transactional,
expectations-estimates, use and dependence (Bryant
and Thompson, 2004, p. 149).
 Populism Politics in the Current Situation as an Object of Political Analysis - Post-Democracy and Web Populism
The instrumental nature of populism determines
the appeal to the values and traditions of the masses,
the simplification of the language, anti-elitist and
people-centered demagogy, that is, populism is one
of the driving forces for the formation of the
electoral behaviour of voters. This is an important
variable in describing specific models of populism is
the political culture of society, whereby, in terms of
Almond and Verba (1965), a participatory
subculture is developed, voters are more demanding
of their own influence on politics and more
stringently ask parties to fulfil election promises.
According to the American expert on populism
John Judis, speaking on behalf of the people against
corrupt elites is a typical example of left populism,
which is vertical in a way – the struggle of the lower
classes with the political elite, while right populism
is more like a triangle – the struggle of the lower
classes with the elites and another “parasitic” group,
which the elites allegedly “condone” (Judis, 2016).
2.2 Myanmar and Rohingya
Perhaps most clearly the price of the refusal to
counter the populist offensive on human rights
manifested itself in Burma. The growth of rabid
nationalist rhetoric by Buddhist extremists, high-
ranking military and individual members of the civil
government created the prerequisites for ethnic
cleansing against the Rohingya Muslims
(Rohingya), which was motivated by the attacks of
militants on security forces. The military operation
launched by the army resulted in massacre, mass
rape and arson in at least 340 villages. More than
640 thousand people fled to neighbouring
Bangladesh in order to save their lives. These are the
same crimes that the international community once
promised it would no longer tolerate.
The victory of democracy party that promote the
unity between minority and majority seem to be
populism activity because the new form of racism
was built against the Muslim minority especially the
Rohingya people. The campaign for democracy and
standing against ethnic conflict from NLD have
gathered minority and majority who are belong to
the similar identities as Buddhist. However, the
majority consider the Rohingya to be foreigners and
a danger to national identity (Buddhism), therefore
the Rohingya become the victims of racism under
the counter racism policy of the NLD against the
minority.
Aung San Suu Kyii, the founder and chairperson
of NLD, said “I don’t think there is ethnic cleansing
going on. I think ethnic cleansing is too strong an
expression to use for what is happening” (bbc.com,
2017). This is contrary to what was happening in
Arakan state and she refused to use the term
Rohingya in her speech in order to hide the fact. The
researcher assumed that she intended to promote a
counter ethnic conflict issue between the people of
Myanmar; on the other hand, facts regarding human
rights abuses and genocide have always been
revealed by the media and NGO organisations.
The researcher can conclude that the Rohingya
issue has never been discussed in the populist
shadow of the NLD. The figurehead of the party,
Aung San Suu Kyii in this case, seemed to avoid the
issue and distance herself from the problem to
maintain her majority popular vote.
2.3 Russia and Putin
Putin was the first to discover a breach in modern
liberal-democratic regimes: one can enjoy broad
popular support and at the same time act with
impunity in an authoritarian way, handing out empty
promises and using the political shortsightedness
and irresponsibility of the masses. According to this
theory, a new generation of populists is simply
trying to use Putin's recipe to undermine the
foundations of Western democracy.
The reasons for expressing mass discontent were
quite “legitimate”: the manipulation of the
constitution for the transfer of the presidential post
(“castling” of Putin and Medvedev), rigging
elections in 2011, abuse of power by high-ranking
officials, etc.
A separate line of unkind words, of course,
refers to state-controlled media, including federal
television channels and even such exotic things as a
“troll factory”. Unfortunately, however, all this also
does not explain the permanent electoral success of
the regime. First of all, it is possible to effectively
deceive only those who are deceived themselves.
Where a more powerful Soviet propaganda machine
did not save the Soviet Union from collapse, the first
approach to which was the election of allied
deputies.
It is necessary to distinguish between the
keynote of Putin's policy and its arrangement.
Repression, propaganda, falsification – all this is
secondary. The primary combination of three chords
is militarism, archaism and left populism. This is the
melody that the people want to hear today, and they
are not happy with anything else. Putin has learned
to perform political symphonies of any complexity
in a masterly way with the help of these three
chords. All this became possible only because Putin
managed to reformat the people “for themselves”
before the 14th year, that is, before the counter-
revolutionary coup. He crushed and subjugated the
elites, turning them into an appendage of state power
(novayagazeta.ru, 2018).
39
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Even before the “Russian spring”, the elites
ceased to play any independent political role in
Russia. This gave Putin the opportunity to “short-
circuit” his power “directly” to the “masses”. There
was a link between the leader and the masses, which
is now almost impossible to open. In this direct
communication of the leader with the masses –
bypassing the elite –lies, today, the main secret of
the stability of the regime, which explains, among
other things, record high voting figures for Putin and
record low voting figures for his opponents in the
March, 2018 elections.
Militaristic ethics always competed with liberal
ones. In Russia, one can say, there is a struggle
between militaristic ethics and the remnants of
liberalism.
2.4 Erdogan in Turkey
The presidential elections in Turkey ended in the
victory of R.T. Erdogan, and all the forecasts for a
possible second round were untenable even before
all the votes were counted. Immediately after the
announcement of the results, June 25, the new-old
ruler of Turkey said that his victory was “the victory
of the Turkish people, all oppressed in our region
and all oppressed in the world” (vesty.co.il).
The victory of Erdogan was the final stage of the
long reform carried out by the Turkish leader for
many years. He managed to gradually concentrate in
his hands such a volume of power, that foreign
analysts started talking about almost the beginning
of a dictatorship.
Recep Tayyip Erdogan turned Turkey into a
presidential republic, cutting down the powers of
parliament and subjugating the government and the
army. The post of prime minister will be abolished,
and the appointment of cabinet members will
become the prerogative of the president.
Populism began to occupy more and more places
in Erdogan's agitation. The latest example was the
readiness prepared by the president after the
elections to consider the possibility of abolishing the
state of emergency in the country (tass.ru, 2018).
Opponents and critics of Erdogan are convinced
that he has concentrated too much power in his
hands and almost abolished the system of checks
and balances that can support the democratic balance
in the state.
As for foreign policy, many observers are also
not inclined to optimistic forecasts. Most likely,
Erdogan will continue the populist course, which
strengthens the position of Islamists; the issue of
closer interaction with the EU will also not have
priority on his agenda. His pro-Palestinian stance
and Erdogan's populist rhetoric are well known to
Israeli diplomats. Relations between the two
40
countries, for a long time, have been at a level close
to crisis.
The collective West is certainly dissatisfied with
the haste of the Turkish leadership. For the EU and
the US, Erdogan's Turkey – a mixture of
nationalism, Islamism, pan-Turkism, an emphasis on
sovereignty, Islamic populism and, finally, anti-
Western behaviour – is absolutely unacceptable
(ria.ru, 2018).
3 CONCLUSION
As the well-known British Sociologist, Z. Bauman,
noted “Populism offers unrealistic methods for
solving real problems. The danger of populism in the
disregard of the rules of democratic play, the
reduction of politics to the struggle between good
and evil” (Bauman, 2008, p. 211).
In our days both in developed and developing
countries there is clearly a tendency for politicians to
rise from social movements. Of course, this is not a
new phenomenon. With each crisis, various social
movements have emerged in democracy, and always
a populist politician has emerged from such
movements. Right-wing and left-wing populists are
everywhere today. On the one hand, they create new
conditions for new politicians, including heads of
state; on the other hand, they introduce huge
uncertainty.
REFERENCES
Almond, G., Verba, S., 1965. The Civic Culture: Political
Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations. Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Bauman, Z., 2008. Liquid Modernity. Cambridge: Polity.
p.211
Bryant, J., Thompson, S., 2004. Fundamentals of media
effects. Boston, Mass: McGraw-Hill. p.149
Burton, M., Higley, J., 1998. Political Crises and Elite
Settlements // Elites, crises, and the origins of regimes
/ Dogan, M. & Higley, J. (Eds.). NY.
Judis, J.B., 2016. The Populist Explosion. New York:
Columbia Global Reports. p.182
Levitsky, S., Ziblatt, D., 2018. How Democracies Die.
New York: Grown.
Levitsky, S., Roberts, K. M., 2013. The resurgence of the
Latin American left. JHU Press.
Mudde, C., 2004. The populist zeitgeist. Government and
Opposition, 39(4), 542–563.
Mudde, C., Kaltwasser, C. R., 2012. Populism in Europe
and the Americas: Threat or corrective for
democracy? Cambridge University Press.
Schäfer, A., and Streeck, W., 2013. Politics in the Age of
Austerity. Polity Press.
 Populism Politics in the Current Situation as an Object of Political Analysis - Post-Democracy and Web Populism

Aung San Suu Kyi: No ethnic cleansing of Myanmar

Muslim minority, 2017.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-39507350
Популизм и российское общество: корни,
особенности, перспективы (Populism and Russian
society: roots, features, perspectives), 2018.
http://gefter.ru/archive/24585
Три президентские карты (Three presidential cards),
2018.
https://www.novayagazeta.ru/articles/2018/03/24/7592
9-tri-prezidentskie-karty
О связи Трампа с Путиным и правом популизме (On
the connection between Trump and Putin and the right
of populism), 2017.
https://khodorkovsky.ru/mbh/press/bbc_populism/
Султанат досрочно: зачем Эрдоган зовет турок на
избирательные участки (Sultanate ahead of schedule:
why does Erdogan call Turks to polling stations),
2018.
https://ria.ru/analytics/20180421/1519095367.html
Кто может помешать Эрдогану провести блицкриг
(Who can prevent Erdogan from conducting a
blickrig?), 2018. http://tass.ru/opinions/5292728

41
 Identity in the Contemporary Indonesian Post-Truth Society:
Primordialism on Social Media in the 2017 Election of the DKI Jakarta Governor

Medhy Aginta Hidayat1

1
Department of Sociology, Trunojoyo University, Madura, Indonesia
medhy.hidayat@trunojoyo.ac.id

Keywords: identity, primordialism, social media, post-truth, digital society, Indonesia

Abstract: This article examines the identity politics in contemporary Indonesian post-truth society. The development
of information-communication technology today has given rise to new challenges in contemporary
Indonesian society. On the one hand, it has opened up the communication space among citizens in a more
democratic way. On the other hand, it has also raised a number of issues. One such issue is the rise of
primordialism through social media. A number of studies have shown an increasing trend of primordialism
based on religious, ethnic, and class identity through social media. There is also still an ongoing process of
the production and reproduction of false information on social media focused on a particular political
interest. Fake news, hoaxes and slander can be spread through social media. Furthermore, facts and truth
seem to no longer be important. In a post-truth society, the most important thing seems to be convincing the
masses of a certain goal. Using the critical discourse analysis method, the author analysed the netizen
conversations in the election of the Governor of DKI Jakarta in 2017 as a case study of identity politics in
Indonesia. This article underlines the role of social media utilisation as a part of identity politics in
contemporary Indonesian post-truth society.

1 INTRODUCTION
The 2017 Governor of DKI Jakarta election was
considered by many observers to be one of the worst
local elections in Indonesia (Nugroho, 2016;
Erizaldi, 2017; Sirait, 2018). One of the most
prominent phenomena in the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election was the use of primordial symbols, such as
ethnicity, religion and class, as a sound picking voter
toolkit. In order to win the Pilkada contestation, a
number of supporters of certain governor candidates
utilised the facts of ethnic differences (pribumi
versus non-pribumi), religious differences (Islam
versus non-Islam) and class differences (wong cilik
versus conglomerate) as a strategy to influence
prospective voter decisions. Primordial sentiment
was waged, rather than candidate competencies and
track records.
Furthermore, in contrast to the elections in the
previous year, the 2017 DKI Jakarta election took
place in the reality of a contemporary Indonesian
post-truth society. This is the reality of people who
live and who have lived in the time of the current
development of the latest communication and
information technology. This is the reality of people
who are familiar with using the internet and various
online tools. It is in this reality of digital society that
identity politics finds a new space of existence,
namely social media, in Indonesia. Data from a
number of studies shows that social media is the
latest political propaganda tool that is very effective
at achieving certain political goals (Sunstein, 2018).
Moreover, in the reality of today's society, which is
often referred to as the "post-truth society" in which
facts and truth are no longer singular, social media is
the main tool for spreading false news, hoaxes and
uncensored slander. In this context, the 2017 DKI
Jakarta election took place in the contemporary
Indonesian post-truth society, where there is the
widespread use of social media especially for
political interests, as well as the rise of identity
politics and primordialism based on ethnicity,
religion and class in local political contestation.
This article has tried to answer the main question
of the research carried out in early 2018, namely on
how the phenomenon of identity politics through
social media occurred in the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election. More specifically, this article will underline
the role of social media as the main driving factor of
identity politics and the rise of primordialism in the

42
Hidayat, M.
Identity in the Contemporary Indonesian Post-Truth Society - Primordialism on Social Media in the 2017 Election of the DKI Jakarta Governor.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 42-46
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Identity in the Contemporary Indonesian Post-Truth Society - Primordialism on Social Media in the 2017 Election of the DKI Jakarta
reality of contemporary Indonesian post-truth
society.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
Identity often becomes a battlefield of political
interests. A number of studies have shown that
ethnicity, race, religion, gender and class
background are widely used as "political capital" to
gain power (Appiah, 2006; Heryanto, 2012; Afala,
2018). Hindu and Islamic religious identities in India
and Pakistan, for example, are the main social
capital used for political purposes (Appiah, 2006).
On the other hand, identity is also often formed
through political processes. A number of new
countries born after the end of the Second World
War were largely formed based on similarities of
identities (especially race, ethnicity and religion) and
through identity politics (Appiah, 2006; Castells,
2010).
Identity politics is a concept that describes how
various backgrounds of the individual actors’
identities are used for the benefit of gaining political
power. Initially, identity politics was a social
movement against injustice and the discrimination of
minority groups in the United States during 1960s,
such as black people, native Americans, women, gay
men and diffable groups (Appiah, 2006; Fauzi,
2010). In its later development, the subject of
identity politics does not only refer to subordinate
groups, but it also now includes subjects who have
considerable political capital. Nowadays, the
category of identities for identity politics has
developed to include ethnicity, religion, class,
family, occupation and other identities (Fauzi, 2010;
Afala, 2018).
The politics of identity in Indonesia has been
going on since the era of the formation of the nation-
state to date (Haboddin, 2012). Fighting and
mobilising political forces based on identity
backgrounds is not a new phenomenon in Indonesia.
However, it must be admitted that the practices of
identity politics in Indonesia found an explosive
momentum after the Reformasi Order. The adoption
of a decentralised system of government, regional
territory expansion, multi-party systems and a local
electoral system, has triggered a resurgence of
identity politics (Haboddin 2012; Ramstedt, 2011).
Since the Reformation Era, for example, in various
Pilkada in Indonesia, the phenomenon of clashes of
identity symbols has emerged as the political capital
of potential regional leaders. Furthermore, the
impact of the rampant practice of identity politics in
Governor
Indonesia is related to the rise of primordialism,
which is the understanding or belief that the ties of
origin and background of certain identities (race,
ethnicity, religion) are the main elements of
individual identity (Ubed, 2002; Haboddin, 2015).
Other identities are considered to be unimportant. As
a result, society is vulnerable if there are inter-group
conflicts based on divisive primordial sentiments.
Such conditions are exacerbated by the reality of
contemporary Indonesian post-truth society, in
which facts and truths are defeated by mere beliefs
and emotions (Ball, 2017; McIntyre, 2018).
The 2017 DKI Jakarta Governor’s election is
widely regarded as the culmination of the practice of
identity politics in Indonesia (Nugroho, 2016;
Kharisma, 2017; Suntoro, 2018; Sirait, 2018). With
the support of social media, identity politics carried
out by certain governor candidates in the 2017 DKI
Jakarta election utilised primordial ties in the form
of ethnic, religious and social class identity in order
to gain power, rather than demonstrating their
competence, track record and vision as a leader. A
number of studies show that social media, more than
others, plays an important role in the practice of
identity politics, including in the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election (Nichols, 2017; Erizaldi, 2017; Nugroho,
2016; Saraswati, 2017; Taplin, 2018). With the help
of social media, the process of information
dissemination, discourse and issues, as well as
mobilisation and opinion formation took place both
massively and effectively.
3 METHODS
This qualitative research study used the critical
discourse analysis method. The critical discourse
analysis method is one of the newer methods in
social and cultural sciences research. Three
important postulates in this method are that it is an
interdisciplinary approach, that it seeks to demystify
ideology and that it is reflective and critical of both
the data and research objects (Wodak, 2009;
Fairclough, 2010). According to Fairclough (2010),
the method of critical discourse analysis includes
three dimensions: text, discursive practices and
social praxis. Text in this case includes speech,
writing, stories, pictures, films and others.
Discursive practice refers to all forms of textual
relations of production and consumption. In this
dimension, there is a subjective interpretation
process. Finally, social praxis is an action taken
based on discursive inter-textual understanding.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
In this study, the author utilised data in the form
of texts (including speech, writing, stories, pictures,
films, etc.) on social media related to the identity
politics during the 2017 DKI Jakarta election.
Approximately 300 texts in various forms and media
channels have been used as the data in this study.
Furthermore, this text was then sorted into themes
based on the primordialism symbols and content, in
turn based on ethnicity, religion and social class.
The social media platforms chosen in this study
were Facebook and Twitter. The selection of these
two types of social media platforms is because they
are the main media platforms used during the 2017
DKI Jakarta election (other less important social
media used was Instagram). Through these two
types of social media, it is hoped that the ongoing
identity politics and the rise of primordialism in the
case of contemporary Indonesian post-truth society
can be described and analysed.
4 DISCUSSION
4.1 Pribumi versus Non-Pribumi
This study found that the first primordial sentiment
that emerged in the practice of identity politics in the
social media of the 2017 DKI Jakarta Election was
related to ethnic identity. Netizen conversations on
social media are dominated by the issue of "pribumi
versus non-pribumi." The term pribumi refers to the
idea of native citizens, who are not foreign
descendants. Although the concept of "pribumi" has
been widely criticised by scholars because it is
considered to be misleading (Ubed, 2002; Haboddin,
2015), in the reality of the people of DKI Jakarta,
this vague identity is still considered to be important.
In the 2017 DKI Jakarta election contest, the
pribumi identity was represented by the candidate
for the governor of Anies Baswedan, while the non-
pribumi candidate was Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or
Ahok, of Chinese descent.
The main texts that dominated social media,
especially Facebook and Twitter at that time, were
"Ahok Cina", "Ahok not pribumi", "Ahok was born
in Cina", "Ahok is a communist Cina", “Ahok PKI”
and "Ahok is not a native Indonesian" (Sarwanto,
2017). Popular hashtags on Twitter during the
election included #AhokSumberKegaduhan for
example, and discussed a lot about Ahok’s ethnic
background. Disinformation was also disseminated
through social media massively, and was not
infrequently manipulative in order to gain voter
support. Although the facts prove that Ahok was
44
born in Indonesia and has Indonesian citizenship,
discursive interpretations show that the texts of
politicised ethnic identity have been accepted and
trusted by netizens.
On the other hand, the perception of netizens that
Anies Baswedan is a pribumi seems to be well
received, even though actually Anies is a Yemeni
descendant. Although the text that "Anies pribumi"
and its variants do not appear too many times on
social media, but the dichotomy of "pribumi versus
non-pribumi" seems to have convinced netizens that
Anies Baswedan is a pribumi. Discursive
interpretations like this certainly cannot be separated
from the long history of hatred and discrimination of
Chinese descendants in Indonesia, who are always
considered to be "immigrants", "rich people" and
"greedy." As a consequence, the netizen's social
practices in the 2017 DKI Jakarta election resulted
in them giving their votes to Anies Baswedan, who
is considered to be "pribumi" rather than their votes
going to the "non-pribumi", Ahok
4.2 Muslim versus Non-Muslim
In addition to ethnic identity, religious identity was
also one of the dominant primordial sentiments
during the 2017 DKI Jakarta election. Identity
politics distinguishes between Basuki Tjahaja
Purnama or Ahok as a non-Muslim (Christian) and
Anies Baswedan as a Muslim, and he consciously
utilised religious identity as an important voter getter
during the election. In the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election, religious-based hatred sentiments were
even getting stronger when Ahok was considered to
have defamed Al-Qur'an, Surat Al Maidah 51. The
accusation of blasphemy then sent Ahok to jail,
sentenced to two years.
Moreover, the dominant text relating to religion-
based identity politics in social media is dominated
by lawsuits against Ahok, the prohibition on
choosing kafir leaders (non-Muslims), as well as the
prohibition of worshiping Ahok's supporters when
they pass away. Netizen conversations on Facebook
were also mainly filled with suggestions not to
choose Ahok as the governor of DKI Jakarta. While
on Twitter, popular hashtags such as
#TangkapAhok, #AhokPenistaAgama,
#GeloraJihad, as well as #SaveUlama were
scattered throughout during the election.
This study further found that this discursive
interpretation of the primordial text of religious
identity has a stronger influence than ethnic identity.
Superficial religious understanding, as well as the
lack of digital literacy, has made netizens easily
 Identity in the Contemporary Indonesian Post-Truth Society - Primordialism on Social Media in the 2017 Election of the DKI Jakarta
receive misleading information on social media. As
a consequence, at the level of social praxis, these
political texts and disputes between Muslims and
non-Muslims have been proven able to mobilize
some of the DKI Jakarta residents to carry out large-
scale demonstrations demanding that Ahok should
be detained and punished. Identity politics,
supported by the power of social media, once again
has proven to be overthrowing Ahok as a governor
candidate considered once to be clean, competent
and visionary.
4.3 Wong Cilik versus Conglomerate
Although less prominent than the two previous
identities, the last primordial sentiments that
emerged in the 2017 DKI Jakarta election were to do
with differences in social class. Some scholars do
not include social class as a part of primordial
identity (Haboddin, 2015). However, some others
place social class as one aspect of primordial
identity (Afala, 2018). The author followed the
second group of scholars and found data in the field
stating that social class can be part of the primordial
identity.
In the 2017 DKI Jakarta election, social class-
based identity politics sought to be seen in the
differences between the lower class people
commonly referred to as "wong cilik" and the upper
class or conglomerates. In order to win over the
sympathy of the electorate, the supporters of each
governor candidate tried to build the image as them
being the defender of the "wong cilik" and on the
other hand, they sought to get away from their
proximity to the conglomerate group.
Netizen' conversations on social media on this
topic were dominated by words such as "governor of
the people", "advocate of wong cilik", "wong cilik
party", and also texts about "against black
conglomerates", "anti-Aseng", "anti-foreigners" and
the "Governor of the 9 Dragons". Interestingly, in
contrast to the two previous identities that tend to
show a sharp dichotomy between the candidates, in
the issue of class identity, almost all of the
candidates tried to build an image as being the
"defender of wong cilik" and "enemy of the
conglomerate".
An analysis of the texts on social media at the
time showed the tendency of the supporters of
governor Anies Baswedan to place Ahok in the
position of supporting "capital owners". The term
"Governor of the 9 Dragons", for example, was
given to Ahok which was considered to bring in the
interest of wealthy Chinese businessmen. The
Governor
expression "anti-Aseng" also emerged as a symbol
of the rejection of Chinese businessmen in Indonesia
(Aseng is a typical Chinese Indonesian name). These
texts appear to be in the form of writing, meme
images and both factual and hoax videos that tend to
corner the identity of one of the governor candidates.
In a scheme like this, discursive interpretations
that arise later can be read as an attempt to discredit
Ahok as a candidate as he is a governor of Chinese
descent from a family of businessmen, and close to
the Chinese business circle. Meanwhile, on the other
hand, Anies Baswedan was quite successful in
building the image of the identity of candidates who
were siding with the wong cilik. His rejection of the
Jakarta Bay reclamation project, for example,
became popular campaign material that was widely
shared through social media by his supporters. This
is, of course, because the reclamation project is
considered to be a symbol of support for Chinese
business class groups.
This symbolic association in turn had positive
results for the support team of the governor of Anies
Baswedan. At the level of social praxis, this study
found that the texts of "wong cilik advocates" and
"anti-Aseng" proved to be able to mobilise voters to
support Anies Baswedan. That is, although less
prominent, primordial sentiments based on class
identity through social media turned out to play a
role in the identity politics of the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election.
5 CONCLUSIONS
Identity politics during the 2017 DKI Jakarta
election took place on a massive scale through social
media. The data in this study shows that the
presence of social media, especially Facebook and
Twitter, has become a strong trigger for the
development of primordial sentiments being more
open and intense. In the 2017 DKI Jakarta election
in previous years, the intensity of the practice of
identity politics did not take place as it did in 2017.
The emergence of a DKI Jakarta governor candidate
from minority groups, namely Basuki Tjahaja
Purnama, who is of Chinese descent and Christian,
has encouraged the rise of identity politics and
primordialism in Indonesia.
Social media texts in identity politics during the
2017 DKI Jakarta election included three themes of
identity, namely ethnicity, religion and social class.
Of the three, ethnic background (pribumi versus
non-pribumi) and religion (Islam versus non-Islam)
became the point of attention of netizens, while
45
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
social class background (wong cilik versus
conglomerate) received less attention.
The existence of social media has proven to play
an important role in the identity politics in the 2017
DKI Jakarta election. Societal divisions based on
primordial background (ethnicity, religion and social
class) took place more openly and dangerously. In
the reality of contemporary Indonesian post-truth
society, a better political will is needed for managing
primordial differences and preventing the negative
side of identity politics.
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Castells, M., 2010. The power of identity: the information
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Erizaldi, 2017. 'Polarisasi sosial di media sosial pasca-
pilkada Jakarta', Geotimes.co.id, 6 June. Available at:
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sosial/ (Accessed: 12 June 2018).
Fairclough, N., 2010. Critical discourse analysis: the
critical study of language, Routledge. London, 2nd
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Fauzi, I. (ed), 2010. Politik identitas dan masa depan
pluralisme kita, Pusat Studi Agama dan Demokrasi
(PUSAD), Paramadina. Jakarta.
Haboddin, M., 2012. 'Menguatnya politik identitas di
ranah lokal', Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan UMY, 3 (1),
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Haboddin, M., 2015. Politik primordialisme dalam pemilu
di Indonesia, UB Press. Malang.
Heryanto, A. (ed), 2012. Budaya populer di Indonesia:
mencairnya identitas pasca orde baru, Jalasutra.
Yogyakarta.
Kharisma, L., 2017. 'Hantu primordialisme di pilkada
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pilkada-dki (Accessed: 10 May 2018).
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dki-jakarta-b44t (Accessed: 20 June 2018).
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 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism,
Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia

Kuno Yoseph Genta1 and Wihartono2

1
Graduate School of Asian and African Studies, Kyoto University, Japan
2
Faculty of Social Science and Political Science, University of Indonesia
kuno@asafas.kyoto-u.ac.jp a.yoseph@ui.ac.id

Keywords: post-truth, populism, Islamic populism, social media, political communication

Abstract: The current political tension in Indonesia has fuelled speculation that the political orientation in Indonesia
itself is moving from the democratisation characterised by the paradoxes in various realms which degrade
the subsistence quality of its democracy (Hadis, and Robison 2005; Mietzner 2011; Okamoto and Rozaki,
2006), to the contestation among distinct streams of populism (Hadiz and Robison 2017; Perastyawan 2018;
Djani and Tornquist 2017). Furthermore, it is observed as the global phenomenon that cyberspace has
become a significant site for such contestation, where disinformation and hate are frequently rampant
(Bradshaw and Howard, 2017). In particular, Indonesia has recently witnessed the rise of political figures
who embrace the aspiration of dissatisfied people; of these an Islamist group is one of the notable
contestants among others attacking each other in cyberspace by frequent use of social media and fake news.
This paper will, firstly, describe the nature of such populist cyber activities in the Indonesian political
context, drawing primarily on that of the opposition parties’ supporters in facing the 2019 presidential
election, and, secondly, discuss the validity of the populist force in navigating Indonesian political
dynamics, namely in terms of whether it will be a new political model or end up as a brief phenomenon
empty of significance.

1 INTRODUCTION politics, such as identity politics, hate and fake news,

social media, and Islamist mass mobilisation.
Researchers have not found a firm interpretation of That is to say that cyberspace is becoming a
political orientation in Indonesia since frontier of political communication in Indonesia. It
democratisation. In general, democratisation has facilitates a space for and amplifies many styles of
resulted in paradoxes in various realms which populist political mobilisation, especially the recent
degrade the subsistence quality of its democracy Islamist one. Looking closer into each case of such,
(Hadiz, & Robison 2005; Mietzner 2011; Okamoto one may find an indication that the Indonesian
& Rozaki, 2006). At the same time, populism is political orientation is now moving from this
increasingly becoming a global phenomenon, peculiar place into a post-truth model. Indeed,
including in Indonesia. In the West, recently, such Islamist activities in cyberspace depict the logic of
populist spirit is exuded in events such as Brexit and emotions, sensation, and belief rather than
Trump's victory. In the context of Southeast Asia, accountability and rationality. Moreover,
Thaksin began it in 2001 in Thailand, and was also transformation from cyber populism into post-truth
followed by Duterte, the penal populist, in The politics can be explained in terms of rapid
Philippines in 2016. One of the most prominent circulation of information and less mediated
events in Indonesia was the political situation since aspirational grounds that break the conventional
the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election. The election political legitimacy.
gave rise to seemingly new elements in electoral However, it must be considered carefully, for
populism is theorised as a temporary political
strategy in nature, and post-truth might be an

47
Genta, K. and Wihartono
Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 47-58
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
unjustified speculation on uncertainty. Polarisation
since Jakarta’s 2017 gubernatorial election has
intensified and resulted in domination of political
discourses based on religious identity and
deterioration of Joko Widodo (henceforth Jokowi)
electability. The narrative of current Islamist
populism on social media also describes that
continuity. However, if this was dichotomised, it
could be seen namely as encompassing the
supporters of Basuki Tjahaja (henceforth Ahok) and
Jokowi, with the reformists as rational participants,
and those of the opposition as irrational masses of a
post-truth kind. This may lead to fail to capture the
ambivalent and immanently polarised masses that
connect in the political sphere through cyberspace.
The series of aksi during and in the aftermath of
Jakarta’s election explained the capability of
discourses in cyberspace to materialise. Clearly, the
event has signified the role of cyberspace and
somewhat became a moment of the rise of
proliferation of intentional engineering of political
environments in cyberspace. However, still, the
events have not yet given solid ground for claiming
that there is an ongoing rigid political change. Thus,
it is neither about internet-literacy of the majority of
users in Indonesia nor how much fake news and
disinformation influence reality. But it is the matter
of how cyberspace has been politicised. For
instance, the formerly recognised status of Islamic
populism in Indonesia is that it, “has continued to
falter within and outside of the state…. [and] is
doubtful that Islamic populism is a transforming
force within Indonesian politics” (Hadiz & Robison,
2017, p. 498). However, after Ahok’s blasphemy
case, it is indeed unintuitive to consider this to be the
case.
For these reasons, relatively new constituents of
populism, post-truth, and cyberspace should be
carefully considered, and translated into the context
of Indonesian politics.
Firstly, the global rise of populism is often
captured as a result of the failure of the neoliberal
system. However, in many localities, “the roots are
likely to be thick tangles of economic, cultural,
existential, and other factors… [that] are not always
directly traceable to the neoliberal system” (Postill,
2018, p. 756). Furthermore, contestation among
distinct streams of populism in Indonesia is not new.
It has been observed as a phenomenon that has
occurred at least since the 2014 presidential election
and also has roots deeper than merely the emerging
popular powers riding on a democratising wave
48
(Hadiz & Robison 2017; Djani & Tornquist 2017;
Mietzner, 2015).
Secondly, the fusion of populist and cyber
activism or what Gerbaudo (2017) labeled “cyber
populism” is a “new wave in the late 2000s and
2010s, that has been shaped not just by … shift from
web 1.0 to the web 2.0 of social network sites but
also by changes in the ideology of connected social
movements” (Gerbaudo, 2017, p. 487). In this sense,
Indonesia is important because, the Indonesian
internet population is one of fastest growing and
highest in the world; during 2016, there were more
than 27 million new users (We Are Social, 2017).
On the other hand, dynamics of political
communication in cyberspace among Indonesians
also falsified the monolithic notion of cyber
populism. It means that, in relation to cyberspace, it
is said that populists define cyberspace as a fountain
of popular power, and non-traditional grounds for
aspiration which they seek to occupy to serve the
purpose of popular mobilisation against
neoliberalism (Gerbaudo, 2017). However, many
“establishment politicians have been as adept as
their populist rivals in the use of social media,” as
exemplified by various cases across the countries,
“from Obama in the United States to Prabowo in
Indonesia or Rajoy in Spain” (Postill, 2018, p. 756).
Thirdly, Corner (2017) explains that post-truth is
a concept that is interconnected with fake news. For
instance, what Trump has uttered during many of his
campaigns or on Twitter is called false speech, and
is processed into fake news by the mass media, but
is still able to gain a lot of support. The advantage
for Trump was that he sought to aspire to the
majority of voices who felt disadvantaged. These are
circumstances which turn emotional appeals on, as
factors that are more important than the truth itself.
In Indonesia, Ahok’s case of blasphemy was the one
that may most examplify this. The public pressure
for Ahok to be punished gained legitimacy while it
was still debated whether it was defamation or not
by academics, considering that religion is the most
important thing and there is a taboo in terms of
criticising it. Furthermore, how the case was
publicised depicts that process of viral reality
affecting most of society. Blackal (2017) adds that
the post-truth phenomenon in mass media is related
to journalism. News today rarely demonstrates how
a news story is tested to deliver replication results,
meaning that it does not provide space for testing the
reported facts.
Furthermore, in order to avoid ambiguity in
 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia

navigating the political dynamics in Indonesia, characterised by careful emphasis on the element of
relationships between populism, post-truth, and “people” as Albertazzi and McDonnell (2008, p.3)
cyber space that have simultaneously become define it as an ideology which pits a virtuous and
prominent should be clarified. This paper will do homogeneous people against a set of elites and
that by considering the context of Indonesia's post- dangerous ‘others’. Furthermore, the literature on
democratisation political dynamics. Moreover, in populism has also identified many characteristics.
doing so, this paper not only offers a contextual For Taggart, those are the stance of anti-
understanding of the abovementioned global representative politics, the tendency of heartland
political elements, but also exposes each element narratives, a lack of core values, sense of crisis, and
with questions and points to be monitored further. self-limiting (Taggart, 2004, pp. 273-276). From a
different view point, Laclau adds that populist
practice is covered by a lens of dislocation within
2 POPULISM AS POLITICAL which there is a process whereby the hegemonic
identity becomes an order of empty signifier that in
STRATEGY IN INDONESIA
itself embodies an unattainable fullness (Gauna,
2017).
Populism has become an important word in
On the other hand, a determinant of populist
capturing the defects of democracy in modern-day
uprising is that sense of disappointment at the
Indonesia. What has been observed in terms of past
performance of politics, to recover from certain
political dynamics was the institutional or structural
conditions that damage the established social order.
creed that gives rise to some political powers or
For instance, Taggart (2000) mentions that the
conflicts that degrade the quality of democracy. In
emergence of populism is the result of a structural
terms of populism, the source of agitation is neither
transformation in society. This, however, contradicts
the friction between elites nor hyper-sympathetic
with another characteristic of populism as episodic
groups but it is an anonymous and seemingly
and discontinuative political mobilisation.
indiscriminate crowd. Speaking of which, populism
Alternatively, Panizza (2005) explains that populism
itself, regardless of its high exposure to historicism,
is much more a form of the reactions to a situation of
and contestation, tends to be defined by the
vast change in society, than that of macro structural
association with “the people”. For example, “in the
transformation, by pointing out that such triggers
United States, the word populism remains associated
might not only happen in the form of an economic
with the idea of a genuine egalitarian left-wing
crisis but also a civil war, a corrupt government and
politics in the potential conflict with the stances of a
a natural or man-made disaster.
Democratic Party whereas in Europe has been
Considering this, it must be noted that the recent
regarded as technocrat” (Müller, 2016, p. 8).
rise of populism in Indonesia is not a serial
Moreover, its understanding and usage have been
sequestration or a result of worldly transformation.
ambiguous as early attempts at defining populism as
Furthermore, out of all these different
such were seen as attempts that failed to illuminate
understandings, this paper sees populism as one of
the concept itself. There is similarity in the criticism
the ways of political mobilisation as Weyland (2001)
of these early attempts in that the definitions try to
defined populism: a “political strategy through
cover the wide extent of the phenomenon that might
which a personalistic leader seeks or exercises
be captured as populism; they then leave no crucial
government power based on direct, unmediated, un-
point in the definition (Deiwiks, 2009).
institutionalized supports from large numbers of
Such a problem is also apparent in the
mostly unorganized followers” (Weyland, 2001, p.
accumulated literature on populism where “there
14). Basically, the term populism is not only
exists at least four central approaches to populism –
theoretically problematic as described above, but
as ideology, logic, discourse and
also, realistically, it is problematic as it can be
strategy/organization” (Moffitt, & Tormey, 2014, p.
applied in Indonesia. Current figures, neither
383). However, Deiwiks (2009) further assesses that
Prabowo, Jokowi, nor leaders of the anti-Ahok
the relatively long remain effort is the definition by
movement, can be fully qualified as populists. There
Berlin et al. (1968) which emphasises the elements
is a lack of at least one of the conventional elements
of the people (Gemeinschaf) and rejection of politics
of populism, namely anger, anti-foreign sentiments,
(Deiwkis, 2009, p.2). Recent attempts are
political outsiders, or clear differentiation between

49
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
elite and non-elite. Thus, if any of the political
figures in Indonesia may be categorised as populist,
it is through the character of his/her way of mass
mobilisation, and the attachment established with
potential voters. Speaking of populism broadly in
terms of “people worshipping”, it is possible to say
that the political climate of Indonesia has long been
frequently coloured by the style of that sort of
behaviour. As Farid & Fauzi (2017) wrote in their
brief historical account, in Indonesia at least, since
the first crossroads of the 20th century, the term
little people or wong cilik exerts a strong political
charm. Thus, the little people might be separated
from the elite circle but, at the same time, have a
strong and popular agency that can sometimes be
linked with the established ruler in a symbiotic
relationship, or it might sometimes be exploited by a
certain moment of political contestation as a source
of influence. Politics in Indonesia has been
characterised also by the management of latent
political mass. In a new order era, there was an
unofficial manifesto preventing the floating masses
from participating in practical politics and joining
political parties, by creating networks of buffers
consisting of “quasi-official, expendable enforcers
such as preman” (Azali, 2017, p. 8). Accordingly,
the recent rise of populism in Indonesia may indicate
that there has been change in the relationship
between political elites and this floating mass.
However, to address this point, one must consider
the dynamics of politics in post-authoritarian
Indonesia.
Törnquist made a concise intellectual map of
interpretations of post-authoritarian Indonesian
politics by dividing them into three general
perspectives. Firstly, the liberal account says that
Indonesia shows a hope for further democratisation
where the matter of substantiality is not so
problematic compared to other countries in the
global south. Secondly, there is an analysis from a
structural perspective in which the conservative
position argues that democratisation raises
corruption and conflict, thus, in essence, requires a
solid state and government building prior to
democratisation, whereas the radical position says
the system's drivers are still controlled by the old
players, and additionally, leave opportunities wide
open for the private sector to state resources leading
to the formation of oligarchic democracy. Finally,
observers from the perspective of social democracy
put the democratisation in Indonesia as a shift from
dictatorial to opportunist rule based on an agreement
50
between moderate actors and old regime actors by
excluding hardline supporters of the new order and
popular movement (Törnquist, 2014).
Furthermore, another point which arises from the
debate on the status of Indonesian democracy, is the
long strong presence of clientalism in the Indonesian
political realm. The significance of this system, even
after democratisation as the engine of the inner
working of politics, is admitted by any perspectives,
and, indeed, the interpretation of its consequence
becomes a point of debate among them. However,
political mobilisation based on clientalism has
become stagnant recently and there is a need for
other ways to invite more independent voters.
Consequently, one of the fairly common rationales is
implemented which elaborates that “a central post-
clientelistic technique is populism, and politics
conducted through a relatively direct relationship
between a charismatic leader and the people”
(Törnquist, 2014, p. 25). This is to say that populism
as a post-clientalism strategy, is the result of the
growth of the middle class as well as being
widespread – through various media and forums – in
public opinion that is critical of the corrupted
administration of many sectors, making the voters
and sources of political influence increasingly
distant from any sort of conventional political
affiliations. Hadiz & Robison (2017) argue that 2014
marked the coming of a new era of Indonesian
politics by political outsiders, both Jokowi and
Prabowo representing a different tone of
secular/nationalist-populism, in their presidential
campaigns. Furthermore, they explain that one
unique character of Indonesian populism at a
regional level is the competition among different
kinds of populism. In addition to the competition
inside the secular/nationalist circle, Islamic
populism also has a strong presence in the arena.
Similarly, Mietzner (2015) categorises Jokowi as a
technocratic populist who did not propose radical
transformation of the established system, and also
created enemies. Pragmatically, the image that he
presented to the public was that he was the one who
could make good governance work under the
system. On the other hand, Prabowo was an ultra-
populist, who was more matched with the
conventional definition of populists, because he
created political enemies, offered a strongman image
and represented anti-foreign sentiment.
 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia

3 CYBERSPACE AND utilisation of YouTube videos and other platforms

on social media during the Jokowi presidential
DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA
campaign as well as that of vlog and online-
supported direct aspiration namely sistem lapor in
Cyberspace that absorbs people directly into the
almost every body of his administration that have
political realm can be treated positively in terms of
somehow marked the stance of the serving
democracy because it may break the inefficient
government from 2014. This dynamic of politics and
intermediaries, such as a patron-client relationship in
cyberspace in Indonesia echoes with Gerbaudo
the context of Indonesia. On the other hand, the
(2017)’s argument that political activities in
negative effect is the possibility of the unfiltered and
cyberspace now have changed from underground
concurrent political participation to stimulate
political communication to activities that are more
“Internet-led mobbing” (Kim 2008). For the latter
oriented toward popular mobilisation.
context, Bulut & Yoruk (2017) show how the
Such a tendency has been intensified recently as
political troll fin twitter can act on behalf of the
Gunawan & Ratmono (2018) see cyberspace is
establishment, and creates a digital culture of
problematised as a site of black-campaign by any
lynching and censorship in Turkey (p. 4093).
sort of affiliation and as the magnitude of
Similarly, Bradshaw and Howard (2017) found that,
misinformation, trolls and hate speech is spreading.
since 2010, there have been growing numbers of
Furthermore, the case of the anti-Ahok Islamist
organised social media manipulations employed
movement during Jakarta’s 2017 gubernatorial
either by government, the military or political parties
election has chiefly exemplified how online political
in countries across the world.
contention can be materialised into physical mass
For the Indonesian context, Suharto’s regime
movement on the streets. The series of Aksi Damai
could not fully supervise the coming of the global
Bela Islam at the time that polarised Jakarta as well
technology called the Internet in the late period.
as the foundation of the 211 reunion association later
Thus, cyberspace at the beginning, by notorious
and continuous Islamist online activities in facing
popularity of internet cafes (warnet), became a kind
the 2019 presidential election may inspire anyone to
of space free of the authoritarian oppression on
link current Indonesian politics with post-truth
speech (Lim, 2006). The fall of Suharto and also the
politics headed by Islamic populism. However, if
development of an online environment later,
that is done ahistorically, the specific importance of
provided a suitable condition for rising Islamic
cyberspace as well as Islamist elements in current
fundamentalists to operate as can be seen from the
political dynamics might be ignored.
creation of Laskar Jihad Online in 2000 as one of the
A long debate on Islam and politics in Indonesia
earliest forms of online-supported radicalism that
since democratisation relates to explaining the low
now states it is combatting tough surveillance and
performance of Islam in politics, particularly the
counter-discourses (Candra, 2017). Not only on the
decline of Islamist parties, in the face of the
radicalism front, but also cumulatively, as the
Islamically-socialised vast majority of
number of users in Indonesia becomes globally
citizens/voters (Feillard, 2017). Multiple factors can
significant (We are social, 2017), the government’s
be identified, from the depoliticalisation and
concern about vast cyberspace has grown. In
nationalisation of Islam during the new order, the
general, this concern has been demonstrated in the
gradual deterioration of traditional religious powers,
creation of laws on Electronic Information and
to the Islamisation of secular/nationalist parties
Transaction, and on Pornography in 2008. It then
(Heryanto, 2015; Miichi, 2015). Furthermore,
continued with the development of the Ministry of
although Islamist mass mobilisation has been
Communication and Information Technology’s role
rampant since the demise of the Suharto regime, the
in blocking the “illegal websites”, and most recently
influence on electoral politics was not crucial.
we witnessed the creation of the National Cyber and
However, the recent Islamist political mobilisation
Cryptograph Agency in 2017. On the other hand,
stimulated by a discourse war on cyberspace is
although there is a skeptical account on the
contradictory in terms of the formerly recognised
capability of the internet, especially social media, to
state, in the sense that the vast Muslim masses that
mobilise the Indonesian masses (Samuel, 2017, p.
used to be a-political are now clearly showing the
214), political interest also radiates around
opposite character. Additionally, it is also important
cyberspace. This can be observed from intense
because the anti-Jokowi sentiments or # ganti

51
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
presiden that spread in cyberspace are seemingly a
continuation from the Ahok case. If this is so, it
means that Islamist populism in cyberspace is much
more than the result of political figures freeriding on
accidental and uncertain viral discourses. Rather, it
may have some agency.
4 CYBERSPACE AND POST-
AHOK POPULISM
Recently, various organisations ranging from
governmental agencies to civil society, started to
capture undemocratic and uncivil online activities
such as fake news, hate speech, and internet
lynching, under the jargon of “negative contents”.
Many of the items they collected can be categorised
as or associated with populist political discourses. In
other words, these negative contents are said to be
commonly used by the populist interests to fight
against their opposition in a way that is triggered by
the political figure, underground movement, and
finally shared by much larger society itself.
Furthermore, Allcot & Gentzkow (2017) explain that
fake news is news that is proven to be a mistake, that
is purposely made to mislead the reader. Fake news
is similar to a hoax, but the hoax is not entirely false
news; rather it uses manipulated facts that
potentially mislead the reader. Meanwhile, hate
speech is an utterance that aims to strengthen hatred
and racism among people or groups of people
including areas such as race, nation, ethnicity,
country, and religion (Gelber & Sarah, 2007, p. xiii).
However, it seems that there is not yet a rigid
consensus among the organisations regarding
differences between types of “negative contents”
including the abovementioned hoaxes, fake news
and hate. Moreover, it must be noted that some
cannot be considered automatically as political
content, and most importantly, the categorisation of
such itself is a political construct these days. For
instance, the Ministry of Communication and
Information Technology reports, in 2018, that
complaints of negative content in 2017 increased
900% on 2016 (Kompas, 2018). Nevertheless, the
trend is clear as Mafindo (Masyarakat Anti Fitnah
Indonesia – Anti-hoax Organization), reports that, in
2017, there were 76,195 pieces of hoax-related news
recorded.
52
Mafindo’s report provides us with better grounds
for assessing how disinformation shapes the current
Indonesian political situation. Mafindo created a
report on media news addressing hoaxes in social
media, including topics such as hoaxes on Facebook
(21%), Jokowi’s persuasion on the fight against
hoaxes (18%), regional elections vulnerable to
hoaxes (16%) and so forth. It also depicts that the
presence of hoaxes in the media peaked in January
during the campaign period for Jakarta’s
gubernatorial election, and gradually relaxed later
but sustained its numbers at around 50.
Figure 1: “Hoax” related news in Media during 2017
(Source: Mafindo, 2018)
This is to say that online populism had gained
significance by cultivating a political moment in
2017. Since that time, disinformation became a
realistically as well as a politically significant mode
of information. On the one hand, in a realistic sense,
harms that so-called negative contents may bring to
civil society and also democracy cannot be ignored,
but on the other hand, although the black campaign
is not new in Indonesia, it is conceived as being an
altering force, because the last gubernatorial election
showed something different, i.e. social media, and
Islamist mass mobilisation. Furthermore, according
to AJI and Dewan Pers, the top three issues that
were addressed by the hoax in 2017 were: (1) social
politics (91.8%); (2) SARA (88.6%) and; 3) health
(41.2%). Research done by Gunawan & Ratmono
(2018) shows that these so-called negative contents
are spread by the organised syndicate that operates
systematically to create and share certain interest-
laden content by using social media. One notable
case, that of Saracen, a professional account that
spread the provocative news, stated that there are
specialists of facts and opinion manipulation in
cyberspace that are hired by actors that have
political and economic interests. However, if the
moment at which online disinformation broke out
intersected with Ahok’s blasphemy case in 2017, it
is inevitable to consider the degree to which such
endeavours may influence mass political attitudes. In
 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia
other words, it is a question of whether
disinformation is one inherent constituent of the
post-Ahok political attitude of identity politics or
merely a slight phenomenon of hyper-sympathetic
actors or political troops who went online, to
participate in a discourse war.
This is also where Islamic politics and cyber
populism are linked, because one of the most
debated issues since the event is religious
intolerance in a political context or the rise of Islam-
led identity politics. The Wahid Institute (2017)
reports that 39.3% - 47.9% of Muslim respondents
are against a non-Muslim becoming president, vice
president, governor, or regent. The report argues that
the public now tends to choose their leader based on
his/her religion, not because of his/her capability,
personality, or even background.
Based on this data, one may predict that
cyberspace is the site where such discourses of
identity politics are shared. However, the report also
states that respondents obtain knowledge of Islam
that is spread 24.59% in mosques, 28.61% through
religious sermons on TV, 18.03% by
preachers/clerics and 1.05% on social media
(Facebook and YouTube). This is contradictory with
online Islamic preaching that has also been growing
recently (Husein & Slama 2018).
Furthermore, Molaei (2017) shows that 97.9 %
of respondents in his research on Indonesian
Facebook users, use the internet weekly to get
political news. What can be seen here is that, firstly,
Islamic and political information are, in many cases,
perceived by individuals as different things. And,
more importantly, as Johansson (2016) proves, since
the 2012 election campaign, social media has
become the domain of political communication that
is alternative to traditional media controlled by
conglomerates and thus, it is inevitable that
cyberspace will become a vehicle for recent identity
politics, no matter if there is concrete prospect of
participants or not. Essentially, Islamic knowledge
and political knowledge are circulated in different
epistemic bases; however, if they are fused into
identity politics, they also have to blend their bases.
However, it is hard to see such bridging as totally an
automatic process, and it must be accompanied by
intentional signification made by certain actors who
are masked as online moral entrepreneurs.
In this sense, the rise of identity politics may be
related to the demise of the secular public sphere,
clearly marked by the fall of Suharto. Heryanto
(2015) explains that, after the fall of the New Order,
a great spirit for the rise of Islamic influence in
various aspects of Indonesian society emerged. As
one of these penetrates into the political sphere,
religious purity begins to be applied in various
aspects of life. In this contemporary era, people who
pursue religious purity meet with various things
relating to modernity but on the other hand which
are also desirable. In some ways, religious purity can
be reconciled with those things of modernity. Unlike
the New Order era, now religion has begun to merge
overtly as a political instrument. Hadiz (2016) adds
that it is relevant to the rise of Islamic populism in
Indonesia. Islamic politicians, who are the
opposition of a moderate government, use the issue
of religion for political purposes. In addition, there is
an anxiety built on the emphasis on Islamic religious
issues and indigenous people (pribumi) being
marginalised by governments and foreigners, the
government allegedly doing so for foreign interests.
4.1 Amin Rais: A Peculiar Free Rider?
Amien Rais is one of the interesting figures who has
represented an extreme kind of populism after the
anti-Ahok movement in 2017. He openly campaigns
politically in places of worship to try to stop people
from re-electing Jokowi as president in 2019. This is
also campaigned for by other leaders of opposition
groups, for example Habib Rizieq, though he is not a
professional politician, but his solicitation for a non-
Muslim as a leader was also influential in the
election of the Governor of Jakarta. Amin Rais said
religion should be a guide in every line of life in the
world. "Recitation should be inserted politically, if
not, it's funny". Whatever his personal rationale,
Amien Rais, by joining in line with Habib Rizieq,
and expressing sentiments against current
government, is clearly, and beneficially followed by
the assembled Islamist mass from the post-anti Ahok
movement.
The spread of political discourse based on
religious identity is certainly becoming more
massive through cyberspace, especially social media
such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and also mass
media. Some of the things highlighted by Islamic
figures are not far from such an issue. All the
elements, public figures, masses of ordinary users,
and conventional media, have reacted to each other
and co-constructed a viral reality of identity politics
which they are all affected by.
The Islamist mass after the anti-Ahok movement
in 2017, upon which figures like Amien Rais gained
53
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
influence, was indeed created by such a process. The
case of Ahok's “defamation of religion” started from
a video uploaded on Facebook by Buni Yani with
transcripts of the text and captions that emphasised
that Ahok was deliberately insulting Islam. The
uploaded video soon became viral after being liked
and shared by netizens and sparked outrage among
the masses of influential Muslim figures. Some of
the Islamist figures such as Habib Rizieq, amplified
the issue into several contexts like political, racial,
and economic ones. This led to a series of demos
with the theme of the Aksi Damai Bela Islam I - VII
that also became viral in the mass media, demanding
the police and the state to implement a legal process
against Ahok. The mass protest finally got a
response from President Jokowi on 5 November
2016 at 00.00; to immediately settle the case, on
May 9, 2017, the North Jakarta District Court
sentenced Ahok to two years in prison for religious
blasphemy.
Since the event, use of social media as a means
of political expression has become more prominent.
Both sides, Jokowi supporters and those opposed to
Jokowi do the same, of course, by carrying out their
discourses along with religious issues. However,
what has been significant is the presence of public
figures. For instance, Pro Jokowi academic figures
such as Ade Armando (using Facebook) or new
opposition politicians Jokowi like Ahmad Dhani
(using Twitter) did not miss the opportunity to join
provocative speeches in their respective social
media, as shown below. In this context, it is related
in the statement; the intended religious insult is
Ahok, while henchmen of religious insults are
people who still support Ahok.
Figure 2: Ahmad Dhani Provoke Tweet (2017)
54
Figure 3: Ade Armando Provoke on Facebook (2017)
Here it can be observed not only that is social
media now being used by any sort of populist groups
but, both figures from Ahok’s side, and Anies’s side,
have expressed sentimentalised opinions. For
instance, Ade Armando supported Ahok with a
provocative statement on Facebook (Figure 3).
Recalling the discussions on Amien Rais's actions as
an oppositional figure, he also said a statement
which became viral. He divided the party between
the party of Allah and the Party of Satan (CNN
Indonesia, April 13, 2018). The Allah party in
question was Amien Rais's own party, namely PAN,
then its allies, Gerindra and PKS, while he did not
mention Satan's party specifically, but in the same
place and time, he made a criticism of the Jokowi
government and wanted the removal of Jokowi as
president. Amien Rais also said that he did not agree
with the current government, because he considered
that Jokowi's government separated religion from
politics. This indicates that his neologism of “Satan's
party” is aimed at parties that support the current
government that in his narrative, is secular.
The other action of Amien Rais that went viral
took place at the National Coordination Meeting of
alumni of 212. There, by pointing to Jokowi's photo
on the podium, he said that he strongly believed that
Jokowi would be overthrown by God. From the
maneuver of AmienRais, it can be observed that
there is a driving force in the Islamist mass to sync
their purpose, after having had achievements in
navigating Jakarta’s politics, with that of the coming
national one. Amien Rais is the personification of
such drive, and he himself, in becoming so,
affectively interacted with his supporters and
assembled different sentiments into that particular
context.
 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia
4.2 Internet Mobbing:
Voluntary or Syndicate?
One of the political activities related to cyberspace
that became rampant after Ahok’s case is persekusi.
Persekusi refers to hunting of social media accounts
that reveal discourse contrary to morality especially
that defined by Islamist groups. Once they have
found the target, they can attack the target virtually
as well as physically.
Between January and June 2017, 59 cases of
persecution against alleged critics of Islam and FPI
(Islamic Defenders Front) were reported in
Indonesia. In May 2018, police arrested several
people who are identified as Muslim Cyber Army
(hereafter referred as MCA) members, a virtual
organisation that operates in social media to conduct
persekusi in terms of carrying out surveillance and
also making and spreading fake news. They not only
participated in a campaign against Ahok but later
worked to engage in various issues, ranging from
anti-LGBT, anti-PKI, to a Starbucks Boycott
(Safenet, 2018). Apparently, police and media tried
to portray them as a group of experts with an
organised funding source.
However, such a label is not confirmed, for the
MCA is also said to be an unstructured hub of
accounts and affiliated groups who identify
themselves as moral and religious defenders. A
member said that “MCA has no leader, no central
office, and no source of income. The MCA has an
array of affiliated groups, with names like the
Srikandi Muslim Cyber Army, the United Muslim
Cyber Army, the Legend MCA, Muslim Coming
and many others” (Juniarto, 2018). The ambivalence
of MCA’s status offers an overview of a network of
discourse war machines, in which some are experts,
and some are self-claimed.
The experts of discourse war are not limited to
buzzers, but also includes “real” action takers. One
of the most notable events of persekusi was the case
of a 15-year-old Chinese boy being physically
intimidated by FPI members. He shared offensive
content relating to Habib Rizieq on Facebook, then
mobs of adults visited the boy’s house and took him
away to be judged and intimidated. This shows that
the mobs have the capability to track someone they
deem to be offensive on mass media. This
phenomenon tends to occur only in a case where
some of the most respected religious leaders are
insulted. The message is clear, however, that if
anyone dares to say anything critical of Islam on
social media, then mobs are ready to take action.
From this perspective, it can be said that
persekusi of this kind is an extension of the activities
of vigilante groups which have been rampant reality
socially in post-Suharto Indonesia. In addition,
persekusi is said to have an organised way of
operating involving action often being taken by
vigilante wings of Islamic mass organisations. The
members of groups monitor social media, and when
they find targets, they visit his/her house so that they
can directly force him/her to apologise. On the other
hand, it is considered to be an organised operation
also because, unlike collective vigilantism or street
justice that is spontaneous, many persekusi have
been carried out by utilising existing socio-judicial
mechanisms in a way that suits their purpose. For
example, in the case of the 15-year-old boy
mentioned above, FPI members met their suspect
after informing the local neighborhood leader of
their intentions. In addition, most cases have also
been attended by police officers who have led the
apology request processions (Jeffrey & Mulyartono,
2018).
Furthermore, this also exemplifies the argument
of Trottier (2017, p. 68) that digital vigilantism is an
act in defiance of the police, and police typically
condemn and prosecute vigilante activity. Yet these
relationships may resemble a more nodal form of
governance. Digital vigilantism is concerned with
both the spread of information as well as punitive
desire. Cases of persekusi also showed both:
participants try to get a suspect’s apology and in so
doing, they deter specific suspects they face directly
and also, indirectly, they give a message to other
people who might post materials in cyberspace
insulting their morality. Furthermore, this is not a
phenomenon which is exclusive to Indonesia; it is a
global one, in which social media visibility
delocalises the sphere of everyday moral policing.
For instance, in Thailand, since 2010, online
vigilante groups have been operating to expose
political opponents by accusing them of lèse-
majesté, and social media has also been used as a
tool of mobilisation for state-sponsored mass events
by the authoritarian regime (Schaffar, 2016, p. 215).
Meanwhile, digital vigilantism in Indonesia or
persekusi was fuelled by the post-Ahok political
situation as the number of incidents of persekusi
intensified after Habib Rizieq was made the suspect
of pornographic action by the police. Therefore, it
depicts the moment when vigilante wings of Islamic
mass organisations started to define cyberspace as
55
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
one of their battlefields. As in the case of
conventional vigilantism, the state itself which is
represented by the police is balancing its relationship
with these groups, between preserving due process
in terms of justice and taking majority moral appeal
into account.
5 RECONFIGURING POST-
AHOK POPULISM, POST-
TRUTH, AND CYBERSPACE
Having examined the current situation in Indonesian
politics, in this section, the authors try to provide a
brief outline of the connection between post-Ahok
populism and post-truth politics. In order to do so, it
is inevitable to clarify how populism and post-truth
are linked and exist in cyberspace. Indeed, for that
reason, cyberspace became politically important, yet
in the Indonesian context it did so because
cyberspace provided a space for direct participation
as well as access to the masses. This situation which
the masses face has historical roots, and most
importantly, by considering that historical context,
the state of such political masses, namely any sort of
cyber warriors being “the people” and how certain
political figures gain advantage in such
circumstances, can be addressed.
To begin with, Maldonado (2017) explains that
the rise of populism, the post-truth politics, and
expansion of cyberspace are interrelated in a sense
that they strengthen each other. That is to say,
“populism is strengthened by digiticization and
affectively charged; sentimentalization is facilitated
by digiticization and expresses itself in populism;
digiticization shows an important expressive-cum-
performative dimension and paves the way for a
populist way of communication” (Maldonado, 2017,
p. 10). In other words, cyberspace is a suitable site
for both populists to appear and post-truth narrative
to be circulated.
Meanwhile, post-truth and populism would both
be causes and consequences of each other. This
tangled dynamic can be observed in post-Ahok
identity politics in Indonesia. On the one hand, the
Ahok blasphemy case triggered the rise of Islamic
populist figures such as Habib Rizieq, and Anies
Baswedan. On the other hand, led by them, non-
factualist, and sentimentalised narratives are
increasingly proliferated especially in cyberspace by
various actors ranging from voluntary participants in
discourses of war, to organised factories of fake
news and hate. Then, the post-truth narratives that
56
have accumulated in cyberspace are expressed by
other freeriding figures, in the hybrid form of
particular discourses. This is exemplified by Amien
Rais who simultaneously conveys sentiments that
rarely appear in the same context. In retrospect,
Ahok's case, which is seen as a source of all the
problems after, was also the beginning of the post-
truth phenomenon intensified by the tension of a
particular political moment and the digitalisation of
the public sphere. From this perspective, not only is
there an ambiguity of interpretation in terms of the
content of video posted on social media, where
Ahok is captured insulting Al-Maidah 51, the
decision taken by the criminal justice system also
reveals socio-political logic based on non-factual
reasons. To put it briefly, criminal justice agencies
issued a sanction that is in accordance with Islamist
sentiments, i.e., imprisonment of a former governor.
However, Buni Yani, an Islamist academic who
uploaded the video, was also sentenced to jail for
committing “treason”, and Habib Rizieq, who is the
leading figure in the Islamist mass protest, was also
made a suspect in a totally unrelated case of
“pornographic action” by the police, based on the
contents of his personal mobile communication that
oddly spread on social media. This result of justice
is peculiar in many senses, depicting a judicial and
governmental apparatus that is negotiating with
emotional and sentimentalised appeals both from
Ahok supporters as well as Islamist groups.
The important element in this case is the fact
that the masses become the actor as well as the
audience in cyberspace. In the context of Indonesian
political history, during the authoritarian regime, the
masses were made a-political. Masses were defined
as a functional element of the state that should be
guided, which was the idea also often referred to as
floating mass. However, after democratisation, civil
society exploded, but the democratisation at the time
only spread, and could not penetrate deeply
(Wirasenjaya, 2015). As a result, many uncivil
elements in civil society, as well as local bosses
emerged under the oligarchic system established
since the Suharto regime (Beittinger-Lee, 2013;
Okamoto & Rozaki; Bertrand, 2006). That is to say
that the euphoria of democracy felt by civil society
cannot embrace all civil circles and the old regime
system remained strong. Thus, not all of those
excluded from practical politics under more than 30
years of authoritarian rule could be recalled after
regime change. However, the rise of populist politics
through Jokowi who represents reformists and
former oligarch Prabowo publicised more direct and
two-sided political participation. Here it must be
 Reconfiguring Post-Ahok Populism, Post-Truth, and Cyberspace in Indonesia
noted that the masses seem to have been polarised
ever since this period. They were both interested in a
populist technocrat as well as ultra-populism, yet
less so for the latter because the urgency for change
was not realistic (Mietzner, 2015). In addition, we
must consider another kind of mass group, namely
the Muslim masses. The Muslim masses were also
oppressed and made to "float" by the secular-
developmental Suharto regime. But unlike the
others, the Islamic traditional political apparatus did
not enjoy resurrection after democratisation; instead
they deteriorated. Besides, the general public has
been increasingly Islamicised through networks and
socialisation orientation outside the conventional
circle (Miichi, 2015). Furthermore, recalling Hadiz
& Robison’s (2017) discussion on Islamic populism,
they also argue that Islamic populism can be, at
least, traced back to organisations that have emerged
in a mid-new order, consisting of the urban middle
class. After new order emerged, it further branched
off; however, due to the strong influence of
oligarchy and absence of leftist politics, it tended to
focus on social justice aspirations. In other words, it
might succeed in promoting cultural resources under
the notion of “unified ummah” to act “against elites
identified as secular, ethnic Chinese, or foreign”
(Hadiz, & Robison, 2017, p. 498), but still,
eventually, it is absorbed into the established
structure. Therefore, in terms of our discussion, it
created great potential without solid shade, yet
always exposed with practical politics after
democratisation.
In 2014, the Islamic masses, as the majority of
the population of Indonesia is Muslim, could, at the
same time, be bound to the populist agenda whether
a technocratic version of Jokowi or ultra-populist
version of Prabowo. But, identity politics marked by
Ahok's case, in 2017, can be said to have attracted a
portion of the Islamic masses who used to be
attracted to reformist agendas offered by figures
such as Ahok and Jokowi. Cyberspace makes this
"floating" subject an actor as well as a spectator in
political contestation. Cyberspace can swallow an
apathetic subject into the part of political mass, and
can also lead already incorporated subjects to sink
deeper into their echo-chambers. Emergence of
types of cyber troops such as the MCA, conventional
vigilante wings of mass organisations going online,
and general polarisation in social media, seem to be
inevitable consequences, since, is the masses are
already polarised between spectators and actors, as
well as secular and Islamist individuals. However,
the most important point that should be highlighted
is that such post-truth dynamics in cyberspace can
clearly be utilised further by populist political
figures. It has, for example, also been said that the
opportunity has been opened wide for Islamic
populism to “align with oligarchy while mobilising
popular support on the basis of an ummah-based
political identity” (Hadiz, & Robison, 2017, p. 498).
However, based on the above discussion of the
situation of politics in the aftermath of Ahok’s case
in 2017, the dynamics are such that both are
approaching one another as a result of their desire to
take a portion of the masses that have activated due
to the viral realities of identity politics.
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 Civic Participation and Facebook
A Cross Sectional Survey of Pakistani University Students

Qaisar Khalid Mahmood1 & Muhammad Saud2

1
Department of Sociology, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan
2
Department of Sociology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
muhhammad.saud@gmail.com

Keywords: Facebook, youth, civic participation, Pakistan.

Abstract: Regarding the potential of Facebook to bring in positive changes into the civic and political life of the
people, there is disagreement among scholars. Optimists believe that social networking sites (SNSs) have
changed political and social life worldwide (Attia et al., 2011). These sites have influenced political
environments and induced social changes in various countries (Cook, 2010; Marandi et al., 2010; Shaheen,
2008; Guobin, 2010; Smeltzer & Keddy, 2010). Particularly, Facebook has provided new opportunities for
citizens to engage, discuss and debate in the political realm (Crompton, 2008). Facebook has transformed
the socio-political scenario of Pakistan as well. Academics have reported that Pakistani youths use
Facebook for social and political purposes (Mahmood, Zakar & Zakar, 2018; Mahmood, Bhutta, ul Haq,
2018; Mahmood, 2017). This study has examined the relationship between Facebook use and the civic
participation of Pakistani youths. The data was collected from university students studying at the different
universities in Lahore. The results indicated that Pakistani university students participate in various civic
activities. The study also found that the Facebook use of students correlated with their civic participation.

1 INTRODUCTION Civic engagement refers to the efforts by

individuals in addressing social issues, such as
With the emergence of Web 2.0 technologies, signing a petition, making donations, campaigning
various online social networking tools and services for a social cause and voting. Civic engagement has
have been developed. These tools and services many definitions (e.g. Putnam, 2000; Ehrlich, 2000;
include weblogs, social networking sites, forums and Shah et al., 2001; Hay, 2007; Raynes-Goldie &
instant messaging (Johnston et al., 2013). Online Walker, 2008). For Putnam, civic engagement is
social networks can be defined as virtual mainly correlated with the “peoples’ connections
communities that interact and pool resources within the life of their communities” (1995b, p.
through computer-mediated relationships. Most of 665). He views civic participation as participation in
the time, this type of network consists of people that community organisations and mutual trust among
share common interests (Boyd & Ellison, 2008). the community members (Putnam, 1995; 2000).
Among them, Social Networking Sites (SNSs) are Ehrlich (2000) defined civic engagement as a
widely recognised online social networks for all ‘means [of] working either through political or non-
segments of society and every age group political processes to make a difference in a
(Governatori & Iannella, 2011). An online social community by promoting quality of life in a
network site can be defined as a set of web-based community’. Carpini (2004) defines civic
services that allows individuals to ‘(1) construct a participation as “activities that that address
public or semi-public profile within a bounded community concerns through non-governmental or
system, (2) articulate a list of other users with whom no electoral means’, such as volunteering or working
they share a connection and (3) view and transverse in a community project”. Various scholars have
their list of connections and those made by others conducted studies to measure civic participation
within their system’ (Boyd and Ellison 2008, p. through SNS use (Zhang et al., 2009; Gil de Zúñiga
221). et al., 2012; Valenzuela et al., 2009). In this
research, civic participation is regarded as a multi-

59
Mahmood, Q. and Saud, M.
Civic Participation and Facebook - A Cross Sectional Survey of Pakistani University Students.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 59-65
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
faceted construct that embraces a variety of notions
of Internet activism, such as collecting information,
publishing information, having dialogues with
others, coordinating activities and lobbying decision
makers to make changes (Denning, 2000).
Social networking sites such as Facebook make
affordable information dissemination and retrieval
possible. SNSs have provided new opportunities for
citizens to engage, discuss and debate in the political
realm (Crompton, 2008). Consequently, SNSs
have changed political and social life worldwide
(Attia et al., 2011). These sites have influenced
political environments and induced social changes in
various countries (Cook, 2010; Marandi et al., 2010;
Shaheen, 2008; Guobin, 2010; Smeltzer & Keddy,
2010). In USA, SNSs have become a critical factor
in changing the political partisanship and triggering
political activism during elections (Cogburn &
Espinoza-Vasquez, 2011). Particularly, this can be
seen after the success of Barack Obama in the 2008
general elections, when he was titled as ‘The First
Internet President’ (Greengard, 2009). Researchers
thus investigated the tactful use of SNSs in changing
the American political environment. Several
scholars have discussed SNS utilization in 2008’s
American presidential election and they have argued
that the decisiveness of these sites has a part in
Obama’s success (Talbot, 2008).
Likewise as in the USA, several European
countries also have used e-campaigning for their
citizens called e-voting guides, which are a popular
forum offered through public policy and research
institutes to increase voter turnout, which helps the
public to choose the best party or candidate on the
basis of numerous statements (van Dijk, 2013).
Alongside Europe and the USA, the power of SNSs
also could not be ignored in Middle Eastern
countries; there was Twitter use in the political
uprising in Iran (Karagiannopoulos, 2012) and
Facebook use in the overthrowing the dictatorships
in Middle East countries (Attia et al., 2011).
Researchers who advocate the use of SNS in
political participations argue that SNS have been
used for stimulating various political activities in a
wide variety of examples, such as political
information dissemination (Tolbert & Mcneal,
2003), political campaigns (Castells, 2009;
Gueorguieva, 2006; Metzgar & Maruggi, 2009) and
political dialogue and discussions (Chambers, 2003).
Nevertheless, traditional scholarships on voting,
donating money and volunteering for political
campaigns have been considered fundamental for
effective democracy (Putnam, 2000). In recent
times, these conventional acts of political
60
participation have been seen of as declining (Harris,
Wyn, & Younes, 2010). Recent studies have
provided evidence that SNSs have been used by
political parties and candidates to promote fund-
raising and volunteering efforts, thus strengthening
the democratic process (Cogburn & Espinoza-
Vasquez, 2011; Gueorguieva, 2008). Gueorguieva
(2008) confirmed that SNSs have become a useful
source for the collection of funds and to enhance
voluntary participation. This finding has been
confirmed by the other studies as well (Vitak et al.,
2011).
SNSs have also become an innovative medium
for young people to get themselves involved in the
political process (Stromer-Galley & Foot, 2002).
This is because of their potential in engaging youths
in discussions, debates, and public awareness issues
that young people care about (Rheingold, 2008). For
instance, American youths utilised SNSs for political
purposes during the 2008 elections. In this election,
American young adults used SNSs to learn about the
candidates, to form and join political groups, to
participate in political discussion, and to share
political information with others (Fernandes et al,
2010; Kushin & Yamamoto, 2010; Vitak et al.,
2011). In the 2012 election as well, they made use of
SNSs to promote political material, to encourage
others to vote, to post their thoughts on current
issues, and to follow officials or candidates (Rainie
et al, 2012). Despite the fact that academics have
recognised the importance of Facebook in
perpetuating online civic engagement, some scholars
argue that civic efforts should not be Facebooked or
tweeted (Koch, 2008; Gladwell, 2010).
Likewise in other countries, Facebook has
transformed the socio-political scenario of Pakistan
as well. Academics have reported that Pakistani
youths use Facebook for both social and political
purposes (Mahmood, Zakar & Zakar, 2018;
Mahmood, Bhutta, ul Haq, 2018, Mahmood, 2017,
Ahmad & Sheikh, 2013). Little is known about the
civic use of Facebook among youths, particularly
university students. It is observed that university
students are utilising this platform for raising their
voices on public problems. However, no empirical
evidence is available to support this argument. The
current study is designed to address this research
gap.
2 METHODOLOGY
The study was cross-sectional in nature with the
population being university students studying in
 Civic Participation and Facebook - A Cross Sectional Survey of Pakistani University Students

various universities in Lahore, Pakistan. By opting
for the survey research method, a sample of 1,245
students was surveyed.
In order to measure general Facebook use, two
scales were used. The first scale measured the
intensity of the student’s Facebook use. This scale
was developed by Ellison et al. (2006). The
Facebook Intensity Scale consisted of two self-
reported Facebook behaviours. The first part referred
to amount of daily Facebook use and the total
number of friends on their Facebook profile. For
measuring emotional connectedness and its
integration into the individuals’ daily activities, six
Likert-scale attitudinal items were developed by the
authors. The second scale measured relationship
maintenance behaviours. Relationship maintenance
behaviours refer to “the individuals’ likelihood to
engage in directed communication behaviours that
represent relationship maintenance activities and that
signal attention and investment in one’s contacts on
the system through small but meaningful actions”
(Ellison et al, 2014).
The dependent variable of the study was the civic
participation of the students. ‘The Index of Civic and
Political Engagement’ was developed by Andolina
and their colleagues (2003) to measure civic and
political participation. This scale was used by Gil de
Zúñiga et al. (2012) and Valenzuela et al (2009).
After reviewing the scales and Putnam’s view of
civic participation, the researcher adapted the themes
and constructed a scale to measure the online and
offline civic participation of the Pakistani students.
Online civic participation was assessed through
nine items. In these items, the researchers examined
the various civic participation acts (e.g. updating
status about public problems, uploading videos
related to social issues, commenting on other’s
statuses that deal with social issues etc.) of the
students performed by using Facebook. To assess
the offline civic participation of the students, a scale
was developed for traditional civic behaviour (e.g.
participation in seminars, awareness walks, non-
governmental organisations, fund raising, etc.).
3 FINDINGS
3.1 Online civic participation of the
students
Facebook has been utilised by the students for
spreading information related to social issues and
public problems. They spread information by
posting information, uploading pictures and by
sharing video clips on social issues. This activity is
considered to be a significant indicator of online
civic participation. Pakistani youths have also shared
information about their societal problems. The
majority of the respondents frequently posted text
about public issues and they shared video clips
related to public problems as well. Additionally,
more than two-fifths of the respondents posted
public pictures about social issues on their profile
pages (see Table 1).
Facebook is one of the online platforms that have
become popular among Pakistani students for
sharing their point of views on public issues. Most
of the respondents often discussed various social
problems through Facebook-based social groups.
Besides discussing public problems, Facebook has
tactfully been used for arranging and managing
online campaigns to increase awareness among the
masses about social problems. The findings (Table
1) indicate that the Pakistani youths were also using
the social networking site for inviting people to join
welfare activities, taking part in online campaigns
for awareness and also managing groups which were
created to highlight social issues. On the basis of
these results, it was concluded that the majority of
the Pakistani students were performing their civic
responsibilities through Facebook. In other words,
they had a good level of online civic participation.

Table 1. Online Civic Participation of the Students

A VO S R N
Items f (%) f (%) f (%) f (%) f (%)
I post text about public issues on my profile page. 342 316 213 136 238
(27.5) (25.4) (17.1) (10.9) (19.1)
I post video clips about public issues on my profile page. 254 336 206 192 257
(20.4) (27.0) (16.5) (15.4) (20.6)
I post pictures about public issues on my profile page. 286 292 206 184 277
(23.0) (23.5) (16.5) (14.8) (22.2)
I discuss various public issues in Facebook-based online social groups. 265 277 227 183 293
(21.3) (22.2) (18.2) (14.7) (23.5)

61
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

I invite people through Facebook to do different social activities. 277 312 197 209 250
(22.2) (25.1) (15.8) (16.8) (20.1)
I motivate people through Facebook to participate in welfare activities. 244 321 259 186 235
(19.6) (25.8) (20.8) (14.9) (18.9)
I take part in various online campaigns on the awareness of social issues. 253 334 204 201 253
(20.3) (26.8) (16.4) (16.1) (20.3)
I share the information of needy people on Facebook. 273 299 233 216 224
(21.9) (24.0) (18.7) (17.3) (18.0)
I manage Facebook groups where members discuss various social issues. 266 282 246 190 261
(21.4) (22.7) (19.8) (15.3) (21.0)
f=number of students, %=percentage, A= Always, VO=Very Often, S=Sometimes, R=Rarely, N= Never

3.2 Offline civic participation of the
students
Despite participating in online civic activities,
university students showed a mixed response toward
offline civic participation. Less than two-fourths of
the respondents participated in fund collection
campaigns in case of emergency situations in the
country. Concerning participating in seminars on
social issues arranged at the campus, almost equal
proportions of the sample replied positively and
negatively. Furthermore, more than two-fourths of
.
the respondents had never or rarely worked as
volunteers with NGOs working for social causes.
Similarly, a majority of the respondents never or
rarely attended awareness walks organised inside
and outside of the campus. Regarding participation
in public protests and community activities, the
findings indicate similar trends, in that Pakistani
students did not take part in these activities. In view
of these results (Table 2), it was concluded that
Pakistani university students had a low level of
offline civic participation.

Table 2: Offline Civic Participation of the Students

Items A VO S R N
f (%) f (%) f (%) f (%) f (%)
I participate in campaigns arranged for fund collection in emergencies. 232 242 234 228 309
(18.6) (19.4) (18.8) (18.3) (24.8)
I participate in seminars at my campus arranged on social issues. 235 259 290 215 246
(18.9) (20.8) (23.3) (17.3) (19.8)
I volunteer myself for NoGOs works for the social causes. 213 220 273 261 278
(17.1) (17.7) (21.9) (21.0) (22.3)
I attend different awareness walks inside and outside of campus. 173 261 322 237 252
(13.9) (21.0) (25.9) (19.0) (20.2)
I motivate colleagues to participate in events on the awareness of social 224 252 325 228 216
issues. (18.0) (20.2) (26.1) (18.3) (17.3)
I take part in protests being held on any public or social issue. 180 235 266 255 309
(14.5) (18.9) (21.4) (20.5) (24.8)
I take part in community activities to solve local problems. 195 232 285 213 320
(15.7) (18.6) (22.9) (17.1) (25.7)
f=number of students, %=percentage, A= Always, VO=Very Often, S=Sometimes, R=Rarely, N= Never

Table 3: Pearson’s r Correlation between Independent Variables and Civic Participation

Variables Online Civic Participation Offline Civic
Participation
Demographic
Age .133*** .142***
GPA .034 .072*
Monthly Family Income .041 .022

62
 Civic Participation and Facebook - A Cross Sectional Survey of Pakistani University Students
Facebook Profile
Number of Facebook Accounts
Duration of Facebook Account
Average Time Spent on Facebook in Day
Number of Facebook Friends
Number of Close Friends on Facebook
Facebook Use
Facebook Intensity
Facebook Relationship Maintenance Behaviours
*
p<.05,** p<.01, ***p<.001
3.3 Online civic participation of the
students
The findings (Table 3) illustrate that the age of the
respondents was positively correlated with their
online civic participation (r=.133, p<0.001) and
offline civic participation (r=.142, p<0.001).
Moreover, the academic performance (GPA) of the
students had a positive and significant relationship
with their offline civic participation (r=0.072,
p<.05). However, the correlation coefficient
indicated a weak relationship among the variables.
With reference to their Facebook profile, there
was a significant relationship between the duration
of having had a Facebook account and online civic
participation (r= 0.103, p<0.001), but this had no
significant relationship with the offline civic
participation (r= 0.014, p>0.05) of the students.
Similarly, the average time spent on Facebook in a
day by the students was correlated with online civic
participation (r= 0.232, p<0.001) and had no
relationship with offline civic participation (r=
0.048, p>0.05) of the students. In addition, the
number of Facebook friends that the students had
had a significant relationship with both the online
civic participation (r= 0.187, p<0.001) and offline
civic participation (r= 0.114, p<0.001) of the
students. The number of their actual or close friends
on Facebook was also correlated with the online
civic participation (r= 0.148, p<0.001) and offline
civic participation (r= 0.077, p<0.01) of the students.
Table 3 shows that the Facebook intensity of the
students was significantly correlated with both
online civic participation (r=0.459, p<0.001) and
offline civic participation (r= 0.353, p<0.01).
Moreover, there was a statistically significant
relationship between the Facebook relationship
maintenance behaviours of the students and online
civic participation (r=0.360, p<0.001) as well as
with offline civic participation (r=0.302, p<0.001).
.031 .010
.103*** .014
.232*** .048
.187*** .114***
.148*** .077**
.459*** .353***
.360*** .302***
4 CONCLUSIONS
Historically in Pakistan, it is reported that students
have been less involved in political and civic
activities due to certain reasons (Aurangzeb, 2008).
However, they have shown their interest in socio-
political activities in recent years (Mahmood, 2017).
This is due to the proliferation of SNSs in Pakistani
society. The proliferation of SNSs has transformed
the traditional ways of political interaction.
Particularly for Pakistani youths, who are the most
vivid users of SNSs, Facebook use acts as a social
facilitator and enabler for them (Mahmood, Zakar &
Zakar, 2018). This study revealed that they used
Facebook for positive purposes. Taking into account
the findings, it can be concluded that this platform
has become a digital public sphere as young
Pakistani Facebook users are utilising Facebook for
civic purposes.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This study was a part of doctoral research project
submitted by the first author in Institute of Social
and Cultural Studies (ISCS), University of the
Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan for the award of PhD
degree in Sociology.
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Vitak, J., Zube, P., Smock, A., Carr, C. T., Ellison, N., &
Lampe, C. (2011). It's complicated: Facebook users'
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65
 Coal Business and Local Political Dynamics

Andi Tenri Sompa

Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Unversitas Lambung Mangkurat, Banjarmasin
tenri@ulm.ac.id

Keywords: coal, decentralisation, local politics, mining

Abstract: Coal is not just economic goods, but also political "stuff". As economic goods, coal is one form of natural
wealth of Indonesia which became the object of business because it has a high selling value. In a number of
areas in Kalimantan and Sumatra, investment activities are based on natural resources, in general coal. This
study attempts to answer three questions. Firstly, is the regional authority in mining business licensing
consistent in formal procedures or are there also informal procedures? Secondly, whose interests are
primary in coal-based investment activities in Tanah Bumbu? Thirdly, how is the involvement of coal mine
operators in the political process, especially the 2005 and 2010 elections in Tanah Bumbu District following
the implications in the context of local power?

1 INTRODUCTION post-mining land reclamation, and others (Dinas

Pertambangan dan Energi Kalsel, 2011).
As an economic good, coal has its own political The wide scope of authority allows for regions
values and implications. Business and investment in (local political elites and related bureaucratic
coal are related to political practices, especially at officials) to do many things both for the benefit of
the local political level (As'ad, 2015). Beginning regional progress and other interests. For potential
with permission from clearance for exploration and areas of natural resources, such as Tanah Bumbu
exploitation to marketing results, there are the District, South Kalimantan, local governments are
interests of local political elites (and bureaucratic eager to encourage investment activities in the coal
officials) which cannot be separated in coal business mining sector as a substantial natural resource in the
and investment. In various districts/municipalities in district. In Tanah Bumbu District, most of the
South Kalimantan, for example, where there is a investment activities are based on the coal industry.
booming coal business, it is clear that there is a Conditions in early 2011, for example, showed that
strong political dimension in it (As'ad, 2015). more than 90% of investment activities were in the
The interests of the local political elite (and coal sector with the company amounted to about 176
related bureaucracy officials) in the coal business are pieces, while in 2007-2008 only around 46 Mining
in line with the level and scope of regional authority Business Licenses (IUP) for coal were granted.
in natural resource management (Dinas Coal-based investment activities are basically
Pertambangan dan Energi Kalsel, 2011). In UU No. required to drive the economy and earn revenue in
4 of 2009 on Mineral and Coal Mining, regional order to build the region and create people's welfare.
(provincial and district/city) positions in natural But, is this always, in fact, policy? There is an
resource management (minerals and coal) are indication of the exchange of interests – between
important and strategic, ranging from local political elites and businessman – concerning
regulation, business licenses, guidance, settlement investment activities in the coal sector in Tanah
conflicts, inventories, research, exploration, Bumbu. These indications look from the process of
geological information management, resource licensing to marketing results.
potential information, development and In the seasons of the election of regional heads, it
empowerment of local communities, delivery of is clear that there is a certain proximity between
inventory information, guidance, supervision of political actors (regional head candidates) and coal
mining businessmen. The closeness is certainly not

66
Sompa, A.
Coal Business and Local Political Dynamics.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 66-70
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved

something just plain, but implies a special
relationship which, in turn, has broad implications
(Sung and Richter, 2007).
This study attempts to answer three questions.
Firstly, is the regional authority in mining business
licensing consistent in the formal procedures or are
there also informal procedures? Secondly, whose
interests are primary in coal-based investment
activities in Tanah Bumbu? Thirdly, how does the
involvement of coal mine operators in the political
process, especially the 2005 and 2010 elections in
Tanah Bumbu District, follow the implications in the
context of local power?
This research aims to understand the power
relations that occur between the political elite and
coal mining businessmen in the local political sphere
of Tanah Bumbu Regency. This research is placed
within the local political sphere and touches on
political economy.
2 DECENTRALIZATION AND
LOCAL POLITICS
In political studies, decentralisation refers to the
distribution of power based on territory.
Decentralisation is concerned with the extent to
which power and authority are handed over through
a geographical hierarchy within the state and also
with respect to the institutions and processes that
permit such divisions (Balmas et al., 2014).
Smith mentioned at least 6 (six) promises of
decentralisation in the context of development.
According to Smith, the state mobilises support for
development plans. Popular energy needs to be
utilised for economic tasks or regeneration
(Whitford, 2007). Plans and goals must be delivered
in difficult physical and cultural conditions. Local
institutions can provide local data, interpretations of
local needs, indoctrination (into benefits of health
programs, for example), inputs (such as savings and
direct labour), and community self-help projects.
Profits can be derived from what is believed to be a
willingness to pay locally greater than the central
tax.
Local governments allow the maximum use of
local resources that have efficiency value quite apart
from other benefits, such as political education,
which may be brought to the community. Therefore,
it is very closely related to democratic
decentralisation and development that seeks to
utilise the capacity to help oneself with the aim of
Coal Business and Local Political Dynamics
improving the economic and social welfare of the
"community" (Patnaik, 2013).
In the meantime, local politics at its baseline
cannot explain and photograph problems within the
scope of the administration of local government and
legal-formal relationships between government
institutions, but more so than that concerning the
dynamics of politics, social and economic factors in
the local sphere which suggest the occurrence of
seizure interests, intergroup competition, conflict,
behaviour of actors, and others (Boulding and
Gibson, 2009).
3 RATIONAL CHOICE
The rational choice theory, sometimes called the
public choice theory, explains the close relationship
between public choice and public goods (Lehtinen
and Kuorikoski, 2007). This theory focuses on the
individual who makes the choice, the choice and the
behaviour of the maximization that he does. The
individual's decision or choice affects the public,
though the public itself understands that they are not
the select actors (Schotter, 2006).
Buchanan examines how to organise society to
be able to enlarge opportunities freely, both in the
context of the economy (market) and in the political
(state) context. According to Buchanan, the political
system is judged desirable to the extent that it
facilitates voluntary exchange and proportionate
relations between private costs and public provided
(but privately) benefits (Whitford, 2007).
This theory departs from the assumption of
utility maximisation. It is understood that the pillars
of society are individuals, rational actors who
always act to achieve their own interests. Taking
advantage of the concept borrowed from micro-
economic discipline, the theorists of this theory are
going to explain what is often called the micro
foundation of politics (Edlin, Gelman, and Kaplan,
2007).
4 RESEARCH FINDINGS
4.1 Playing on Mine Licensing
Mine clearance does have a clear procedure, but
often the procedure is only a formal way to go. In
practice, the informal procedure is more decisive.
Lobbying is usually done by investors, and it is part
of its informal procedures. Not infrequently,
67
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
informal procedures have their own strength in the
issuance of permits to control mining land to
investors. As stated and experienced by Kustono,
there are a number of companies whose licensing
application documents are incomplete but who
suddenly already have land and run mining
activities. Engineering always seems to exist. They
mine firstly take care of the permit then because
there is already a signature or recommendation of
the regent. In Tanah Bumbu, many officials,
including police officials, are involved in the coal
mining business.
4.2 Elite and Mine Businessmen
Interests
On the one hand, of course, the contribution of the
coal mining business in the development of Tanah
Bumbu Regency cannot be denied. On the other
hand, there are many complaints from various
circles where there are less positive implications of
business and the mining industry. The prosperity and
welfare of the people are not improving greatly even
though the exploitation of natural resources (coal
and oresbesi) continues to be done and contributes a
lot to the Original Revenue.
This is basically related to the concession and
impact of the coal mining industry for improving the
welfare of local communities. In reality, more
concessions are given to businessmen. In terms of
business concessions, the authorities will also try to
accommodate the various business concessions of
the businessmen. The Susanto study in South
Kalimantan Province, for example, shows the
granting of concessions from local authorities to
businessmen who can be inventoried in the form of:
[a] awarding of development projects, which can be
done through appointment – even without a tender;
[b] granting mining authorisation to businessmen;
[c] provision of border area provisions between
Banjar Regency and Tanah Bumbu Regency; [d]
issuance of appointment letters in procurement and
construction; [e] provision of concessions to the
process of transporting coal mining products; and [f]
compensation for the cost of the Barito river
dredging.
The role of the state or government is also
reduced (simplification) from protecting the interests
of the whole society to just keep the interests of
businessmen. The task is both simple and vulgar.
This is exactly what is imagined in the minimal
market concept. The powers they hold are merely
68
used to serve the businessmen, and beat other groups
in society who disagree.
According to Sarman, Haji Kalam – in the
context of the mining business in Tanah Bumbu
District – has emerged as a strongman. But he is a
powerful man who is likely to be created or
deliberately created by someone who is actually
stronger and might be in Jakarta. Thus, Haji Kalam
is a strong man created by a stronger person to
secure his business interests in Tanah Bumbu
District and also in South Kalimantan. That way,
Haji Kalam could be a puppet or an accomplice of
another stronger person.
Presumably, such a reality occurs in Tanah
Bumbu Regency that can be categorised by Studwell
as demonstrating the relationship between money
and power. The money is owned and controlled by
tycoons called godfathers, while power is in the
hands of formal leaders. According to Studwell, the
godfather is a peculiar elite, an economic aristocracy
of outsiders who cooperate half-heartedly with the
local elite. Culturally, the godfathers are chameleons
who tend to be well-educated, cosmopolitan, speak
more than one language and are completely isolated
from the boring attention of people who are
considered to be their relatives.
Under such circumstances it always happens
what Acemoglu and Robinson as extractive political
institutions (extractive political institutions) and
extractive economic institutions (extractive
economic institutions). A power that actually has
roots and traditions in the past, now repeats itself
with the same perpetrator. On a different side
emerge inclusive political institutions and inclusive
economic institutions. Political institutions and
extractive economics are within the framework of
vicious circles, while inclusive political and
economic institutions are placed within the
framework of virtuous circles.
4.3 Coal Businessman and Elections
Every coal miner in Tanah Bumbu Regency,
especially those with a large business, does not want
their business disturbed let alone stagnating and
experiencing congestion. Thus, they deem it
necessary to establish close and friendly relations
with local political leaders. The reason, many things
they can do in the context of business if close and
friendly with political rulers, should be so. Thus,
there is a symbiotic mutualism between the two
forces.

This happened in the case of elections in several
districts in South Kalimantan in 2005. The results of
the Indonesian Institute of Science study say,
explicitly, in the form of explicit/explicit indeed
there is no alliance between employers and
authorities. Of course, this can be a form of strong
alliance because they have a double position, namely
as a ruler as well as a businessman. With the
establishment of an alliance between rulers and
businessmen, the expectation of businessmen will be
that they will be able to participate in local
government projects listed in the APBD. Some of
the occurrences of alliance can be demonstrated by
several causes, partly because of the electoral
process in which the role of businessmen is very
large in supporting certain candidates.
Businessmen who provide support for the
election process will certainly collect project
promises in the post-election period. Therefore, it
can be argued that the main mode of businessmen in
politics is to influence the policies of local
governments that will side with the interests of the
businessman in gaining access to the implementation
of local government projects.
In order to influence local government policy,
businessmen also formulate "shadow cabinets" and
place their people to occupy certain positions. With
people who have close relationships (with partners)
with employers occupying the cabinet seat area, they
can do "escort projects". In this case, the
businessman escorts the superior project through his
"hands" in the legislature – the executive, who is
allied with the employers' partners. Some
businessmen do not engage in direct contact with the
head of the region who are important actors outside
the formal structure of government, or through the
regional secretary.
Large businessmen are usually directly related to
the candidate, while middle-level businessmen and
small businessmen, in addition to dealing with
successful teams are also associated with undercover
or disguised teams. Usually disguised teams come
from families, are younger siblings or children of
businessmen commonly referred to as "ring one", or
because the candidate is an incumbent, then the one
ring is the heads of service, the echelon one, and the
two echelons.
5 CONCLUSION
The regional authority in licensing coal mining, in
addition to making it easier for investors to secure
their business and investment activities, also has its
Coal Business and Local Political Dynamics
own implications in the context of local politics. On
the one hand, local governments need investments
and financial resources as a force in mobilising
regional development; on the other hand, mine
businesspeople need land and local government
support to grow businesses and scale businesses.
Business licenses issued by the local government, on
the one hand, provide economic benefits for the
region and increase regional income; on the other
hand, they become "goods" that have a political
meaning of their own. In Tanah Bumbu District, the
coal mining business license becomes a political
business field involving the political elite and related
bureaucratic officials.
Coal mining investment activity in Tanah Bumbu
Regency is quite large and produces a lot of income
for the region but it does not have many implications
for the improvement of people's prosperity. The high
income of the region from mining business results
does not go hand in hand with efforts to improve the
welfare of the community. Physical development
looks more as if it prioritises local government
rather than accelerating community empowerment.
The interests of businessmen as well as the financial
benefits of the political elite and bureaucratic
officials seem more advanced. Thus, investment
activities in the coal sector are more prominent as
the arena of interest and profit for local businessmen
and elites than the interests of development and
regional progress.
Another political dimension of the coal business
in Tanah Bumbu is evident in the political event of
the Regional Head Elections. In the 2005 and 2010
elections, for example, a number of mining
businessmen provided support to certain candidates,
not only moral and mass support but also financial
assistance for the various needs of candidates in the
electoral process. The interests of mining
businessmen in the elections are not limited to the
candidates who support the winning candidate, but
also later business interests of the businessmen still
occur after the candidate has been elected as
regional head. Policies are formulated and enforced
by elected regional heads. Therefore, every
candidate who wins an election is never separated
from the support and involvement of coal mining
businessmen.
The support provided by mining businessmen to
regional head candidates in the pilkada is certainly
not free. They expect a reward, and when elected,
the reward will be given in the form of facilities in
the development of the coal mining business as
required by the mine itself. Thus, the cooperation
and relationship between regional leaders and coal
69
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

mine businessmen not only lasts during the political Decentralised Local Governments of India.”
process (pilkada) but also in later periods; in fact, in Journal of South Asian Development 8(1): 27–60.
later times, the closeness is far more important than Schotter, Andrew. 2006. “Strong and Wrong: The Use of
ever. That is why many of the local leaders' policies Rational Choice Theory in Experimental
Economics.” Journal of Theoretical Politics 18(4):
in the coal mining sector in Tanah Bumbu Regency
498–511.
are heavily influenced by and follow the will of coal Sung, Hung En, and Linda Richter. 2007. “Rational
mine businessmen. Choice and Environmental Deterrence in the
Departing from these conclusions, this study Retention of Mandated Drug Abuse Treatment
recommends three things. Firstly, the issuance of Clients.” International Journal of Offender Therapy
coal mining permits should only follow official and Comparative Criminology 51(6): 686–702.
procedures in accordance with the provisions of the Whitford, Andrew B. 2007. “Decentralized Policy
regulation. This is not only to strengthen the Implementation.” Political Research Quarterly
institutionalisation of the business licensing system, 60(1): 17–30.
but also to avoid unhealthy practices in investment
activity as well as to prevent the occurrence of
environmental damage. Secondly, coal mining
investment activities still have a main commitment
to increase local revenue in order to move the local
economy, to achieve regional progress, and
accelerate the creation of welfare for the people of
the region. Thirdly, the political participation of
businessmen (coal mines) in the political process,
especially the pilkada is certainly permissible and
legitimate, but the assistance provided by the heads
of local chief candidates should be institutionalised
and follow election regulations and the rules of the
General Elections Commission. This is to make the
elections fair, and the elected candidates need not
have a moral and political obligation to mine
businessmen.

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R. Shenhav. 2014. “Two Routes to Personalized
Politics: Centralized and Decentralized
Personalization.” Party Politics 20(1): 37–51.
Boulding, Carew E., and Clark C. Gibson. 2009.
“Supporters or Challengers?: The Effects of
Nongovernmental Organizations on Local Politics
in Bolivia.” Comparative Political Studies 42(4):
479–500.
Dinas Pertambangan dan Energi Kalsel. 2011. Resume
Tentang Royalty Dan Perkiraan Alokasi DBH SDA
Pertambangan Umum Tahun Anggaran 2011.
Banjarmasin.
Edlin, Aaron, Andrew Gelman, and Noah Kaplan. 2007.
“Voting as a Rational Choice: Why and How
People Vote to Improve the Well-Being of Others.”
Rationality and Society 19(3): 293–314.
Lehtinen, Aki, and Jaakko Kuorikoski. 2007. “Unrealistic
Assumptions in Rational Choice Theory.”
Philosophy of the Social Sciences 37(2): 115–38.
Patnaik, Pratyusna. 2013. “Does Political Representation
Ensure Empowerment? Scheduled Tribes in

70
P UBLIC A DMINISTRATION
F ULL PAPERS
 E-Government and Budget Transparency
of Indragiri Hulu Government

Muslim Afandi1 and Syed Agung Afandi2

1Department of Guidance and Counseling, State Islamic University of Sultan Syarif Kasim Riau, Pekanbaru, Indonesia
2Department of Science Government, Muhammadiyah University of Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

muslim.afandi@uin-suska.ac.id, syedagungafandi@gmail.com

Keywords: Budget Transparency, E-Government

Abstract: Information and Communications Technology (ICT) become an essential requirement in developing
information society and a knowledge society. Indragiri Hulu Regency is the only regency in Indonesia to be
piloting an Open Government Indonesia (OGI) project with the targets to maximize the use of the website
for the needs of alternative information media. Based on the assessment of the Indonesian Forum for Budget
Transparency (FITRA) in 2013 Indragiri Hulu Regency scored 23 below the maximum score of 100. This
study aims to determine the budget transparency of Indragiri Hulu Regency government through its official
website. This study uses a qualitative method. The findings of this study indicate that the Indragiri Hulu
Regency government has an official website and accessible, but the website does not encounter any special
content of budget transparency. As for the publication of budget documents to be done but in different
content. Furthermore, Indragiri Hulu Regency also government budget documents does not update regularly
on its official website. This is due to the absence of awareness of local government and the absence of strict
sanctions so that people has not be Able to access information on the implementation process of local
budget policy.

1 INTRODUCTION Based on the Minister of Home Affairs

Instruction No. 188.52/1797/SJ of 2012 on
Internet is a media which is currently the most easily Transparency of Local Budget Management, local
accessible by the public and most cost effective for governments are required to have an official
the government to disseminate information. The use website, has a budget transparency content, publish
of Information and Communications Technology budget documents, and update data. Related to the
(ICT) in public life become a main needs in publication of budget documents, the documents that
developing the information society and a knowledge must be published are: summary of RKA SKPD,
society. summary of RKA PPKD, draft of Regional
The World Summit on the Information Society Rugulation on APBD, draft of Regional Rugulation
(WSIS) made the decision that by 2015 every state on Revised APBD, Regional Rugulation of APBD,
to seek government agencies, education, hospitals Regional Rugulation of Revised APBD, summary of
connected to communication and information DPA SKPD, summary of DPA PPKD, LRA SKPD,
networks and 50% of the world’s population are able LRA PPKD, LKPD audited and BPK opinion on
to access information through the information and LKPD.
communication technology (Tasmil, 2013). Nationally based on the Ministry of
Following up the WSIS then set instruction the Communication and Information assessment of 224
Presidential Directive No.3 of 2003 on National government websites in 2004 there were 10% that
Policy and Strategy Development of E-Government, can not be opened. Furthermore, based on the results
which requiers ministries/state agencies, provinces, of a national survey by the Ministry of
district and cities in Indonesia to implement e- Communications and Information in the form of e-
government. Government Ranking in Indonesia (PeGI) in 2012
there are only 6 local government of the total 497

75
Afandi, M. and Afandi, S.
E-Government and Budget Transparency of Indragiri Hulu Government.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 75-79
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
districts/cities that are considered successfully
implement e-government.
When compared with other countries in terms of
e-government adoption based on an international
survey of Waseda e-government ranking in 2012,
Indonesia was ranked 33rd out of 55. Even in 2013
Indonesia fell to 40th out of 55 countries surveyed.
In line with that results, e-government ranking by
the United Nations in 2012 shows Indonesia was
ranked 7th out of a total of 11 ASEAN countries, far
below Malaysia and Vietnam (Napitupulu, 2015).
Based on the findings of the Indonesian Forum
for Riau Budget Transparency (FITRA RIAU) in
2013, the index of periodic budget information
disclosure on the Government website of Indragiri
Hulu Regency is also considered minimal budget
information. Indragiri Hulu only got a score 23 out
of a total score 100. Indragiri Hulu Regency is the
only regency in Indonesia that was made piloting
project Open Government Indonesia (OGI) under
the supervision of Presidential Work Unit for
Development Monitoring and Control (UKP4).
UKP4 target is to maximize the use of the website
for the needs of the information media alternatives.
2 FORMULATION OF THE
PROBLEM
How is the transparency of budget management
Indragiri Hulu Regency through its official website?
2.1 Research Methods
This study uses a qualitative method. Qualitative
methods used in this context to describe, analyze and
interpret the condition of e-government especially
the transparency of local financial management on
the official website of Indragiri Hulu Regency using
indicators: the availability of information about the
implementation procesof budget policy; access to
information that is easily accessible and freely
acquired; comformity between the implementation
and standard procedures; as well as the application
of sanctions for negligence in implementation.
2.2 Theoritical Framework
2.2.1 Transparency
According to Lalolo (2003) transparency is a
principle that ensures access or freedom for
everyone to obtain information about the
76
implementation of government, namely information
about policies, manufacturing processes and results
achieved. Kristianten (2006) mentioned transparency
is the openness of the government in providing
information related to the management activities of
public resources to the needy i.e. the community.
According to Didjaja (2003) transparency is
openness of the government in making policies that
can be known by the public. Transparency will
ultimately create accountability between the
government and the people. Mardiasmo (2002)
mentions the objective of transparency in
governance: one of the forms of government
accountable to the public; efforts to improve the
management of government; as well as efforts to
improve the management and good governance and
reduce opportunities for corruption practice.
Some of the measuring instrument of
transparency by Mardiasmo (2002) are publication
of public policy through communication tools such
as annual reports, brochures, leaflets, information
centers, toll-free phone, media coverage, public
service announcements, websites, bulletin boards,
local newspapers; information presented such as
service reference, maintenance data, public activity
reports, complaint procedures; and complaint
handling such as city news in mass and local media,
notice of response, response time limit, opinion
pools and surveys on public policy issues, comments
and notes for draft policy and regulation, service
users surveys.
2.2.2 Budget Transparency
Budget transparency refers to the extent to which the
public can obtain information on the government
financial activities and their implications in
comprohensive, accurate, and timely (Andrianto,
2007). According to Mardiasmo (2002) budget
compiled by the executive is said to be transparent if
it meets some criteria, i.e.: there is the
announcement of budget policy; available budget
documents and easily accessible; available timely
accountability reports; accommodation of the
voice/suggestions of the people; and there is a
system to provide information to the public.
Kristianten (2006: 52) mentions that budget
transparency is information related to budgeting
planning is the rights of every society. Citizen rights
related to budgeting, i.e.: the right to know, the right
to observe and attend public meetings, the right to
expression opinions, the right to obtain public
documents and the right to be informed. According
Andrianto (2007) transparency of financial
 E-Government and Budget Transparency of Indragiri Hulu Government
management in the implementation is measured bu
indicators:
 Availability of information on the
implementation process of budget policy
 Access to information that is easily accessible
and free to obtain
 Comformity between implementation and
standard procedure
 Application of sanctions for negligence in the
implementation.
3 ANALYSIS AND RESEARCH
FINDING
3.1 Availability of Information on
Budget Policy Implementation
Process
The obligation to provide information on
implementation process of the local government
budget policy is determined through the Minister of
Home Affairs Instruction No. 188.52/1797/SJ of
2012 on Transparency of Local Budget
Management, where all local governments shall to
publish 12 documents of budget management
through its official website that consists of:
Summary of RKA SKPD, summary of RKA PPKD,
Proposed Regional Regulation of APBD, Proposed
Regional Regulation of Revised APBD, Regional
Regulation of APBD, Regional Regulation of
Revised APBD, Summary of DPA SKPD, Summary
of PPKD DPA, LRA SKPD, LRA PPKD, audited
LKPD and BPK’s opinion on LKPD.
Of the 12 budgeet documents that must be
published, the Government of Indragiri Hulu
regency through its official website only publish
some of budget documents. Beginning in 2011
means that before the Minister of Home Affairs
Instruction No. 188.52/1797/SJ of 2012 on
Transparency of Local Budget Management,
Government of Indragiri Hulu has published a
summary document of RKA SKPD, summary of
PPKD RKA, summary of DPA SKPD and summary
of DPA PPKD on its official website. In 2012, the
Government of Indragiri Hulu only publishes budget
documents in the form a summary of RKA SKPD,
summary of RKA PPKD, summary of DPA SKPD
and summary of DPA PPKD.
In 2013 the Government of Indragiri Hulu
website publishing only 5 budget documents
consisting of RKA SKPD, RKA PPKD, DPA
SKPD, DPA PPKD and LRA SKPD. In 2014, the
document management budgets published through
the Government of Indragiri Hulu official website is
RKA SKPD, RKA PPKD, Proposed Regional
Regulation of APBD, Proposed Regional Regulation
of Revised APBD, Regional Regulation of APBD,
Regional Regulation of Revised APBD, LRA
SKPD and LRA PPKD, while in 2015, 2016, 2017
and 2018 the Government of Indragiri Hulu does not
at all publish budget documents on its official
website so that the availability of information on the
implementation of budget policies process by
Government of Indragiri Hulu has not been done yet.
3.2 Access to information that is easily
accessible and obtainable free
Access to local financial information is the citizen
rights and part of the government's responsibility to
publish it in line with the transition to the good
governance principle. Implementation of good
governance that in line with the rapid development
of Information and Communications Technology
(ICT) then demanded the government to be able to
utilize the Internet as a medium to improve the
quality of service so that later developed the concept
of e-government.
In an effort to implement e-governmnet, the
Government of Indragiri Hulu has utilized the
internet by making the official website at the address
www.inhukab.go.id. The official website of the
Indragiri Hulu Government has been well managed
through the Office of Communications and
Information Technology as the party who were
given the task and responsibility in managing.
Until now, the official website of Indragiri Hulu
Government has made it easily the public to obtain
access information especially related to local budget
management because these websites can be accessed
from anywhere and by anyone and without time
limit so that information is always available to the
community at any time for 24 hours. Good
management of the website by the Indragiri Hulu
Government is an effort of local government in act
transparently to manage local budgets so it can be
judged that the Government of Indragiri Hulu has
succeeded in adopting the earlystage of e-
government.
3.3 Correspondence between the
implementation and the standard
procedure
Utilization of the internet as a media to support the
government's performance especially in the field of
77
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
local budget management has been arranged through
the Minister of Home Affairs Instruction No.
188.52/1797/SJ of 2012 on Transparency of Local
Budget Management. In the policy, local
governments are required to have an official
website, has a budget transparency content, publish
budget documents and update data.
In the implementation, the Government of
Indragiri Hulu already has an official website that to
public, but the website does not have a budget
transparency content accordingly. This websites
publishes budget management documents on the
content of "information-services" along with other
documents so that the public need spend of time to
find budget management document on this website.
Of the 12 budget documents that must be
published, the Government of Indragiri Hulu does
not publish the overall budget management
document. In 2011 the Government of Indragiri
Hulu has begun to publish the budget document in
the form summary of RKA SKPD, summary of
PPKD RKA, summary of DPA SKPD and summary
of DPA PPKD on his website.
Post-enactment the Minister of Home Affairs
No. 188.52/1797/SJ of 2012 on Transparency of
Budget Management Area, Government of Indragiri
Hulu in 2012 instead only publish four budget
documents, 5 budget document in 2013, 8 budget
documents in 2014 while in 2015, 2016, 2017 and
2018 there was no budget document on the website.
Thus it is known that the Government of Indragiri
Hulu does not update the data related to the budget
management on his official website.
3.4 Application of Sanctions for
Negligence In Execution
The application of sanctions is an action on the
bansis to ensure all the rules and policies can be
implemented properly in accordance with
established procedures so that the goal can be
achieved. Minister of Home Affairs Instruction No.
188.52 / 1797 / SJ of 2012 on Transparency of Local
Budget Management, set without the existence of
clear sanction by the central government. In
addition, the website belongs to the Directorate
General of Regional Finance Development Ministry
of Home Affairs with the address
http://keuda.kemendagri.go.id which should contain
the data assessement transparency of local
government websites were empty. This is a form
lack of seiousness of the central government in the
implementation of e-government for media of local
budgets transparance.
78
Lack of seriousness the central level this is also
happens at the regional level, especially the
Government of Indragiri Hulu caused by the lack of
awareness of the government as policy implementers
to act according the rules, whereas Indragiri Hulu is
the only Regency in Indonesia, which is used as a
piloting project Open Government Indonesia (OGI)
which receive guidance directly by the Presidential
Work Unit of Development Monitoring and Control
(UKP4) with a target to maximizing the use of
websites for the needs of information media
alterantive.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Budget transparency is an openness to all policies
related to financial management. Based on the
Minister of Home Affairs Instruction No.
188.52/1797/SJ of 2012 on Transparency of Local
Budget Management, local governments are
required to have an official website, has a budget
transparency content, publishing budget documents
and update the data. In the implementation, the
Government of Indragiri Hulu already has an official
website which can be accessed public, but the
website has no content of budget management
transparency.
Related to the publication of budget management
documents, local governments are required to
publish 12 budget documents. In the
implementation, the Government of Indragiri Hulu
does not publish all local budget management
documents on its official website. In 2011 and 2012
the website is only publishes 4 budget documents, 5
documents in 2013, 8 documents in 2014, while in
2015, 2016, 2017 and 2018 the Government of
Indragiri Hulu is not at all publish budget documents
on its official website so that the update data is not
done.
Related to the application of sanctions for non-
conformity in policy implementation, Minister of
Home Affairs Instruction No. 188.52/1797/SJ of
2012 on Transparency of Local Budget
Management, set out without any sanctions. Other
than that, the website belongs to the Directorate
General of Regional Finance Development Ministry
of Home Affairs which should contain the assessing
transparency data of local government websites were
empty. Lack of seriousness at the central level is
what also happens at the regional level, especially
the Government of Indragiri Hulu Regency caused
by the lack of awareness of the government as the
implementer of the to act on the rules.
 E-Government and Budget Transparency of Indragiri Hulu Government

REFERENCES
Andrianto, Nico. 2007. Transparasi dan Akuntabilitas
Publik Melalui e-Government. Malang: Bayumedia
Publishing.
Didjaja, Mustopa. 2003. Transparansi Pemerintah.
Jakarta: Rineka Cipta
Kristianten. 2006. Transparansi Anggaran Pemerintah.
Jakarta :Rineka Cipta
Mardiasmo. 2002. Akuntansi Sektor Publik. Penerbit Andi.
Yogyakarta.
Napitupulu, Darmawan. Kajian Faktor Sukses
Implementasi E-Government Studi Kasus: Pemerintah
Kota Bogor. Jurnal Sistem Informasi Volume 5,
Nomor 3, Maret 2015.
P. Loina Lalolo. K. 2003. Indikator dan Alat Ukur Prinsip
Akuntabiitas, Transparansi dan Partisipasi. Jakarta.
Tasmil. E-Goverment Rangking In Makassar. Jurnal
Pekommas Vol. 16, No. 3, Desember 2013.

79
 Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia
Effectiveness Analysis of e-Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City

I Made Wimas Candranegara, I Dewa Gede Putra Sedana and I Wayan Sudemen
Department Public Administration, Warmadewa University, Denpasar, Indonesia
{wimascandranegara3491, putrasedana1967}@gmail.com, wayansudemen@yahoo.co.id

Keywords: Digital Democracy, Public Service, Smart City, Indonesia, e-Sewaka Dharma.

Abstract: In the city of Denpasar, public services based on information and communication technology are built based
on the Balinese cultural philosophy named e-Sewaka Dharma. In this philosophy, public service is a liability
based on a spirit of devotion known as yadnya term. The application of information and communication
technology in public service is expected to allow for the realisation of a transparent and accountable service
in addition to improving the quality in terms of efficiency and effectiveness. The focus of this research is to
measure the effectiveness of e-Sewaka Dharma’s implementation in Denpasar City Government Office.
This study used a sample of 100 respondents determined through non-probability sampling technique,
which is an incidental sampling type. The analytical technique used was descriptive statistics. The variable
used was effectiveness with 3 dimensions; production, efficiency and satisfaction. As many as 51.625% of
the respondents stated effective in the dimension of production, 54.687% of respondents stated effective in
the dimension of efficiency and 53.861% of respondents stated effective in the dimension of satisfaction of
e-Sewaka Dharma.

1 INTRODUCTION in public services based on information and

communication technology.
The utilisation of Information, Communication, and Public services based on information and
Technology (ICT) has changed the human activities communication technology are built based on the
in various sectors, as well as the public service Balinese cultural philosophy that is named e-Sewaka
sector operated by the government [1]. Government Dharma. The concept of e-Sewaka Dharma is
tasks that have been regulated by Law no. 25 in the extracted from the noble values of the culture that
year 2009 on Public Service in Article 1 intend to have been applied to the predecessors of Balinese
provide services to its citizens with quality service society. In this philosophy, public service is a duty
standards that are fast, easy, affordable and based on the spirit of devotion. The spirit of
measurable [2]. Developing government-based devotion commonly called yadnya is the noble
electronic government services, often called values of the Balinese community in carrying out
Electronic Government (e-Government), is a way to activities. The determination of this cultural
improve the quality of public services. philosophy is also not separated from the vision of
Efforts to improve public services to excellent the city government mission in realising the City of
service were declared by Denpasar City Government Cultural Insight. The application of information and
on the 14th Anniversary of the City of Denpasar in communication technology in the public service is
2006. In 2007, the commitment of excellent service expected to better realise a transparent and
to the community was further improved by applying accountable service in addition to improving the
information and communication technology to the quality in terms of efficiency and effectiveness.
public service sector. Especially now that the world Information and communication technology is a
is entering the era of globalisation, the application of demand of globalisation that makes services
information technology becomes a necessity, transparent and accountable. The licensing process is
including in the field of government. Despite one manifestation of information and
applying modern technology, the rich values of the communication technology applications in the city
Balinese culture and philosophy can still be applied of Denpasar. Information and communication

80
Candranegara, I., Putra Sedana, I. and Sudemen, I.
Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia - Effectiveness Analysis of E-Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 80-85
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia - Effectiveness Analysis of E-Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City
technology means that each applicant better know
the requirements, the length of the process and the
cost required.
Even in the system itself, the applicant can
register online permits and check the progress of the
permit via the internet. The same ease can also be
reached through the SMS service in cooperation
with telecom operators. ICT applications for
licensing also improve the efficiency and
effectiveness of the services offered to the
community. ICT in licensing ensures information
certainty, which eliminates illegal pungli and costs
(high-cost economy) so it is then expected to be
more of an attraction for investors. In addition,
responding to the demands of the community will be
more agile and professional regarding the
bureaucracy in providing the services that Denpasar
City Government has built and offered in the context
of e-Government.
In the e-Gov, all units / technical agencies are
integrated into ICT networks. Through e-Gov, the
coordination and communication between agencies
or leaders with agencies can be more quick and
efficient. The development of e-Gov is expected to
cut down on the bureaucratic administrative
procedures that often seem slow and complicated.
The head unit can utilise the chat facility to
coordinate better so then the handling of public
services can be quicker and more efficient in turn,
reducing administration. Globally, the design of e-
Government of Denpasar started at the launch of the
official website www.denpasar.go.id in 2001, and in
2007, the official website of Denpasar City changed
to www.denpasarkota.go.id in accordance with the
Minister of Communication and Informatics. Efforts
to improve the ICT-based public services developed
on the website won several awards. Among others,
the Warta e-Gov award, Warta Ekonomi and Bubu
Award up to the World Summit Award (WSA) at the
international level. The entire network of public
services based on ICT is integrated through the
official website of the municipal government of
Denpasar. All public services and information about
Denpasar City Government and its staff are on the
official website. In the population sector, the
application of ICT is built into the Information
System of Population Administration (SIAK).
SIAK is expected to improve its services in terms
of ease and speed. The public can extend KTP / KK
online by simply going on the official website
www.denpasarkota.go.id and clicking on the online
ID card service. SIAK also aims to realise the
validity of the population database required in
development planning. Information and
communication technology in the education of
Denpasar has been done through a cyberschool
program (www.cyberschooldps.net). In the
cyberschool, all junior high, high schools and
vocational schools in the city of Denpasar share a
connected ICT network. School communities,
students, and teachers can enjoy free internet
service. The use of the internet in the form of e-
Learning and education centre is expected to
increase their insights and knowledge. Information
and knowledge on the internet can seem to be
without limit. The internet also trains educational
society members accustomed to ICT, as it is one of
the main tools of globalisation. As a communication
technology, cyberschool connects the school
community in a discussion forum that can be used
for efficiency. Mapping all schools in Denpasar City
also offers cyberschool content that acts as a guide
for parents and prospective students.
In terms of security and emergencies, ICT is
implemented in the Safe Community program. The
safe community network connects emergency and
disaster management units with call centres with
Radio City RPKD 91.45 FM as the mediator. If there
are emergency conditions and/or disasters such as
fire, floods and fallen trees then an individual can
call the call centre at 0361-223333 or Radio Pemkot
at 0361-244444. To speed up the service, Denpasar
City Government has prepared an emergency unit of
PMKs and ambulances in all four corners of the city
area. In addition to handling emergency and disaster
conditions, the call centre and RPKD 91.45 FM have
also become a mediator of citizen complaints about
Denpasar public services through the Halo Denpasar
service. If there are facilities and public services that
do not work, people can submit it to Halo Denpasar.
RPKD and the call centre will contact the relevant
agencies to allow them to immediately handle it.
Reports of complaints and handling are submitted
through RPKD and Nusa Bali daily. The
implementation of IT technology improves public
services while also targeting the economic field.
Through e-Commerce, Denpasar Municipal
Government builds an information network system
including promotions and market access for industry
players and SMEs in Denpasar City. The
www.balidenpasartrading.com site is managed by
the Department of Industry and Trade (Disperindag).
Denpasar presents a variety of craft products, SMEs
and small industries in the city of Denpasar. The
site, since its launch in February and up to August
2007, has been accessed by 28,500 people.
The application of ICT in the field of the
community economy is a function of government to
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
better facilitate SMEs in terms of technology
acceleration, promotion, and the expansion of
market access. In the field of health services,
Denpasar municipal government has applied SIK
(health information system) at health centres in
Denpasar City. Through the SIK database, the poor
population of Askeskin have been recorded so then
they can enjoy basic health services without a
convoluted process. Through this, the SIK is
expected to service the patient in a manner that is
more effective and efficient. From the point of
registration through to receiving the drugs, the
patient has been served through their involvement
with the information system so as to facilitate the
service. In addition to the SIK database population,
there are maps that can be used to describe public
health. Based on the background of this research, the
research problems have been formulated as follows:
 How big is the effectiveness of the production
indicator on the implementation of e-Sewaka
Dharma in Denpasar City?
 How much effectiveness does the efficiency
indicator show that there is in the
implementation of e-Sewaka Dharma in
Denpasar City?
 How much effectiveness is present in the
indicator of satisfaction in the application of e-
Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City?
2 THEORITICAL REVIEW
‘Smart city’ literally means the concept of
development and implementation of technology in a
region that is divided into six dimensions, namely:
smart economy, smart people, smart governance,
smart mobility, smart environment and smart living.
E-Government, according to UNDP (United Nations
Development Program) in Indrajid, is an ICT-based
service provided by the governmen. Effectiveness
does not include stating how much has been spent to
achieve the goal, as effectiveness only sees whether
a program or activity has achieved its intended
purpose. In line with this case, Badeni said that
effectiveness implies the determination of the
achievement of the expected goals or the suitability
of what should be done. To measure the
achievement of the goal, according to Tampubolon,
there are five indicators in the effectiveness
measurement criteria with three-time measurement
divisions, i.e. for the short-term (production,
efficiency, and satisfaction), for the medium-term
(adaptation) and for the long-term (development).
82
In the era of digital broadcasting, however, those
three rights need to be granted separately to different
players within the broadcasting value chain, as “the
broadcaster is not necessarily the frequency licence
holder” anymore. There are now multiplex operators
who are granted the spectrum of rights and who are
therefore responsible for managing their particular
defined part of the radio spectrum to carry out the
programmes or services produced by broadcasters or
content providers. As for digital broadcasters, they
need to obtain broadcast licences and access
multiplexing services and broadcast permits for
every programme that they aim to broadcast (ITU,
2012; p.30).
In this way, digital television migration is a
critical step for both the broadcasting and
telecommunication sectors. Through the
technological transformation, broadband services
can possibly be improved and the diversity of media
ownership can be potentially increased.
However, besides the benefits, digital television
migration tends to be perceived as a threat to
broadcasting incumbents due to its potential to alter
the ownership structure present within the industry.
The main challenge that is a part of regulating digital
television migration is, therefore, to prevent anti-
competitive business conduct by either incumbents
or new players, especially if they are granted the
position of multiplex operators.
3 RESEARCH METHODS
This research used a quantitative method for the data
collection, using a questionnaire as the primary data
and a journal and books as the secondary data. This
research was a descriptive research study conducted
using a descriptive statistical analysis technique. The
sampling technique used was non-probability
sampling with the incidental sampling type proposed
being the people of Denpasar City. We determined
the sample size using the Bernoulli formula as
follows: n ≥ 96,04 ≈ 96. From the Bernoulli formula,
the minimum sample that can be used is 96
respondents, rounded up to 100 respondents.
4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
The results of the questionnaire have been presented
in Table 3.1 as follows:
 The response of the respondents on the
dimensions of production was 51.62%,
 Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia - Effectiveness Analysis of E-Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City

indicating the effectiveness of the application of
e-Sewaka Dharma.
 The response of the respondents about the
dimension of known efficiency was 54.68%,
indicating the effectiveness of the application of
e-Sewaka Dharma.
 The responses of the respondents about the
dimension of satisfaction had a total value of
53.37%, which indicates the effectiveness of the
application of e-Sewaka Dharma.
4.1 Results of Comparative Technique
Analysis Before and After
Application of e-Sewaka Dharma
This research used exposure to a snake diagram
because this can help with the elaboration of the
effectiveness flow channel before and after the
application of e-Sewaka Dharma, leading to the
dominant value of the respondent’s answers. The
exposure has been described in Table 3.2 below.
 For the availability of the required mail, the
dominant community on the "effective" scale is
worth 47.250%, so the point illustrated leads to
the condition after applying the e-Sewaka
Dharma and Referring to the availability of the
file completeness information, the dominant
community is on an "effective" scale of
56,000%, so the point illustrated leads to the
conditions after applying e-Sewaka Dharma;
 To fit the service of e-Sewaka Dharma into the
expectations of the respondent; the dominant
response on the "effective" scale was 51,500%,
so the point described leads to the condition after
applying e-Sewaka Dharma;
 For clarity in the process of issuing letters, the
dominant societies are on an "effective" scale of
45.250%, leading to conditions after applying the
e-Sewaka Dharma;
 For time savings, the dominant societies landed
on an "effective" scale of 59,500%, which points
to conditions after applying the e-Sewaka
Dharma;
 For ease of use concerning the e-Sewaka Dharma
service, the dominant community was on an
"effective" scale of 62,500%, which leads to
conditions after applying the e-Sewaka Dharma;
 For the satisfaction of the respondents in using e-
Kelelahan, the dominant society on the
"effective" scale was worth 53,500%, leading to
the condition after applying e-Sewaka Dharma;
 For the e-Sewaka, the Dharma service can be
more personally accessible - the dominant
community was on an "effective" scale of
59,000%, leading to conditions after applying the
e-Sewaka Dharma;
 For the availability of adequate queue waiting for
facilities, the dominant societies’ response was
on an "effective" scale of 51.250%, leading to
conditions after applying the e-Sewaka Dharma
and
 To get confirmation of a letter that takes a long
time of manufacture, the dominant society was
on an "effective" scale of 49.750%, leading to
the condition after applying the e-Sewaka
Dharma.

Table 3.1: Respondent's Response to Effectiveness of e-Sewaka Dharma.

Effectiveness  Average Total 
Question to‐  Total Value  Satisfaction Level 
Dimensions  Value 
Production  1  47,25%  51,62%  After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  2  56,00%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
Efficiency  3  51,50%  54,68%  After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  4  45,25%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  5  59,50%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  6  62,50%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
Satisfaction  7  53,50%  53,37%  After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  8  59,00%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  9  51,25%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 
  10  49,75%    After Applying e‐Sewaka Dharma 

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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

Table 3.2: Comparative Outcomes Before and After the Implementation of e-Sewaka Dharma.

Total Value  Percentage of Total Value  Effectiveness Leads 

No  Questions  N 
to Condition 
Before  After GAP  Before  After  GAP 
The letter I need is available at 
After Applying e‐
1  Denpasar City Government  100  2  189  187  0,005%  47,250%  47,245% 
Sewaka Dharma 
Office 
I already know the 
After Applying e‐
2  completeness of the file for the  100  0  224  224  0%  56,000%  56,000% 
letter I need.  Sewaka Dharma 
The e‐Sewaka Dharma service I  After Applying e‐
3  100  8  206  198  0,020%  51,500%  51,480% 
use suits my expectations.  Sewaka Dharma 
With e‐Sewaka Dharma service  After Applying e‐
4  100  9  181  172  0,022%  45,250%  45,228% 
process clear letter issuance.  Sewaka Dharma 
With my e‐Sewaka, Dharma  After Applying e‐
5  100  12  238  226  0,030%  59,500%  59,470% 
service can save time.  Sewaka Dharma 
The e‐Sewaka Dharma service is 
After Applying e‐
6  very easy  100  3  250  247  0,007%  62,500%  62,493% 
Sewaka Dharma 
to use. 
I am satisfied with the service e‐ After Applying e‐
7  100  7  214  207  0,017%  53,500%  53,483% 
Sewaka Dharma.  Sewaka Dharma 
I hope e‐Sewaka Dharma service 
After Applying e‐
8  accessible  to  the  public  100  7  236  229  0,017%  59,000%  58,983% 
Sewaka Dharma 
personal. 
I feel the facility for 
After Applying e‐
9  waiting  for  the  queue  is  100  6  205  199  0,015%  51,250%  51,235% 
Sewaka Dharma 
adequate. 
I get confirmation if the letter of 
a  certain  type  (such  as  After Applying e‐
10  100  2  199  197  0,005%  49,750%  49,745% 
inheritance) in need a long time  Sewaka Dharma 
has been completed created. 

5 CONCLUSION  The effectiveness level of the dimension of

Based on the results of research that has been done
on the effectiveness of the use of e-Sewaka Dharma
in Denpasar City, it can be concluded that:
 The effectiveness level of the production
dimension before applying the e-Sewaka Dharma
was 0.002% and was included on the "Not
Effective" scale. For the condition after applying
e- Sewaka Dharma, it was 51.625% and included
on the "Effective" scale. When viewed as the
dimension of production, the dominant
percentage of society says that it is effective after
applying e-Sewaka Dharma.
 The effectiveness level of the efficiency
dimension for the condition before applying the
e-Sewaka Dharma was 0.019%, included on the
"Not Effective" scale. For the condition after
applying the e-Sewaka Dharma, it was 54.687%
and included on the "Effective" scale. When
viewed as the dimension of efficiency, the
dominant percentage of society says that it is
effective after applying the e-Sewaka Dharma.
satisfaction before applying the e-Sewaka
Dharma was 0.013%, included on the "Not
Effective" scale. For the condition after applying
e- Sewaka Dharma, it was 53.861% and included
on the "Effective" scale. When viewed as the
dimension of satisfaction, the dominant
percentage of society says that it is effective after
applying the e-Sewaka Dharma.
6 SUGGESTION
Based on the results of research, there have been a
proposed constructive suggestions created for the
Government of Denpasar as the object of the
research.
 The results of this study found that the dimension
of production had the lowest rating compared to
other dimensions. Therefore, the Denpasar City
Government is advised to clarify the flow of
letter issuance process and its requirements.

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 Digital Democracy and Public Service in Indonesia - Effectiveness Analysis of E-Sewaka Dharma in Denpasar City

 The dimension of efficiency also has a low

rating, so the Government of Denpasar City is
suggested to socialise the e-Sewaka Dharma
service to the community in Denpasar City,
especially related to the purpose of applying e-
Sewaka Dharma.
 The satisfaction dimension also has a low
appraisal rating, so it is suggested to the
Denpasar City Government to provide feedback
support facilities concerning the use of e-Sewaka
Dharma service so then the community can give
constructive suggestions for the Denpasar City
Government so then the effectiveness of e-
Sewaka Dharma’s implementation can be
improved.

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Hartono et al. (2010). Electronic Government Government
Empowerment and Web-Based Village Potential.
Journal of Information Technology, 6 (1), 9-21.
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the Republic of Indonesia. Law Number 25 the Year 2009
on Public Service.
https://www.denpasarkota.go.id/index.php/baca-artikel/75/
eminsewaka-dharma-:-services-public-for-basis-techn
ology-information
Pratama, I Putu Agus Eka. (2013). Smart City along with
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Badeni. (2013). Leadership and Organizational Behavior.
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Analysis).Bandung: Alfabet.

85
 Management of Agricultural Irrigation
and Non-Farm Economic Activities in Rural Areas
Preliminary Studies

Rustinsyah
Department of Anthropology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
rustinsyah18@gmail.com

Keywords: Agricultural Irrigation, Management, Non-farm Activities, Rural Areas

Abstract: Most rural inhabitants rely on their livelihoods in the agricultural sector. One of the success factors of farming
is the availability of water for agriculture. Generally, water for agricultural irrigation in Bengawan Solo river
basin is managed by HIPPA-Himpunan Petani Pemakai Air or Water User Association with pompanisation.
However, there are HIPPA who cannot manage irrigation in agriculture due to limited capital. Therefore, the
water management in this village is taken on by businessmen. One of the successful impacts of managing
agricultural irrigation and farming in the village is the emergence of non-agricultural economic activities in
rural areas. For that purpose, the research was conducted in 2017-2018 with a qualitative approach concerning
the impact of an agricultural irrigation management system and rural non-farm activities. The results
concluded that the impact of success in managing agricultural irrigation and farming is that it provides
opportunities for non-farming activities in rural areas. Non-farm activities in rural areas are directly or
indirectly related to agricultural activities.

1 INTRODUCTION government made a policy outlined in the Ministerial

According to BPS (2017), the percentage of poor
people in rural areas is higher than in urban areas. In
March 2017, the urban poor population was 7.72
percent, down to 7.26 percent in September 2017. The
percentage of poor people in rural areas in March
2017 amounted to 13.93 percent and decreased to
13.47 percent in September 2017. There are various
government programs intended to reduce poverty in
rural areas. One of the development programs is to
revitalise the agricultural sector. In sub-Saharan
Africa, agriculture remains a centre of income and
employment, making up around 34 percent of GDP
and around 64 percent of the workforce (Jack, 2013).
The study states that agricultural growth alleviates
African poverty (Diao, James & Fan, 2012). In
addition, Diao stated that an increase of one percent
in agricultural growth can reduce the number of poor
people living on less than US $1 per day by 0.6 to 2
percent, and that no other activity produces the same
benefits for the poor.
Similarly, one of the governments programs is to
revitalise agriculture by providing adequate
agricultural irrigation. For this reason, the
Regulation concerning community involvement in
managing agricultural irrigation, one of which is
called HIPPA-Himpunan Petani Pemakai Air or
Water User Association (WUAs). For example, the
Regulation of the Minister of Agriculture with No.79
/ Permentan / OT.140 / 12/2012. The provincial and
district governments have made regulations based on
the above rules related to the destruction and
empowerment of these organisations. This is like
when the provincial government of East Java made
Regulation Number 3 in 2009 concerning agricultural
irrigation in the area. In implementing agricultural
irrigation management it has varied. For example,
there are WUAs whose management is a part of the
relevant village government, but there are also WUAs
that manages agricultural irrigation with the
development of the village head. This is when there
is the management of agricultural irrigation by the
private sector.
Paddy crops in rice fields require sufficient water
from the preparation through to the harvest. For this
reason, the proper management of agricultural
irrigation is needed. The success of managing
agricultural irrigation has an impact on increasing
ride productivity. Increased productivity affects the

86
Rustinsyah
Management of Agricultural Irrigation and Non-Farm Economic Activities in Rural Areas - Preliminary Studies.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 86-90
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Management of Agricultural Irrigation and Non-Farm Economic Activities in Rural Areas - Preliminary Studies
farmers' income and the dynamics of rural economic
activities. One of the dynamics of the rural farmers'
economic activities includes the growth of rural non-
agricultural economic activities. Rural non-farm
activities are directly related to agricultural and non-
direct activities. Non-farming activities in the
countryside can increase the family income and
increase the livelihood portfolio of the rural residents.
Therefore, this paper will describe "What is the link
between success in managing agricultural irrigation
and non-farm activities in rural areas?
2 PROBLEM STATEMENT
In Indonesia, there are many large rivers but
sometimes people are in an area with dry farms
because they cannot use the river water properly. This
can happen even in the rainy season, when floods
occur due to overflowing river water.
However, the good management of agricultural
irrigation in the suburbs of the Sungai Bengawan
river helps to move economic development activities
forward in rural areas. One of the rural economic
activities is non-farm activities. In this paper, we want
to elaborate on non-farm activities in rural areas as a
result of the successful management of agricultural
irrigation.
3 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES
The research objectives are:
 To describe the relationship between the
successful management of agricultural
irrigation and the emergence of non-farm
activities in rural areas.
 To describe the various kinds of non-farm
activities in the villages, especially in
Lamongan and Turban regencies located
around the Valley of Bengawan Solo River.
The findings of this study are important because
of the emergence of rural non-farm activities as part
of the economic dynamics of the countryside. Several
studies have shown that non-farming income as
portfolio helps the farmer to earn a living in rural
areas, as it contributes to the family income and is a
strategy to alleviate rural poverty.
4 DEFINITION OF
MANAGEMENT
AGRICULTURAL IRRIGATION
AND NON-FARM ACTIVITIES
HIPPA—Himpunan Petani Pemakai Air or the Water
Users Association is an agricultural irrigation
management organization that provides guidance in
the implementation of the statutes and bylaws made
by the organizers and the village government that
refers to government regulations. However, each
village is given autonomy to make statutes and
bylaws of its own, and to implement them. However,
there are times when HIPPA gives to private investors
to allow them to manage agricultural irrigation.
Usually in its implementation, there has been
agreement between village government, HIPPA and
investors.
The success of managing agricultural irrigation
affects the dynamics of the physical and non-physical
development in rural areas because 1) there is a rule
in the statutes and bylaws that some income in
managing irrigation is allocated to rural development
and 2) the implementation of the irrigation
management of agriculture raises job opportunities.
One of its impacts on the dynamics of economic
activity includes opening up opportunities for non-
farm economic activities.
According to Colter (1984), non-agricultural
activities consist of activities that discuss strategies to
increase the income outside of agriculture and
services, such as the trading of agricultural products,
running small businesses and other efforts through the
use of resources in farming and environmental
activities. For example, open-air business activities
face risks, the environment, people and others. Non-
agricultural economic activities, trade and services,
directly and indirectly, are related to local agriculture
or small-town economic activities. Ellis (1997)
further argued that livelihood diversification is a
process used by rural families to make a portfolio in
economic activity for survival and to raise their wage
standards. The diversification of livelihood is not
always synonymous with income diversification.
As well as Mukhopadhayay and Lim (1985), non-
farm economic activities are stated to include all
economic activities such as home industries,
agricultural product processing industries, rural
transport, trade, and all activities carried out for
commercial purposes outside of the agricultural
activities carried out in rural areas. 'Non-farm' does
not refer to primary agricultural or forestry or
fisheries activities. Barret and Reardon (2001) put
87
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
pressure on non-farm activities by referring to the
sectoral definitions that occur in primary production,
secondary (manufacturing) production and tertiary
activities such as services.
Some factors that encourage non-farm activities in
rural areas include first, the realisation of the
implementation of integrated policies, such as the use
of technology in agriculture, credit programs for
productive economic enterprises in rural areas and the
implementation of agribusiness programs. Non-farm
activities arise because of the success of dry land
farming and rice cultivation. As an example, there has
been the emergence of traders of horticultural crops
(chilies, vegetables) or of baskets made women in the
village of Kebonrejo (Rustinsyah. 2012). Similarly,
GAPOKTAN - Gabungan Kelompok Tani
(Combined Farmer Group) – have opened
opportunities for commercial farmers not only as a
manufacturer but as they are involved in the
distribution of agricultural products (Rustinsyah.
2012). Second, closeness and the ease of rural-urban
relations is also an attraction to open up non-farm
employment opportunities in rural areas. For
example, the emergence of transportation service
businesses (such as rural transport, motorcycles and
taxis), stalls and rural shops that sell manufactured
goods to meet the needs of the population village.
Third, agricultural modernisation causes increased
agricultural production and stimulates the farmers'
income to allow them to diversify their offered
agriculture (Mellor, 1976). The condition is certainly
followed by changes in household consumption
patterns that ultimately stimulate the growth of
industry and the service of household needs. The
emergence of food stalls, shops that provide daily
necessities, beauty salons in the village, bridesmaids
shops etc are examples. According to Rustinsyah.
(2012), the cause of the emergence of non-farms is
also due to the condition of uncertainty and the
financial weakness of the rural population due to the
uncertainty inherent in farming. This is due to the
climate. The fastest growing non-farm activities are
in the trade and food stalls, which offer a wage that is
greater than that of farm labourers (Haggablade,
Hazell & Brown, 1987). Therefore, non-farm
activities become an important option in order to
increase income and reduce poverty.
Rural non-farm activities can be carried out
jointly with farm activities or during the dry season.
This is like what farmers in Kebonrejo Village do. In
the dry season, the agricultural land in Kebonrejo
supports farming activities such as the trading of
manure, slaughtering animals or trading fruits (petai,
apokat fruit and others). In addition, they also trade at
88
home such as opening food stalls, selling goods and
daily necessities, the chilli trade that is usually done
by women, and trading in agricultural drugs and
chemical fertilisers (Rustinsyah. 2012). Generally,
farmers with non-farm economic activities are more
dynamic and have more income than farmers who do
not trade.
5 METHODOLOGY
The research was conducted in agricultural villages
with agricultural irrigation management utilising the
water of the Bengawan Solo River. Water
management for agricultural irrigation is carried out
by the private sector and is part of the village
government. Generally, rice production ranges start
from 10 tons per hectare. This has led to the growth
of non-farm economic activities to serve the farm
activities as well as the daily needs of the villagers.
The study was conducted in 2017, using qualitative
approaches and data collection through interviews,
observation and collecting documents related to the
research theme.
All of the data obtained from the interviews,
observations and documents were then classified
according to the research themes in order to answer
the research problem. Furthermore, the data is
interpreted using the non-farm concept as used in this
study.
6 DISCUSSION
Success in managing agriculture can be seen from the
high productivity, up to 10 tons per hectare. This can
overcome problems related to farming such as air
distribution for agriculture, pest management,
implementing programs according to the statutes and
bylaws, being able to build as part of a board, gaining
economic benefits, increasing organisational finance,
providing incentives to stakeholders and provide
insights into rural development.
One of the important impacts of successful
agricultural irrigation management is the emergence
of non-farm employment opportunities in rural areas.
The following are the non-farm activities in villages
that manage agricultural irrigation:
6.1 Trader of Daily Necessities
The success of managing irrigation of paddy fields,
the absorption of labour in the agricultural sector and
 Management of Agricultural Irrigation and Non-Farm Economic Activities in Rural Areas - Preliminary Studies
the income of the agricultural sector causes the cash
to come into circulation in the villages to be larger
and there is an increased ability of purchasing power
for the villagers. This gave rise to the merchants of
daily necessities which provide services to the
villagers. The profits obtained by these traders can
reach Rp 100,000 to Rp 200,000.00. This is as told by
Saroh (36 years old), who opened a shop at home
selling basic necessities every day (rice, sugar, soap,
etc.) and selling traditional herbal medicine brings in
approximately Rp 200.000,00 per day. To carry out
her economic activities, he collaborates with her
husband.
The turnover of the sale of staple goods has
increased because the villagers hold celebrations for
the animals or contribute to celebrations in the form
of rice, sugar and other gifts. The amount of waste
during the celebration ranges from 4 (four) kilograms
of rice. In Kebalanpaleng Village, there are 20
merchants who sell basic necessities everyday by
opening up a stall or a shop at home. The merchants
usually also give credit to their neighbours so then the
merchandise sells smoothly. Staple daily needs loans
usually occur in the famine season when there is a
flood in the rice fields due to the overflow of the
Bengawan Solo River.
6.1.1 Food Traders
The farmers' income from a high agricultural sector
can open up opportunities for food traders in their
villages. The types of food sold varies, namely: a)
those who open up a stall or shop selling dry foods
made by factories or b) a coffee shop that provides
local food. The turnover of the food vendors also
varies. Like Munawaroh (42 years) has opened a food
stall and serves catering for local villagers. To carry
out the work, he is assisted by his two children. The
first child has attended university in Lamongan. The
daily income of the food stall is around Rp.
150,000.00, plus if there are food orders from their
neighbours for celebration purposes.
There is even a shop that provides food and -
drinks like in a cafe in the city. Food prices also vary
from IDR 6000 to IDR 12,000 per package. Even the
turnover is quite large. As the owner of the cafe said,
"On a typical day, the food sales turnover ranges from
Rp. 1,000,000 to Rp. 1,500,000.00. While on
Saturdays and Sundays, the sales turnover can reach
Rp. 3,000,000.00.
Income as a food trader fluctuates from time to
time. At the time of the harvest season and when there
is a high productivity of rice, then the turnover of food
sales can increase. However, in the case of harvest
failure due to floods, pests or disease, then the
turnover of the food traders may decrease.
6.1.2 Others
There are other non-farm economic activities that
have become the livelihood portfolios of the villagers.
First, the business of the transportation of four-
wheeled vehicles is carried out by rich farmers. They
rent out avanza cars and car carriers like small
vehicles. For motor vehicle services, business is not
done much because generally, villagers have their
own motor vehicles. Secondly, unskilled labourers
such as construction workers clean the irrigation
networks. Labour to clean the irrigation networks is
usually done after flooding. Irrigation networks are
usually covered with mud and waste due to flooding,
so it then needs to be cleaned so then the distribution
of water becomes smooth again. The HIPPA budget
to clean up irrigation networks is big enough.
Building workers (carpenters, masons) get job
opportunities in the village. Usually they build houses
if they benefit from the harvest.
Third, the success of farming will certainly
increase the income of the rural residents so then they
have the ability to buy. The ability of the village
community becomes an attraction for outside
villagers to peddle in the village. For example, there
are the traders of meatballs, vegetables, and
traditional herbs and fruit trees peddled in the village.
They, on average, have been selling in the village for
more than five years. This shows that the economic
condition in the village is quite good.
7 CONCLUSIONS
The success of managing agricultural irrigation has an
impact on rice productivity. The high productivity of
the paddies in the village has an impact on the income
of the villagers, resulting in non-farm activities
created to serve the villagers and agricultural
activities. Rural non-farm employment opportunities
will drive rural economic activity. Some previous
studies such as Rustinsyah (2012) mention that
agricultural modernisation and increased agricultural
production leads to the diversification of jobs to serve
the needs of rural households. Similarly, non-farm
income is stable and higher than that of the
agricultural sector.
Efforts undertaken to increase agricultural
production needs to be done both from facilities, and
it needs to include infrastructure and intensification to
increase the income of the villagers.
89
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

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Income Diversification among Africa Agriculturalists
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Barrett, C. B, Christiaensen L., Sheahan M., and Shimeles
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for African agriculture: economy wide perspectives
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Ellis, F. 1997. Survey article: Household strategiesand rural
livelihood diversification. Journal of Development
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Haggablade, S, Hazell, P.B and Brown, J. 1987. Farm-Non
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Jack, B. K. 2013. Constraints on the adoption of agricultural
technologies in developing countries. Literature review,
Agricultural Technology Adoptin Initiative. J.PAL
(MIT) and CEGA (UC. Berkeley)
Mellor, John W. 1976. The new economics of growth: a
strategy for India and the developing World. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press.
Mukhopadhayay, Swapna dan Chee Peng Lim. 1985. The
rural non-farm sector in Asia. Kuala Lumpur: Asian
and Pacific Development Centre.
Newman C and Canagarajah, S. 1999. Non-farm
Employment Poverty and Gender Linkages: Evidence
from Ghana and Uganda. Working draft paper.
Washington DC. World Bank.
Reardon, T. 1997.” Using Evidence of Household Income
Diversification to Inform
Study of the Rural Non-Farm Labor market in Africa,”
World Development, 25(5), 735-748
Rustinsyah. 2012. Kegiatan Non-farm di pedesaan
(Pedagang, Perdagangan di Desa Pertanian Komersial).
PT. Revka Petra Media dan Departemen Anthropologi
Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Politik.

90
 Asymmetric Decentralization
in Coastal Areas Strategic Boundary of Indonesia:
Law-Political-Decentralization Perspective

Muchid Albintani1, Mayarni1 dan Mimin Sundari2

1
Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Universitas Riau, Pekanbaru, Indonesia
2
Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Universitas Riau, Pekanbaru, Indonesia
3
Faculty of Political and Social Sciences, Universitas Riau, Pekanbaru, Indonesia
muchid@lecturer.unri.ac.id, mayarnimaya83@gmail.com

Keywords: asymmetric decentralisation, strategic border coastal area, Indonesia

Abstract: In the era of globalisation, the problems of policy overlap, poor inter-agency coordination among central
agencies and minimal budget support are the main obstacles to the implementation of Asymmetric
Decentralisation in strategic border coastal areas such as Pasir Limau Kapas [henceforth Palika], Rokan
Hilir District and Riau Province [Provinsi Riau]. The study aims, first of all, to explain the implementation
of Asymmetric Decentralisation in Palika as a strategic coastal area on the border. Second, this study will
explain the major obstacles to the implementation of Asymmetric Decentralisation as a strategic coastal area
on the border. Law Political and Political Decentralisation have been used as an analytical framework. This
study used a qualitative approach through a descriptive analysis method. The data was collected based on
documents supported by interviews. The results of the study conclude that, firstly, central government
inconsistencies implementing Asymmetric Decentralisation as a strategic policy to develop border coastal
areas involves the practice of Decentralised Politics. Second, the main obstacle to the implementation of
Asymmetric Decentralisation is the overlapping regulations between regions and centres showing an
inconsistent (central-regional) government. This reality has negative implications for development in Palika
as a strategic border coastal area.

1 INTRODUCTION Kalimantan and Riau Islands [Batam-Bintan-

The theme of the conference, "Empowerment &
Impairment in The Global Age", is a reminder of the
border issues related to the Asymmetric
Decentralisation policy. Pasir Limau Kapas
[henceforth Palika] sub-district, one of the study
areas, has several reasons to support it. [1]
Panipahan is the only capital city in Palika, Rokan
Hilir District [Rohil], Riau Province which is not
accessible by road while still being on the island of
Sumatra. [2] The sub-districts have direct border
conflicts with neighbouring countries; Malaysia, and
North Sumatra Province. [3] The Border
Management Board was liquidated in 2016, having
been established 2014, as a result of government
regulations on regional apparatus.
These three reasons are academically supportive
if this study can contribute by: [a] creating an
equitable distribution of coastal the border area
studies that have been concentrated around the
Karimun]; [b] the regulations leading to the
management of Batam Island [Pulau Batam] in
terms of an overlapping authority between regional
centres (Albintani, 2016). Based on the
aforementioned explanation, the paper aims to first
explain the implementation of Decentralisation in an
asymmetric manner in Palika as a strategic coastal
area on the border. Secondly, this paper aims to
explain the major obstacles to the implementation of
Asymmetric Decentralisation in Palika.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
The study of the existing literature seeks to explain,
first of all, the earlier studies that became the
comparison reference to the significance of this
study. Second, it seeks to explain the use of law-
political-decentralisation in order to understand the

91
Albintani, M., Mayarni and Sundari, M.
Asymmetric Decentralization in Coastal Areas Strategic Boundary of Indonesia - Law-Political-Decentralization Perspective.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 91-95
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
phenomena associated with Asymmetric
Decentralisation in the strategic coastal border
region of Palika.
2.1 Previous Study
In the implementation of various studies on border
areas, especially areas that are considered to be
strategic, there needs to be serious attention that is
both focused and integrated. Related to this study is
[1] JPP-UGM (2010), "Asymmetric Decentralisation
in Indonesia: Practice and Projection." and [2]. The
study by Bappenas [2016]; "Study of Asymmetric
Policy Development in the Boundary Areas."
Based on these two studies, this paper focuses on
the implementation of Asymmetric Decentralisation
in the Strategic Coastal Border Area of Indonesia.
This study examines the perspective of the Law
Political and Political Decentralisation through to
Law-Political-Decentralisation.
What distinguishes this study is [1]. Very limited
studies have been conducted on coastal border area
development [especially in international trade areas],
especially focused on the coast of Sumatera. Most
areas of study are focused on strategic border areas,
such as Riau Islands and Batam Island. [2] There is a
dichotomy between the decentralisation policy
[regional autonomy, symmetrical] and Asymmetric
Decentralisation [soft decentralisation, ‘intervensi
lunak’ term in Indonesia]. As a strategic border
coastal zone, Palika seems to be ignored by both the
central government and local government. [3].
Concerns over the experience of Simpadan and
Ligitan island clarifies the ignorance of the [central
government] state at managing and taking care of
the outer islands at the border.
2.2 Strategic Border Areas and
Asymmetric Decentralization
Facilitating the concept of a strategic coastal border
area with the concept of asymmetric decentralisation
and the relationship of both requires an academic
explanation. It is important to point out that this
explanatory context is an early attempt to understand
the importance of the relationship of strategic border
region development and Asymmetrical
Decentralisation. Various items of literature
(Prescott, 1987; Albintani, 2016; Bappenas, 2016)
have mentioned if the border area of the country is a
region that has a strategic position. This position is
attributed to the existence of a neighbouring country
which is [adjacent] to the Melaka Strait. Sovereignty
92
and security become a strategic issue of the border
area, as it is the front porch of the country.
Law Political, in this context, is interpreted as an
approach to tackling the phenomenon of the
interaction between the power actors in parliament,
government and justice in producing various policy
products such as the constitution, MPR decree,
Law/Perpu, PP [government regulation], Perpres
[President Regulation], Perda [Local Regulation]
and others within the arena of contestation between
the political actors in various political institutions
(Mahfud, 2001). Meanwhile, Political
Decentralisation is the transfer of planning, decision-
making or the division of authority from the central
government to its branches of organisation, local
administrative management units, local government
or non-governmental organisations (Prasojo, 2016).
In this context, Asymmetric Decentralisation is a
central or regional government strategy to fighting
for the right and authority to carry out autonomous
regional obligations to regulate and manage its own
governmental affairs in the interests of the local
communities. Law-Political-Decentralisation is a
perspective used to understand the phenomenon of
Asymmetric Decentralisation in the strategic border
coastal area of Palika. This perspective clarifies the
struggle between contradictory central and local
governments in certain contexts.
3 METHOD
This study used a qualitative approach through a
descriptive analysis method. The data was collected
based on documents supported by interviews. Once
collected, the data was analysed qualitatively. In
order to explain if Palika is a strategic border coastal
area, please refer to Figure 1.
 Asymmetric Decentralization in Coastal Areas Strategic Boundary of Indonesia - Law-Political-Decentralization Perspective
Figure 1:
[a] Regency of Rokan Hilir,
[b] China's Strategy Master the World
[c] Palika Position,
[d] The Indonesia-Malaysia-Thailand Cooperation,
[e] Kra Canal Thailand Channel Development Plan.
Source: Google Map and Prepared 2018.
4 ‘AUTONOMY CENTER’ IN
THE LOCAL AUTONOMY
4.1 Recentralisation in the Era of
Regional Autonomy
4.1.1 Institutional Decentralisation:
Variety Policy
The findings of this study indicate that the various
regulations related to the implementation of
Asymmetric Decentralisation in coastal border areas
have created opposing policies. As a result, local
governments have set ambiguous policies. This can
be observed after the establishment of the Border
Management Agency [Perda (Local Regulation)
No.10/2013]. Based on Perda No.11/2016, the
Border Management Agency was abolished. The
reality of the study findings can be observed based
on the chronology of various policies.
Regulation begins with the establishment of the
Border Management National Agency [BNPP]
through:
§ President Regulation No.12/2010 [drafting of
the Grand Design] and the Master Plan for the
Management of State and Boundary Areas and
the boundary of Nawa Cita,
§ Presidential Regulation No.2/2015 on the
"National Medium-Term Development Plan
(RPJMN) 2015-2019" [this policy laying the
groundwork for the start of Asymmetric
Decentralisation,
§ Regulations of the Minister of Home Affairs
No.2/2011 on "Guidelines for the
Establishment of Border Management Bodies
in the Regions",
§ Head of BNPP Regulation No.1/2015 on the
"Master Plan for State Border Management
2015-2019",
§ Provincial Regulation No.3/2014 on the
"Organisation of the Inspectorate, Regional
Development Planning Board and the
Regional Technical Institute of Riau
Province",
§ Riau Governor Regulation No.21/2015 on
"Details of the Duties, Functions and Work
Procedures of the Border Management
Agency of Riau Province Conducting Renduk
PBWNKP",
§ Local Regulation No.10/2013 on the "Rokan
Hilir District Border Management Agency",
§ Government Regulation No.18/2016 on
"Local Devices" and
§ Local Regulation No. 11/2016 on "The Device
Formation of Rokan Hilir District".
Based on the policy chronologies that have been
submitted, this study found that inter-policy conflicts
can eliminate the institution that manages the border.
In the Asymmetric Decentralisation Assessment
[2016], the second conclusion confirms that
developing policies of institutional and
administrative structuring in government
administration in border areas is a strategy focused
on strengthening the authority and institutional
districts at the border. It can be further explained
that the importance of sub-district [kecamatan]
strengthening is in line with the mandate of Law
No.43/2008 on "State Territories" and Law No.23
/2014 on "Local Government", in which the roles of
the authority and institutions in governance in the
region’s state borders are to be found in the sub-
district.
4.2 Asymmetric Decentralization in
Constrain
4.2.1 Policy Construction:
Position Strategy and Security Issues
An important aspect is that a strategic area has major
potential as an important part of the implementation
of decentralization. Strategic understanding should
also come into the context of areas related to the
shoreline. The existence of various forms of special
economic zones, for example, should interplay with
the variants to be found in the decentralisation era
[the implementation of regional autonomy]. In this
case, the palika [in the agricultural area] is not much
different from the island of Batam [in the
archipelago], which is discarded because it is
adjacent to Singapore. Meanwhile in Palika,
Panipahan is the capital and Pulau Jemur [Jemur
Island] is directly in the Melaka Strait. Based on
Figure 1:
§ Palika's position as part of Rokan Hilir
regency means that it is adjacent to Rupat
Island [Pulau Rupat];
93
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
§ The Obor Policy means that there is one belt,
and one road: 60 countries show China's 'plan
of dominance' in the wider world [the glory of
the world trade coming from the silk road];
Palika's strategic position;
§ Planning cooperation between Indonesia,
Malaysia and Thailand and
§ The opening plan of the Kra Canal in
Thailand. The aforementioned help to clarify
Palika's position as a strategic border coastal
area.
Instrumentation in government management
comes with costs and maintenance. Rhi’s study also
has a tangible context, as the [central and regional]
governments are in a position that cannot be
developed due to the various projects being made
that are 'incapable' of being done.
4.2.2 Ambiguous Policy:
Resentralization Budget and
Dissolution of Institutions
With regard to the constraints related to
implementing Asymmetric Decentralisation, if
observed on the basis of the role of local
governments in trying to develop border areas in
Palika, then the findings show something that is
ambiguous and seemingly unresponsive. This
dilemma is related to the condition of the regional
budget that continues to decline. This was, for
example, in 2015, Rp 2.27 trillion. In 2016, it was
Rp 2.6 trillion more.
In 2017, there was a significant decrease from
Rp 2.6 trillion to Rp 1.5 trillion. This decrease in
budget has become a dilemma and has an impact on
ambiguous policy decisions. The sincerity to
develop border areas based on Asymmetric
Decentralisation becomes delayed.
Meanwhile, related to the existence of the Border
Management Agency, it was liquidated. The reason
for this was crucial, as it was because of the
limitations and the decrease of the budget. Budget
efficiency becomes the cause argument. This is
complemented by the reason behind the issuance of
government regulations on the regional apparatus.
Walaupaun is still under debate. The question is
related to how seriously can the border management
agency join with other work units.
Based on this argument, the seriousness of the
Rokan Hilir regional government becomes
questionable. This is the background of the
government; through its officials on many occasions,
it has always declared seriously that it seeks to build
94
a strategic coastal border region. The government
regent of Rokan Hilir appealed for the central
government's help to develop the potential tourist
area of Pulau Jemur, which is located besides the
Melaka Strait in contact with international trade
route. On the other hand, local governments are
reluctant to maintain border management bodies.
5. CONCLUSIONS
This study concludes that, firstly, the inconsistency
of the central government when it comes to
implementing Asymmetric Decentralisation as a
national strategic policy of building border areas in
Palika is part of the practice of Political
Decentralisation. Political practice is a subtle part of
central intervention in the region. Second, these
interventions have an impact on the overlapping
regulations between regions and centres, indicating
that central-regional inconsistency appears to be
prominent. Practically, this study suggests that
Asymmetrical Decentralisation is a manifestation of
the will of the state governmental condition dictating
that there should be regional dependence on the
centre.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The author would like to thank Prof. Sujianto from
the Universitas Riau. Further thanks to the Rector of
the Universitas Riau, and Chairman of the Institute
for Research and Community Service [LPPM],
Universitas Riau who has provided funding of this
research with the contract number:
664/UN.19.5.1/PP/2018.
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Albintani, M., 2016. Berburu Rente di Pulau Batam:
Provinsi Istmewa Singapura dan ‘Negara Bintan’.
Yogyakarta: Deepubslish.
Bappenas. 2016. Kajian Pengembangan Kebijakan
Asimetris dalam Pembangunan di Kawasan Perbatasan
Negara. Direktorat Daerah Tertinggal, Transmigrasi,
dan Perdesaan Kementerian PPN/Bappenas.
Kuncoro, M., 2004. Otonomi & Pembangunan Daerah,
Reformasi, Perencanaan, Strategi dan
Peluang. Jakarta: Penerbit Erlangga.
Kumorotomo, W., 2008. Desentralisasi Fiskal Politik dan
Perubahan Kebijakan 1974-2004.
Jakarta: Murai Kencana.
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JPP-UGM. 2010. Desentralisasi Asimetris di Indonesia: tentang Organisasi Badan Pengelola Perbatasan
Praktek dan Proyeksi. Yogyakarta: Jurusan Politik dan Daerah Provinsi Riau.
Pemerintahan Fisipol UGM. Peraturan Daerah Provinsi Riau No.3 Tahun 2014 tentang
Mahfud, M. MD,. 2001. Politik Hukum di Indonesia. Organisasi, Inspektorat, Badan Perencanaan Daerah
Jakarta: LP3ES. dan Lembaga Teknis Daerah Provinsi Riau.
Prescott, J. R.V,. 1987. Political Frontiers and Boundaries. Peraturan Daerah Rokan Hilir No.10 Tahun 2013 tentang
London: Allen & Unwin. Badan Pengelola Perbatasan Kabupaten Rokan Hilir.
Prasojo, E., Ridwan, IM., dan Teguh K., 2006. Peraturan Daerah Rokan Hilir No.11 Tahun 2016 tentang
Desentralisasi & Pemerintahan Daerah: Antara Pembentukan Perangkat Daerah Kabupaten Rokan
Model Demokrasi Lokal & Efisiensi Struktural. Hilir.
Jakarta: Departemen Ilmu Administrasi Fisip, UI. Saragih, B., 2006. Pengantar politik hukum. Jakarta:
Peraturan Pemerintah No.38 Tahun 2007 tentang Infomedia.
Pembagian Urusan Pemerintahan Antara Pemerintah, Undang-undang No. 17 Tahun 2007 tentang Rencana
Pemerintah Daerah Provinsi, dan Pemerintah Pembangunan Jangka Panjang Nasional (RPJPN)
Kabupaten. 2005-2025.
Peraturan Pemerintah No.7 Tahun 2008 tentang Undang-undang No. 27 Tahun 2007 tentang Pengelolaan
Dekonsentrasi dan Tugas Pembantuan. Wilayah Pesisir dan Pulau-pulau Kecil.
Peraturan Pemerintah No.8 Tahun 2008 tentang Tahapan, Undang-Undang No.43 Tahun 2008 tentang Wilayah
Tata Cara Penyusunan dan Evaluasi Pelaksanaan Negara.
Rencana Pembangunan Daerah; Undang-Undang No.23 Tahun 2014 tentang Pemerintahan
Peraturan Pemerintah No.18 Tahun 2016 tentang Daerah.
Perangkat Daerah. Widodo, E., dan Muchtar. 2000. Konstruksi ke Arah
Peraturan Presiden No.78 Tahun 2005 tentang Penelitian Deskriptif. Yokyakarta: Penerbit Avyrouz
Pengelolaan Pulau- Pulau Kecil Terluar.
Peraturan Presiden No.12 Tahun 2010 tentang Badan
Nasional Pengelola Perbatasan.
Peraturan Presiden No. 2 Tahun 2015 tentang Rencana
Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Nasional Tahun
2015-2019.
Peraturan Menteri Dalam Negeri No.2 Tahun 2011 tentang
Pedoman Pembentukan Badan Pengelola Perbatasan di
Daerah.
Peraturan Badan Nasional Pengelola Perbatasan No.1
Tahun 2011 tentang Desain Besar Pengelolaan Batas
Wilayah Negara dan Kawasan Perbatasan Tahun
2011-2025.
Peraturan Badan Nasional Pengelola Perbatasan No.1
Tahun 2015 tentang Rencana Induk Pengelolaan
Perbatasan Negara Tahun 2015–2019.
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No.2 Tahun 2015 tentang Rencana Strategis Badan
Nasional Pengelola Perbatasan Tahun 2015-2019.
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No.11 Tahun 2015 tentang Rencana Aksi Pengelolaan
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Tahun 2015.
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Urusan Pemerintahan Yang Menjadi Kewenangan
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Perubahan Peraturan Gubernur Riau No.2 Tahun 2012

95
 Globalization and Indigenous People Adaptation:
Sasi as Social Institution in Maluku

Citra Hennida1, Santi Isnaini2, Sri Endah Kinasih3

1
International Relations Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
3Department of Anthropology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia

citra.hennida@fisip.unair.ac.id, santi.isnaini@fisip.unair.ac.id, sriendah.kinasih@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: globalization, indigenous people, sasi, sustainability

Abstract: Globalisation integrates goods, services, people, capital and information. As a result, the economic, social
and political institutions formed by globalisation become homogenous. The ultimate goal of globalisation is
equitable welfare and distribution of wealth. Unfortunately, not all parties benefit from globalisation.
Globalisation gives rise to a lame distribution and many groups become more vulnerable. One of these
disadvantaged groups is indigenous people. Indigenous societies have developed their own economic, social
and political institutions. They also have magical religious ties to the areas where they live. Therefore,
indigenous people are threatened when the seas and forests that they occupy are exploited because of
industry needs. However, in some areas, these indigenous societies have succeeded in developing a social
order that fortifies them from outside influences and in certain cases, they managed to keep nature more
sustainable. In Indonesia, the practice is known as sasi. The people of Maluku practice sasi in the
management of sustainable natural resources. Sasi is considered to be a successful way to conserve natural
resources. The problem raised in this research is how the local community, through their social institutions,
can adapt in the globalisation situation. The other question is, what kind of situation is needed for the local
social order to run?

1 INTRODUCTION due to mining exploitation. Another example is what

Globalisation overcomes the obstacles of space and
time. Globalisation also integrates goods, services,
people and capital. Along with commercialisation
and exploitation of resources; the intensity of the
exchange of goods, services, capital and people
increases. This situation results in globalisation
being considered the cause of the deteriorating
environmental situation. Changing forests to
industrial areas and destroying forests marginalises
the traditional communities living around the forest.
Cases that have afflicted the Indian indigenous
peoples around the Amazon forest include the
Kayapo tribe due to the commercialisation of non-
timber forest products and the Sarayaku tribe due to
the exploitation of oil mines. The inclusion of
corporations in the use of Brazilian nuts as a raw
material for beauty products has provoked the
Kayapo tribe into conflict over the management of
Brazilian nut forest products. The Sarayaku tribe in
Ecuador must leave the forest due to forest clearing,
is happening to the traditional fishermen in Nauru.
The presence of many phosphate-mining companies
from Australia has deteriorated the quality of the
environment. Coastal areas are becoming polluted so
the catches are reduced. For indigenous people, the
land is a part of their history and lifestyle. Therefore,
being uprooted makes traditional communities
unable to survive.
Indigenous people also develop their individual
social institution as part of their existence. In
Maluku, Indonesia, the social institutions developed
and practiced by the indigenous peoples are legally
recognised. It called as sasi. For reasons of
conservation and local conflict resolution, sasi is
used. Sasi is used in conjunction with applicable
laws and regulations from the central and regional
governments. As a result, sasi can be a tool to
protect the marine area and to help marine products
become sustainable. The existence of sasi has been
praised by the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and
Fisheries, Susi Pudjiastuti, in the statement that the

96
Hennida, C., Isnaini, S. and Kinasih, S.
Globalization and Indigenous People Adaptation - Sasi as Social Institution in Maluku.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 96-100
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Globalization and Indigenous People Adaptation - Sasi as Social Institution in Maluku
practice of sasi carried out by the Moluccan
community should be imitated and implemented by
other regions so then the quality of the catches can
be maintained (Kompas October 23, 2017).
Departing from these situations, the research
question posed is how local communities - through
the social institutions that are owned - can adapt to
globalisation. What kind of situation is needed so
then the ideal condition can be created? The research
found that applying the co-management model and
expanding the function of sasi into a conservation
function allows for adaptation to the effects of
globalisation. Co-management and conservation
makes resource management expandable by
involving more parties, including NGOs that have
not been involved in the practice of sasi. In addition,
efforts to enforce the sasi laws also have a wide
range. Sasi has, so far, only affected indigenous
people who believe in sasi. Outside society does not
have to obey sasi. As a result, the sasi law becomes
weak when faced with the mass commercialisation
of resources. By expanding its conservation
function, compliance with the sasi law is binding for
all people in the region, both indigenous and
migrant.
2 METHODOLOGY
This research focused on globalisation and sasi as
the social capital in indigenous communities. This
research study used a descriptive research
methodology as an attempt to explain and interpret
the particular phenomenon, problem and/or
behaviour focused on. In this study the author’s aim
was to explain how the local communities, through
local social institutions, can adapt in a situation of
globalisation that is detrimental to the local
communities. The social institutions that are referred
to here are sasi, which is a part of the Moluccan
community, Indonesia.
In this study, data was collected from primary
and secondary sources. The primary data was
obtained from the laws and public official
statements. The secondary data was obtained
through a literature review, namely by collecting the
data relevant to the issues discussed in the literature
such as books, journals, and news in the media.
The data analysis technique used in this study
was qualitative analysis. Qualitative analysis
emphasises the interpretation of the data and of the
statements obtained from the secondary and primary
sources, which are then associated with the theories,
concepts and prepositions determined by the
researcher. The qualitative analysis consisted of
three activities that flow simultaneously, namely
data reduction, data presentation and conclusion
drawing or verification.
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
Globalisation is seen of as an economic phenomenon
that results in an increase in the movement of
commodities, money, capital and information.
Globalisation leads to a situation of integration.
Global integration brings in many opportunities but
on the other hand, it also carries risks. Integration
also means rising inequality, shifting power, and
cultural uniformity. Social, political and economic
harmonisation can raise the level of persecution
against indigenous groups. Indigenous people who
have different social, economic and political
practices are considered to be misfits in the situation
of globalisation. As a result, they are marginalised
and harmed by globalisation. For example,
negotiations between the government and
companies, multilateral institutions and investor
countries sometimes involves few or no indigenous
people who often live where industrial operations
will take place. The presence of investors results in
land ownership by large corporations and super rich
individuals. As a result, the land use follows the
wishes of the interests of investors. The government,
in the name of development, then serves the needs of
the investors and many of these needs marginalises
the interests of indigenous people.
Indigenous groups who are in a marginal
position sometimes experience worsening conditions
in this situation. Not only in relation to changes in
the environment of the region in which they live, but
also changes in their food sources and changes in the
community culture. An indigenous community is
defined as the people who inhabit the land
associated with their ancestral heritage. Their
custom and values are different from the national
community. Lenzerini (2007) defines a group as an
indigenous group when: (1) there is a historical
connection that connects the pre-invasion society
with the conservation of a particular system of
government; (2) they have a subjective parameter
that is identified as the identification of an
indigenous community and the acceptance of that
person as a member of the community. The UN
defines indigenous communities as peoples and
nations who have a historic continuity in their
territory and who consider themselves to be distinct
from other sectors of society. They practice their
97
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
own cultural patterns, social institutions and legal
systems. Indigenous people are a vulnerable group
because they are tied to nature by a magical religious
relationship. Based on the understanding of ILO No.
169, indigenous people have the following
characteristics:
 They identify themselves with certain groups;
 They have a relationship that is tied to their
ancestral land and natural resources;
 They have different social, economic, political
and cultural institutions;
 The land was acquired before the colonial
period;
 They experienced a period of conquest or
colonisation and
 They have a different language.
The indigenous community is become marginalised
because of the things that are considered "different".
Globalisation results in inequality, especially for
indigenous people. The World Inequality Report
2018 data notes that 1% of the world's population
has 27% of the world’s wealth. In North America
and Western Europe, 1% of the population
contributes to 28% of the total growth. In India and
China, the same wealth of 1% of the population
accounts for 18% of the total growth. India is said to
have experienced extreme inequality, with an
average national growth of 223%, but the growth
experienced by the poor population is only 107%;
half below the national average. The Middle East
region has the highest inequality of 61%, followed
by the Latin American region with 55%, North
America with 47% and Western Europe with 37%.
The causes of inequality are to do with
contemporary capitalism, the legacy of slavery, and
racial cleavage. Globalisation, through its
international institutions, drives the growth of
private capital. Private capital is growing rapidly,
and on the contrary, the public capital is getting
lower. Meanwhile, the 2016 data showed that the
level of inequality in Indonesia was the sixth largest
in the world after Russia, Denmark, India, the
United States, and Thailand. The wealth of the four
richest people in Indonesia (all of whom are men)
was equal to 100 million average-income people.
The number of poor people in Indonesia is still large
at 93 million people, equivalent to 36% of the total
population (Oxfam, 2017).
On the other hand, indigenous people have
developed their own social institutions. For example
in coastal communities, their particular social
institution is used to regulate the use of resources in
the sea and coastal areas. Regulated areas are usually
98
controlled by indigenous groups or families that
apply prohibitions such as when and how resources
are accessed, used and distributed (Colding & Folke,
2001). Social institutions function as a form of
environmental management (Colding & Folke,
2001; Cinner & Aswani, 2007). The aim for this
prohibition is that the existing resources can be
utilised together and distributed evenly into one
community. In Indonesia, this practice can be found
in many parts of Eastern Indonesia, especially
Maluku. The practice is called sasi.
Sasi is carried out by forming a team selected by
mutual agreement. Sasi is translated as "traditional",
"community-based" or "indigenous" (Pannell 1997).
Sasi is a local system related to the management and
utilisation of natural resources, both on land and at
sea, known throughout Maluku. Sasi functions as the
prohibition of taking certain natural resources from
certain areas and in a certain period of time. This is
to ensure that there is a better harvest. The
philosophy of sasi is a way of managing natural
resources at sea and on land in order to improve the
welfare of the community and the reforestation /
conservation of nature. This system is applied to
sasi-sea, sasi-river, land, forest and coastal areas.
The sasi law is a customary law relating to the
prohibition of taking either forest products or sea
products within a certain period of time as
determined by custom and supervised by the elders
(sasi adat), government (sasi negri), or church (sasi
gereja) (Pannell, 1997).
People have practiced sasi for a long time.
Historically, this closure is a temporary and limited
control based on social, economic and cultural
grounds (Foale et al, 2011). Sasi is carried out as an
effort to honour the death of the indigenous elders,
protecting the sacred sites, welcoming the need for
Christmas celebrations, and paying for schools.
Currently, sasi is starting to be abandoned due to
commercialisation and industrialisation. The large
number of migrants also affects sasi. Its legal
strength only affects local people. Due to
globalisation, local people are not the only ones who
have access to the resources. Henley (2008) revealed
that exploitation is also carried out by local residents
because their work is incorporated into the global
industry chain with the appropriate use of resources.
For this reason, if sasi is maintained, then it is
necessary to expand the scope of its functions. These
functions can involve many actors and it should be
recognised by the international community as a
method of conservation. Sasi can be used to
strengthen conservation, such as control of fishing
grounds and making an effort to secure future
 Globalization and Indigenous People Adaptation - Sasi as Social Institution in Maluku
supplies (Thorburn, 2000; Cohen & Foale, 2013).
The most appropriate model is co-management. Co-
management is a hybrid model of different social
institutions. This hybrid model has been widely
applied in many places (Aswani & Ruddle, 2013).
One instance is Solomon Island. They applied a
hybrid model to manage their coastal ecosystems.
The hybrid system is between environmental and
fishery laws, and the customary laws of the
indigenous peoples (Lane, 2006). Govan (2009)
identified 100 co-managed marine areas that have
applied the hybrid model. Although coastal area
governance is covered under the law, coastal
communities can make claims for the adoption of
customary institutions or certain social groups
related to the management of resources in the region
(Cribb & Ford, 2009, Harkes & Novaczek, 2003,
Phillips, 2003).
The co-management model also involves NGOs
(Non-Governmental Organisations). NGOs act to
provide advice and methods of management and
conservation, and they also facilitate advocacy in the
local government. In addition, local communities are
not just involved in their activities but they are
involved in the policy making process and how
governance is carried out (Walton, 2010).
Furthermore, Walton (2010) suggested that there are
three things that can be done in conservation:
 Promoting advocacy by involving all parties;
 Promoting equity by involving local
perspectives;
 Promoting reflection to be able to identify
which parties are in need of being defended.
Recommendations for using co-management (Evans
et al, 2011; Cinner et al, 2012) have also been
expressed by Cohen & Steenbergen (2015). They
revealed the use of a hybrid model that combines
local practices, science-based management, and
conservation. This means that relying on only local
practices such as sasi is not enough. Sasi is used to
strengthen the indigenous people’s legitimacy and to
ensure that there is the equitable distribution of
resources to the local population. When the sasi
period was opened up, the harvest period was only
brief and only to be to meet the needs of the
community. Environmental management
interventions can be a formal foundation for
practice. Therefore, sasi is not enough. The
objective of the session also needs to be expanded so
then people outside of the local community adhere
to this practice. Nevertheless, using an ordinary
conservation model is less than ideal. The conflict
between the conservation area manager and the
surrounding population is one of the problems that
can arise. Community management is considered to
be better than usual conservation models (Porter-
Bolland et al, 2012; Vergara-Asenjo & Potvin,
2014). Co-management can offer other solutions.
Co-management combines the role of the
government as a regulator and the local community
as the resource users (Cundill et al, 2013; Carlson &
Berkes, 2005).
4 CONCLUSIONS
Globalisation has a negative impact on indigenous
people. Globalisation intensifies capital, resulting in
resource exploitation in many places including the
places that are still inhabited by indigenous people.
Indigenous people are often displaced from where
they live as a result. Apart from this, an impact of
industrialisation is where the lives of the indigenous
people become polluted. As a result, their needs and
livelihood is threatened. In order for the indigenous
community to not be threatened, it is necessary to
campaign for the use of existing social institutions.
Sasi is a social practice carried out in Maluku.
Sasi was originally used for social, economic and
political reasons by the local communities such as
for church construction, Christmas celebrations,
paying for schools and respecting the death of the
indigenous elders. Gradually, this situation has
begun to be abandoned and the indigenous people
are unable to control the behaviour of working
migrants. Therefore, in order to face the challenges
brought in by globalisation, Sasi can be expanded to
have a conservation function. The conservation
function will expand the involvement of many
parties. The conservation function allows Sasi to be
a co-management. Co-management combines
government rules, modern management and local
practices. So far, sasi has combined the church, adat
and local government. There needs to be additional
actors, namely NGOs. NGOs are suitable partners
because NGOs have knowledge of management best
practices and conservation experience. In addition,
NGOs have the ability to advocate for the practice of
sasi to be formally recognised and institutionalised.
This way, sasi can change its shape to become more
modern. This form of sasi can then be seen of as a
new form of conservation model and an adaptive
behaviour of the local communities against the
effects of globalisation and climate change.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This article was created as part of the Higher
Education Basic Research (Penelitian Unggulan
Dasar Perguruan Tinggi-PDUPT), which was funded
by the Ministry of Research and Technology of the
Republic of Indonesia in the 2018 budget year.
Authors would like to thank the Research and
Innovation Institute (Lembaga Penelitian dan
Inovasi Universitas Airlangga) for its assistance.
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 State and Society in a Post-Authoritarian Indonesian City
A Study of Liponsos Keputih Surabaya

Dini Nurul Ilmiah1 and Karnaji2

1
Sociology Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2
Sociology Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
dnurulilmiah@gmail.com, karnaji@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: equality, panopticon, domination of power, resistance

Abstract: This research examines the state and society relationship in the post-authoritarian era in Indonesia. Through
the exploration of the Liponsoso Keputih, a shelter for people with social-welfare problems in Surabaya,
this paper looks at the panopticon mechanism employed by the shelter and the forms of resistance carried
out by the residents in order to understand the relationship between the state’s apparatus and the ordinary
people in the state-funded shelter. It describes the everyday politics through which power and
subjectification occur and how they are reproduced in daily activities. Using a qualitative technique, this
research observes the everyday politics in Liponsos Keputih and interviews persons who can relate to the
information that this research needs. This work concludes that the state’s domination over the people in
state-funded social facilities remain, although the demand for an altered approach has grown since the 1998
political and bureaucratic reformation. This is depicted in the surveillance techniques and social control
inside the shelter which posits the occupants as the subject of the working power. To a certain degree, it
drives the emerging resistance carried out by the occupants who try to escape from the system of power that
the shelter produces.

1 INTRODUCTION Decree Number 3, 2013 (Surabaya Government,

2013). It also reflects the implementation of the
The collapse of the New Order regime in 1998 national constitution in which the state has
marked changes in many aspects of Indonesian responsibility for helping people with social-welfare
politics and societies. This moment is considered to problems. Generally, Liponsos aims to improve
be the inception toward a democratic society in people’s lives, as they are considered to have social-
which prosperity can be built upon the equality welfare problems. People with social-welfare
found in politics, economy, law, society, and culture problems are an individual, family or community
in the frame of decentralised power (Aspinall and group who, due to a social-economic obstacle,
Fealy, 2003). However, scepticism emerges along difficulty or disruption, cannot fulfil their (physical,
with the later progression of democratisation spiritual and social) needs adequately and
through which, as Nordholt (2003) argues, the reasonably. Simply put, society is considered to be
distribution of power is sometimes accompanied by prosperous if someone’s life is considered to be
a particular form of authoritarianism. The extent to culturally worthy, while those with lives that are not
which the equality of the people is upheld is still "worthy" are considered to be people with social-
under question, including for people with social- welfare problems, especially those whose existence
welfare problems. This has also become an can be disrupted by the running of the system.
important issue in Indonesia. Liponsos is not merely limited to those have social-
In Surabaya, the second largest city of Indonesia, welfare problems in the traditional meaning, such as
people with social-welfare problems are poverty or disability. It also includes people who
accommodated in a state-funded shelter called have been considered a ‘social anomaly or deviant'
‘Liponsos’ (Lingkungan Pondok Sosial). The shelter like homeless people, prostitutes, transgender
for people with social-welfare problems in Surabaya individuals, beggars and so on.
was founded in 2013 according to the Municipal

101
Ilmiah, D. and Karnaji
State and Society in a Post-Authoritarian Indonesian City - A Study of Liponsos Keputih Surabaya.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 101-106
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
In Surabaya, there are two Liponsos founded by
the municipal government, namely Liponsos
Kalijudan and Keputih, known together as Liponsos
Keputih. Both are under the supervision of the
municipality of Surabaya. People who have been
accommodated in the Liponsos are usually referred
to as ‘a resident'. They come from several regencies
in East Java, in which most of them have been the
victim of raids in the city of Surabaya by the polisi
pamong praja or civil police (Tribun News, 2018).
In 2016, Liponsos Keputih had 1536 residents which
consist of aging people, the homeless, and people
with mental illness. Despite the fact that the
Liponsos Keputih annually returns the residents
back to their families, the number of its occupants
remains high. It is always over the capacity of the
building. Liponsos Keputih aims to accommodate
600 occupants, but every year, the residents total
more than 1,000 people.
The overcapacity of the Liponsos attracts public
attention, such as whether the occupants of the
Liponsos are well-treated. Responding to this
hesitation, according to their website, the head of
social services in Surabaya insists that the Liponsos
Keputih is able to accommodate its residents
properly. In addition to control over the food quality
served to the residents, the Liponsos’s management
also delivers events and training which aims to
empower the residents so then they have non-formal
skills that they can employ after their return to
society. This is not only to improve the quality of the
service that the government provides to the people
with social-welfare problems, but also to confirm
that the government is changing its approach to
social equality issues. The head of the municipal
social services asserts that Liponsos Keputih is not
‘the place to punish the deviant’ but that it is a centre
that empowers less fortunate people. This paradigm
follows what has been mandated in the 1998
political and bureaucratic reformation, which is that
instead of being repressive, the state apparatuses
should promote a persuasive approach in society and
posit themselves as a facilitator to empower people
within the frame of democratic political culture
(Ricklefs, 2001).
Within the context of the public shelter in
Keputih Liponsos, this article examines the extent to
which the changing paradigm of the state-society
relationship occurs in the local context where the
state and people are in a face-to-face situation with a
social services background. In so doing, this article
analyses the structural design of the Liponsos
Keputih building within which the occupants stay to
receive governmental service relating to the
102
problems that they have. Through the surveillance
system that the Liponsos Keputih employs, this
article aims to understand how the state treats social-
welfare problems. Furthermore, this article also
brings to the fore the occupants' experiences inside
the Liponsos Keputih to dismantle the position of
the occupants as well as to discern the meaning of
being ‘a resident' in the Liponsos Keputih. Their
experiences, to a certain degree, describe the way
that they are treated during their stay in Liponsos
Keputih.
1.1 Liponsos Keputih Surabaya
Surabaya is the second largest city in Indonesia after
the capital of Jakarta. Located on the North coast of
Java which links the northern coastal Javanese cities
and the Madura Island, Surabaya has functioned as
the centre for labour and commodity exchange in the
eastern part of Java since the late colonial era (Dick,
2003). Despite losing its prominence since the
establishment of Jakarta as the state capital during
independence, Surabaya has maintained its position
in the Indonesian social-economy since the
appointment of the city as the centre of Eastern
Indonesia’s growing industry. Thus, since the
colonial era, Surabaya has become the destination
for labour migration, both from the surrounding
regencies of East Java and outside the island along
with the growing industrialisation before and after
independence (Dick, 2003; Peters, 2013).
Overwhelmed with the number of migrants,
social welfare has emerged as a problem that the
municipal has to deal with. Since the colonial era,
land and housing were the major issues that the city
experienced when the landless-homeless migrants
occupied vacant spots in the city (Dick, 2003;
Basundoro, 2010; Colombijn, 2010). It produced
sporadic land occupations throughout the city,
particularly around public burial places, on the
riversides, and along the railway sides. The problem
of land and settlement also stimulates the emergence
of urban kampung, which is associated with the
settlement of stereotyping poor dwellings as the
source of urban problems such as crime, dirtiness
and irregularity (Peters, 2013; Basundoro, 2013). In
the 1980s, the municipal initiated a partnership with
poor people to improve their settlements, called the
Kampung Improvement Program (KIP). It addressed
several issues of the kampung, such as roads,
footpaths, water supply, drainage, sanitation and
waste management (Silas, 1992). Since then, the
removal of such problems in the city has been
 State and Society in a Post-Authoritarian Indonesian City - A Study of Liponsos Keputih Surabaya
gradually carried out to increase the quality of life in
the city.
The city's improvement project does not only
address the kampung settlements, but also urban
public spaces. By the 1997-1998 political and
bureaucratic reformation, the city began the
clearance of the public space from any form of
illegal occupation in search for a green and clean
city. This was apparent in the displacement of
people, particularly the poor, from public spaces
such as street-sides, riversides, city parks, markets
and so on (Peters, 2010). It included the removal of
pedicabs, street-side food stalls, street vendors, street
singers, beggars, and illegal shelters. For the
migrants who had no living space, the municipal
provided a shelter to accommodate them for a period
of time before they returned back to their hometown.
The shelter idea dates back to 1997. Since the
improvement projects were carried out, the
municipal prepared the shelter to accommodate
landless migrants in the city (Rulyani, 2010). The
shelter was located in Jl. Keputih Tegal, Keputih,
Surabaya. This was the first stage of the Liponsos
Keputih. At that time, this was used to shelter people
with social-mental problems such as the psychotic,
the homeless, beggars, prostitute women,
transgender individuals and aging people. Since
2010, the municipal built new shelters to separate
people with particular problems, such as a shelter for
children and the aging, a shelter for differently abled
children, and a shelter for people with leprosy as a
few examples. Recently, Liponsos Keputih has also
become for people with social and mental problems
or people who have been raided for particular
reasons.
2 METHOD
2.1 Research Approach
This research is a qualitative study that has
attempted to understand the state-society
relationship in the democratisation era of Indonesia.
In doing so, we have looked at the monitoring,
disciplinary, and supervisory practices in a total
institution called Liponsos. We used qualitative
methods because this type of research is difficult to
measure with numbers since it is closely related to
social interactions and social processes. To 'expose'
the practice of power, it is necessary to have
qualitative principles and methods in place that can
extract information from the informants.
The reality of Liponsos Keputih is the practice of
monitoring and normalising the residents. The
inhabitants, who in their daily lives spend their time
in the barracks, are always monitored to ensure that
they obey the rules. Over-monitoring provokes the
emergence of resistance in the Liponsos Keputih,
such as the breaking the roof of the bathroom.
During the data collection, we were immediately
involved and became part of Liponsos Keputih as
volunteers while doing observations as well as the
data retrieval process itself. The researchers stayed
at Liponsos Keputih Surabaya, sleeping and
spending the night in a cell to make a full
observation. Over time, researchers got in touch with
informants that met the criteria of this study.
The data collection in this study was flexible but
always adapted to the conditions of the field. The
data was collected through observation and in-depth
interviews. First, the researchers did the observation
part of the data collection. The observation used all
of the five senses. This allowed us to see, feel, and
interpret the world along with the various social
events and symptoms of it, as the research subjects
can see, feel and understand. In its definition, the
observation was a primary data collection procedure
that carried out by viewing, observing and recording
the behaviour and conversation of the research
subjects using the observation guidelines. During the
observation, in-depth interviews were also
conducted. This was to the information needed to
uncover the focus of the research.
3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
3.1 Panopticon Mechanism in
Liponsos Keputih
The design of Liponsos Keputih puts the residents in
a restricted space situation. The barracks are made
like a cell with iron bars along both the windows and
doors. This allows the officers to monitor the
situation inside the barracks. This is what Foucault
calls a confinement technique (Foucault, 1977). The
residents may only exit the cell at the time allowed,
for skills training for example. Afterward, the
occupants are redirected back to the cell.
In the past, Liponsos used a confinement
mechanism inside the large barracks with no
partitions. The residents used to live together in the
large barracks with a locked gate. This model is
inclined toward facilitating communication and
planning, including plans to breaking the rules. In
2014, the design of the Liponsos barracks was
103
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
thoroughly reset and renovated to be what it is
today. The barracks are installed with partitions and
categorised into several parts to accommodate
different people and their irregularities. They are
separated in a clear space. This redesigning of the
barracks is quite effective in managing the
occupants. It reduces potential resistance and even
anarchism in the Liponsos, which used to be carried
out by the occupants. With the renovation of the
barrack design from the previous era, proven
anarchist actions by the residents has lessened. The
extensive Liponsos Keputih’s barrack design, which
in 2014 was then split into several parts, aims to
increase surveillance and reduce the number of
suspicious communications and networks among the
occupants in the barracks.
In Liponsos Keputih, there are particular places
for those considered to be breaking the rules. These
places are located in sectors A, B, and C. These
three sectors are devoted to the occupants who try to
break the rules or make chaos inside the Liponsos.
The occupants who are involve in these prohibited
activities are isolated in particular cells which the
officers call ‘the prison'. This shows there to be a
repressive and corrective attitude for those who
cause problems in the barracks. Furthermore, to a
certain degree, it also shows the dominant power of
the officers of the Liponsos Keputih. They have an
absolute authority to define what is right or wrong
and to determine the extent to which the occupants
deviate or not. In short, the officers have the
authority to determine if a person is guilty and the
punishment that follows.
By controlling the residents, the officers use this
position prestige to gain their obedience. The
occupants who roam after doing their obligatory
work outside of the barracks (cleaning the barracks,
for example) are hinted to by several symbols that
the officers can easily do such as movements that
tell them to be silent - with their forefinger placed in
the mouth. The sign of shaking one’s hands makes
the occupants automatically understand that they
must re-enter the cell. This practice exemplifies how
the Liponsos Keputih occupants remain inferior
when in front of the officers.
For Foucault, the shifting strategy of punishment,
from the openly displayed corporal punishment to
the non-physical punishment, indicates that the body
no longer needs to be touched as a target of
punishment. However, it does not mean that there is
no way to control the subject. In addition to the
body, another aspect that has become an important
tool used to produce a docile subject is called the
soul (Foucault, 1977).
104
The reality that occurs in the Liponsos Keputih
can be attributed to Foucault's thoughts. The officers
of Liponsos Keputih - especially those who serve as
security with a stout, firm and fierce performance -
have the authority to supervise and discipline the
occupants. With this authority, the officers are
entitled to walk around, to monitor the cell’s
circumstances, to control the cells and to drive the
barrack’s discipline by enforcing activities and rules.
In the previous era, the occupants never knew
that they were being watched by someone in the cell
appointed to do so by the officers. He 'recorded'
everything that occurred inside the barracks and
reported it to the officers. This surveillance method
was successful since the officers eventually thwarted
all of the occupants’ plans to riot.
Nowadays, Liponsos is installed with Closed
Circuit Television (CCTV) inside the barracks. The
CCTV monitoring system is monitored at the
security post, which makes the residents always re-
consider if they want to resist. The residents never
know when the CCTV is actually turned on and
monitored, and when it is switched off. The sign of
'this area is equipped with CCTV' seems to remind
them that they are being watched by a camera
recorder. The impact of this makes the residents
always feel anxious.
This is what can be said of invisible scrutiny. The
officers are entitled to know whatever they want
about the occupants. By knowing all the activities of
the residents, all planned events and models of
deviation can be controlled. The officers have
mapped out and understand the people’s knowledge.
According to Foucault, between knowledge and
power, there is a particular type of relationship that
develops (Foucault, 1977). There is no practice of
power that does not bring about knowledge, and
there is no knowledge that does not contain power
relations. Finally, it can be said that there is the
'conquest' of knowledge and the re-formation of
power relations between residents and the staff of
the Liponsos Keputih.
3.2 The Form of Resistance to the
Panopticon Practice in Liponsos
Keputih
The artificial resistance committed by the residents
is the expression of a dead-end and simultaneously,
as a way out of the rules and a departure from the
form of domination in Liponsos Keputih, Surabaya.
They are a group that does not have the courage to
take risks. This kind of resistance is carried out by
groups of residents who have no sufficient resources
 State and Society in a Post-Authoritarian Indonesian City - A Study of Liponsos Keputih Surabaya

and power. They use soft means to express their occupants from the Liponsos. The latest were street
resistance. Dominated people tend to develop low children, which are perceived negatively by the
profile techniques. They appear as if they have no officers.
desire to surpass or overthrow the existing power.
Many of the residents do not dare to struggle
because of the threat of punishment that they have to 4 CONCLUSION
endure when breaking the rules. In this case, their
repatriation will be inhibited if they try to rebel.
The changing political and bureaucratic milieu
They tend to choose to be the subject of the rules
triggered by the 1998 reformation has been expected
even though they do not entirely agree on the claims
to promote a more civil culture in Indonesian social
truth by Liponsos Keputih Surabaya. The raids and
life. The long-reigning New Order regime concealed
the imprisonment of the occupants mean that the
civic life behind an authoritarian form of
occupants consciously agree that they are guilty.
government which allowed the state apparatuses to
Yet, they are aware that the system of power has
undertake what they wanted so long as they were in
subjugated them, which in turn forces them to feel line with the leader's will. The moment of the regime
guilty. In this case, there is a form of hegemony. The
change is understood to be the coming of age of
domination that occurs is the beginning of
democratic culture and the foundation of a better
hegemony. According to Gramsci, it works with the
civic life in Indonesia which is committed to
idea that enduring the domination of the ruling class
upholding human rights and maintaining equality.
is a way of dominating the ruled ones (Bates, 1975).
The state should be less dominant in determining
In Liponsos Keputih, despite the fact that the
public life. Nevertheless, this does not seem to
hegemony has penetrated the occupants’ knowledge,
happen easily since the New Order legacy in
it does not entirely work since sometimes the
Indonesian politics does seemingly not allow lower
occupants try to escape by resisting the rules. Under
groups to have an equal treatment and role in public
this oppression, resistance in various forms and
affairs (Hadiz, 2000).
degrees occurs. In Liponsos Keputih, individual What Hadiz formulates appears in several
hidden resistance is more effective when carried out aspects, including in the social services exemplified
within the limitations of the barrack. The resistance
in the Liponsos Keputih in Surabaya. As this study
that they do in the barracks refers to the form
shows, the state’s domination remains in Indonesian
resistance that Scott (1985) formulated as a weak
bureaucratic customs. The technology that the power
struggle which is mostly carried out in their
of the state apparatuses employs allows for the
everyday life, such as through speech, gossip and so
reproduction and proliferation of power. Despite
on.
resistance, the occupants - as the dominated group -
The rather discriminative treatment of the
are still subject to being ruled and subject to the state
officers towards the occupants also triggers the
apparatus. This confirms the hesitation that emerges
emergence of covert resistance. Giving freedom to
on the democratisation of Indonesia, which would
certain residents (especially the trustees) and not to bring in the fulfilment of basic rights for all people.
others causes the residents to feel that they are being The technology of power in Liponsos Keputih
discriminated against by officers. The residents
does not only accentuate the discipline that ensures
express their disappointment through covert and
the working of the Liponsos. It is also the way that
blatant resistance. On the one hand, covert resistance
the power of the state is reproduced in the living
is carried out by cursing the officers when they are
system in the Liponsos. The panopticon mechanism
not there, cursing the occupants who are treated
is carried out in a complex manner. Many
better or telling the researchers and co-occupants of
informants were not thoroughly aware that there
their treatment. Blatant opposition refers to open
were invisible and unconscious monitoring
resistance, which entails risks. Some of them have
mechanisms, i.e. monitoring through a WhatsApp
tried several times to use verbal resistance in the
group coordination, the 'spy' strategy and
form of blasphemy, criticisms, protests, and so forth.
understanding the deviant residents’ habits. This
The extreme resistance emerges when they reach the produces domination that, regardless of the
climax of their discontentment. After repeatedly democratic norms that Indonesia is working toward,
complaining to the officers, and having been given
is embedded in everyday life in the Liponsos
no freedom - even simply to get out of the barracks
Keputih in Surabaya.
for fresh air -, the residents decide to resist. The
latest happens is the eviction of twenty-three

105
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Dick, H. (2003). Surabaya, city of work: a socioeconomic
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 Relations of Political Interest in Local Development

Budi Prasetyo 1 and Rizca Yunike Putri2

1Political Science Department, Unversitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Unversitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
budi.prasetyo@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: political process, development planning, urban development planning

Abstract: The process of urban development planning not only weighs the economic and social problems that occur in
the city sphere, supported by statistical data, but subjects relations in the process of planning
implementation to scrutiny in the context of the process of planning arrangements. Preparation of
development planning involves not only the Regional Development Planning Board and the DPRD (Local
Parliament) but also involves elements of community groups, related bureaucracy and technocrats who have
both practical and scientific expertise in developing and providing problem-solving for urban areas.
Qualitative methods have been used, supported by the use of secondary literature that emphasises the
characteristics of a phenomenon that is studied more specifically to be able to draw a conclusion about the
political process and development planning in the city of Mojokerto. The results of this study provide an
overview of the implementation of development planning carried out by the city’s government and the role
and involvement of all subjects in the process of preparation.

1 INTRODUCTION often used in studying public policy (Arze,

The National Development Planning System is a
single set of development planning procedures to
produce development plans in the long term,
medium term, and annually carried out by state
administrators and communities at the Central and
Regional levels. In contrast, development according
to Neo Structuralism is a planned and structured
development that aims to fight for social conditions
to alleviate poverty embedded in the social strategy
of development that is still oriented to the structural
social context that must find balanced development
in various circles.
Competition among actors in the policy process
is a study that began to develop especially since the
authoritarian regime passed. Public policy is now an
arena of interest competition and political efforts in
the struggle for ideology through practical action.
This policy network emphasises policy changes as a
result of a change of preference or belief in some of
the most critical policy actors (Halligan, Horrigan,
and Nicoll 2012).
In policy practice, policy networks and concepts
related to sub-government and policy communities
have been the main and dominant analysis tools
Martinez-vazquez, and Mcnab 2016). A number of
studies have focused on policy networks to study the
process of setting agendas and to examine incidents
occurring in processes and policy changes over a
period of time, revealing that they can be marked by
coalition formation, conflicts and changes in the
belief system in a sub- specific policy system
(Cadman 2012).
The policy network is particularly useful in
political systems with federal and non-federal
structures that seek to avoid the centralisation of
political control by national political elites. Sabatier
(Cairney 2016) develops an advocacy coalition
framework model.
The public policy network consists of a large
number of participants with variable levels who are
somewhat reciprocal or highly dependent on others
in their own environment (Cairney 2016). It is
important to point out here that the two models are
not different from either the targets of the policy
network continuum, nor the type of ideas found in
the real world. This view is in line with Richardson
who reveals that there is no conceptual reason why
certain problems of the public policy formulation

107
Prasetyo, B. and Putri, R.
Relations of Political Interest in Local Development.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 107-112
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
process do not necessarily correspond to a number
of different stage models (Boelens and Roo 2016).
Atkinson and Coleman explain that the concept
of network policy is as a network that is equipped
with a sufficient number of tools to fight various
obstacles to State autonomy (Mccann 2017). This is
indicated by the assertion that, even though it may
be in a centralised political mechanism, the policy-
making process is structurally decentralised (Grant,
Taylor, and Wheeler 2017).
Dowding (Lapenta, Fattore, and Dubois 2016)
notes that a number of policy networks may appear
to be full of powers whose targets can be served by
the government through various existing programs
which, in fact, are gained through systematic luck.
The critical point of such a view is that if the
dominant ideology legitimises the interests of a
particular group as a national interest, then those
group interests may be raised and ultimately escape
certain representations made by the government
(Barkin 2017).
Law Number 25 Year 2004 regarding the
National Development Planning System is one of the
law products whose purpose is to realise equitable
and democratic development which is implemented
in stages and continuously. The National
Development Planning System is a set of
development planning procedures to produce long-
term (RPJP), medium-term (RPJM) and annual
(RPT) development plans implemented by the state
and community organisers at the Central and
Regional levels, while Development according to the
Neo Structuralist is a planned and structured
development that aims to fight for social conditions
to alleviate poverty that is embedded in the social
strategy of development that is still oriented to the
structural social context that must find balanced
development in various circles.
Figure 1: Linkage between RPJMN (UU SPPN) and other
Planning Documents (UU 17 Year 2003 on State Finance)
Source:DirectiveforImplementationNo.3/JUKLAK/SESME
N/06/2014onProcedures for the Formulation of the
108
National Medium-Term Development Plan of 2015-2019
DATED 26 June 2014
The Long-Term Development Plan of the
Regions still refers to the top-down National Long-
Term Development Plan with the Government
acting as a service provider to the community as the
main source of administrative and budgetary
capacity, while the bottom-up combination at the
time of the Musrenbang is highly relevant to Neo
Structuralist theory which regards the community as
an object in the development planning.
There are general and specific planning and
budgeting constraints. Common obstaclesare: 1)
weak coordination in the management of data and
information so that the target is not right; 2)
weakness of planning process link, budgeting
process and political process in translating planning
documents into budget documents; 3) lack of civil
society involvement; 4) weak system of monitoring,
evaluation and control (safeguarding); 5) weak
coordination between central government and local
government; 5) reliance on international funding
from donors and international agencies (Graaf and
Paanakker 2014).
The Regional Medium-Term Development Plan
is prepared by taking into account the internal and
external conditions of the region summarised in
strategic issues through the analysis of Strengths,
Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT).
The Regional Medium-Term Development Plan is
prepared with the stakeholders based on their
respective roles and authorities.
The process of preparation of the Regional
Medium-Term Development Plan is full of the
interests of actors who have a role in the process.
The identification of the actor includes at least
political actors, bureaucratic actors, technocratic
actors and community actors including interest
groups and NGOs. The involvement or interaction
between actors is a necessity because the process of
preparing the development plan documents requires
coordination among actors and the participation of
all development actors through a forum called the
Development Planning Council or Musrenbang. The
agenda is not only a routine planning agenda
involving politicians and bureaucrats, but also other
stakeholders such as communities, technocrats and
various subjects and objects influenced by
development planning.
The process of developing regional medium-term
development plans is evidently full of the interests
of actors who have a role in the process.
Identification of these actors includes at least

political actors, bureaucratic actors, technocratic
actors, community actors including the interests of
non-governmental organisations. This was
accommodated in the concept of social development
with social justice, and the involvement of these
actors included the adoption of Neo Structural
Development Theory in the SPPN Law which can be
seen from the planning process. In particular, this
included:
 Political Approach: the election of the
President / Regional Head results in a public
choice theory of planning, specifically the
elaboration of Vision and Mission in the long-
term national and regional development plans.
 Technocratic process: using scientific thinking
methods and frameworks by institutions or
work units that are functionally assigned to it.
 Participatory approaches: implemented by
involving all stakeholders, such as through the
Development Planning Consultation (locally
known as Musrenbang).
 Top-down and bottom-up processes:
implemented according to the level of
government
The involvement or interaction between these
actors is a necessity because the process of preparing
the development plan document requires
coordination between actors and the participation of
all development actors, through a forum called the
Development Planning Meeting or Musrenbang. The
agenda is not only a routine planning agenda that
involves politicians and bureaucrats alone, but also
other stakeholders such as society, technocrats and
various subjects and objects influenced by
development planning.
2 RESEARCH METHODS
This study uses qualitative methods by emphasising
the uniqueness of a phenomenon that is studied more
specifically to be able to construct conclusions based
on the characteristics of the object under study,
namely the special characteristics of the phenomena
that arise at the time of the preparation of medium-
term development planning in the district/city. The
area that is the scope of the Research on Local Elite
and Regional Development Relation Interests
includes politicians, technocrats, bureaucrats and
communities in development planning in regencies /
cities which are government institutions, regional
level DPRDs (DPRD) of regencies / cities and
related work guidelines in districts / cities (SKPD).
Relations of Political Interest in Local Development
To achieve the aims and objectives of the
research, a variety of secondary and primary
information is needed in qualitative and quantitative
forms, both oral and written (documented). These
data include current conditions, as well as central
and regional government policies in districts / cities.
Primary data needed in this study will be obtained
through interviews and discussions, both formal and
informal. Documentative data (secondary data) will
be obtained from various relevant agencies, namely,
related regulations, related SKPD and internet sites.
The method that will be used to obtain the data
above is in-depth interviews and observations. To
collect secondary data, a literature study of the
documentation is carried out, namely to review data
that has been documented by relevant institutions.
3. DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS
3.1 Actor's Relation of Interest in
Medium-Term Development
Planning
The Medium-Term Plan is a five-year development
document for a district/city or province compiled by
actors as stakeholders based on their respective roles
and authorities. It integrates spatial plans with
development plans.
The actors involved in the formulation can be
divided into two groups: the acting actors and the
unofficial actors. Included among the official actors
is, and the government here is an official actor, the
bureaucracy that strives for the interests of the
continuity of linear development planning with
achievement in previous years. This bureaucracy
consists of the ranks of Regional Device
Organisations coordinated by Bappeda as the
leading sector of development planning. Secondly,
politicians who struggle for development in their
constituency/constituency areas are thus very
corrective of the balance of resource allocation
planning in their region.
Meanwhile unofficial actors are, first and
foremost, communities that participate in the
struggle for their local interests and work hard to
influence development planning processes and
mechanisms by utilising various official channels
such as Musrenbang as well as political lobbies
against their people's representatives. Secondly, the
technocratic power that seeks to encourage the
professional implementation of development
planning is accountable and in certain cases
109
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
scientific. In addition to college, this technokratis
also includes groups or professional associations that
are widely accessible within the community.
Formally, the role of the actor in this official role
is more prominent because it holds formal
legitimacy at every stage of public policy formation.
But, in reality, the field of involvement of actors
who play an unofficial role, is often more decisive
and, in real terms, the realisation is that the actors
play an official role only as a tool for the actors who
play an unofficial role. The interaction between
actors in real terms in policy analysis is the focus of
this research.
The community is also one of the actors in the
public policy process having a decisive role in
addition to other actors, such as the government, that
is formally legitimate in the process of public policy
evaluation. In the process of influencing the policy
through the government, the people can make
demands or otherwise provide support to ensure
their interests are represented in the public policy
that will be formulated. The process of bargaining
for interest takes place inside the conversion box
where inputs both in the form of support and public
demands and macro governmental considerations are
negotiated to become an output in the form of public
policy. It is true that people may have bargaining
positions or may not be visible in terms of the public
policy character that is generated whether
responsive, paternalist or authoritarian.
The process of interaction and negotiation
between actors also illustrates the running of the
policy network in the preparation of the Medium-
Term Development Plan.
3.2 Relationship in Determining Local
Financial Performance
The annual budget of the region, which is a follow-
up and simultaneously a manifestation of local
financial management, is determined every year by
regional regulation, consisting of income,
expenditure and financing. The regional annual
budget is prepared based on the Short-Term
Regional Development Plan in order to realise the
achievement of the government's objectives. In the
preparation of the regional annual budget, this is
done by using a performance budgeting approach
(performance budgeting or activity base).
The development of local government financial
performance is inseparable from the limitation of
regional financial management as regulated in: (1) of
Law Number 32 Year 2004 and Law Number 33
Year 2004 regarding Financial Balance Between the
110
Government and Local Government; (2)
Government Regulation Number 58 Year 2005
regarding Regional Financial Management; (3)
Permendagri Number 13 Year 2006 juncto Ministry
of Home Affairs Regulation Number 59 of 2007
concerning Amendment to Permendagri Number 13
Year 2006 concerning Guidelines on Regional
Financial Management.
Based on these provisions, the financial
performance of the Regional Government is closely
related to the performance aspect of APBD
implementation and the aspect of the condition of
the regional balance sheet. The performance of the
APBD is closely related to the structure and
accuracy of expenditures (direct expenditure and
indirect expenditures) of regional revenues which
include local own revenues (PAD), equity funds and
other legitimate revenues. The regional balance
sheet will reflect the development of the condition of
the Regional Government's assets, the condition of
the obligations of the Regional Government as well
as the condition of available equity funds.
3.3 Relations in Determining Medium
Term Development Plans
This Medium-Term Development Plan is a concern
for truly important development issues. Strategic
issues are conditions or things that must be
considered or put forward in regional development
planning because of their significant impact on
regions with important, fundamental or urgent
characteristics, and in determining the objectives of
local governance; the strategic development issues
are formulated based on the problems of regional
development, the challenge and the potential future
regional development, covering the physical-
environmental, socio-cultural, economic-financial
and legal-institutional aspects.
The strategic issue represents one of the
enrichments of external environmental analysis of
the planning process. If the external dynamics,
especially over the next 5 (five) years are well
identified, local governments will be able to
maintain/improve service to the community. Local
governments that do not align themselves equally on
their strategic issues will face potential failures in
implementing governmental affairs that are their
responsibility, or fail to carry out regional
development. Strategic issues are conditions or
things that must be considered or put forward in
development planning because of the impact that is
significant for future entities (regions/communities).
A condition/event that becomes a strategic issue is a

situation which, if not anticipated, will lead to
greater losses or otherwise, in the case of not being
utilised, will restrict opportunities to improve the
welfare of society in the long term. Characteristics
of a strategic issue are conditions or things that are
important, basic, long-term, urgent, which
develop/organize and determine the goals in the
future. Therefore, to obtain the formulation of
strategic issues, it is necessary to analyse the facts
and information that have been identified for
selection as strategic issues. For more successful
regions to create information systems for regional
development planning, then regular efforts must be
made to monitor the opportunities and threats of the
external environment. Therefore, the policy of Local
Government is no longer reactive but more
anticipative. Without it, many important
opportunities will be lost, with unidentified or
anticipated threats.
4. CONCLUSION
The process of orientation and interaction of actors
is a process of negotiation between stakeholders that
describes the negotiation mechanism that occurs
between actors and describes the course of the
policy network in the preparation of the RPJMD.
The process of interaction between actors in the
preparation of RPJMD is described conceptually as
involving policy stakeholders. The process of
interaction between actors in the preparation of the
RPJMD is conceptually described as involving a
policy stakeholder; that can include the following:
 Actors’ / stakeholders’ policies consisting of
Bureaucracy, politicians, technocrats and the
community;
 The RPJMD is prepared with clear
instructions from the Minister of Home
Affairs;
 Stakeholders make it possible to carry out a
bargaining mechanism for resources between
them;
 The process of drafting the RPJMD within a
certain period of time is sufficient to carry out
the bargaining process among actors;
 The bargaining process allows the coalition
between actors to dominate the results of the
RPJMD formulation policy, and
 Community actors are primarily actors who
have the least access to the policy process
while bureaucratic and political actors are
dominating actors and technocrats tend to
Relations of Political Interest in Local Development
maintain balance between actors and the
quality of policy formulation.
Orientation and interaction of actors in policy
formulation found interesting phenomena that are
not part of this research and interesting to be studied
further. This phenomenon is how the policy
formulation process is able to analyze the linkages
between policy actors with the involvement of actors
who are vertically above them such as provinces and
nationally and regionally around their research areas.
The process of actor orientation and interaction
is a process of negotiation between stakeholders that
describes the negotiation mechanism that occurs
between the actors and describes the running of the
policy network in preparing the Regional Medium
Term Development Plan. The process of interaction
between actors in the preparation of the Regional
Medium-Term Development Plan is described
conceptually as policy stakeholders.
Policy recommendations based on the orientation
and interaction among actors mentioned above, and
referring to the analysis of internal and external
problems above, then within the framework of
development The research area of the next five years
there are several strategic issues that need to be
recommended. First in terms of public services,
which is an attempt to meet the needs or interests of
the general public in accordance with prevailing
norms and rules. Secondly, economic problems are
related to the ability and competitiveness of product
development and economic performance among the
surrounding areas, as well as overcoming the
problem of poverty which is a crucial problem.
Third, the food security of the main problem is the
limitation of agricultural land owned by a very
narrow research area. Fourth, the performance of
public services as core bussines from the
Government is an absolute measure of achievement
given to the community. Fifth, infrastructure is a
sector that plays an important role in supporting the
priority sectors of education, health and purchasing
power. Sixth, environment and disaster, in handling
flood and puddle still needed improvement of
program effectiveness and community participation.
REFERENCES
Arze, F Javier, Jorge Martinez-vazquez, and Robert M
Mcnab. 2016. “Decentralized Governance,
Expenditure Composition , and Preferences for Public
Goods.” Public Finance Review 1(30): 1–30.
Barkin, David. 2017. “Book Reviews: Is Good
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

Governance Good for Development?” Review of

Radical Political Economics 49(4): 671–79.
Boelens, Luuk, and Gert De Roo. 2016. “Planning of
Undefined Becoming : First Encounters of Planners
beyond the Plan.” Planning Theory 15(1): 42–67.
Cadman, Tim. 2012. “Evaluating the Quality and
Legitimacy of Global Governance: A Theoretical and
Analytical Approach.” The International Journal of
Social Quality 2(1): 4–23.
Cairney, Paul. 2016. The Oxford Handbook of Classics in
Public Policy and Administration Paul A. Sabatier,
“An Advocacy Coalition Framework of Policy Change
and the Role of Policy-Oriented Learning Therein.”
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780199646135.001.0001/oxfordhb-9780199646135-e-
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Graaf, Gjalt De, and Hester Paanakker. 2014. “Good
Governance : Performance Values and Procedural
Values in Conflict.” American Review of Public
Administration 45(6): 632–52.
Grant, Jill L, Amanda Taylor, and Christina Wheeler.
2017. “Planners ’ Perceptions of the Influence of
Leadership on Coordinating Plans.” Environment and
Planning C: Politics and Space 0(0): 1–20.
Halligan, John, Bryan Horrigan, and Geoffrey Nicoll.
2012. “Participatory Governance.” In Public Sector
Governance in Australia Book, Canberra: ANU Press.
Lapenta, Antonio, Giovanni Fattore, and Hans F W
Dubois. 2016. “Measuring New Public Management
and Governance in Political Debate.” Public
Administration Review 72(2): 218–27.
Law, Comparative. 2018. “A Role for Local Government
in Global Environmental Governance and
Transnational Environmental Law from a Subsidiarity
Perspective.” 48(2).
Mccann, Eugene. 2017. “Governing Urbanism : Urban
Governance Studies 1.0, 2.0 and beyond.” Virtual
special issue editorial essay 54(2): 312–26.

112
S OCIOLOGY
F ULL PAPERS
 Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism

Irfan Wahyudi
Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
irfan.wahyudi@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Newspaper, Community, Migrant, Activism, Ethnography.

Abstract: Hong Kong is listed as one of the most popular countries for Indonesian migrant workers. In 2012, more than
160,000 Indonesian migrant domestic workers (IMDWs) were living in Hong Kong, and 70 per cent of them
were women. Hong Kong is the premium destination for IMDWs because of its moderately higher salary,
good laws and regulations and its ambience of independence. The IMDWs can also access multiple forms of
media, ranging from print media to the internet. This writing specifically discusses the use of print media as
the tool of migrant advocacy. There are four existing Indonesian language newspapers in Hong Kong: Suara,
Apa Kabar Plus, Koran Indonesia (KINDO), and Berita Indonesia. All Indonesian newspapers in Hong Kong
depend on advertising to meet their running costs. Each newspaper allocates around half its pages to
advertising. The existence of newspapers helps the IMDW community to stay abreast of recent news and
information about their community and livelihood in Hong Kong. Newspaper journalists also actively
contribute to migrant activities and are influential in the capacity building of IMDWs. Nevertheless, conflicts
between the newspaper journalists and migrant organizations have affected the newspapers’ credibility.
Distrust has been declared by migrant activists about several of the Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong
and has been a major driver of IMDWs publishing their own version of print media, namely Vokal and Sinar
Migran. The methodology used was ethnography. Fieldwork was conducted in Hong Kong’s Special
Administrative Region (SAR) in 2013 and 2014. Participant observations, in-depth interviews, and focus
group discussions were conducted in this research.

1 INTRODUCTION IMDWs in Hong Kong. Furthermore, it focused on

Indonesian Migrant Domestic Workers (IMDWs) in
Hong Kong are fortunate enough to have access to a
range of resources that allow them to stay up to date
with the latest information, such as the establishment
of Indonesian free newspapers. There are more than
150,000 IMDWs in Hong Kong and their existence
encourages commercial and independent publishers
to produce free newspapers in Indonesian. These
Indonesian free newspapers are produced and printed
in Hong Kong, and generally publish news about
IMDW-related issues.
The Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong
profit from selling advertising space. Several
publications are supported by companies that use
them as the main media to promote their products.
The Indonesian free newspapers allow migrant
workers to freely access news written in their own
language so they can digest the information easily.
This writing aims to examine the Indonesian free
newspapers and independent print media produced by
print media intentions, influence and significant
contributions to IMDW activism in Hong Kong.
Research studies on the topic of the IMDWs’ lives
in Hong Kong have mostly focused on the
relationship between migrant workers and the law,
human rights and inequality, gender, protest and
activism and so on (see Lai, 2007; Liu, 2010; Ignacio
& Mejia, 2009). However, no comprehensive
research has intensely discussed the Indonesian
female domestic workers’ activities in the form of
media activism. Furthermore, scholars tend to
examine what has happened to IMDWs abroad;
IMDW activism, especially in the production of
messages through conventional media and the
internet, has been only briefly discussed (e.g. Briones,
2009; Killias, 2009). IMDW activism is possible in
Hong Kong because the country permits protests
(within limits), hence migrant domestic workers have
the opportunity to publicly express criticism without
fear of “violence or a militaristic police crackdown”
like “governments elsewhere” (Constable, 2009, pp.
155-156). This situation is in contrast to that in some

117
Wahyudi, I.
Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 117-123
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
other countries that receive foreign workers, such as
the Middle Eastern nations where migrant workers
are not as well protected by government guidelines.
Previous publications have concerned the
Indonesian media in Hong Kong. The Jakarta Post,
for example, published an in-depth story about Suara
(voice, in English), an Indonesian free newspaper
produced and distributed in Hong Kong (Graham,
2007). Edith Koesoemawiria’s Indonesian Diaspora
and Minority Media: Mirroring Me Daily Study
(2008) also discussed the existence of Indonesian
print media in Hong Kong. She examined Indonesian
newspapers in Hong Kong and compared the situation
with what occurred with Chinese diaspora media in
Indonesia. Nevertheless, the positions of IMDWs in
media activities were not discussed in either context.
Significantly, the writing has a strong focus on the
conditions of IMDWs in Hong Kong in relation to
their participation in media activism. Moreover,
ethnography was used to help identify and describe
the situation of the IMDWs in relation to the use of
print media for activism purposes.
This study has the potential to reveal how the
typically exploitative and difficult conditions for
migrant workers in their host countries can be
addressed if access to the media is not restricted and
the freedom of migrant workers to express issues and
concerns is guaranteed by the regulating government.
More specifically, the writing discusses the role of
Indonesian newspapers and the dynamics of the
medium within the IMDW community in Hong
Kong. The interactions were examined between
IMDWs and Indonesian newspaper journalists, both
in a professional setting and in their daily social lives.
The relationships have been elaborated on between
journalists and government officials (in this case,
Indonesian Government representatives in Hong
Kong). The research focused on four Indonesian
language newspapers in Hong Kong that are free and
that have regular and huge distribution. It is argued
that news published by the Indonesian newspapers
have an impact on the experience of living in Hong
Kong for IMDWs and in some cases, they have raised
the tensions between IMDWs and the press.
Magazines and tabloids published independently by
IMDWs have also been examined. To focus this
analysis, Indonesian newspapers imported from
Indonesia will not be included. Although these are
sold and distributed in Indonesian stores across Hong
Kong, their content is limited to events in Indonesia
and they do not employ journalists based in Hong
Kong.
118
2 RESEARCH METHOD
The research applied ethnographic approaches to
examine Indonesian print media in Hong Kong as
advocacy tools for IMDWs in Hong Kong. The term
ethnography may be applied to qualitative research
whose aim is to gather an in-depth, specific
description of certain cultural and social situations.
Clifford Geertz (1973, p. 3) says that ethnography
aims to provide a cultural interpretation of a certain
condition existing in a society. As described by John
Van Maanen (1998, p. 3), ethnography is the “written
representation of culture”. The fieldwork was
conducted in Hong Kong Special Administrative
Region (SAR) in 2013 and 2014. Participant
observations, in-depth interviews, and focus group
discussions were employed in this research.
For this research, the conventional ethnography
definition of Hammersley and Atkinson (1983, p. 2)
was followed: “the ethnographer participates, overtly
or covertly, in people’s daily lives for an extended
period of time, watching what happens, listening to
what is said, asking questions; in fact collecting
whatever data are available to throw light on the issue
with which he or she is concerned”. Nonetheless, it is
realised that undertaking ethnographic research in
media studies requires a critical understanding.
Ethnography in media studies emphasises the
interpretations of the media constructed by the
audience in their everyday lives, where “it is true that
they (media studies) are not based on extensive
fieldwork in distant lands, but they do share some of
the same general intentions as anthropological
(ethnographic) research.” (Moores, 1993, p. 4)
There has been considerable ethnographic
research focusing on migrants (e.g. Anggraeni, 2006;
Constable, 2007, 2014; Sim, 2002, 2007). However,
there are a limited number of ethnographers working
on IMDW issues with a focus on media and cultural
studies. Ethnographers are attempting to address
Indonesian migrant involvement with media in their
research, although they provide no further discussion
on the topic. Broader discussions on migration and
the media have been developed by Andoni Alonso
and Pedro Oiarzabal (2010) and Mirca Madianou and
Daniel Miller (2012) with a diverse range of migrant
perspectives from around the world. Nevertheless,
ethnographic research on the media and Indonesian
migrants, especially those living in Hong Kong, has
not been undertaken to my knowledge.

3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
In 2015, there were 54 daily newspapers and 679
periodicals listed by the Government of Hong Kong
(Government of Hong Kong website, 2015). This
includes four Indonesian newspapers instituted in
Hong Kong. In general, these newspapers are bundled
in tabloid size, which is around half the size of a
broadsheet format. The size suits the profile of a free
newspaper.
Free newspapers are one solution to the corporate
monopoly of paid newspapers in both readership and
circulation (Bakker 2008:427). They provide news
for readers and a space for advertisers. A large
readership brings in greater advantages to the
advertisers, because the advertisements are read by
more people (Silva & Resende, 2013). In today's print
media industry, a free newspaper is an unorthodox
way to enable print media to exist amidst uncertainty
around the industry’s sustainability: “no one can
predict the future of the newspaper industry, but it can
be said with confidence that free is a model still
relevant to print” (Tennant 2014: p.118).
The existence of Indonesian free newspapers is an
interesting discussion topic among IMWs in Hong
Kong. However, the writing and research on this topic
are limited. However, one relevant article was written
by Koesoemawiria (2008), in which she briefly
discusses the existence of Indonesian free newspapers
in Hong Kong. She lists nine publications that are
issued, but only five of them have a regular
publication schedule—Berita Indonesia (Indonesia
News), Rose Mawar (Rose Rose), Apakabar (How
are You), Indo Pos (Indo Post), and Suara (Voice)
and specifically discusses the last in the list (2008:
pp.51-52).
3.1 Free Newspapers
During my fieldwork in 2013, I located four existing
newspapers: Suara, Apakabar Plus, Koran Indonesia
(KINDO), and Berita Indonesia. All Indonesian
newspapers in Hong Kong depend on advertising to
meet their running costs. Each newspaper allocates
around half its pages to advertising. Several
newspapers even intentionally operate as the
promotional instruments of particular companies.
Suara and KINDO, for example, were established as
Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism
marketing tools for cellular products produced by the
companies that manage the publications.
The free newspaper format employed by
Indonesian publications in Hong Kong employs
simpler criteria for the content than paid newspapers:
the news coverage is lighter and they “offer less news
than paid papers … published as tabloids or even
smaller formats … (and) the number of journalists
employed is smaller and they are less experienced”
(Bakker 2008: p.427). All Indonesian free
newspapers in Hong Kong have similar news
production hierarchies. They are commonly run by a
chief editor and news gathering is frequently
performed by journalists. Professional journalists
from Indonesia are recruited to fill positions as editors
and news reporters.
The newspapers also interact directly with
IMDWs in news production. Newspapers such as
KINDO, Apakabar Plus and Berita Indonesia employ
IMDWs as the freelance contributors of stories in
each edition. These contributors function to
strengthen the news coverage team. IMDWs take on
this role in their limited spare time.
Indonesian newspaper news products are well
received by IMWs. All Indonesian free newspaper
editions are quickly ‘sold out’. The newspapers are
popular not only because they are free, but because
the journalists actively promote their newspapers by
getting involved in the social activities of Indonesian
migrant communities in Hong Kong. The journalists
also have a significant influence over IMDWs by
participating in migrant organisation events,
developing workshops and courses for IMDWs.
The journalists’ perspectives on the events about
which they write and their specific roles in the IMDW
community are essential to the discourse of migrant
advocacy. As professionals working for the press,
journalists have the power to gather opinions and
raise issues through their publications. There are
different expectations of the journalists. Government
officials such as those from the Indonesian Consulate
expect journalists to represent the government’s
image in a positive manner. Media owners expect
journalists to write news that contributes to the raising
of revenue through advertising. IMDWs and activists
expect journalists to help publicise issues related to
migrant advocacy and the struggle to fulfil their rights
as workers. I discovered that these various
expectations are frequently intertwined and may put
journalists in a difficult position.
Suara was established in 2006 and is published by
HK Publications, a company located at North Point,
Hong Kong. Besides Suara, this company also
publishes the Hong Kong News, which is aimed at
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Filipino migrants. HK Publications occupies the same
floor of a building as Kata, a smartphone producer,
and Owtel, a cellular phone distributor. These two
business entities are administered from the same
office as Suara and are under the one managing
company. Suara is issued biweekly and finances its
operations through advertising income. Kata and
Owtel are two clients that advertise permanently in
Suara (Hidayat, 2013).
However, the fact that Suara depends on
advertising and dedicates only a small proportion of
space to news is inconvenient for its reporters. Suara
journalist, Mega, said that the high advertising
allocation in Suara is problematic, because there is
real news that cannot be published due to the limited
amount of space (Mega, 2013). Nevertheless, Mega
realises that Suara acts as the marketing medium for
the company’s in-house products, Kata and Owtel.
Kata targets IMDWs because their population is high
and they have a high demand for communication
facilities. According to Hidayat, IMDWs are an
attractive target for cellular phone marketing
(Hidayat, 2013).
Management has given Suara journalists freedom
in their writing for the newspaper. However, the
company’s focus on advertising could harm the
sustainability of the newspaper because they give no
attention to the news content. As Mega explains, the
“management does not understand the content as they
cannot read Indonesian. You could even write
negative stories about the Indonesian Government,
and the company would not know” (Mega, 2013).
Mega’s statement suggests that there is no control
from the company over the newspaper’s editorship
and the quality of the news, and furthermore, the
professionalism of their journalists. This loose
editorial control could create the freedom for
journalists to write anything based on their own
ideology.
KINDO is an abbreviation of Koran Indonesia (in
English, Indonesian newspaper). The paper is
published and distributed by Field Profit Limited in
Hong Kong. Located in the Fair View Commercial
building in Sugar Street, Causeway Bay, this
company runs a business near to Victoria Park, the
centre of IMDW activities in Hong Kong. KINDO is
managed by Agus Zunaidi and is published monthly
with 24 pages focusing on news related to Indonesian
community issues in Hong Kong. For each edition,
KINDO prints 30,000 copies.
KINDO, under Zunaidi’s management, has an
exceptional position in the IMDW community in
Hong Kong. As stated by Eni Lestari, KINDO does
not empower migrant advocacy and support media
120
activism: “Zunaidi has his own personal goals in
managing KINDO and we do not expect KINDO to
be part of the struggle in advocating for migrant rights
in Hong Kong” (Lestari 2013). Lestari’s statement
suggests that it is unfortunate that KINDO is one of
the Indonesian print media outlets in Hong Kong to
be managed in this way, breaking away from the
current media activism movement.
Apakabar Plus is managed by Yuni Tze and
Razak. Yuni Tze manages the publication and Razak
oversees news gathering. The news is provided by
freelance journalists in Indonesia and Hong Kong.
Apakabar Plus news content is developed and
controlled not only by Razak: Yuni Tze also takes
part in the news editing and is active in maintaining
Apakabar Plus’s Facebook page. Apakabar Plus is
managed by the Apakabar Company, whose majority
share is owned by Yuni Tze.
Apakabar Plus offers a different approach to
servicing the needs of IMDWs in Hong Kong. The
tabloid has Indonesian celebrity news as its headlines
and provides updates on celebrity gossip. As critically
discussed by Turner, there is a big question mark
about whether celebrity articles should be considered
news, as it tends to be used as a marketing tool for
celebrities to capture the audience’s attention (2014:
pp.145-146). However, Turner sees that such articles
are “probably the key area where we can see
consumers accepting gossip or rumours as news”
(2014:150). Indeed, IMDWs are consumers who
enjoy celebrity news. The strong interest in the lives
of celebrities from the IMDWs’ home countries has
been captured by Apakabar Plus and is handled as a
distinct product that is positioned differently in the
landscape of Indonesian print media in Hong Kong.
The other notable free Indonesian print
publication in Hong Kong is Berita Indonesia, which
was established by Berita Indonesia Limited, a
company led by an Indonesian entrepreneur, Sam
Jauhari. The Indonesian community, especially
migrant workers, tend to associate Berita Indonesia
with Rio Chan, the newspaper’s editor in chief. Chan
emphasises that as a supplement, “Peduli provides
inspiration about businesses in Indonesia so then
returning IMDWs can picture what business they
might become involved in once they are back home.
IMDWs are very consumptive. Their drive to shop is
high, but now there is a trend for IMDWs to invest
their money in entrepreneurial activities” (Chan,
2013).
Berita Indonesia is known as a tabloid that is far
from controversial and that provides ‘safe’
information regarding migrant life in Hong Kong.
Unlike Suara, Apakabar Plus or KINDO, Berita
 Indonesian Newspaper in Hong Kong and Migrant Activism

Indonesia tries to satisfy everyone with the content migrant workers in Hong Kong (Diristiani, 2013).
that it publishes. Chan’s close connections with Each edition of Vokal prints 1,000 copies and is
migrant organisations, the Indonesian Consulate and distributed among ATKI members and its affiliates
several Indonesian institutions in Hong Kong have (Maysaroh, 2015). Vokal is not distributed for free,
given him the opportunity to broaden his networks in but the producer does not set a particular price for
sourcing information. On the other hand, what Berita each copy. Maysaroh said that Vokal is distributed on
Indonesia offers via its news product has given a a voluntary basis and that it is an important instrument
strong sense that Indonesian publications in Hong for organisations, because it “provides balance to
Kong may have complete editorial control, without information from Indonesian newspapers in Hong
government or corporate influence.
Kong, and importantly, it is being used by
organisations as a tool for education, information
3.2 Migrant-made Print Media sharing and propaganda” (Maysaroh, 2015).
Propaganda, as explained by Maysaroh, is
The establishment of Indonesian free newspapers in
considered to be more of a mission performed by
Hong Kong has promoted dynamic developments in
Vokal in an effort to provide relevant information and
the IMDW community in Hong Kong. The existence
new perspectives on IMDWs’ lives in Hong Kong.
of newspapers helps the IMDW community to stay
Like Vokal, Sinar Migran was also developed as a
abreast of recent news and information about their
solution to the IMDWs’ need to receive balanced
community and livelihood in Hong Kong. Newspaper
news and information relating to their existence in
journalists also actively contribute to migrant
Hong Kong. When the materials delivered by
activities and are influential in the capacity building
Indonesian free newspapers are considered to be
of IMDWs. Nevertheless, conflicts between several
insufficient and misleading, Sinar Migran fills the
journalists and migrant organisations have damaged
gap by delivering news products that are more
the free newspapers’ credibility. Distrust declared by
straightforward. First released to the public in
migrant activists about several of the Indonesian free
December 2015, Sinar Migranis is packaged in
newspapers in Hong Kong has been a major driver of
tabloid format and distributed not only in Hong Kong,
IMDWs publishing their own version of print media.
but also in Macau, Taiwan and Indonesia. Sinar
However, not all print media published
Migran is produced by JBMI and distributed by the
independently by IMDWs is the result of
organisation members. It is printed over 16 pages and
disappointment with existing Indonesian newspapers
there are 2,000 copies per edition. Sinar Migran sells
in Hong Kong. Several publications are produced
for HKD5 per copy.
mainly because IMDWs want to channel their
Vokal and Sinar Migran are not the only
creativities in writing. This has resulted in a range of
alternative print media dedicated to migrant workers.
publications with diverse discussion angles being
Using the magazine form, several groups of migrant
distributed among IMDWs. This section examines
workers are publishing their creations in diverse areas
known the independent print media managed and
of interest. The content of the magazine products
produced primarily by female IMDWs in Hong Kong,
from migrant workers is usually thematic. One such
which consists of two newspapers, Vokal (Vocal) and
publication is BHSI, an Indonesian magazine
Sinar Migran (Migrant Light), and four magazines,
published in Hong Kong with an entrepreneurial and
BHSI, CahayaQu, Iqro and Nurmuslimah. These
investment approach. The magazine supplies
print media are produced independently by IMDWs
information enabling the migrant workers to invest
and distributed for consumption by their colleagues.
their money in different business entities while they
Vokal is produced by ATKI. Even though its
are still working in Hong Kong. This magazine is
publication schedule is not regular, ATKI is trying to
published by BHSI, a group of IMDWs active who
provide an alternative to migrant workers regarding
create events and workshops on investment and
news content and information. Vokal is printed in a
entrepreneurship.
tabloid format with news and stories focusing on the
Other magazine publications in Hong Kong that
issues and discourses of migrant advocacy and
attract readers through their religious and spiritual
protection.
content: CahayaQu, Nurmuslimah and Iqro.
The title Vokal was chosen by the publisher to
Megawati, former Editor in Chief of Nurmuslimah
emphasise that readers should be brave in vocalising
magazine, said that religious magazines have
their concerns, especially regarding their condition as
significant potential in the Indonesian migrant media

121
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
market in Hong Kong (Megawati, 2013). Unlike
Indonesian newspapers in Hong Kong that are
distributed for free, readers pay ~HKD10 for each
edition, published once per month (Megawati, 2013).
Susi Utomo, the Editor in Chief of CahayaQu
magazine, pointed out that migrant workers are busy
every day, “but as humans, we also need spiritual
motivation and updates on our religious beliefs”
(Utomo 2013). Utomo claimed that these needs are at
least facilitated by the Indonesian free newspapers in
Hong Kong: “that is why we make our own
publications, to support our fellow migrants’ spiritual
needs and by supporting them to remember their
creator” (Utomo, 2013). CahayaQu was established
in 2012 by Muslim IMDWs and is published
bimonthly, distributed in Hong Kong and Indonesia.
Megawati considers that these magazines have a
different motivation, other than just spiritual. She
says it is more about community and subjectivity, and
that religious magazines facilitate her religious
thoughts through writing: “Nurmuslimah’s vision
suits me in promoting the identity of Muslim women
as knowledgeable, and not katrok (simple-minded).
Importantly, Nurmuslimah was developed purely by
IMDWs and no outsiders can interfere”.
Nurmuslimah was established in 2011, printed 3,000
copies and has been distributed in Hong Kong and
Macau (Megawati, 2013).
Iqro is another religious magazine, and is
managed and published by Dompet Duafa (an
Indonesian organisation in the charity business).
Dompet Duafa has an office in Hong Kong that
frequently manages religious events and collects
donations from migrant workers. Iqro was established
in 2009 and is the first religious magazine published
not only in Hong Kong but also in Taiwan (Megawati,
2013). Megawati explained that Iqro is well-
maintained and has stable management because it is
supported by an established organisation.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The Indonesian free newspapers in Hong Kong are
managed by journalists who have wide networks and
a diverse range of relationships within the Indonesian
community. The four newspapers discussed have
editorial figures that control the news content based
on their professional and personal ideologies, which
prompts both admiration and criticism from their
target readers: IMDWs.
122
Print media published by IMDWs aims to solve
the problems caused by the Indonesian free
newspapers. IMDW media such as Vokal and Sinar
Migran have published news that has directly
criticised two governmental institutions that would
never be challenged by Indonesian free newspapers:
The Government of Hong Kong and the Indonesian
Consulate in Hong Kong. Magazines produced by
IMDWs have also become a balanced source of
information, giving IMDWs options to enjoy a
different type of news provided for them in the host
land. Nevertheless, the business factor has seemingly
become a main concern in the existence of Indonesian
print media in Hong Kong. Although newspapers sell
advertising, magazines sell activities that need
contributions from IMDWs, which brings them into
the realm of consumerism.
Despite the pros and cons regarding the existence
of Indonesian print media in Hong Kong, they have
undeniably contributed to the capacity development
of IMDWs in Hong Kong. Print media have published
a variety of news that is useful for IMDWs, fulfilling
their need not only for information, but also for
entertainment. Different positions taken by the
newspapers provide choices for IMDWs in accessing
relevant information for their needs. Activities
performed by journalists have also enriched the
IMDWs’ experiences and given them access to the
knowledge that they need outside their isolated
workplaces. The Indonesian print media provides
access for IMDWs to seek news about their
surroundings. The newspapers and magazines
function not only as a bridge of information about
what is happening in Hong Kong; they also
continually inform the IMDW community, and this
provides genuine evidence of how a diasporic
community can communicate through various
channels and utilise those channels to strengthen
bonds among fellow migrants.
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 The Women's Movement Against a Mining Corporation
in Gunem, Central Java, Indonesia

Dia Puspitasari1, Emy Susanti1

Departement of Sosiology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya
emy.susanti@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: women, movement, corporation, environment, Indonesia

Abstract: The relationship between humans and nature is understood on a fundamental level in Rembang regency in
Central Java. This understanding is related to the environmental condition and local communities, especially
focused on the women in Rembang. The background of this research is the existence of a permit for the
establishment of a cement factory by Rembang Regency Government and the Central Java Provincial
Government for PT. Cement Indonesia. Society thinks that the permit does not consider the existence of
people who depend on the nature in the environment surrounding the site of the factory. The problem
focused on in this research is the women's knowledge of nature. This study discussed how the movement
and the strategy of the Rembang mothers was to preserve the nature on the slopes of the Pegunungan
Kendeng Utara, Rembang Regency, Central Java. This study used a critical paradigm and was analysed
using social construction theory, social movements and ecofeminism. The data in this study was primary
data obtained directly from the research subjects. The subjects of the study were 9 women, called the 9
Kartini, who were the actors of the cement establishment rejection. The collected data was the subject’s
answers to the open interviews. An observation is done by making records of the events that occurred
during the field research. The observation also aimed to describe the phenomena that the researcher wants to
observe. The construction of a woman as Mother Earth is the internalisation stage which becomes the base
of the knowledge of the mothers in the Regency of Rembang. The construction of women as Mother Earth
is formed through the process of internalisation, externalisation and objectification. Gender equality is a
form of externalisation process for the mothers in Rembang. Their actions are a type of objectification
process. The strategies of the movements are based on gender and ecological awareness, which is the
ecofeminist strategy in Rembang.

1 INTRODUCTION movement was prohibited just like any other

movement – it was forbidden. In the war of
Historically, the movement in Indonesia began in independence, the strategy of the struggle of the
1928 during the Dutch colonial period. These Indonesian women's movement was to defend
movements include movements by women. The first Indonesia's independence. The women's movement
Women's Congress in Indonesia took place on in Indonesia has been widely observed, including the
December 22nd, 1928 and became a milestone for the women's movement in Rembang Regency against
unity of Indonesian women's movements pioneered the mining companies in Central Java (Mcgregor &
by R. A Kartini. She used the strategy of a struggle Hearman, 2015).
through education because she thought that The residents of Rembang filed a lawsuit against
education was the main tool to use to free women the environmental permit issued by the Governor of
from oppression (Kowani, 1978: p.1). Central Java for the establishment of and mining by
The strategy of the struggle of the Indonesian a cement plant ran by PT. Cement Indonesia in
women's movement at the end of the Dutch colonial Rembang. In April 2015, the lawsuit was stopped by
period was to improve the position of women in a panel of judges of the State Administration Court
order to achieve an independent Indonesia. At the of Semarang because the time to file a lawsuit was
time, Japan's position was that the women's considered to have passed the grace period. As a

124
Puspitasari, D. and Susanti, E.
The Women’s Movement Against a Mining Corporation in Gunem, Central Java, Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 124-127
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Women’s Movement Against a Mining Corporation in Gunem, Central Java, Indonesia
form of protest, the women in Rembang occupied a
tent that they called the "tent of struggle". On June
16th, 2015, the struggle had been ongoing for a year.
The villagers in Kabupaten Rembang made an effort
to reject the permit for the establishment of a cement
factory because their environment was threatened by
the presence of the factory. The community's refusal
aimed to save the environment from the adverse
impact of cement manufacturing. The interesting
thing about the rejection action is that the action of
the citizens was conducted by mothers who worked
as farmers.
Earlier studies focused on the Rembang women's
movement to describe the social movements of the
Rembang community described in relative
deviations. On the other hand, this research will
describe 1) the linkage of women to maintaining
natural sustainability and 2) the strategy used by the
women's movement in fighting against the mining
corporation. The data obtained was analysed using
the theory of ecofeminism. The purposes of this
study were 1) to gain awareness of the knowledge of
Rembang women over nature, and how it was
exploited by PT. Cement Indonesia and 2) to know
the strategies of the movement ran by the women of
Rembang used to fight the mining corporation.
The findings of the field data from the research
subjects and observation results will be used to
understand the existing realities through the critical
paradigm. Critical paradigm is a form of structural
dominance (Staggenborg, 2001). This paradigm
helps the community to understand the root of
oppression, such as the resistance of the Rembang
women against the mining corporation owned by
PT. Cement Indonesia. This research study used
social construction theory, social movement and
ecofeminism to analyse the situation, setting and
context. The research subjects were women who
were involved in the "9 Kartini" movement in
Rembang. The subject was determined based on the
criteria of the informant selection method.
Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann
explained that the theory of social construction
produces a basic conception of how individuals
acquire the reality of knowledge and how society, in
turn, shapes the reality of knowledge. Social reality
consists of subjective reality, symbolic reality and
objective reality (Dreher, 2015). Social construction
explains the existence of dialectics between the self
and society. This dialectic occurs as part of a process
that has three "simultaneous moments" (Hirsch &
Boal, 2000). The three "simultaneous moments" are
externalisation, objectification, and internalisation.
Externalisation is an adaptation to the sociocultural
world as a product of the human world. The
objective is social interaction within the
institutionalised or institutionalised world of inter-
subjectivity. Internalisation is about identifying
themselves with the social institution or social
organisation in which the individual is located (Sica,
2015).
Ecofeminism is a relatively new variant of
ecological ethics. Ecofeminism first appeared in
1974 in the Franscoise d'Eaubonne book Le
Feminism ou la mort. Franscoise d'Eaubonne reveals
that there is a direct connection between the
oppression of women and the oppression of nature
(Christ, 2006). Franscoise d'Eaubonne claims that
the two cannot occur separately. Ecofeminism, as a
movement, does not limit its space only to the
academic field. Ecofeminism is a forum for women
to understand and formulate the vision of life on
earth in the context of feminism and ecology (Gilleo,
1999). The damage and destruction of the earth in
the view of ecofeminism is closely related to the
domination of women. According to Karen J.
Warren (1996), the basic assumptions of
ecofeminism are 1) that there is an important linkage
between the oppression of women and the
oppression of nature; 2) an understanding of nature
is essential to gaining an adequate understanding of
the oppression of women and the oppression of
nature; 3) feminist theory and practice should
incorporate an ecological perspective and 4)
ecological problem solving should include a feminist
perspective (Eaton, 1999).
Ecofeminism is embodied in social movements.
Social movement has a fairly broad definition
because it has a wide range of applications
(Friedman, 2016). Tarrow places social movements
as form of political resistance that occur when
ordinary people join a more influential group of
people (Roberts, 1989). The group mobilises forces
against a political elite, the authorities or a
corporation. When this resistance is supported by a
strong network and echoed by cultural resonance
and action symbols, resistance politics leads to an
ongoing interaction with the opposing parties, thus
resulting in a social movement (Field, 2000).
Collective action has the impression of
contradiction when the action is committed by
people who lack access to institutions to file new
claims or claims that are unacceptable to the
authorities. Collective action for resistance is the
basis of social movement because this action is often
the only resource that ordinary people have when
opposing other powerful parties such as corporations
or the State (Tarrow, 1998). The action is then
125
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
repeated. Berger and Luckmaan (1996) suggest that
humans construct a social reality that can be
objectified in subjective processes. This process
begins with the refraction of an action that allows
the actors and other parties to notice that the action
has regular and repetitive features. The actors
assume that there will be a determinant reciprocity
that will describe their own behaviour toward one
another.
2 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Rembang mothers experience a simultaneous
moment consisting of internalisation, externalisation
and objectifation when gaining knowledge of the
earth as a mother. This corresponds to the statements
of Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann (1966).
The field data findings indicate the internalisation
process experienced by Rembang's mothers.
Murtini's mother analogised the earth as herself.
According to Mrs. Murtini, the Earth remains
accepting and silent if the earth is used as a place to
dump the remnants of human reproduction, but the
earth cannot be blamed when a natural disaster
occurs. This is due to the impact of human acts that
exploit nature. The argument presented by Mrs.
Murtini is in accordance with the argument
presented by Ibu Sukinah, commonly called Yu 'Na.
Yu 'Na is one of the leaders of the ecophysical
movement in Rembang as well as one of the 9
Kartini who do foot casting in front of the State
Palace.
Internalisation also represents the earth as the
mother. The mother will give birth to children, while
the earth will produce water, animals and plants. The
produce of the earth becomes the source of life for
all living things. Yu 'Na said that if Rembang build a
cement factory, then the agricultural land will be
mined. The area of Rembang will feel the explosion
of the cement making process which will impact on
the produce of the earth.
Rembang's mothers keep on with their daily
activities while doing the internalisation process.
They work as farmers, so they see the reality that
nature is a source of livelihood for society. When
they learned of the plan to build a cement factory,
Rembang's mothers assumed that their farmland
would be lost and that the ecosystem would be
damaged. Mothers in Rembang analogise the earth
as a mother, with the water as blood, the soil as bone
and the forest as hair. This reinforces the
126
internalisation of Rembang's mothers to produce a
philosophy focused on Mother Earth.
External processes such as the statements of
Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann (1966)
occurred in the movement of ecofeminism. This is
reflected in the natural exploitation that will be done
by PT. Cement. The eco-feminist movement (saving
the environment) was spearheaded by Yu'Na, Ibu
Murtini, Mrs. Karsupi, Mbah Arsa, Mrs. Gerwani,
Ibu Gunarti and Mbah Tiar. The rescue measures
undertaken by the mothers in Rembang were to
prevent the process of building a cement factory.
The mothers were demonstrating, hoping to get help
from the government to thwart the construction of
the factory.
The housework that was usually done by Mrs.
Karsupi, like cooking, washing clothes, washing the
dishes and feeding cattle, was done by her husband
when Mrs. Karsupi was in the movement. Yu 'Na
also experienced the same thing. When Yu 'Na
fought for the sustainability of Kendeng’s nature,
her husband did the house work. This shows that
gender exchange is one form of externalisation
instilled in the Rembang mother’s family. According
to Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann (1966),
externalisation is an adjustment to what is
sociocultural.
The mothers in Rembang experienced
objectification in the form of the movement. Based
on the findings of the data in the field, the
involvement of the mothers in Rembang in the world
of the movement is motivated by the analogy that
the oppression that occurs in nature is the oppression
of a mother. The movement is based on ecological
and gender awareness. Oppression is done for reason
of prosperity of Rembang society, but the cement
factory will damage the nature of the Kendeng
Mountains especially in Rembang. When fighting
against corporations, the mothers did not experience
any coercion.
The strategy adopted by Rembang's mothers to
protest against the mining was to conduct
demonstrations. The mothers in Rembang walked by
foot from Semarang to Jakarta. Bung Melky said
that the strategy of the ecophysical movement in
Rembang is not only based on ecological awareness,
but gender awareness as well. This is because
mothers have the gender role related to doing the
housework.
 The Women’s Movement Against a Mining Corporation in Gunem, Central Java, Indonesia

3 CONCLUSIONS Friedman, A. M. (2016). Perceptual Construction:

Based on the research results, it can be concluded
that: 1) Rembang mothers interpret the earth as a
representation of themselves when constructing their
knowledge of nature. This is evident in two ways.
First, the subject is strongly influenced by the
historical factors of values and doctrine. These
factors seem to be more supportive of the formation
of knowledge about the earth as a mother. The
knowledge is based on the analogy that the earth and
women have to be equally guarded. Second, they
preserve nature for the survival of the next
generation, so then the next generation will have no
difficulty in getting to the source of life; 2) The
strategy of the eco-feminist movement (women's
rescue movement) is based on gender awareness and
ecological awareness. Rembang's mothers used new
strategies, like foot casting in front of the State
Palace. The husband was in charge of doing the
housework when his wife was away committing acts
of ecofeminism.
Rereading The Social Construction of Reality Through
the Sociology of the Senses. Cultural Sociology, 10(1).
https://doi.org/10.1177/1749975515615149
Gilleo, M. P. (1999). Technology, Scripture, and
Ecofeminism: The Wind and the Sea Respond.
Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society, 19(4),
310–313.
Hirsch, P. M., & Boal, K. B. (2000). Whose Social
Construction? Berger and Luckman Revisited. Journal
of Management Inquiry9, 9(3).
Mcgregor, K. E., & Hearman, V. (2015). Challenges of
political rehabilitation in post-New Order Indonesia
The case of Gerwani (the Indonesian Women’s
Movement). South East Asia Research, 15(3).
Roberts, R. H. (1989). Longing for Running Water:
Ecofeminism and Liberation Religion , Theology and
the Human Sciences, 1989.
Sica, A. (2015). Social Construction as Fantasy:
Reconsidering Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann ’ s
The Social Construction of Reality after 50 Years.
Cultural Sociology, 10(1).
https://doi.org/10.1177/1749975515614869
Staggenborg, S. (2001). Beyond Culture Versus Politics:
A Case Study of a Local Women’s Movement. Gender
and Society, August.

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Comstock, D.: 1982, ‘A method for critical research’, in E.
Bredo and W. Feinberg (eds.), Knowledge and Values
in Social and Educational Research, Temple
University Press, Philadelphia.
Dharmawan Arya Hadi (2007) Dinamika Sosio-Ekologi
Pedesan, Sodality Jurnal Transdisiplin-Sosiologi,
Komunikasi dan Ekologi Manusia Vol I
Franscoise d’Eaubonne (1974) Le Feminisme ou la mort.
Paris, Paris: Horay
Karen Warren (1996) Ecological feminist philosophies
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Kowani. 1978. “Sejarah Setengah Abad Pergerakan
Wanita Indonesia”. Jakarta: PN Balai Pustaka
Peter L. Berger dan Thomas Luckmann (1966) “The
Social Construction of Reality”,United States,
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Tarrow, Sidney (1998) The Very excess of Democracy:
State Building and Contentious Politics in America,
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Rowman and Littlefield publisher, Inc, United States
Christ, C. P. (2006). Ecofeminism and Process
Philosophy. Femionist Theology, 14(3).
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Dreher, J. (2015). The Social Construction of Power:
Reflections Beyond Berger / Luckmann and Bourdieu.
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Eaton, H. (1999). Ecofeminism and Globalization.
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Field, T. (2000). Is the Body Essential for Ecofeminism?
Organization & Environment,13(1), 39–60.

127
 SIWI Community’s Access to Information in Protecting Child
Domestic Workers

Tri Joko Sri Haryono and Sri Endah Kinasih

Department of Anthropology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
sriendah.kinasih@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Child Domestic Workers, Exclusion, Exploitation.

Abstract: This study explains the limited access of child domestic workers to information, which causes them to have
difficulties in obtaining information and access regarding any efforts to develop organizations or join
organizations that are able to advocate for their rights as women, children and citizens. The purpose of this
study is to explain the SIWI community assistants who have concern for the conditions of children who are
working in the worst job sectors. This research is descriptive research using the qualitative method. The
research location is in Surabaya by conducting observation, in-depth interview and Focus Group Discussion
(FGD) as its data collection method. The informants for this research were the child domestic workers, the
community leaders, the Department of Human Resource Development and Culture, the Child Protection
Institution, the Department of Social Services, Labor, and Transmigration and the Department of Education.
The results of this research show that those child domestic workers are prone to exploitation and social
exclusion because they are treated like an employer's property. Through this SIWI community, they can gather
together, share stories about their daily lives, knowledge and skills to gain information and access towards
better jobs and no longer be domestic workers anymore. This study implies that the access to basic services
and policy advocacy at various levels must be enhanced to ensure the realization of child labor protection.

1 INTRODUCTION which is available in the report with a title Toward a

Domestic workers can be grouped into two types.
The first is adult domestic workers and the second is
child domestic workers. Child domestic workers are
then also classified into two categories, namely child
domestic workers for local needs or domestic
(Irawaty, 2011). The second is for foreign countries
or overseas where the child domestic workers will be
sent to Vietnam (Gribble & Tran, 2016), Mexico, and
The Philippines (Espinosa, 2016) which menas they
can be categorised as migrant workers. There is also
differentiation from the origins of CDW that is the
one who still has family relations and the one who is
not.
According to ILO (2013), there were 67 million
domestic workers around the world, and 83% of them
were women. While in Indonesia, According to the
National Labour Force Survey there were 2,555,000
domestic workers in 2013 then increasing to
4,034,290 in 2015 and from this total 74% are women
(ILO, 2017). The ILO data are the result of a study on
the estimation of the total number of domestic
workers based on the National Labour Force Survey,
Better Estimation of Total Population of Domestic
Workers in Indonesia. Based on an ILO survey that
was conducted in Jakarta in 2016, there are 4.5
million local domestic workers who are working in
the country. The number will increase and is in line
with the level of economic growth in Indonesia.
These increasing numbers show that domestic
workers are an essential part of the social and
economic order.
The increase in the number of domestic workers
shows that the tendency of the localworker's presence
is needed and becomes an employment field that is
able to absorb a lot of workers, especially women
(Venny, 2005, p. 4). This work has the prospect of
becoming a regular job. Unfortunately, however, the
increase in the number does not mean they have
robust bargaining power. They are still far from
prosperous and far from having decent working
conditions (ILO-IPEC, 2004, pp. 109-110).
Socially, the domestic workers have lower
positions towards their relations with their employers
(Muryanti, 2005, p. 9). It can be seen in the condition
of the people who are more familiar with calling

128
Haryono, T. and Kinasih, S.
SIWI Community’s Access to Information in Protecting Child Domestic Workers.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 128-131
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 SIWI Community’s Access to Information in Protecting Child Domestic Workers
domestic workers helpers rather than calling them
domestic workers. This situation indicates that the
community still does not genuinely acknowledge the
vital role of domestic workers and is always looking
down on them (Utami, 2005, pp. 46-47).
When viewed from the significant increase in the
number of domestic workers and most of them are
experiencing unfavourable work situations, they are
able to reverse the situation. Thus, consolidating the
power of domestic workers through unions is one
possible answer. The organisation experience has
been best exemplified by the workers. Through the
unions, the workers could build awareness regarding
decent work and gather the power to fight for it. The
establishment of the International Domestic Workers
Federation (IDWF), an affiliate of domestic workers'
organisations in 54 countries, is evidence that
domestic workers still need support in organising a
movement.
The right to associate for domestic workers and
child domestic workers can be found in Article 1,
Paragraph 3 of Act no. 21 the year 2000 about trade
unions. The assistance conducted by the National
Network Advocacy for Domestic Workers with ILO
Jakarta found that there are 13 domestic worker
organisations spread in Jakarta, Bogor, Depok,
Tangerang, Bekasi, Lampung, Makasar, Yogyakarta
and Semarang, and five of them have become unions.
Limited access of domestic workers to the
information makes it difficult for them to obtain the
knowledge regarding how to develop organisations or
join organisations that can fight for their rights as
women, domestic workers and citizens. In Surabaya,
there is no organisation for domestic workers, there is
only a community called SIWI that is a platform for
CDW activities.
SIWI Community is a community that consists of girl
domestic workers. This community provides skills
and crafts training in order to break the chain and help
girls not to continue to work as domestic workers. It
is because if the parents become a domestic worker
then their children will follow the same path. Besides
that, the SIWI Community has also informed their
members regarding gender injustice that is faced by
women and children.
2 TRAINING ABOUT GENDER
INEQUALITY IN AN EFFORT
TO PROTECT CHILD
DOMESTIC WORKERS IN
SIWI COMMUNITY
Community participation which has developed to
avoid the act of exclusion from any group is perceived
as an indicator of social involvement in the
community development program (Shortall, 2008, p.
452). Community development is characterised by
avoiding the labelling attitude towards several groups
or society who are socially different to the dominant
culture, and it is essential to attract participation from
all stakeholders. According to Cornwall (2008, p.
296), the concept of the involvement is to be
beneficial by inviting all parties to take part in the
activity.
SIWI is a community which consists of girls who
work as domestic workers and some adult associates
from Samitra Abhaya KPPD, Center for Human
Rights Studies of Universitas, also from the arts and
cultural community who have a concern for the
conditions of children who work in the worst job
sectors. The SIWI community was officially
established on October 10, 2013, and served as a
place for girls to learn, to organise and practice their
life skills for their survival, although their formal
education is insufficient. The embryo of SIWI
formation began with gathering several Child
Domestic Workers in the area of Gunung Anyar
Tambak Surabaya.
These small groups often gather to make
handicrafts. Furthermore, the idea to create a
community for young women especially those who
work as Child Domestic Workers began to appear.
The members consist of part-time Child Domestic
Workers who come from Gunung Anyar Tambak
Surabaya. The SIWI community hopes that they can
reach out to the other friends who work in the same
field, especially ones who work full-time and live in
their employers' houses. Such children are more
vulnerable to exploitation and more socially
excluded, and treated like an employer's property.
Whatever they want to do, they must receive approval
from their employer.
The difference between part-time and full-time
child domestic workers lies in their working hours.
The part-time ones work after school or before going
to school. Their jobs include babysitting, house
cleaning, washing clothes, dropping off and pick up
their employer’s children to school. Their parents
usually work as housing security guards, domestic
129
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
workers, gardeners, factory workers, builders and
laundry workers. In contrast, the full-time workers
work and stay in their employer’s house. There is a
high probability that they will works 24 hours a day,
without any day-off except when there is an Eid
holiday. Most of them come from outside Surabaya
from places such as Malang, Madura, Jombang,
Nganjuk, Blitar and Kediri. The work that they do
includes cleaning the house and babysitting. Some of
them are working from morning until afternoon in
their employer’s home, then, in the evening, they are
asked to take care of the store such as the food stalls.
They receive this job information from their family or
relatives, such as mother, sister, aunt, a brother-in-law
who already becomes domestic workers in Surabaya.
The children who are part-time domestic workers
should be able to go back home if they are sick. On
the contrary, the full-time child domestic workers, if
they have mild sickness, only receive medicine; they
are only allowed to go home when they have a severe
illness. They find it hard to obtain health services in
their working place since most of them come from
outside Surabaya and they also do not have identity
cards.
There are similarities between child domestic
workers and their parents who also work as domestic
workers. The reason why children are willing to work
is mostly to help their parents and improve their
economic conditions, although some of the children
also work to fulfil their lifestyle needs. There is an
assumption that working in the city is a cool thing for
people who come from the village or suburban area.
Some of them prefer to work as Child Domestic
Workers as this seems a better choice than being
married at a young age. Parents assume that their
child is an asset, so when the family economic
conditions are difficult, they are not reluctant to send
their daughters to marry at a young age. It is because
if their child is married, then all their responsibilities
as a parent are finished. However, if the children do
not want to get married, then they are required to help
the family economy by working, even though this
requires them to work outside their region as a child
domestic worker including facing all the risks.
The impact of the lack of interaction among child
domestic workers means that many of them are
unaware of the difficulties of their fellow child
domestic workers and do not know that they have
rights to join the union. Employers seem to disagree
and prevent child domestic workers from meeting
with the other child domestic workers, because they
will gossip and vilify their employers, compare their
working environments to other domestic workers and
find new jobs. In the housing complex in Gunung
130
Anyar Tambak Surabaya, meetings between domestic
workers are very rare. Generally, child domestic
workers only go shopping with their friends to fulfil
their needs as well as their employers’ need, not to
organise a movement to fight for their rights as child
domestic workers. Those employers’ restrictions are
because they are afraid that the child domestic
workers would ask unfulfilled demands and expose
their weaknesses.
On the other hand, child domestic workers make a
lot of friends and have a place to share their work
problems. It is possible that, since the children are
freer to say all kinds of issues to their peers, this
interaction will reduce their burden. Moreover, it is
possible to find the best way out of their problem.
SIWI is an institution that has an intervention
program and opens vast opportunities for child
domestic workers to report and tell their problems.
SIWI Community has several approaches or
strategies; those are: (1) outreach and organising child
domestic workers; (2) increasing the knowledge and
skills of domestic workers through training and
providing education sessions; (3) promoting decent
work for child domestic workers through social
media, religious leaders and government; (4)
conducting monitoring of the domestic workers’
community by involving the head of the housing
complex, and Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga
(Fostering Family Welfare) within the monitoring
area; (5) building networks with unions and hotline
services.
The SIWI Community is a model for monitoring
or control in the case of child domestic workers in
their environment, including dealing with their
relationship with their employers. Besides that, the
intention is to provide empowerment or educate the
employers in how to provide a decent work
environment including the treatment of child
domestic workers. The establishment of the SIWI
community is just one of several approaches and
strategies to promote a proper work environment, and
to eliminate or reduce child domestic workers as a
profession.
3 CONCLUSIONS
SIWI Community is a model that has been built and
developed by Samitra Abhaya KPPD. The intention
is to monitor or control the existence of domestic
workers in their environment including dealing with
their relationship with their employers. It is also
intended to provide empowerment and educate
employers regarding a decent work environment
 SIWI Community’s Access to Information in Protecting Child Domestic Workers

approach including the treatment of child domestic Undang-Undang No. 21 Tahun 2000 tentang Serikat
workers. The establishment of the SIWI community Pekerja.
model has its own activity programs to conduct Venny, Adrianai., 2005. “Pekerja Domestik dari Masa ke
promotion and eliminate or reduce the number of Masa”, Jurnal Perempuan 39
child domestic workers. Therefore, it is expected that
the rights and responsibility of domestic workers and
the employers will be more transparent, measurable
and monitored which will result in harmonious and
better relationships between child domestic workers
and the employers.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
This research was supported by the Ministry of
Research, Technology and Higher Education
Indonesia

REFERENCES
Utami, Andri Yoga., 2005. “PRTA (Pekerja RumahTangga
Anak), Fenomena Pekerja Anak yang Terselubung dan
Termarjinalkan”, Jurnal Perempuan 39.
Cornwall, Andrea, 2008. “Unpacking ‘Participation’:
Models, meanings and practices”, Oxford University
Press and Community Development Journal,43(3), pp.
269–283
Espinosa, S. A., 2016. Diaspora philanthropy: The making
of a new development aid?. Routledge, 5(3), 361-377.
Gribble, C., & Tran, L. T., 2016. Connecting and
reconnecting with Vietnam: Migration, Vietnamese
overseas communities and social media. In: C. Gomes
(ed). The Asia-Pacific in The Age of Transnational
Mobility: The Search for Community and Identity on
and through Social Media. UK and USA: Anthem
Press.
ILO, 2013. Technical report: The estimation of total
domestic workers in Indonesia. Jakarta: ILO.
ILO, 2017.Toward a better estimation of the total
population of domestic workers in Indonesia.Jakarta:
ILO.
ILO-IPEC, 2004 Bunga-bunga di Atas Padas: Fenomena
Pekerja Rumah Tangga Anak di Indonesia. Jakarta:
kantor Perburuhan internasional
Irawaty, D., 2011.Redefining cultural practices and
reconstructing a colonial legacy: Foundation for
female household workers’empowerment in Indonesia.
Berlin: Dr Verlaag.
Muryanti, 2005. Upaya Perlindungan PRT, Jurnal
Perempuan No. 39: Pekerja Rumah Tangga. Jakarta:
Yayasan Jurnal Perempuan.
Shortall, Sally (2008). “Are rural development programmes
socially inclusive? Socialinclusion, civic engagement,
participation, and social capital: Exploring the
difference, Journal of Rural Studies, 24, pp. 450–457.

131
 The Representation of Persons with Disabilities
in Indonesian Reality Shows

Angeline Anggalimea1 and Myrtati Dyah Artaria2

1Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Departmentof Anthropology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
angeline.anggalimea-2014@fisip.unair.ac.id, myrtati.artaria@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: persons with disabilities, stigma, reality show, Indonesia

Abstract: People in society often stigmatise minorities, for example people with disabilities (PWD). Unfortunately,
the media institutions perpetuate the stigma through impressions of reality that seem to reflect the PWD real
life. In this article, we examined the representation of PWDs on reality shows in Indonesia, namely
“Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang” and “Minta Tolong New Season”. We used semiotic analysis by John Fiske
through looking at the depiction of PWDs in those reality shows. The data analysis involves looking at the
three processes of the representation, which consist of: at the level of reality, the level of representation, and
the ideological level. The conclusion is that those two shows often portrayed PWDs as weak and helpless
people

1 INTRODUCTION opinion about the real reality (Hamad, 2004). This

Persons with disabilities in Indonesia are still often
stigmatised as Persons with Social Welfare
Problems as stated in the pages of the Provincial
Social Department in Yogyakarta. On its official
website (2018), they say that there are several
criteria for persons with disabilities who have social
welfare problems. Those are the people who
experience obstacles in carrying out activities, have
difficulties in working, and cannot solve their life
problems properly and so forth.
This lasting stigma cannot be separated from the
influence of mass media, especially television.
Television supposedly has a function in providing
useful information, an educational function as well
as having an entertainment function (Effendy, 1993).
However, in fact, the media often brings up
ideological issues when they show a representation
that relates to social reality (real world), then it
raises ideological problems in social and cultural life
(Sobur, 2016). Though the media tend to display the
reality that has been edited by sorting facts or
information that is considered essential (Sobur,
2016).
As a result, certain realities are portrayed by the
media to audiences that are able to shape public
reality construction cannot be detached from the role
of language since it becomes the primary instrument
for telling stories in both print and electronic media.
It also occurs in reality shows, especially those
which show people with disabilities.
Until now those reality shows have remained in
production because people always show their
interest. The reality show has an entertainment
element and is able to attract viewers to enjoy 'real
people’s lives'. Moreover, it also highlights the
nature of voyeurism, where it is used to target the
audience’s emotions which can bring pleasure to
them (Hill in Noviani, 2012).
According to Sugihartono (2004), three types of
impressions can be categorised as reality shows:
firstly, reality shows that place viewers as passive
viewers who follow a person's professional or
personal activities; secondly, a hidden camera which
is placed to record unexpected activities in ordinary
or unreasonable situations; thirdly, reality game
shows which film contestants who are competing to
win a competition.
This study wants to see how the reality shows in
Indonesia try to describe people with disabilities.
Two reality shows will be analysed: “Minta Tolong
New Season” and “Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang.”

132
Anggalimea, A. and Artaria, M.
The Representation of Persons with Disabilities in Indonesian Reality Shows.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 132-136
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Representation of Persons with Disabilities in Indonesian Reality Shows

Minta Tolong New Season is a television 3 RESULT

program on the GTV channel which was previously
called Global TV that follows the story of people In the reality show from the Mikrofon Pelunas
who are struggling in asking help from others. This Hutang episode Dini Juniawati, Gadis Kecil yang
program claims to be a social experiment that is Berhati Mulia, the writer divided the scene into two
testing people’s sincerity in terms of whether there parts. The first is the scene that shows the video clip
are still good people who want to help people in that captures the daily life of the blind person Dini.
need. In ensuring the originality of this social The second scene shows Dini standing on the stage
experiment, a hidden camera is placed to record of Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang.
every event. In the first scene, the analysis is based on the
Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang is a program on the reality level and representation level, as follows:
Indosiar channel that focuses on paying off
contestants’ debts. Later on, the contestants will be Table 1: Level of Reality from Video Clip about Dini’s
asked to stand on the stage to talk about their Daily Life as a Blind Person
difficulties due to having a lot of debt. If the
microphone that is used by the contestant to sing is Level of Reality Scene
Appearance Dini described as having a simple
turn on, then the television will pay their debt.
appearance
Dress Dini uses elementary school
uniform
2 METHODS Makeup Dini does not use makeup
Environment The walls of Dini’s house are not
This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach cemented and in black colour
based on the semiotics study by John Fiske. Behaviour Dini is polite to the teacher and
helps her grandmother diligently
Semiotics is a model of science that tries to
Speech Dini has flat speaking style
understand the world as a system of relationships
Gesture Dini does not have many body
through a basic unit called a sign. Therefore, a gestures
semiotics study is a study that learns the nature of a Expression Dini’s face looks sad
sign’s existence and whether the construction is Sound The sad atmosphere in the music
through symbols and words within a social context video clip
(Sobur, 2003).
Fiske (1987) sees that, in the television world, At the reality level of the video clip that depicts
there is a connected code that is often used to form a Dini's daily life, she is described as a hard-working
meaning. According to him, the codes in the world and simple figure. Economic difficulties do not
of television are divided into three levels: firstly, the cause her to give up; she continues to help her
level of reality relating to appearance, dress, grandmother in selling Saroja cakes.
makeup, environment, behaviour, speech, gesture,
expression and sound; secondly, the level of Table 2: Level of Representation from Video Clip about
representation relating to cameras, lighting, editing, Dini’s Daily Life as a Blind Person
music and sound; thirdly, the level of ideology in
Level of Scene
which there is individualism, patriarchy, race, class, Representation
materialism and capitalism. Camera Medium shot (MS) is used to
The unit analysed in this study is a scene depict Dini’s daily routines
involving people with disabilities in both reality starting from going to school to
shows. The first is Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang’s selling the Saroja cakes
episode Dini Juniawati, Gadis Kecil yang Berhati Close up (CU) was used when
Mulia and Minta Tolong New Season’s episode Dini told of her grandmother's
Tuna Netra Minta Diantar Beli Beras, Ini Reaksi debt problems
Orang Sekitar. Lighting It tends to be dark
Editing None
Music Sad song
Sound Dini’s voice when she tells of her
daily life

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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

At the level of representation, the video clips of From the table above, the shots are mostly taken
Dini’s daily life are mostly shot in a medium shot close up (CU) and in big close up (BCU). The
(MS) and close up (CU). Lighting used in this video lighting used in this scene is bright and focused on
clip tends to be dark and also accompanied by sad Dini. The background music being played is
songs. rhythmically sad to make a touching atmosphere for
Based on the scene showing Dini to be blind, the the audience.
level of ideology displayed in this reality show is Based on the scene that shows Dini interviewed
about social class. This show portrays Dini’s life as on the stage of Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang, the level
being in line with people from the lower class who of ideology is still about class. This show portrays
have a lot of debt because of her ill grandmother’s Dini’s dreams, her wish for her grandmother's debt
treatment. She also had to work hard to help her to be paid off immediately and her wish to buy a
grandmother to sell Saroja cakes after school. keyboard and a braille machine to study.
In the next scene, when the host is interviewing Meanwhile in the reality show Minta Tolong
Dini on stage, the researcher analyses it based on the New Season episode Tuna Netra Minta Diantar Beli
level of reality and the level of representation, as Beras, Ini Reaksi Orang Sekitar, the scene that is
follows: being analysed is when Saman is looking for people
who want to help him at the roadside. The analysis
Table 3: Level of Reality when Dini is Interviewed on the examines the level of reality and level of
Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang Stage representation, as follows:
Level of Reality Scene
Appearance Dini described as having a simple Table 5: Level of Reality Saman looking for people who
appearance are willing to accompany him in buying rice
Dress Dini uses a simple shirt and Level of Reality Scene
headscarf Appearance Saman described as having a
Makeup Dini only uses face powder simple appearance
Environment The event atmosphere is quiet Dress Saman wears a faded shirt, cloth
Behaviour Dini has a polite attitude towards pants and is using a stick to walk
the host Makeup Saman does not use makeup
Speech Flat speaking style Environment Saman is looking for people who
Gesture Dini does not have many body are willing to help him at the
gestures roadside
Expression Her face is sad with tears Behaviour Saman has a polite attitude
Sound Sad musical backsound towards his surroundings
Speech Saman's speaking style is gentle
At the reality level, when Dini is interviewed on and he always repeats his story
the Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang stage, she is described about his desire to buy rice with a
as a person who has suffered because her little money
grandmother had a lot of debt. Dini has teary eyes Gesture Saman does not have many body
gestures
when she talks about her difficulties that make the
Expression Saman loves to smile
host cry sadly. Sound There is no back sound
Table 4: Level of Representation when Dini is Interviewed
on the Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang Stage In the table above, Saman is described as a
friendly and courteous figure when asking for help.
Level of Scene He always repeats the story about his difficulty in
Representation buying rice to the passing by people.
Camera Close up (CU) used when the host
interviews Dini Table 6: Level of Representation when Saman is Looking
Big close up (BCU) used when for Someone to Accompany Him Buying Rice
Dini tell the stories about her
grandmother’s debt along with Level of Scene
her dreams Representation
Lighting Light and focus on Dini Camera Long shot (LS) used to portray
Editing None when Saman is looking for
Music Sad song someone who wants to help him
Sound Dini’s voice telling her stories Medium long shot (MLS) used

134
 The Representation of Persons with Disabilities in Indonesian Reality Shows
when Saman asks people passing
by to talk
Medium shot (MS) used to show
when Saman is talking intensely
with the person whom he wants to
ask help from
Lighting No lighting and reliance more on
the sunlight
Editing None
Music The sound of passing vehicles
Sound Saman’s voice in seeking help
From the table above, the most widely used of
the shot types are long shot (LS), medium long shot
(MLS) and medium shot (MS). Because the program
Minta Tolong New Season is claimed to be a social
experiment event, there is not much artificial
lighting and sound.
Based on the level of reality and the level of
representation of the reality show Minta Tolong
New Season, it can be seen that the level of ideology
discussed is about class. People with disabilities,
namely Saman, are described as those who are
unable to solve their own problems meaning they
need someone else to help them.
4 DISCUSSIONS
Based on the analysis, impressions of Mikrofon
Pelunas Hutang and Minta Tolong New Season have
a similar tendency in commodifying poverty. This
conclusion is similar to that of previous research
entitled Poverty Commodification in Indonesian
Television: Comparative Study between “Jika Aku
Menjadi” in Trans TV channel and the program
“Bedah Rumah” in RCTI channel. In this study, the
commodification of poverty in reality shows is
illustrated through dramatic moments. It is evident
from the depiction of the poverty situation, the
sensation of joy, inviting sympathy and emotion, and
stimulating the laughter of viewers (Arya et al.,
2013).
The difference between this research and
previous research is that this research describes
people with disabilities who have become a subject
of poverty commodification. Persons with
disabilities are described as people in the lower
class, who cannot solve their own problems which
makes them need the help of others. This image is
shaped by reality show impressions that position the
lower classes as a group of fools who have
dysfunction in their social lives (Liestyna, 2009).
In order to give a focus and arouse the audience's
sense of interest in the Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang
program, most of the shots that are taken consist of
medium shots (MS), close up (CU) and big close up
(BCU) shots. A medium shot is used to highlight the
human figure in the frame, such as through eye
contact, clothing, hair colour and appearance
(Thompson and Bowen, 2009). A close-up is used to
show the human face by revealing the details of the
eye and highlighting the emotions through the eyes,
mouth and facial muscles clearly (Thompson and
Bowen, 2009). A big close up (BCU) is a shot type
that highly accentuates every detail of the face, like
facial movement or expression.
Unlike Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang, the picture
shot from Minta Tolong New Season is mostly using
a long shot (LS), medium long shot (MLS) and
medium shot (MS). The long shot (LS) images are to
display the environment around objects, people and
actions and often show better physical space
connection (Thompson and Bowen, 2009).
Meanwhile, a medium long shot (MLS) further
highlights human figures such as showing clothing
details, gender and expression (Thompson and
Bowen, 2009). The use of this shot is because Minta
Tolong New Season is a social experiment that is
trying to take pictures from a distance and use a
hidden camera.
5 CONCLUSION
Although following different themes, the reality
shows of Mikrofon Pelunas Hutang and Minta
Tolong New Season present similar ideology
relating to social class. People with disabilities who
are represented in both reality shows are described
as being weak and from a low social status. The
conclusion from this study is that reality shows in
Indonesia still present people with disabilities as a
category of people from low-class society who
cannot solve the problems they face.
REFERENCES
Arya, N, Hafied, C and Alimuddin, U, 2013.
KomodifikasiKemiskinandalamTelevisi Indonesia:
StudiKomparatifantara Program “JikaAkuMenjadi”
di Trans TV dengan Program “BedahRumah” di
RCTI, JurnalKomunikasiKareba Volume 2 No. 2,
April-Juni 2013.
DinasSosial Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, 2018. Jenis-
jenis PMKS, accessed July, 28th 2018,
http://dinsos.jogjaprov.go.id/jenis-jenis-pmks/
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Effendi, OnongUchjana, 1993,TelevisiSiaranTeori dan

Praktek, Mandar Maju. Bandung, Cetakankedua.
Fiske, John, 1987. Television Culture, Routledge. New
York.
Hamad, Ibnu, 2004. KonstruksiRealitasPolitikdalam
Media Massa: SebuahStudi Critical Discourse
Analysis terhadapBerita-beritaPolitik, Granit. Jakarta,
cetakanpertama.
Indosiar, 2017. Dini Juniawati, Gadis Kecil yang
BerhatiMulia, accessed July, 28th 2018,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JH9m5MzhaZI&t
=3s
Leistyna, Pepi, 2009. Social Class and Entertainment
Television: What’s So Real about Reality TV?in
Hamer, Ronda & Kellner, Douglas. Media/Culture
Studies: Critical Approaches, Peter Lang. New York.
Noviani, Ratna, 2012. Ibadah Kelas Ala Reality Show di
Televisi, JurnalPemikiran, JurnalPemikiranSosiologi
Volume 1 No. 1, Mei 2012.
Officialgtvid, 2018. Tuna Netra Minta DiantarBeliBeras,
IniReaksi Orang Sekitar, accessed July, 28th 2018,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3d3H1NpRGok&t
=327s
Sobur, Alex, 2016. SemiotikaKomunikasi,Rosda.
Bandung, 6th edition.
Thompson, Roy, Christopher J. Bowen, 2009. Grammar of
The Shot,Focal Press. Oxford, 2nd edition.

136
 Instagram as a Medium for Socialization
of Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO)

Asfira RR1, Amanah Rakhim S2, Sulih Indra Dewi3

1Communications Science, Tribhuwana Tunggadewi University, Malang, Indonesia
2 Communications Science, Tribhuwana Tunggadewi University, Malang, Indonesia
3 Communications Science, Tribhuwana Tunggadewi University, Malang, Indonesia

asfirarachmad@gmail.com, amanah.unitri@gmail.com, sulih_d@yahoo.com

Keywords: Deaf, New Media, Instagram, Information Medium, BISINDO

Abstract: The equality of languages for the deaf is very important, because with an equal language will increase social
interaction between deaf community with listeners. In law No. 8 year 2016 article 41 paragraph 2E, it has
been described that sign language skills as the development of the linguistic identity of the deaf disability.
Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO) is part of the accessibility for the deaf in their life to interact with the
hearing people. Hence, the need for socializing BISINDO in order to build awareness of the listeners to be
able to understand the sign language used by the deaf is essential. In this research, a new media becomes
one of the ways to socialize Indonesian sign language (BISINDO) to hearing people in Instagram. This
study used a qualitative-descriptive approach, with the aim, to know the role of instagram as a medium of
information in socialization of the sign language of Indonesia (BISINDO). Social media empowered the
people to express their thoughts and opinions and share with others. As well as a medium of information
socialization of BISINDO, interact with friends Deaf and the community or by the community of listeners,
and Also provide positive benefits for the Deaf and the community via uploading the information (repost) of
socialinfluence.

1 INTRODUCTION everyday life. Therefore, communication becomes a

A language equality for Deaf is one part of Deaf
accesbility in everyday life. Deaf people basically
need the same interaction with other people, but
because of limitations in hearing they interact with
the other people using a sign language. The sign
language used is the Indonesian Sign Language or
abbreviated to BISINDO.With equal meaning of
language, Deaf and the public expected to be able to
communicate well. But unfortunately, the use of
Indonesian Sign Language (BISINDO) has not
widely known by the public audience.
The Act No. 8 2016 Article 41 paragraph 2E,
explains the sign language skills and the promotion
of the linguistic identity of the Deaf community.
What is meant by "sign language" in article 41
paragraph 2E also includes sign language of
Indonesia (Bisindo). BISINDO used by the Deaf
community because it is easy to use and
understandable for the signs that are used close to
form of fulfillment for people who are very
important to establish actualization and confidence
to gain happiness in survival for humans.
In this globalization era, new media development
rapidly changes, it is in line with the advancement of
communication technology. Lev Manovich ( in
Robert K. Logan, 2010: 5) describes that new media
is about the ability to combine text, audio, digital,
video, multimedia, interactive, virtual reality, web,
email, chat, computer applications and any source
that can be accessed by personal computer. With the
development of technology nowadays, it is also
accessible via a smartphone. Some examples of new
media is a website, mobile apps, virtual worlds,
multimedia, computer games, human-computer
interface, computer animation, and interactive
computer installation (Wardrip-Fruin and Montfort,
2003: 13-25)
One example of the new media which is
favoured by people is instagram. Instagram is

137
RR, A., Rakhim S, A. and Dewi, S.
Instagram as a Medium for Socialization of Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO).
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 137-141
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
populer among people because it can display
images, text and sound. The new media also has an
important role in presenting and socializing
information to public. Deaf or Deaf community also
uses Instagram as a means of Indonesian Sign
Language (BISINDO) information to the public
audience or a broad audience. With the aim for
listeners and Deaf people can easily interact and
understand each other.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Deaf and BISINDO
Deaf is an individual with auditory disorder and lack
in language development, while proficiency
determines a person in speaking skills, as well as
interacting with his social life, and because he loses
the ability to hear so that communication is
generally through the use of sign language. A
language is a breath of life and also the key to have a
meaningful life (Department of Education, 1984:
127). Currently,The mention of the word "Tuna" for
an individual who has limited / commonly called
with disabilities give a different interpretation. As
with the use of the word Deaf, which is where the
meaning of the word "Tuna" is more suitable for
people in the medical field, which means the damage
and do not have. Then in daily life the Deaf or
Tunarunguis more familiar to be called Tuli (Deaf)
with capital "T" which refers to the largegrowing
minority group, has a culture, and uses sign
language to communicate or Deaf community that
does not have a negative meaning (Forum Diskusi
Komunikasi dan Disabilitas, 2016).
BISINDO itself is a communication system that
is practical and effective for the Deaf in Indonesia,
developed by the Deafs among themselves and used
the same function as the language of Indonesia
today. By using BISINDO the Deaf expresses
thoughts and feelings to express (Kamus BISINDO,
2009).The using of BISINDO for instance, with one
word and an expression to indicate ongoing events,
it is easier to understand, quick, and simple. To
translate sign language, BISINDO generally is not in
accordance with the signals used EYD because it is
more influenced by the culture and customs of the
Deaf itself. Therefore BISINDO often considered to
be more effective and easier to use. For example
BISINDO the word “mother” in East Java province
will be different from other provinces such as
Jakarta, Bali and other provinces. Currently, more
Deaf uses BISINDO in interacting among themself
138
or even with common public because of its
simplicity to understand by other people.
2.2 New Media
New media is a concept that can not be separated
from the emergence of the internet. The Internet
allows inter-circuited computers around the world,
so that it can create computer-based communication
(computer mediated communication) which has the
speed to perform an interaction, more efficient,
cheaper and faster to get an update. (Balkin, 1998, in
Rusfian, 2015: 99). Marshall McLuhan in his book
“Understanding the Media” states that "the medium
is the message", it is the medium that shapes and
controls the scale and form of human association
and action. The content or uses of such media are as
diverse as they are ineffectual in shaping the form of
human association. Indeed, it is only too typical that
the "content" of any medium blinds us to the
character of the medium. (McLuhan, 1964)
"Medium influence in controlling the scale and
form of the action of a group of people / specific
communities. The use of new media such as
instagram has an important role in providing
information about BISINDO socialization, and can
influence and create changes for the public audience,
Deaf and its community so BISINDO can be equal.
2.3 Characteristics of New Media
Martin Lister in his book New Media: A Critical
Introduction (2009: 16) reviews some of the main
terms in discourses about new media namely:
Digital. In terms of communication and
representational media this 'data' usually takes the
form of qualities such as light or sound or
represented space the which have already been
coded into a 'cultural form' (actually 'analogues'),
such as written text, graphs and diagrams,
photographs, recorded moving images, etc. This is in
marked contrast to analogue media where all the
data input is converted into another physical object.
'Analogue' refers to the way that the input of data
(reflected light from a textured surface, the live
sound of someone singing, the Inscribed marks of
someone's (Lister, 2009: 16).
Interactivity. Interactivity has been one of the
key 'value added' characteristics of new media.
Where 'old' media offered passive consumption offer
new media interactivity. Generally, the term stands
for a more powerful sense of user engagement with
media texts, a more independent relation to sources
 Instagram as a Medium for Socialization of Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO)
of knowledge, Individualized media use, and greater
user choice (Lister, 2009: 21).
Hypertextual. The appearance of hypertext is one
of the effects of technological developments in the
new media era. With the existence of hypertext
makes it easy for users or consumers to be able to
access and search for information. As an example
hyperlinks, bookmarks, hashtag (#) on instagram
and Twitter.
Virtual. Messages are delivered via virtual
communication will seem so real and true. As
Shields has pointed out (2003) in the digital era of
the meaning of 'virtual' has changed. Where, in
everyday usage, it once meant a state that was
'almost' or 'as good as' reality, it has now come to
mean or Be Synonymous with 'Simulated'. In this
sense, rather than meaning an 'incomplete form of
reality' it now suggests an alternative to the estate
and, maybe, 'better than the real' (Shields 2003: 12
in Lister, 2009: 36).
Networked. Networking in this case refers to the
internet. Internet in new media mass media are no
longer sending a limited number of messages to a
homogenous mass audience. Because of the
multiplicity of messages and sources, the audience
itself Becomes more selective. The targeted
audience tends to choose its messages, so deepening
its segmentation (Sabbah 1985: 219; quoted in
Castells 1996: 339; in Lister, 2009: 31).
2.4 Social Media
People are interested in networking and connecting
with friends, sharing content, sending messages,
collaborating with each other in real-time, gathering
news / information / feedback or just uploadin or
downloading media files (movies / music / photos)
on the Internet. Any media in the form of websites
that allows them to do these things with ease
becomes a social media site. Today, social media
has substantially changed the way organisasi,
communities, and individuals communicate with
each other. Social media can be differentiated from
industrial or traditional media like magazines,
newspapers, television and movies, as they are
relatively inexpensive, easily accessible and enable
anyone (private individuals) to publish or access
information (Trapial & Kanwar, 2012: 28).
Instagram constitute application social media to
share photos and video that allows users to take
photos or videos, apply filter digital, and distribute
them to various services social networking,
Including those of its own Instagram. instagram now
become one of the social networking applications
are quite booming, with many variations ease of
sharing images and video editing. As of 2017 the
increase instagram users increased by 100 users, and
make a total of 500 million of that is the daily active
users (Joseph, 2017).
3 RESEARCH METHODS
This study used a descriptive qualitative method,
with the focus of research was to see how instagram
role as one of the new media for information
dissemination of BISINDO. The data collection
methods with a literature study and observation on
instagram accounts of Deaf and the Deaf community
in Surabaya in socializing BISINDO.
4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Example posted via instagram was the video when
they were using BISINDO and wrote a caption
which contained the meaning of a sign language has
been delivered through the post.
The characteristics of the new media contained
in instagram namely:
Digital: In the digital media community also in
instagram users can easily create photos, videos or
find the information needed, such a feature to upload
photos or videos by selecting a camera-shaped icon,
users can also provide a text title in any photo or
video that will be posted. Pictures and videos
uploaded adapted to the activities to be implemented
or that have been implemented, such as the upload
image on account @kartusby in International Deaf
Day. The upload contained International Deaf Day
activities and provided an explanatory caption in
each upload.
Interactivity: Markus' (1990) suggests that
interactivity is a characteristic of technologies that
enables multidirectional communication (Lievrouw,
2006: 207) The new media have the interactive
characteristics for the Deaf community as an option
to participate more in providing information to the
public. The presence of interactive new media
makes society or the Deaf and its community able to
choose contents as they desire to access. The new
media has become a medium for people to get closer
to the technology, more participants and creative.
The emergence of new media and communications
technologies has resulted in a remarkable
transformation this time. This had an impact on the
139
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
way people communicate and share knowledge and
information.
With comment feature in Instagram enables users
to give comments or opinions regarding the posting
pictures or videos uploaded. This feature also allows
the followersof Deaf account to interact with the
public or other Deaf community.
Networked: People and Deaf people who use
new media like Instagram can easily connected to an
extensive network and easily access them via a
smartphone or computer. By logging in with user ID
and password, users can look up information and
share information about BISINDO in form of
images, video or text in Instagram and also can share
information with other users about BISINDO
through the share features available. Even the share
feature can also be shared with social media other
than instagram.
Virtual: Virtual characteristics of the new media
provide convenience to Instagram users to interact
with their followers directly through live broadcasts
and Igtv features. Using the feature users can
instantly record BISINDO socialization and also
interact with their followers. In addition, the
previously recorded videos can also be saved and
replayed. It is easier for the Deaf to provide
information about BISINDO to the public.
Hypertext: In Instagram they are somespots on
the website page that can be clicked by the user to
move to another spot either on the same page, the
same website, and other websites (Severin and
Tankard, 2014: 449). In social media like Instagram
by typing a key word or topic we want and it will
appear. For example, ifwe type hashtag (#).
#komunitastuli #duniatanpasuara
#bahasaisyaratindonesia meal #bahasaisyarat will
appear deaf community who have instagram
account, various pictures and videos of BISINDO as
well as various images and videos related to the
Deaf community or BISINDO. In addition to the
hashtag (#) to facilitate screening the information the
bookmark feature also can be used.
Instagram not only has a role as a means of
information but also as a means of social interaction
of its users. The Deaf ang their community can also
interact with their followers either deaf or hearing
community even through some of the features
available on instagram, like on the comment feature,
direct message (DM), repost and to the latest
features of live broadcasting. Instagram also allows
users to upload information related to personal or
their community.
Social media has opened up new avenues for
people to engage with each other and with the
140
content available on the Internet. The social
interaction of the yore, severely restricted by various
boundaries, has now been taken online, opening up a
world of new possibilities. People are using the
social media to stay connected with friends / family,
find people with Similar interests, discuss issues
with others, share opinions, asking and answering
questions, reading user reviews etc. We can surmise
that, in addition to staying connected, the users want
to acquire / Enhance knowledge and gain insights
into specific subjects to help them Make better
decisions (Trapial & Kanwar, 2012: 29).
The role of instagram beside as for social
interaction and a means of information, it also
provides other benefits such as the emergence of
Deafinfluencers and several Deaf communities have
been active to provide information about BISINDO
via instagram, such as Komunitas Kartu Surabaya,
Deaf Art Community Yogyakarta, Aakar Tuli
Malang, and many more. As pointed out by Varinder
Taprial & Priya Kanwar that People use these
networking sites for their daily conversations. And It
is also possible to see what other people in your
network are talking about. Tus it has Become very
easy for people to get feedback, information or
advice regarding products / services or companies
from their friends in their network. By using social
media, any individual can have a “social influence”
by virtue of his/her social interactions on the web or
via mobile technologies (Trapial & Kanwar,
2012:36).
A social influences can have a positive impact
for the information conveyed to their followers.
Followers who saw the posting would find out more
details about the information submittedas performed
by Surya Sahetapy through @suryasahetapy
instagramnya account. In his instagram account, he
often uploads the information about BISINDO
classes, seminars on Deafness and its identity that
makes Surya as a seminar speaker, his ctivities either
personal or with the Deaf community. Through his
uploads, there are manycelebrity friends in Indonesia
that support the Deaf activities. In addition, the
support from the government is getting increase, for
instance via instagram account Anies Baswedan
@aniesbaswe, The Jakarta governor also
participated by uploaded a Eid Al Fitr greeting
videousing BISINDO. It provides many positive
benefits provided by the social influencerto the
socialization of BISINDO by re uploading or
reposting from Deaf community account.
 Instagram as a Medium for Socialization of Indonesia Sign Language (BISINDO)

5 CONCLUSIONS Severin, Werner J and James W.Tankard. 2009.

Theory of Communication: History, Methods
The development of new media provides a new and Applied in the fifth edition of the Mass
experience in interacting from individual to Media, Jakarta: Kencana.
individual, individual and community or Trapial & Kanwar, Varinder. 2012. Understanding
communities to communities. Especially for the social media. Ventus Publishing ApS ISBN 978-
Deaf and their communities. Via instagram they can 87-7681-992-7
interact well with fellow deaf community or with Law No. 8 of 2016 on Disability Yusuf, Oik. 2017.
listeners without a sense of inferiority. Currently, Up 100 Million, How Many Users Instagram
media as a communication tool allow us to Now?"https://tekno.kompas.com/read/2017/09/2
communicate efficiently including social media. 9/06304447/naik-100-juta-berapa-jumlah-
From 2012 until now Instagram users is increasing pengguna-instagram-sekarang,
and the features in instagram are more attractive. Instagram account:
The whole society and the Deaf and their @kartusurabaya@aktusidoarjoofficial
community also participate using instagram as a @Tiba_sby @ suryasahetapy @aniesbaswedan
means of information dissemination about BISINDO
by using the features in instagram.
Social media empowered the people to express
their thoughts and opinions and share with others.
Social media give the Deaf and their community a
new power to be more confident, and more people
realize that they are not talking in a vacuum but a
very responsive audience, who take part in the
conversation and express their point of view and
hear their voices. Various benefits of instagram as
new media has been felt by the Deaf and their
community, as well as a means of information
dissemination of BISINDO, interact with fellow
Deaf friends and their community or with the
hearing community. Instagram also provides
positive benefits for the Deaf and the community by
uploading the information (repost) of social
influencers.

REFERENCES
Department of Education. 1984. Identification and
Evaluation of Children Extraordinary, Jakarta:
Directorate Basic education.
Forum Discussion Communication and Disability.
2016. Yogyakarta : Communication Universitas
Atma Jaya.
Bisindo.2009 dictionary. Linguistic Study Center
University of Indonesia.
Lievrouw, Leah A. and Sonia Livingstone.2006. The
Handbook of New Media: Updated Student
Edition, London: Sage Publications Ltd.
Lister, Martin et al. 2009. New media: a critical
introduction. New York: Routledge.
McLuhan, Marshall. 1964. Understanding Media:
The Extension of Man. New York: Signet.

141
 Tweeting Autism
A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia

Hersinta1
1
Dept of Mass Communication, The London School of Public Relations, STIKOM LSPR, Jakarta, Indonesia.
hersinta@lspr.edu

Keywords: autism, disability, Twitter, framing, content analysis

Abstract: This paper is intended to explore the way in which Indonesian Twitter users’ frame autism. Recent studies
show that the micro blogging platform has the ability for its users - either groups or individuals - to use
frames to bring attention to specific issues. By mapping the conversations about autism on Twitter for a six
month period (November 2017 - January 2018 and March - May 2018), the intended findings will be
expected to give further insights into (1) what are the main issues in relation to autism discussed on Twitter;
(2) how Twitter users’ frame the issue of autism and (3) how autistic people are portrayed on Twitter. Using
DiscoverText (a text and social data analytics software) and Twitter API search, tweets were generated
using certain keywords related with autism in the Indonesian languages, including “autism,” “autistic,”
“special needs” and “neurodiversity.” The analysis stage was done by applying the traditional and
progressive models of disability developed by Clogston (1994) as a framework to investigate the dominant
frames in Twitter conversations about autism in Indonesia. The results indicate that the frame of
understanding autism on Twitter is still dominated by traditional perspectives, which focus more on the
disabled individual’s differences from others in society. On the other hand, the minority voice from autistic
people themselves also appears on Twitter, representing the progressive perspective in viewing autism as a
part of human differences.

1 INTRODUCTION the number of children diagnosed with the disorder

The topic of autism is considered to be relatively
new in Indonesia, both as a new phenomenon offline
and as an online presence. With the public history of
autism in this country only beginning in the late
1990s, there is still a limited amount of academic
research about autism available in Indonesia
(Tucker, 2013). Due to the lack of access to media
and health information, a large percentage of
Indonesians - mostly those who live in small cities
and rural areas - still have little understanding of
autism (or other disabilities) (Riany, Cuskelly, &
Meredith, 2016). Autism, clinically known as
Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD), is a lifelong
neurological (brain) condition which affects three
areas in the early years of development, including
language, socialization, and behavior (Blank and
Kitta, 2015, Laurelut, 2016, Reilly, 2013).
In Indonesia, although there is still no exact data
on the rate of autism prevalence, in 2009, the
Ministry of Health stated that one in every 150
children in Indonesia is born with autism and that
is continuing to increase (Mardiyati, 2011).
Evidently, between 1997-1999, parents of autistic
children initiated efforts to bring autism into public
awareness in Indonesia, especially in urban areas,
thus making the subject more familiar to the public
by inaugurating public discussion and providing
group support and information through online group
discussions via mailing lists (Tucker, 2013). Until
now (up to the time, as this paper was written in
2018), the parents’ movements have still been going
strong, both offline and online (particularly through
social media platforms such as Facebook and
Twitter).
Interestingly, starting in 2005, the presence of
autistic individuals in Indonesia has become more
visible. One of them is Oscar Dompas, who
published his autobiography - the first ‘autie-
biography’ in Indonesia. In 2013, a famous
Indonesian pianist and music composer, Ananda
Sukarlan, described himself for the first time as
being an Aspie and as having Tourette’s syndrome,
when he shared his experience of being a “different”

142
Hersinta
Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 142-152
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia
person through a video on YouTube. In the same
year, an account on behalf of Pemuda Autisme
(Autism Youth) emerged using Twitter and a blog to
educate people about autism, to advocate on behalf
of autistics, and to assist them in building a
community. This resonates with some of the
previous studies which point out that the use of the
internet as a communication medium has become
popular globally among autistic people, with many
finding it a more comfortable medium in which to
communicate, as it provides a more controllable
situation (Penny and Standen, 2009, Burke et al.,
2010).
Online communication platforms, such as blogs
and social media, were also acknowledged for
providing the opportunities to include information
and individual viewpoint sharing (Hermida, 2010;
Holton et. al, 2014). In contrast, in a study of the
newspaper coverage of autism in the United States
and the United Kingdom over a period of 15 years, it
was found that two-thirds of the news coverage used
stigmatizing cues, such as addressing labeling,
psychiatric symptoms, social skill deficits and
physical appearance (Holton et al., 2014).
Consequently, mainstream media could create “a
threatening space” for autism, as autism was heavily
depicted in loss frames- focusing more on the
negative outcomes (for example, facing a lack of
resources and financial struggles related to covering
family stories with autistic children) (Holton et al.,
2014). That said, online media platforms can include
more individual points of view when looking at
autism, including from people who are related to
autistic people or autistic people themselves. This is
also in accordance with the objective of this study -
to explore more into the individual point of view of
autism and autistic people in Indonesia through the
micro blogging platform of Twitter.
2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
2.1 The Traditional and Progressive
Models of Disability
The development of disability studies as an
academic area of study emerged in the 1970s and
gained more acknowledgment during the 1990s in
Anglo-American traditions, particularly in countries
such as Britain and the United States (Shakespeare,
1998). In the 1980s, the social model of disability
was getting more acknowledgment, although the
roots of this approach are dated earlier to the late
1940s and 1970s (Barnes in Shakespeare, 1998).
Whereas the medical model of disability views the
experience of disability in the context of the medical
implications that it is supposed to have, the social
model of disability interprets disability as a construct
imposed by contemporary social organizations or
external powers (e.g., medical, legal and
governmental systems) (Shakespeare, 1998;
Reaume, 2014).
According to Barnes (1998), the social model of
disability- which has been previously proposed in
the works of British writers - differentiates between
disability and impairment (Shakespeare, 1998; Ellis
and Kent, 2011). The model sees the difference
between impairment – which is defined as a
practical restriction that concerns the biological -
and disability, as a social disadvantage or restriction,
which is a difference promoted by society without
considering impairments (Reaume, 2014;
Shakespeare, 1998).
In the area of news coverage on disability issues,
Clogston (1994) states there to be two categories of
disability coverage: (1) the traditional models which
largely based on the medical model of disability,
focusing on the disabled individual’s differences
from others in society and (2) the progressive model
which based on the social model, focusing more on
how society deals with a population that includes
those with various disabilities (Nelson, 1994).
Clogston’s traditional models depict disabled people
as a “group of poor, powerless unfortunates who
depend on society for physical and economic
assistance” (Nelson, 1994). Example words found in
a news article that applied the traditional model
include “people suffering from” or “confined to a
wheelchair.” Some of the issues that these models
portray could be in the form of medical treatment
and institutionalization, government and private
support programs, charity telethons and the
victimization of disabled persons. A previous study
on disability news coverage by Clogston in 1991
indicated a major amount (60% of newspaper
coverage) of issues based on the traditional models
(Nelson, 1994). The traditional model was
categorized into three frames by Clogston (1994,
p.47):
 Medical Model: This model emphasizes the
individual’s physical disability as an illness.
The individual is portrayed as dependent on
health professionals for a cure or maintenance.
Also included in this model are stories that
focus on the physical aspects of an
individual’s disability.
 Supercrip Model: This model is focused on
the individuals because of the physical
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
characteristics of their disability, portrayed
either as ‘superhuman’ or ‘amazing’ because
they function ‘normally’ in spite of their
disabilities.
 Social Pathology or Economic Model:
Disabled people are portrayed as
disadvantaged clients who look to the state or
society for economic support, which is
considered to be a gift and not a right. The
individuals are portrayed as the passive
recipients of government or private economic
support.
On the other hand, the progressive models
largely portray disabled people as more inclusive.
For example, a disabled person is viewed as part of a
minority group demanding equal rights and full
participation in society (Nelson, 1994). From the
same study by Clogston (1991) concerning US
newspaper coverage, 40% of the coverage portrayed
progressive issues, such as discrimination, access
issues, integrated education, employment issues and
portraying the disabled person as a consumer
(Nelson, 1994). Moreover, Clogston classified the
progressive perspective into two frames (p. 47,
1994):
 Minority/Civil Rights Model: disabled people
are shown as a member of a minority group
dealing with legitimate political grievances,
who are usually involved in disability rights
and political activities, actively demanding
political change.
 Cultural Pluralism Model: The disabled
person is considered to be a multifaceted
individual whose disability is just one aspect
of many. No undue attention is paid to the
disability. The individual is portrayed as are
others without disabilities.
Both of these models (the traditional and
progressive) will be used for further analysis in this
paper, in order to investigate further which frame is
frequently used when discussing autism issues in
Indonesia.
2.2 Media Framing on Autism
Framing, according to Entman, is “the process of
culling a few elements of perceived reality and
assembling a narrative that highlights connections
among them to promote a particular interpretation”
(Entman, 2007). Furthermore, framing in news
content generally has four basic functions: to define
problems, to identify causes, to convey a moral
144
judgment and to suggest remedies or improvements
(Entman, 2004). Media frames can also be
categorized as either generic or issue-specific frames
(Ben, 2013). While the first one refers more to broad
and structural themes such as “conflict, human
interest, economic impact, responsibility and
morality” (Semetko & Valkenburg, 2000 in Ben,
2013), the second category is more subjective (Ben,
2013). For example, in the first category,
Muhammad and Yang’s (2017) findings point out
that many US publications highlight the economical
impact of autism, which supports or maintains the
medical model by viewing autism through the
consequences of the economical cost factor imposed
on the family.
Some previous studies on media framing
(newspaper and television) on autism in countries
such as the US, the UK, Australia and China indicate
some tendency for there to be biases when depicting
autism. Both media in Western and Eastern
countries tend to focus on children in their coverage,
even though autism is a lifelong developmental
disability (Dodd, 2005; Bie and Tang, 2014).
In health framing issues, there are two
approaches that are commonly applied in the study
of mental disability coverage. A study on
stigmatization and autism news framing by Holton et
al (2014) used the gain/loss frames to explore the
health benefits or rewards and the risk of
disadvantages. It also applied episodic/thematic
frames in order to look at the responsibility related
to the autism issue at the individual and societal
level (Holton, Farrell & Fudge, 2014).
Pertaining to the autism issue, from previous
studies by Davidson & Henderson (2010) and Gray
(2002), stigma is still found largely in the
conversations surrounding the issue (Tang & Bie,
2016). Furthermore, cultural factors play an
important part in reflecting health-related stigmas in
developing countries (Weiss et al., 2006; Muhamad
and Yang, 2017). For example, in China, it was
found that there are two factors which might
contribute to heightening the public’s low awareness
of autism and thus decreasing the discrimination
against them (Tang & Bie, 2016). The first one is the
scarcity of resources and facilities for autistic
children in China, and the second one is “the cultural
pressure to have a normal child” (Hua & Yang,
2013; McCabe, 2007; Tang & Bie, 2016). Prior to
the study, there were no health education programs
in China that intended to reduce the stigma of autism
(Tang & Bie, 2016).
Among the various topics related to the autism
issue in the media, the vaccine issue is considered to
 Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia
be important when looking at the news coverage of
the issue, as it caused great controversy after a
publication in the British medical journal, The
Lancet, “suggested a possible link between autism
and the MMR vaccine” (McKeever, 2013; Kang-Yi
et al., 2013). The public controversy brought great
attention from the news media, such as in the US,
where autism - according to the Pew Research
Center, 2008 - was included as one of the top five
disorders/diseases in health news coverage
(McKeever, 2012). Celebrities are also regarded as
having a prominent role in disseminating
information about autism, whether as patients or as
campaign supporters (Kang-Yi et al., 2013).
In news framing, there are two approaches to
analyzing the content; inductive or deductive
(Gamson, 1992 in Muhammad & Yang, 2017). The
“inductive approach involves examining stories with
an open view and allowing for frames to emerge”
(Gamson, 1992), whereas a deductive approach
involves analyzing the content with predefined
frames to verify the presence or absence of certain
frames” (Muhamad and Yang, 2017). The latter
approach will be applied in this study, as the aim of
this study is to explore more on how autism is
portrayed in Indonesia from the perspectives of
autistic and non-autistic people who use Twitter.
The predefined frames used in this study were
constructed from the studies above on news framing
on autism, in order to create the categories regarding
the age groups and type of issues that Twitter users
were focusing on when talking about autism.
2.3 Framing on Twitter
Meraz and Papacharissi’s study on networked
framing and gatekeeping on Twitter in 2011,
focusing on the Egyptian uprisings case, showed that
the Twitter platform has the ability for its users -
either groups or individuals - to use frames to bring
attention to specific issues (Moody-Ramirez & Cole,
2018). Twitter also has some advantages related to
its use as a news and storytelling platform, as it
creates an opportunity for “collaborative filtering
and the curating of news” (Schonfield, 2010; Meraz
& Papacharissi, 2013). The addressivity and
conversational markers known as “retweet” (@RT),
“hashtags,” replies or mentions on Twitter could be
used to maintain interactivity and to build
interpersonal conversations as well as social
awareness streams, thus “giving a voice to
marginalized issues and publics” (Meraz and
Papacharissi, 2013).
Communication platforms such as blogs and
social media are opening up spaces for information
sharing and providing arenas where individual
viewpoints can be shared (Hermida, 2013; Holton et
al., 2014). Furthermore, Holton et.al (2014)
suggested that the social media platform could
provide an arena for discussing topics and issues
beyond the mainstream voices and stigmas which
largely found in the news media’s coverage.
According to the same study, the journalist did not
include autistic points of view in the news media.
Consequently, to improve the news coverage of
mental disabilities, news producers are suggested to
take note of online media platforms for listening to
other voices and acknowledging the audience’s
expectations of the news (Holton et al., 2014). This
leads to the significance of this paper - to explore
more on how autism issues are discussed and how
autistic people are portrayed by the audience’s
(Twitter users) point of views.
Regarding the Indonesian context of social media
use, it could be stated that Indonesian internet users
have been dubbed as the Twitter’s early adopters
and the most prolific Twitter users (Carley et al.,
2016). Previously, Indonesia has been ranked as “the
country with the highest level of Twitter
penetration” in 2010 according to the ComScore
report. It was the fifth country with the largest
number of Twitter users in the world in 2012, with
29.4 million users (Semiocast, 2012; Carley et.al,
2016). By 2013, Indonesia was acknowledged as the
“Twitter nation” by CNN and ranked as the fifth
most tweeting country a year later (Lim, 2013;
Carley et al., 2016).
3 RESEARCH PROBLEMS
Prior to the data analysis, a codebook was
constructed to be used as guidance or as a
framework when analyzing the tweets used to
answer the following questions:
 What are the main issues of autism discussed
on Indonesian Twitter?
 How do Indonesian Twitter users’ frame the
issues of autism?
 How are autistic people portrayed on
Indonesian Twitter?
Each tweet collected will be coded and
categorized into one of two categories: (1) the
demographics (age group) of autistics and (2) the
categories of autism issues as shown in Table 1. This
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
framework was developed from previous studies
about news framing on autism (newspaper and
television news framing) and also studies about
online content analysis (health and social issues in
social networking platforms). The analysis will
investigate the dominant frames - using the
traditional and progressive model developed by
Clogston (1994) – in order to determine how autistic
people are portrayed in online conversations, and to
explore further what issues that people most talk
about related to autism on Twitter.
Table 1: Content Analysis Item Descriptions
Categories Sub-categories and Descriptions
Age group Defined as the representations of autistic
profiles (age group) in the tweets or
content of the tweets (pictures,
article/news) (adult, teen, children)
Issues Defined as what issues for the specific
framing topic on autism presented in social
media, including:
1. Infrastructure;
2. Medical related issues and science
(i.e., scientific advancements in
autism-related research and contents
about autism risks, diagnosis, causes,
and treatments);
3. Charity;
4. Personal or family story;
5. Celebrity story;
6. Social and legal case;
7. Policy;
8. Art and cultural activities (art, films,
and fiction about autism or
cultural/artistic/athletic achievements
of autistic people);
9. Politics or political commentary; and
10. Misuse of the word “autism” (i.e.,
erroneous use of the term autism to
refer to introverted personalities or
unsocial behaviors).
(Jones and Harwood, 2009, Bie and
Tang, 2014, Tang and Bie, 2015, Kang,
2013)
4 METHODS
For this stage of the data collection, certain
keywords related to autism in the Indonesian
language were used, including “autism,” “autistic,”
and “neurodiversity”, in order to search for tweets in
the period of the first three months (1st November
2017- 31st January 2018). The keywords “autism”
146
and “autistic” are common terms when talking about
autism, while “neurodiversity” is a specific term
which has been drawn out of the references and
academic literature on the autism movement through
the internet. Using DiscoverText, a text and social
data analytics software that enables users to schedule
messages from Twitter, and also by using a Twitter
keyword search application programming interface
(API), tweets were collected during the three months
period. Tweets that were irrelevant (not related to
autism issues or not in the Indonesian context) were
omitted to obtain an appropriate and clean dataset
for analysis. The filtering process was done
manually to exclude tweets that do not relate to
Indonesia (e.g. when using the keywords, the
software will generate data from countries that use
the same terms or that are in a similar language, such
as the Dutch and Malaysian languages). At the end
of the first period, the result was not significant
regarding the amount - only 60 tweets related to
autism in the Indonesian context.
Considering the results above, another search for
the second period was conducted, during 1st March
– 31st May 2018. This period was chosen regarding
international Autism Awareness Month in April.
Moreover, from further observations in March, there
are many tweets appear containing different terms
that address autism, namely “special needs.” This
term was then added later on in the data collection
process in the remaining months of the second
period. This resulted in a larger amount of tweets (N
= 2541) but the filtering process was done further in
order to eliminate the content that did not relate to
autism and duplicated items. The results can be seen
in Table 2 after implementing the filtering and de-
duplicating process in order to get a clean dataset.
5 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS
5.1 Most Prominent Issues: Cultural,
Charity, Medical and
Infrastructure
As seen in Table 3, the most prominent main issues
that frequently appear on Twitter are art and cultural,
charity-related, medical, science-based and
infrastructure. For each category, five tweets were
selected (using the Top Meta Explorer feature in
DiscoverText) based on the most retweeted and
favorited count value, in order to be analyzed
further.
 Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia

Table 2: Frequency of Issues in Autism-related Tweets to express themselves as who they are rather than
forcing them to be what "normal people should
No Issues Count Percentage be" is really extraordinary. Thanks for the
% inspiring exhibition!
1 Art and cultural 95 19 5 “In my opinion, this TV series (Atypical) is great.
2 Charity 82 16 We can understand how the perspective of this
3 Medical and science 76 15 world from an autistic. How difficult it is for him
4 Infrastructure 68 14 to understand the world without being mocked
5 Social and legal cases 44 9 at.”
6 Political commentary 32 6
7 Personal/family story 31 6 The second prominent category, the charity
8 Misusing the term 15 3
frame, contains information related to charitable
9 Celebrity 8 1.6
donations and community events in support of
10 Policy 2 0.4
autistic individuals and organizations related to
autism (Tang and Bie, 2015). This frame frequently
The first leading category is related to arts and
appears on Twitter, and is still related to various
cultural events held in Indonesia to celebrate Autism
events that are a part of Autism Awareness month
Awareness Month. As presented in Table 3, it could
celebration. In the tweets that fit in the charity
be identified that some descriptions of autistic
frame, most of them depict the autistic person as
people are as an individual who has special or
individuals that need to be understood, along with
outstanding talents and skills (indicated by using the
the help that is to charity, as seen in the examples
words “amazing” and “extraordinary”) despite being
(see Table 4). This includes the tweet from the
valued as a person with deficit skills or impairments.
President of Indonesia Joko Widodo (Figure 1), as
On the contrary, the word “extraordinary” is also
he made a statement on Twitter to commemorate
used in a different context – in order to praise the
Autism Awareness month: “We need to care more
efforts of the community in providing space for
about our brothers, sisters and our children who
autistic students to express themselves.
have autism. They possess unique personalities that
Tweets in this category also contain information
we need to understand and care about. We support
about popular movies and television seasons that
them to grow and to have great achievements.
portray autistic characters such as Atypical (TV
Happy Autism Awareness Day, April 2nd, 2018 –
series), The Good Doctor (TV series) and Please
Jkw”. This tweet received a large number of likes,
Stand By (movie). This form of popular culture is
retweets, and replies.
seen of as a useful reference in order to understand
autistic individuals as people who have a different
Table 4: Tweets on Charity Frame
way of thinking.
No Tweets
Table 3: Tweets on Art and Cultural Frame 1 Thank you for the participation of our friends #
walk4autism and #grandindonesia who have
No Tweets facilitated our event, until we meet at the next
1 How Creative Are the Children with Special event #walk4autism #walkforautism
Needs in Autism Awareness Festival #walkforautismJKT
http://bit.ly/2JTznZZ: Children with autism could 2 Autism is not a barrier for people with autism to
have achievements. They prove it with work. Let's love, understand and empower
performing in Autism Awareness Festival. women and girls with autism. Happy World
(kumparan.com) Autism Awareness Day!
2 FeMalicious, have you ever met with ABK
(Children with Special Needs) that amazed you?
#JoyParenting #HappyMorning #IndyKinos
3 This child has symptoms of Autism .. but he has
extraordinary skill than typical kids.. the adzan
(call to prayer in Islam –ed) that he recites
sounded more melodious than the sound of other
chants. May Allah SWT gives him health and
ease in life. Do not be discouraged brother cc
@fahiraidris
4 The way gfja (the name of an art gallery, -ed)
and Spectrum gives photography lesson to ABK
(special needs children) to give them some space

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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
3 “The most interesting people you’ll find are ones
that don’t fit into your average cardboard box.
They’ll make what they need; they’ll make their
own boxes,” Dr. Temple Grandin
Happy World Autism Awareness Day
@univ_indonesia
4 Through this # walk4autism YAI invites the
public to participate in this campaign so that they
can see for themselves and realize that autistic
individuals are part of us, who can be
independent, have the ability & can work
together. #artartawalk #autismawareness
5 Nuha (Person with Autism)
Some Support World Autism Awareness Month,
add a #Twibbon #walkforautism #walk4autism
#autismawareness #autismawarenessmonth
#walk4autism2018 #walkforautism2018
#jakartawalk #LightItUpBlue
Interestingly, looking from the sample above, we
could see different attention and degree of
understanding autism. Some messages are focusing
on giving supports and opportunities for children,
women, and girls with autism, while others see
autism as people with a different way of thinking.
For example, in a tweet to commemorate Autism
Awareness Day posted by @AutismIndonesia (The
Autism Foundation of Indonesia, or known as YAI),
the non-profit organization posted a picture of a
woman with autism, using the term “person with
autism” instead of “special needs person.” However,
a tweet from a private hospital (tweet no. 2 in Table
4) is showing a picture of a child with Down
Syndrome as an illustration of its tweet supporting
women and girls with autism. Another tweet from an
account behalf of @makaraitv (a television station
owned by University of Indonesia, the oldest state
university in Indonesia) quoted Temple Grandin to
emphasize that people with autism have a different
way of thinking (tweet no. 3 in Table 4). This could
be seen as a different degree in understanding on
autism among Twitter users in Indonesia.
148
The third prominent category- the medical and
science- largely includes tweet about assessment,
intervention, therapies, remedies, and news related
to research on science, technological support and
medical inventions related to autism. The example
tweets in this category emphasizes issues about
symptoms, the prevalence of autistic person in
Indonesia, and also certain traits which often seen as
behavior problems.
Another interesting finding that appears in this
category is a tweet that perceives autism as a
disorder that needs to be cured ("AUTISM IS
CURABLE" Yes. Autism can be cured. That's not my
word. That's Kak Kresno's word, fellows ...
http://fb.me/2ZzeiRL61 ) The tweet was quoting a
local psychiatrist -who once wrote a book titled
“Autism is Curable”-
(https://www.amazon.com/Autism-Curable-
Indonesian-Kresno-Mulyadi/dp/6020229319)
despite the fact that autism is “a lifelong disability of
biological origin” (Dodd, 2005).
Infrastructure frame is the fourth most prominent
issue being discussed on Twitter. Most of the tweets
talk about the lack of health and education facilities
for children and people with autism. The
conversations in this category also attribute the
responsibilities of providing the infrastructure to the
government.
5.2 Twitter Users Frame of Autism
From the findings, it could be concluded that there
are different views when it comes to understanding
autism. Most of the tweets largely perceive autism as
a neurological and developmental disorder that can
be detected from an early age. The conversations
around autism are also talking largely about
treatments and offering problem-solving strategies
such as interventions and therapy programs. This
resonates with the previous study by Satvikadewi
(2014) about the discourse on autism via Indonesian
Twitter, which finds out that the knowledge about
autism constructed on Twitter refers to autism as a
disorder, disease or illness. This was indicated
through a series of tweets using certain medical-
related terms, such as “autistic sufferers,” “DSM V
(Diagnostic and Statistical Manual)” “autism
disease” etc - that represent the meaning that autism
is a condition that shows the symptoms of an illness
(Satvikadewi, 2014).
However, apart from the fact that autism is a
developmental disorder which begins in childhood
and that has a tendency to persist to adulthood
(WHO, 2013), autism is still perceived by some
 Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia
Twitter users as being a disease and illness that is to
be cured and that should be prevented. Moreover,
from the findings, it can be seen that there is another
perspective when looking at autism - as a different
condition, and as a unique way of thinking.
Another interesting finding is that Twitter users
exert the religion aspect in relation to understanding
autism. Some tweets cite and share stories and
interviews from the Ulema (Muslim scholar or
expert who is recognized as having specialist
knowledge of Islamic sacred law and theology)
about how to deal with autism and how to handle
autistic children. Religion has turned out to be one
of the frames used by Twitter users to understand the
meaning of dealing with and having a family
member with autism.
Moreover, having autistic children is viewed as
both a test and a gift from God, as one of the tweets
states: According to Mrs. Unun, children with
special needs are a pious partner for parents.
However, these special children are a gift from God
Almighty. This resonates with the previous findings
about parents of autistic children in Indonesia and
also in the US (from a Muslim and South Asian
background). These parents regard their children as
gifts from Allah (means God in Islam) and feel
blessed that God has chosen them to be special
parents (Jegatheesan et al., 2010; Hersinta, 2012). In
this case, religion acts as the primary frame that
helps the parents to understand the meaning of
having a child with autism (Hersinta, 2012;
Jegatheesan et al., 2010).
5.3 The Portrayal of Autistic Person
From the majority of the tweets, it was found that
children are largely represented (65%) while other
age groups (adult and teen) only represented in
smaller numbers as shown in the chart (Figure 2).
The previous study on autism representations in
British and Chinese newspapers also found similar
evidence; portraying autism as a condition that
primarily affects children (Huws and Jones, 2011;
Tang and Bie, 2015). This over-representation of
autistic children has also been presented in the US,
where children’s issues and stories were among the
top issues in the television news coverage (Kang,
2013). This biased portrayal of autism could lead to
the tendency to “discuss autism as a condition that
only affects infants and children” (Tang and Bie,
2015).
In addition, the cloud explorer feature in
DiscoverText was used to reveal the most popular
keywords being tweeted, in order to search for the
most frequent terms that were used when addressing
autism and people with autism. It was found that
“special needs” and “special needs children”
(“berkebutuhan khusus” and “anak berkebutuhan
khusus” in Indonesian language) are the most
frequent terms used when tweeting about autism-
related issues and when addressing people/children
with autism. Although the term “special needs” is
considered to be a disability euphemism and not a
legal term in US law (Gernsbacher et al., 2016), in
Indonesia it can be found largely in the daily context
to address people and children with disabilities,
including autistic people and children. This might
relate to the fact that the term “special needs” is still
used in the government’s legal documents, such as
in the Circular Letter of Directorate General of
Primary and Secondary Education, Year 2003 on
inclusive education (2003).
Historically, the concept of disability in
Indonesia is largely focused on a person with
functional impairments. According to the Report on
Persons with Disability in Indonesia (p.3; 2014),
disabled people are labeled with the prefix ‘ber-,
‘which means ‘has’ or ‘to own’ disability (ies) (“ber-
kebutuhan khusus” means having special needs),
including when referring to a person or child with
autism. However, since the enactment of Law No. 4
of 1997 on Persons with Disability (PWD) in
Indonesia, the term PWD is considered to be a legal
terminology (Adioetomo et al., 2014).
Moreover, autistic people are still largely
described as a victim or as a victimized group, and
they are also seen of as a part of a vulnerable group -
discriminated and bullied against - in some tweets.
As one tweet stated, “Be patient, okay? His reply
was horrifying. The majority of Indonesian people
are still discriminative. People with autism and
other neurodevelopmental disorders are also
discriminated against. Bullying means
discrimination against the weak. In this country for
sure, people's thoughts should be in a mainstream
way.”
One particular case that gained special attention
on Twitter happened during the ‘Walk for Autism’
in Jakarta. There was a political tension conflict
related to the upcoming 2019 presidential election.
In the event, a group of autistic people was reported
as being ‘victimized’ and were mocked by another
group (opposed to the current president). The
autistic people were being scoffed at for carrying a
poster quoting the President of Indonesia Joko
Widodo (from his tweet about supporting autistic
people) during the walk event (Wicaksono, 2018).
This incident incited a large response from Twitter
149
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
users, particularly from the parents of autistic
children and from groups from both opponents.
Other tweets also appear to include stereotyping
and stigma when addressing autistic people. Being
autistic is perceived as the person having bad
behavior, possessing a weird attitude or being
categorized as a mad person. One of the tweets
stated: Have you ever had a friend like mine? He has
a normal physical condition, but his brain is a bit,
yeah... is he included in the special needs category?
My classmates even looked down on him for
stealing.” Another tweet that was shared was about a
news article that stated: #infojabar Some
Indonesians Still Consider People with Autism to be
Similar to Mad People. However, this is not
surprising, considering the fact that in Indonesia’s
2009 National Socioeconomic Survey, the listed
category of disabilities were limited to sensory,
physical and mental disabilities without properly
representing the prevalence of disability in the
mental, emotional and intellectual domains
(particularly autism, ADHD, and other intellectual
disabilities) (Irwanto et al., 2010).
Another portrayal of autistic people found in
Twitter is related to the ‘supercrip’ model, referring
to them as people who have extraordinary skills or
who are ‘savants’ despite their disabilities. Savant
Syndrome was popularized by the fictional character
in the movie “Rain Man”, who had an outstanding
cognitive skill that was above the population norm.
This presented in some tweets, including the below
tweet from a private hospital’s Twitter account:
Autism Savant or Savant Syndrome: This type of
child has an extraordinary level of intelligence. Let’s
recognize the characteristics & interesting facts
about Autistic Savants at http://bit.ly/autis-savant.
Another tweet quoted a statement from Risma,
the Mayor of Surabaya city, when she opened up a
new therapy centre for autistic children: During the
Opening Ceremony, Risma Motivates Special Needs
Children to be Like Einstein. The Mayor shared her
expectation that autistic children could have
extraordinary achievements like the famous
scientist, Albert Einstein. These two findings are
related to the previous study by Draaisma (2009),
which found out that many fictional autistic
characters are represented as savants with a special
talent, although savantism is rare among autistic
people (Draaisma, 2009).
On the contrary, there is also the portrayal of
autistics people as a “typical” person who has
unsocial behavior, as stated in one tweet: I saw a
friend who behaved like an autistic and an idiotic
person. Every day, my timeline is full of his
150
garbage. However, this kind of misuse of the word
‘autism’ and ‘autistic’ has been criticized largely by
Twitter users, who share messages to the public as a
part of an autism awareness campaign. Using the
word autism as a joke and as negative labeling is
wrong.
6 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
Based on the Clogston’s traditional and progressive
models of disability, it can be concluded that all
three traditional models - medical, supercrip and
social pathology - are the dominant frame when
looking at how autism and autistic people are
portrayed on Twitter. The medical model is
presented heavily in the medical and science frames
by addressing issues related to symptoms,
treatments, early detection and dependencies among
the health professionals. The art and cultural frame
puts an emphasis on describing autistic people as
‘supercrip’ by focusing on their extraordinary talents
and amazing performance in art exhibitions and
cultural shows, in spite of their autistic condition.
The social pathology or economic model appears
largely in tweets in the charity and infrastructure
frames, which focus on the autistic person as an
individual with special needs who constantly needs
economic support from the government and from
their families. This model is also presented strongly
in the personal and family story frame by focusing
on the struggling story of parents and other family
members in dealing with autism and how they
provide economic support for their children.
In this study, the autistic person is still viewed
largely within the medical and economic model,
including as an object of charity. It is worth noting
the fact that Indonesia has ratified the United
Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with
Disabilities (UNCRPD) on 30 March 2007
(Adioetomo et al., 2014). By ratifying the UNCRPD,
it means that a person with disabilities, including
autistics, should be viewed as “people who have a
right to live in a society that does not erect barriers
to their participation based on their functional
status” (Adioetomo et al., 2014). Moreover, the
ratification was strengthened through the enactment
of Law No. 19 concerning the Ratification of the
UNCRPD, which means that the new law reaffirmed
that Indonesia is committed to respecting,
protecting, and meeting the rights of PWDs
(Adioetomo et al., 2014; p.3). By enacting the Law,
the Indonesian government has already made a
strong commitment to improving the well-being of
 Tweeting Autism - A Framing Analysis of Twitter Conversations on Autism in Indonesia
people with disabilities, by claiming equal rights and
opportunities for PWDs —including and especially
children with disabilities — in all aspects of life
(Adioetomo et al., 2014; p.3). However, the
enforcement of the Law still remains a challenge, as
Indonesia still needs to develop reliable data on
disability, as currently the existing data is still
fragmented and mainly reflects social welfare
conditions related to poverty (Adioetomo et al.,
2014; Irwanto et al., 2010)
Secondly, the progressive model, although it was
only presented in a small number of tweets, should
be pointed out as representing the minority voice:
the autistic people themselves. Previous studies of
news framing on autism revealed that the
mainstream media tends to sensationalize and
stigmatize autism (Holton et al., 2014; Tang and Bie,
2015). The present study found that the news media
still has a large influence on Twitter, as many of the
tweets are in the form of news sharing. However, the
minority group can utilize the micro blogging
platform as an arena to provide a different discourse
compared to that of the news media. Autistic people
use Twitter to share stories and views from firsthand
experience in the hope that this kind of voice could
promote a fuller understanding of the concept of
autism.
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 Community Empowerment through
Digital Maternal and Neonatal Care Services in Indonesia

Falih Suaedi1, Nurul Jamila Hariani2

1
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
falih.suaedi@fisip.unair.ac.id, nurul.j.hariani@gmail.com

Keywords: community empowerment, digital based service, public service, maternal and neonatal

Abstract: The transformation of public services from conventional to digital is being intensively conducted in
Indonesia. This is an effort toward achieving good governance and bureaucratic reform. In addition, digital-
based services are expected to increase the independence and participation of Indonesia’s citizens. Sidoarjo,
a city in East Java, Indonesia, has a digital maternal and neonatal care service which involves multiple
actors. This study aimed to examine community empowerment through the digital maternal and neonatal
care service in Sidoarjo. This research employed a qualitative method with a purposive technique to
determine the informants. This research found that the maternal and neonatal care service made the local
communities gain new abilities and ways to participate in the network of the government. The communities,
through multi-stage processes, improved their networking, communication and cooperation, and increased
the competence of the community to act as an influential participant in public services. In this case, the
communities were viewed as subjects or actors with the ability to develop. The community is not just a
participatory object as a whole, but it is made up of actors involved in the public service process.

1 INTRODUCTION However, the Ministry of Administrative and

Bureaucratic Reform (MABR) held a public service
The transformation of public services from innovation competition. This triggered local
conventional to digital is being intensively governments to compete with others to spawn
conducted in Indonesia. Indonesia has launched a innovations in public services, especially digital-
series of political reforms since 1998. However, the based innovations. The concept of innovation itself
policy on bureaucratic reformation itself is still contains ideas of bureaucratic reform. Bureaucratic
unclear and vague. In 2008, the government reform is an effort to change the status quo to
formulated a bureaucratic reform policy. The meritocracy, better policies and improved public
purpose of the bureaucratic reform policy is to services.
improve the accountability of public services, reduce Innovation should be a core activity in the
corruption and improve competitive indexes. The public sector: it helps public services to improve
implementation of bureaucratic reform in Indonesia their performance and increase their public value, it
is still significantly centralised on the Ministry of allows them to respond to the expectations of
Administrative and Bureaucratic Reforms (MABR), citizens and to adapt to the needs of users and it
which has the authority to control and evaluate the increases service efficiency and minimises costs
implementation of bureaucratic reforms in local (Mulgan & Albury, 2003). Innovation is the process
government. of gaining ideas to improve the quality of public
The centralisation of bureaucracy reform policy services that benefit the community. This is an effort
reaped criticism because its roadmap is still to apply the principles of good governance and it is
incomplete. The roadmap was designed without any also a form of bureaucratic reform in Indonesia.
conceptual structure and linkage between the central Digital-based services are expected to increase the
government and the local governments (Choi, 2009). independence and participation of its citizens.

153
Suaedi, F. and Hariani, N.
Community Empowerment through Digital Maternal and Neonatal Care Services in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 153-156
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
One of the local governments that have made
digital-based innovations is Sidoarjo Regency.
Sidoarjo has a maternal and neonatal care service
which is digitally-based and collaborative, involving
multiple actors. The innovation of the maternal and
neonatal mortality program in Sidoarjo District was
and is unique and comprehensive. This is because
the program involves multi-sector actors. The
participants not only come from the government, but
also private individuals, NGOs, academicians,
expert practitioners and society as a whole. In this
case, a new concept emerged; that to empower
society is not necessarily like taking on the role of a
teacher who has knowledge, who conducts training
and who teaches the community. Instead, the
community is the subject in any public activity that
affects it. Therefore, the researcher is interested in
studying the community empowerment experienced
through this particular digital-based public service in
Sidoarjo Regency.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Empowerment
Empowerment is a rather complicated concept. The
term can be identified as a principal theory of
community psychology (Rappaport, 1987), and it is
a fundamental concept for communities to remedy
inequalities and to achieve the better and fairer
distribution of resources (Minker et al., 2001).
Empowerment can be defined through three
components: multi-dimensional, social and process
(Czuba, 1999). Empowerment is multi-dimensional
because it does not use only a single dimension but
rather, it involves various aspects such as sociology,
economics and psychology. Empowerment is a
social process because it involves society and the
interactions that exist in society. According to
Zimmerman (2000), empowerment can be seen in
the different levels of society itself: individuals,
organisations and communities. These levels are
closely related to one another. In community
empowerment, there is organisational
empowerment. Similarly, in organisational
empowerment, there must be individual
empowerment within the organisation itself.
2.2 Community Empowerment
Community empowerment is understood to be both
a process and a result (Laverack and Labonte, 2000).
As a process, empowerment is able to direct people's
154
capabilities into a force that allows them to act
effectively and efficiently in changing their lives and
the environment (Rich and Stocker, 2009).
Empowerment is the process of community
transformation from the previously incapable or not
knowing into a capable and knowledgeable society.
Empowerment is not just the process of increasing
knowledge and ability. The community
empowerment process promotes the participation of
people, organisations and communities to gain
increased individual and community control,
political efficacy, improved quality of life and social
justice (Makara, 1994). In this research, community
empowerment through a digital-based service in
Sidoarjo Regency is described by the empowerment
dimension, which is the result of the elaboration of
the Rapla community members and Bush et al
(2002).
The elaboration result is the dimension of
community empowerment consisting of four
components, including:
 Community Activation is understood to be the
community members’ participation in the
community problem-solving process, in the
creation of community groups, leaders, and
networks, and their involvement level and
relationship quality.
 Community Competences are required when
solving its problems. The competence of the
community is defined as the knowledge and
skills that the community has available to
solve its problems, including problem-specific
awareness, information dissemination skills,
and communication skills within and between
groups.
 Program Management Skills are understood to
be the ability of the community groups to use
evidence-based methods in identifying and
solving their problems during program
development, implementation and evaluation.
 The Creation of a Supportive Environment is
an ability to mobilise resources, including
political, social, intellectual and financial
resources.
3 METHOD
This study employed a qualitative method and tried
to describe the process of community empowerment
through the digital-based service in Sidoarjo
Regency using the domain of community
empowerment by Rapla and Bush (2002). A
purposive technique was used to choose the
 Community Empowerment through Digital Maternal and Neonatal Care Services in Indonesia
informants. The informants consisted of the
governments and communities involved in digital-
based services, whether as agents or users in
Sidoarjo Regency.
Data collection was done through various
activities: 1) defining the locations; 2) gaining
access and building relationships; 3) purposeful
sampling (informant determination); 4) collecting
the data; 5) recording the information; 6) solving the
field problems and 7) storing the data (Creswell,
2015). The data analysis technique was conducted
through data gathering, reduction and categorisation
(disassembling), data compilation (reassembling),
the interpretation of the data (interpreting) and
concluding (Yin, 2011).
4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
The current health promotion policy and practice
places a high value on community development
work (Robinson and Elliott, 2000) because it aims to
enable communities to identify problems, develop
solutions and facilitate change (Blackburn, 2000). In
Sidoarjo district itself, community empowerment
through digital-based services occurs in its maternal
and neonatal care programs.
Firstly, the program empowered the participation
of the society through socialisation. Motivation
training was provided for all of the involved actors.
The primary concept was to mobilise the local
communities to address their health and social needs
and to work across all sectors to solve local
problems (Laverack and Wallerstein, 2001). Based
on the evidence in the field, this was done to make
each actor have the same level of awareness. In this
case, having the same awareness is an awareness of
maternal and neonatal death. They should also be
aware of the importance of maternal and neonatal
death cases. Furthermore, they will contribute to the
reduction of maternal and neonatal mortality.
Community development has been suggested as
offering “the most promising approach to reducing
health inequalities” (Labonte, 1990). It has been
seen of as a key strategy to mobilise citizens,
organisations and communities for health action and
to stimulate conditions for change. It is an approach
aimed at facilitating community groups and
individuals to "empower themselves", and one that
seeks "to recognise and value the health experience
and knowledge that exists in the community and to
use it for everyone's benefit" (Minkler, 1992). This
process was carried out through training and
learning on the handling of maternal and neonatal
mortality cases. Learning between the actors was
done primarily regarding a shared culture, science
and their social life. The approach conducted
through PKK and recitation groups is because the
community culture places more trust in the words of
religious leaders. At the second level, there were
healthcare agents/cadres in the community who are
specially trained to monitor and give first aid when
there are signs of an emergency related to maternal
or neonatal death. In this case, academics and
practitioners prepared software focused on
emergency handling that can be used by all parties
easily. The next level started to spread to the
medical context, which also assisted with the
software to allow the users to know what to do.
In the last stage, the community taught about
how to advocate regarding policies, and how to
promote digital-based health-care services to other
agencies or institutions.
Table 1: Community Empowerment Activities through
Digital-Based Public Services in Sidoarjo Regency
Domain Activities
Community - The engagement and deliberate
Activation process between the government
and the communities.
- Involvement and engagement of
more stakeholders (such as Non-
Government Organisations,
recitation groups, donor agencies)
- Motivation classes and awareness
raising for all stakeholders
involved.
- Creating new networks with
recitation or religious groups such
as Fatayat from NU and Aisyiyah
from Muhammadiyah.
- Establishment of a Civil Society
Forum (FMM) and cadre, as the
motivator of Mother and Child
Health (MKIA)
Community - The training of community
Competence awareness and the raising of the
knowledge of high-risk pregnant
women through a group approach
Family Welfare Development
Group (PKK), recitation groups.
- Distribution of information
through community leaders or
respected people such as religious
leaders or ethnic leaders.
- Sharing information between
health workers who have mastered
the early handling of health and
society who understand the
155
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
cultural aspects
Management - The training of the management
Skills program and team building skills
Program through regular meetings
- The training on the planning,
implementing and evaluating of
the used techniques through
regular meetings and deliberation.
- The training of the cadre of MKIA
and the members of FMM to
approach society through good
communication.
- Training improvements program
from the technical side (first
emergency management),
including knowledge (the risk of
pregnancy) and skills (using the
maternal and neonatal mortality
networks application)
Creation of - Training community members
Supportive (FMM, MKIA) and society to
Environment increase their lobbying skills with
government or donor agencies.
- Advocating policymakers to
implement maternal and neonatal
handling policies through the local
government's program via the
Regional Department of Health,
funded by the Regional
Government Budget.
- Promoting better access to
different foundations (NGO,
USAID, Save The Children, RTI)
and expert resources
5 CONCLUSIONS
Community empowerment through the maternal and
neonatal care service in Sidoarjo has allowed the
communities to gain new abilities and ways to
participate in the network of the government. The
communities, through multi-stage processes, have
gained better networking abilities with the other
stakeholders such as NGOs and the private sector.
The level of communication and cooperation was
excellent and mutual. The competence, awareness
and knowledge of the communities increased to
position them as an influential participant in the
public service. The communities are viewed as
subjects or as actors who have the ability to develop.
The community is not just a lesser participatory
object, but it is also made up of actors involved in
the public services process. Therefore, to empower
society is not necessarily like being a teacher who
156
has knowledge and thought the community. Instead,
the community is the subject in relation to any
public activity that affects them.
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community development approaches in heart health
promotion. Health Education. Research, 15, 219-231
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Finish, Guilford Press. New York.
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 Cyberbullying in Junior High School Students in Surabaya

Ahmad Frisk Taufany1, Subagyo Adam2

1Department of Sociology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of Sociology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
adambagyo@yahoo.co.id

Keywords: cyberbullying, junior high school students, social construction, habitus

Abstract: Cyberbullying is violence experienced by children or adolescents, such as humiliation, intimidation,

humiliation by children or teenagers, that is manifest through the internet. This study examines the
background issue of junior high school students who cyberbully and how the reactions arise from the
victims of cyberbullying. To analyse this directly, we used Peter L. Bererger's social theories and the
theory of symbolic violence by Pierre Bourdieu, incorporating the three-dimensional Berger model of
Externalisation, Objectification and Internalisation. Bourdieu used three concepts: Habitus, Environment
and capital. This research used the qualitative method, descriptive type and social paradigm. We obtained
findings from the interaction data found through selected keyword informants with a snowball technique
implemented. The results of this research are that the habits and environments are able to provide benefits
in relation to the use of social media for junior high school students with supported capital and tools to
allow them to access the internet. Cyberbullying occurs through both direct attacks and by proxy. Direct
attacks include insulting messages and tasks while account proxy is disconnected. Cyberbullying
culminates in the onset of beatings in the real world.

1 BACKGROUND users are not just teenagers; there is an increasingly

massive use of social media in Indonesia across all
Violence at school is an urgent social problem. age groups.
Most of the student violence involves bullying. The
Table 1. Internet Users in Indonesia
teachers sometimes know who is doing the bullying
and the victims who are being bullied. However, Year Percentage Number
when it comes to cyberbullying, few of teachers are of Users
able to recognize it (Li, 2006: pp.157-158).
2014 30-35% 42
Excessive use of social media can have devastating
Million
effects, whereby social networks can free users to
share about life. In general, a lot of Facebook users 2015 40-45% 55
are teenagers who psychologically have unstable Million
feelings and who often misunderstand or interpret
what they have seen through mass media or from The table above shows that in 2014, internet users
friendship sites (Juditha, 2011: p.4). Accessing the in urban Indonesia city was 30-35 per cent, and by
internet has become a routine part of society in 2015 - found by MarkPlus Insight - the number was
general. The use of the internet is not just about already 40-45 per cent; reaching 55 million users
interacting with others, but it is also used also to which was an increase from the previous year,
socialise until the user has a very close relationship totalling 42 million users. Those who were
in the real world. Out of a variety of social researched were internet users aged 13-64 from
networks like Facebook, Path, Instagram, Twitter SES ABC and who used the Internet for more than
and AskFM, Facebook is one of the most rapidly 3 hours a day. The growth rate of internet users in
growing sites for friendship today. Despite Indonesia is still dominated by young people of the
competing with other social networks, Facebook 13-30 year age group. In each city, surveyed by
has become the largest user platform. Social media MarkPlus Insight, about 50 per cent to 80 per cent

157
Taufany, A. and Adam, S.
Cyberbullying in Junior High School Students in Surabaya.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 157-162
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

of internet users are young (Kompas.com; accessed the research can be used to provide information to
March 12, 2017). the students as a contribution of thought and as a
Indonesia occupies the third largest position in the material consideration in overcoming the existing
world when it comes to using Facebook problems. For the community, the results of this
(kompas.com, 2015). Teenagers in the city of study can increase knowledge about cyberbullying
Surabaya are sensitive to the presence of social so then the community can prompt a more
networks, so they often have social networking cooperative attitude to support the parents of junior
accounts like Facebook, including junior high high school students in providing an understanding
school kids. The emergence of social media in and to promote the application of positive moral
junior high school children can bring about education in junior high school students.
negative impacts such as bullying. Bullying in
Indonesia means disrupting weak people, either
individually or in groups. In Adilla’s study (2009: 2 RESEARCH METHODS
p.57), bullying can be done verbally,
psychologically and physically. In the internet
world, negative effects on the internet that
2.1 Type Research
ultimately lead to violent behaviour in cyberspace
This study was a qualitative research study that
is called cyberbullying. Cyberbullying or cyber
produced descriptive data in the form of the written
violence is often more painful than physical
or oral words of people and behaviours that can be
violence. Cyberbullying victims become depressed,
observed (Bogdan & Taylor, 1975: p.5). This
isolated, are treated as if they are inhuman, and
method used the logic of thinking inductively, in
they are helpless when attacked. Researchers found
which problem-taking starts from the field and is
that cyberbullying victims experience higher levels
then explained theoretically as the beginning of
of depression.
conclusion formation. The questions that arise in
Facebook has becomes a pioneering medium in
this type of research are related to what, who, why,
cyberbullying actions. In the results of another
where, when, and how.
research study, Facebook occupies the highest
The qualitative method aims to obtain complete
position for cyberbullying action by 87 percent.
information about possible cyberbullying
According to the results of the study, 49 percent of
perpetrators that occur among junior high school
teenagers are known to be the victims of a bully in
students by extracting information using in-depth
the real world while 65 percent of them are victims
interviews. This is to better know the phenomenon
of cyberbullying. The cases of cyberbullying on
that exists in society and to understand the events
Facebook shows that communicators are
and relationships between people in certain
cyberbullying actors and communicants are the
situations. This makes the research informant and
victims of cyberbullying. Cyberbullying case
their election have a very important role. Through
messages involve text interactions between two
the informant, we get a lot of information that later
parties. Text in Facebook's social media can be sent
can be analysed and used to get valid data.
via personal messages, comments or statuses. This
The selection of informants was done using the
message is becoming dominant in the cyberbullying
snowball technique. This research found the first
behaviour that teens do on Facebook.
informant in one community of the basketball team,
Communicators have their own way of encoding
two informants from two state junior high schools
the message and the communicant has his own way
and from two private junior high schools in
of reacting to the message. Each communicator also
Surabaya. When having met the key informants, the
differs when it comes to using words in his
researcher will meet with the next informant in
message to form different cyberbullying categories.
accordance with the criteria related to the focus of
In this study, the researchers tried to determine the
the problem, referring to the information that the
background of cyberbullying in junior high school
researcher wants to know and if it can be fulfilled.
students and to learn of the reaction of the victims
This research data retrieval took four informants
due to the occurrence of cyberbullying in junior
who were categorised as being less than 16 years of
high school students in the city of Surabaya.
age who attended two schools in Swata and two
The benefits of this research can be considered and
schools in SMP Negeri in Surabaya. The
triggered by the relevant research. This research
informants were interviewed by the 9th graders. In
adds useful knowledge to the literature and to the
junior high school, the age of puberty in men is
reality that exists in the community. The results of

158

between 12-16 years old and in women, it is aged
11-15 years (Hurlock, 1980: p.185).
2.2 Data collection technique
The data collection techniques used in qualitative
research methods included in-depth interviews.
This type of interview is conducted openly by using
research instruments in the form of guidelines or
open questionnaires with 10 informants so then
detailed, broad, clear and profound answers can be
obtained. In this type of interview, the researcher
paid attention to the words and actions undertaken
by the informant.
Interviews are in the form of a dialogue
between the researchers and the research subjects
conducted with intimacy and in a relaxed setting.
The location of the interviews is as desired by the
informants, either at home or in other places such
as cafes, parks and so forth. This method is
expected to dig up as much information as possible
so as to get a clearer picture and it is a likely way to
get unique and honest info. The interview process
is not always fixed on the standard interview
guidelines but also follows the subject. It is this that
allows the researchers to develop further questions.
The researchers also give freedom to the informants
in relation to their opinion and do not cut off or
down the words of the informants.
2.3 Data analysis technique
This study used data analysis techniques through
the use of interview transcripts, data reduction and
data presentation, and then drewn out the
conclusions. The first stage was transcribing all of
the data obtained during the in-depth interviews,
literature studies and documentation or portraits
obtained during the research. Secondly, was the
data reduction or mapping. In this process, the
researchers make a summary, encode the data, find
any themes, and reduce the data that occurred
during the field research until the reporting is
complete. Third, was the data presentation. When
doing the data reduction, the data obtained was
analysed. Fourth, was taking the data conclusion as
the last part of processing the data that was
obtained (Iskandar, 2008: p.223).
3 DISCUSSION
Violence is a criminal behaviour caused by anger or
sense of habit used by actors to face their social life
Cyberbullying in Junior High School Students in Surabaya
(Ritzer & Goodman, 2004: p.552). Violence can
occur in physical form, mentally, and also attacks
can happen on the way that one thinks. Hard-to-
solve is the symbolic violence that comes through
discourse (Haryatmoko, 2010: p.127). Hendarti &
Purwoko (2008: p.51) mentioned that the act of
violence can be divided between 4 properties,
namely (1) Physical, (2) Symbolic, (3) Bureaucratic
and (4) Structural. To explain symbolic violence,
Bourdieu used the three concepts of habitus,
environment and the subjective world structure
(capital). The first, habitus, is i.e. the perpetrators’
cyberbullying through Facebook.
The definition of cyberbullying itself is “an
intentional, repeated, and aggressive act or
behaviour carried out by a group or individual
employing information and communication
technology (ICT) as the instrument. The acts is
against a victim who cannot easily defend him or
herself or terminate the bullying (von Marees &
Peterman, 2012: p.468).”
Every individual has different habits. Where
they get the habit can be through experience, their
history, or through their daily activities. In
cyberbullying, the individual more often encounters
the virtual world than the real world and its
environmental individuals can have anger. Habitus
is an action and behaviour created by the
individual’s social life.
Both environments are a place to interact with
individuals and groups to build togetherness.
According to Bourdieu, an environment is a place
of struggle and a place of collective force, a place
where there is individual conflict or inter-group
conflict that is used to gain a particular position.
The environment is also determined by capital. For
example, in cyberbullying, individuals who have
more knowledge about the internet and who have
the ability to hack use this to beat other individuals.
Individuals who lose out are intimidated by the lack
of struggle involved to maintain their social media
accounts.
The third capital is a kind of competitive market
that exists in the environment used to maintain
individual positions. According to Bourdieu, there
are 4 types of capital; economic capital, cultural
capital, social capital, and symbolic capital. These
four modalities affect the fate of the individual and
others. Capital is the supporting aspect of the
environment; if the individual has the power to
fight but does not have the capital to do so, then the
percentage of individuals is very small when it
comes to winning.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
The reality of cyberbullying in junior high
school students has been described by Berger &
Luckman (1990) through his dialectic triad through
the process of externalisation, objectification and
internalisation.
3.1 Externalization Process
This is the process of human self-pouring
continuously into the world, both in physical
activity and mentally. It can be said that the
implementation of the internalisation process has
been done or will be done continuously into the
world, both in physical activity and mental. At this
moment, this is the expression shown by the junior
high school students who conduct cyberbullying by
sending a threat message through Facebook that
embarrasses the victim, spreads slander and insults
the victim in order to threaten the victim and to
make trouble.
The motivation actors are also diverse; some do
it because of anger and they want revenge, some do
it out of frustration, some want to seek attention
and some even make it a leisure filler or spare time
‘joking around’. This process continues into the
real world and there can be fistfights between the
perpetrator and the victim. Like the AK, KM, and
LA informants, they ultimately become dissatisfied
with cyberbullying after directly meeting and
hitting the victim.
3.2 Objectivization Process
The process of objectification is when the
perpetrator gets the inspiration to cyberbully. Junior
high school students access the internet, triggered
by older people like their older siblings, parents,
teachers who are older and who have experience
accessing the internet. Once they understand
internet access and other features, then the intensity
of its use automatically increases. Accessing the
internet is common to junior high school students.
A habit can produce a social life. Junior
students use their level of consciousness to form
their own habits by looking at the reality that is
around them and the effort of expression redefines
the value that is believed to be true. It is seen in
junior high school students that they use social
media accounts indirectly to prompt more intensity
to check their account.
160
3.3 Internalization Process
Internalization is the individual subjectively
interpreting their objective reality. The re-
enactment of reality by man and transforming it
once again from the structure of the objective world
into the structure of the subjective world is a part of
this. The perpetrators cyberbully through social
media like Facebook are inspired by the fact that
anyone anywhere can do cyberbully. The results of
interviews with AK, KM, NP and LA informants
show that it can be concluded that the perpetrator's
background factors into cyberbullying. The
background of the perpetrator can include anger,
hurt, revenge and ego preferences. The offender can
also be bored and has the ability to hack. AK has
software that can be used to hack, and so AK freely
hacks the account of their potential victims. The
other actors leant more toward heartache and
revenge as the reason for giving the victim bad
treatment.
3.4 The intensity of Use in Maya
World
Intensity comes from the Latin language that is the
intention of referring to the use of power size or
state level. Currently, all people, both old and
young, do not seem to get off their phones. For
young people, mobile phones have become the
most important part of their life, used to connect
with their friends and to access social media via the
internet. The intensity of the internet use in a day
can be at least up to 6 hours. Based on the results of
the interviews conducted with AK, KM, NP and
LA, their intensity referring to using the virtual
world was that they all spent at least 3 hours a day
using a mobile phone.
3.5 Identify in The World
The internet is one of the electronic media types
with a variety of functions that can be used through
computers and mobile phones. The most widely
used social media platform for friendship is
Facebook. Four informants who had been
interviewed stated that they used their mobile
phones to access the internet. The current reality is
influenced by the environment around them, both
the home environment and the school environment
of the junior high school students.

3.6 The Violence Occurring On
Students in The Maya World
Symbolic violence is violence that causes physical
injury but that leaves the victim psychically
wounded as well, and takes place anywhere.
Symbolic violence on social media is more related
to the human psyche. Violence through social
media is called cyberbullying. According to the
four informants interviewed, cyberbullying is
offensive on the internet. The form of
cyberbullying done by the informants was also
diverse - informants AK, KM, NP and LA
conducted violence in the form of insults through
the victim’s inbox or wall, while AK - in addition
to bullying on the Facebook – hacked the social
media accounts of his victims.
Every problem has an impact and a reaction is
gained. The impact of the symbolic violence that
occurs in the real world leads up to the beating of
the victim. The four informants interviewed had
mixed reactions. The AK informant was just idle
and joked around, and eventually continued to
hijack the victim's account until the beating
happened. AK was still accepted at a prestigious
school, was friends with the victim and used to
return the victim's account early. The KM
informants felt disappointed and hurt because they
were not cheated by the victim into taking revenge
by insinuating and mocking the victim. Not used to
being ignored by the victim, KM approached the
victim and then hit them. The NP informant felt
cheated by his NP peers and so responded by
mocking the victim and insinuating things using an
indecent word. The impact that NP had on the
victim was that they did not greet each other. The
impacts shown by the four informants are the result
of symbolic violence, where symbolic violence
directly attacks a person's psychic or mental
qualities. The four informants thought all of this
was unnecessary.
This can cause big problems and be the talk of
many people. Because it starts with a mild problem,
it appears to be due to the individual or intergroup
conflicts and is known only to the conflicting
people. This is called latent conflict. It's the same
with cyberbullying conflicts, in that only certain
friends know. Cyberbullying among junior high
school students in Surabaya includes latent
conflicts.
Cyberbullying in Junior High School Students in Surabaya
4 CONCLUSION
Cyberbullying is the act of harming others both
mentally and physically. Cyberbullying is also
quicker to attack a person's mind. There are two
types of cyberbullying: cyberbullying as part of a
direct attack and cyberbullying by proxy.
Cyberbullying equals bullying in general. What
distinguishes between cyberbullying and bullying is
the location. Cyberbullying uses intermediary tools
such as mobile phones, or social media to
intimidate a person while bullying does not use
intermediaries but directly involves the victim and
perpetrator meeting.
Cyberbullying arises because of the increasing
intensity of internet and social media use and
because the junior high school students find it easy
to access. Accessing the internet is the habitus or
habit of the students in addition to learning. The
intensity of using the internet for students in a day
is for at least 3 hours. If the students often access
the internet, then the negative impacts are learning
lazily and at worst, being able to cyberbully. The
four informants who use the internet said that it had
become a habit. Bourdieu said that habitus is a
historical product that creates individual actions in
accordance with the pattern generated. Habitus can
appear in the environment around the informant.
High intensity when using the internet can trigger
cyberbullying actors who go on to perform
different forms of cyberbullying.
Cyberbullying among the junior high school
students was not only in the form of a direct attack,
but also bullying in the form of a proxy. Here the
more intelligent actors in information technology
are above average compared to the victim, and
easily break into their account. The perpetrator's
perception of the victim's reaction was as follows:
angry, resentful, wanting revenge or because of
frustration. Other reasons included feeling bored
and having the ability to hack, for entertainment,
for a laugh or to get a reaction. Cyberbullying is
often in the form of direct proxy, with the victim
only silent when they have been intimidated and
humiliated through social media by the
cyberbullying actors.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

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162
 “Priawan” Identity Construction in Indonesia
Preliminary Study of the Third Gender

Dwi Prasetyo1 and Myrtati D. Artaria2

1Social Sciences Study Program (Doctoral Degree), Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of Anthropology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia

dipasso@gmail.com, myrtati.artaria@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: social construction, identity, Priawan, sexuality, gender

Abstract: Gender identity in Indonesia remains problematic, as there are persistent cases of transgender shaming. The
development of Indonesian gender identity is based on binary assumptions that women and men are the only
two genders in the context of social construction, and that there is no third or fourth gender. However, it is
socially accepted that there have been other genders beyond the existing binary genders, from the beginning
of the 18th century in the classic La Galigo texts of the ancient Bugis in South Sulawesi. These texts have
recognised five types of gender. A transwoman is someone who is male yet is female in appearance.
However, there are also cases of priawan; females who prefer to look like males. Priawan are biological
females. They have not been well recognised in public discourse. This research was conducted in Jakarta
and Surabaya, which represent the two biggest cities in Indonesia. Five respondents were interviewed using
the snowball sampling technique, and the interview contained semi-structured questions. In this study, we
found that it is not possible to automatically determine gender identity according to biological sex. By using
Butler’s theoretical performance approach, priawan form their subjective identity through the construction
of self-identity. On the path to the creation of self-identity, the priawan often suffer from harassment from
society, in the workplace and even from their family. We conclude that priawan belong to the third gender,
in which their body remains female but they feel and represent themselves as males.

1 INTRODUCTION individual is, which becomes a complex and

problematic issue.
A variety of gender identities has culturally existed When it relates to the modern era, Priawan is a
in Indonesia since the 18th century, as well as being term used to describe women who live as men.
found in the ancient records of the Bugis tribe in There are also Calalai. The creation of this term is
South Sulawesi, in a document called the La Galigo the opposite of transwoman (male-looking woman)
record. It recognises the existence of genders other or Calabai. There is still the question or whether or
than male and female, divided into five in the not Priawan can be considered an identity or not.
context of the Bugis culture. These are: Uroane Stuart Hall argued that identity is a flexible
(male), Makunrai (female), Calabai (male-looking construction, a process, and that it is not only ‘a
woman), Calalai (female-looking male) and Bissu being’ but also ‘becoming’. This becomes the basic
(neither male nor female). This narrative shows that difference between ‘who we are’ and who we
diversity in the terms or titles referring to identity become’. This ‘becoming’ process happens
has existed in Indonesia for a long time, including continuously, depending on the social, culture,
the identity and existence of the third gender itself. space, place and other situations (Rutherford, 1990).
The understanding of identity is significant in There are various aspects involved in the
cultural studies. In brief, identity is the concept of searching and identity forming processes. Identity
the self. Based on thinking development, the issue of could also refer to how a human positions
identity is a complicated matter. It is not just about themselves and how they are positioned by other
answering about the question of ‘who am I?’. It people. Identity is a position matter, not an essential
involves a deeper understanding of what or who an matter, where position is influenced by self-
awareness and socio-cultural interaction with others.

163
Prasetyo, D. and Artaria, M.
“Priawan” Identity Construction in Indonesia - Preliminary Study of the Third Gender.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 163-166
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

Therefore, a person’s identity has a liquid provincial cities, which has classified them as New
characteristic. World Class Metropolitan Cities. Jakarta is the
capital city of Indonesia and Surabaya is the second
biggest city in Indonesia; both have a diverse
2 METHODS population along with a variety of gender identities.
The increase of transgender issues nowadays is
This research was conducted using a qualitative influencing people to get to know more about gender
approach that was able to describe and collect the identity. Priawan in Jakarta and Surabaya refers to
transgender individuals where their biological sex is
research data in a more profound way, which could
lead to new research findings in the field. The most not the same as their gender cognition.
important aspect of this method is the desire to
Table 1. Priawan Respondent
understand a meaning within the informant’s data
(Neumann, 2003). This research used a semi-
structured interview and the snowball method to
gain more in-depth and meaningful data. It enabled
the researcher to have an interaction with the
Priawan along with acquiring historical details and
knowledge of the Priawan’s personal life
experience.
Creswell (2014) said that when conducting
research with the qualitative method, the researcher
should determine the location as the research object,
which is the place where the informants do the
interaction. The informants in this research were
Table 1 above shows, in the self-awareness column,
people who identified themselves as male
whether or not the Priawan is interested in being
transgender individuals who self-identified as
with men or not. There were different answers from
Priawan. We interviewed five Priawan, consisting
the different participants. For instance, BJ (age 36)
of three Priawan in Jakarta and two in Surabaya.
from Jakarta and AS (age 27) from Surabaya both
The steps conducted in the data collection were
stated that they were interested in men, while the
as follows: 1) the researcher contacted the
other three Priawan were interested in women. All
informants and stated the research purpose, as it is
of the Priawan experience disturbances in their
necessary to receive a research permit and the
menstruation cycle. In the social interaction column,
informants’ recommendations to help them to
for all points, all of the Priawan have similar
further conduct the research. This also helped them
performances and behaviour. Butler (1990)
to obtain interviews with organisations that engage
described how the gender and sexuality production
in LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender)
is displayed through desire, gestures and acts, which
advocacy in Jakarta and Surabaya. 2) The researcher
generates the necessary implications on their gender
distributed the questionnaire and provided
identity.
information on how to fill it in to the informants. 3)
The informants were given a couple of minutes to
ensure that they understood and to allow them to fill
the questionnaire. 4) After the researcher received 4 DISCUSSION
the questionnaire back from the informants, the
researcher then conducted more in-depth interviews The American post-structuralist philosopher, Judith
to obtain the fullest meaning from their answers as P. Butler, wrote a famous queer theory book called
well as the historical aspects. ‘Gender Trouble’ (1990). This work received
widespread attention because it introduced the
theory of performance to gender and sexuality. For
3 RESULTS Butler, there is no genuine gender identity; it is all
formed through repeated expressions and
performance until it is better established. Part of
Indonesia has experienced rapid growth regarding
Butler’s theory is performativity, as written in his
economics and the population in South East Asia. It
Gender Trouble book. He rejects the principle of an
is generating development and growth in its
identity that has a beginning and an end. From this

164
 “Priawan” Identity Construction in Indonesia - Preliminary Study of the Third Gender
standpoint, it can be understood that according to
Butler's view, someone could have masculine and
feminine identities at the same time or at different
times, similar to feminine men or masculine women.
This situation has an impact on the issue of sexual
orientation. If a person's sexual identity is not final
and is unstable, therefore there should be no finality
to a man liking a man and vice versa. However,
society certainly does not want and approve of such
situations. As mentioned above, personal identity is
shaped through culture and its discourse, where
there are rules that are propagated through
repetition.
According to Butler, the performance concept
could be developed further, which relates to gender
identity. He argues that the formation of individual
identity happens in a performative way through
discourse. Gender identity is an effect that is
produced by a person because they show various
practices and behaviour, which is called a gender
act. This gender act is socially agreed on and
understandable, and serves as an identity sign as to
whether they are male or female.
Waria (female-looking men) have been studied
by Butler. In his study, they should perform a series
of specific procedures and practices in order to
obtain the idealised form of appearance and gestures
that are considered feminine. According to Butler,
this practice is so then transwoman not only imitate
the femininity of women, but also show that
femininity is an imitation practice, whether it is
conducted by transwomen or by ciswomen
themselves. In short, the determinant of the realness
effect is the ability to produce a naturalised impact
(Butler, 1993)
Therefore, it can be underlined that transwomen
are not imitating real women. Instead, they provide
an understanding and inspiration. There is no
originality, only layers of performance which is
considered to be a natural form. These practices also
parody the traditional assumptions about so-called
masculinity and femininity. If the person has a penis,
then they do not need to act or be masculine.
Similarly, people who have a vagina do not need to
act feminine. “…the notion of original or primary
gender identity is … parodied within the cultural
practices of drag, cross-dressing, and the sexual
stylisation of butch/femme identities …” (Butler,
1990).
5 CONCLUSION
The conclusion is that the gender identity of
Priawan is where the individual has a female
biological condition but their cognition of
themselves is male. They have realised this since
they were children; they feel uncomfortable having a
female biological state and find it more comfortable
to socialise and do activities with boys. However,
they still often interested in women as their sexual
orientation. The Priawan in Jakarta and Surabaya
enjoy their body being female and their cognition
being male.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We want to thank Priawan in Jakarta and Surabaya
who are willing to support and provide useful
information for this research.
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 The Impact of Mobile Devices
on Indonesian Men’s Sexual Communication

Dédé Oetomo1, Tom Boellstorff2, Kandi Aryani Suwito3 and Khanis Suvianita4
1
GAYa NUSANTARA Foundation, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department
of Anthropology, University of California Irvine, USA
3Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
4Indonesian Consortium for Religious Studies, UniversitasGadjahMada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

doetomo@gmail.com, tboellst@uci.edu, kandisuwito@gmail.com, khanissuvianita@gmail.com

Keywords: sexuality, identity, gay, men who have sex with men, mobile devices, social media

Abstract: This paper aims to explore the impact of mobile devices on Indonesian men’s sexual communication. Gay
men need to express their homosexual feelings despite resistance from society. The paper is based on
qualitative and quantitative research used to describe and assess the current use of social media in Indonesia,
paying specific attention to how it is transforming sexual negotiations among gay men and other MSM. Its
objective is to gain an understanding of how online social interactions are transforming gay and MSM
Indonesians’ experience of sexuality, identity and community. The findings demonstrate how the
participants are very committed to social media as shown by the degree of openness in declaring their sexual
orientation. Specifically, this research discovered that social media is used mostly by youths to find partners
and to connect to other gay men as a means to construct a sense of community and belonging. Interestingly,
one of the results also revealed the favourable reception of gay men toward women when it comes to sexual
relations.

1 INTRODUCTION communities. The research included a survey of the

As the fourth most populous nation (after China,
India, and the United States), it is unsurprising that
Indonesian has a sizeable percentage of social media
users. Nevertheless, the data on Indonesia is almost
absent from the existing literature. The research
reported here employed qualitative and quantitative
methods to describe and assess the current use of
social media in Indonesia, paying specific attention
to how it is transforming sexual negotiations among
gay men, other men who have sex with men (MSM),
and warias (trans women). The aim is to gain an
understanding of how online social interactions are
transforming gay and MSM Indonesians’
experiences of sexuality, identity, and community.
The research was conducted primarily using surveys
and interviews.
The researchers based in the city of Surabaya
(East Java Province) explored how gay, MSM, and
waria Indonesians use social media to negotiate their
sexual encounters, experiences, identities, and
types of devices, apps, and other social media used.
Online and offline surveys were used to explore how
internet-mediated forms of communication are used
in everyday interactions, and their consequences
related to their understanding of selfhood, sexuality,
and community.
Most of our understandings and theories of the
internet are based on data from the United States,
Europe, and East Asia (Japan, China, and South
Korea). Given Indonesia’s size and importance, this
research not only gives us a better understanding of
contemporary social transformations in the
archipelago, but it also gives us a more
comprehensive and robust understanding of how the
internet can influence social relations worldwide,
and how these influences are reworked in specific
local contexts. Given that the HIV/AIDS epidemic
remains a serious concern in Indonesia, with
infection rates among gay, MSM, and waria
Indonesians ranging from 15% to over 50%, another
primary outcome of this research is insights for use

167
Oetomo, D., Boellstorff, T., Suwito, K. and Suvianita, K.
The Impact of Mobile Devices on Indonesian Men’s Sexual Communication.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 167-172
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
related to improved HIV prevention interventions
that effectively make use of online technologies.
2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The over-arching research questions that guide this
research as listed below:
 How are sexual transactions for gay men,
MSM, and warias taking place via online
cultures?
 How are forms of male sex work being
transformed via online cultures?
 How are gay men, MSM, and waria online
cultures shaped by differences in age,
ethnicity, class, profession, and religion?
 How are the norms of sexuality, friendship,
and romance among gay men, MSM, and
waria being transformed by online cultures?
(For convenience’s sake, in the discussion that
follows, we use the phrase “online cultures” to refer
broadly to social interactions online via devices like
laptops, tablets, and smartphones, via apps,
programs, and websites and via social networking
sites (like Facebook) and SMS services (like Twitter
and WhatsApp).
3 RESEARCH METHODS
The research was designed as a community-based
research since it made use of the established
connections in Surabaya’s gay, MSM and waria
communities maintained by the GAYa
NUSANTARA (GN) Foundation over the years.
While Boellstorff and Oetomo are academics,
they have also been close to community work. The
other co-author, Suvianita, also straddles the
academic and community worlds as an ally and
counsellor to people from the community. Suwito is
the only one that is purely academic.
The ideas for the research design, methods and
techniques were work-shopped with core activists of
GN and other academics and graduate students who
are close to the communities in August 2015.
Brainstorming sessions were organised to come up
with possible issues to research. The rest of 2015
saw the team developing the issues further,
continually checking with the realities in the
communities that the GN activists know very well.
By April 2016, a final draft survey questionnaire
was discussed and tried out on GN volunteers and
168
community members. This year happened to be one
where moral panic type statements from politicians,
social and religious leaders were bombarding the
“LGBT” communities, so we added a few questions
to see how life in online cultures (and offline
cultures) may have changed.
In September to October 2016, the survey
questionnaire was uploaded onto SurveyMonkey,
and its link was announced in all of GN’s social
media channels. 151 fully answered questionnaires
were obtained. In November 2016, the research team
decided to also conduct an offline survey using the
questionnaire. 50 additional respondents were
obtained.
The research team held a workshop in early 2017
to analyse the answers to the questionnaire. Some of
this analysis forms the basis of the following
findings.
4 FINDINGS
4.1 Gender and Sexuality: Identity,
Relationships and Religious
Significance
Sexual identity as perceived by the respondents is
not a stable category with distinctive qualities. In
contrast, most of the respondents believe that
identities are always multifaceted as they are
constructed as a compound selfhood where different
features such as individual preferences, social
background and personal beliefs are reworked and
performed at once in each human being. Given with
four clear options, the vast majority of respondents
chose the label ‘gay’ by 68.85%, whereas less than a
fifth (19.12%) opted for ‘men who have sex with
men’ (MSM). This means that the respondents did
not automatically identify their sexual orientation as
simply being gay, seeing that there are other
alternatives selected, even though by only a few,
such as under the label of ‘bisexual’ (22.79%).
Even though this range of identities seems
sufficient enough to capture the variety in the
sexuality of a gay person, there were diverse
answers provided by the respondents when they
were offered the opportunity to present any response
in addition to the available choices. Surprisingly,
there were 11 different answers written in the
respondents’ own words which were: 1) Gay who
still loves and wants to get married to a woman, 2)
LSW, 3) Pansexual, 4) Bi-curious, 5) Asexual, 6)
Pro-LGBT, 7) Straight, 8) Lesbian, 9) Women who
 The Impact of Mobile Devices on Indonesian Men’s Sexual Communication
like men, 10) Normal, and 11) Individuals who like
masculine men. Some words are quite familiar and
are common terms used when defining one’s sexual
orientation but several descriptions are a very unique
way to reveal an otherwise undetermined label for
specific sexual attraction and experiences.
This result clarifies what du Gay and Hall (1996)
have said in that the term identity is not a natural in
itself, but a constructed form of closure and that
identity naming, even if silenced and unspoken, is an
act of power. A community is a social unit that
stabilises the deep-rooted identity classification with
the play of differences as the only point of origin.
Identity is a cultural site where particular discourses
and practices are entwined and shattered at the same.
The historical route taken by LGBT Indonesians
shows that the homosexual identity first emerged in
urban centre in the early twentieth century. Before
then, it was preceded by the LGBT movement in the
late 1960s when waria, transgender women, came
into view (UNDP, 2014). Considering the fact that
homosexuality is a predominantly Western
discourse, LGBT Indonesians have persisted in order
to secure their local and cultural distinctiveness as a
means to acknowledge how sexuality is highly inter-
related with race, ethnicity, class and other aspects
of identity. The term ‘waria’ as an Indonesian
specific phenomenon demonstrates how language
shapes reality. Boellstorff (2005) refers to male-to-
female transvestites (best known by the term banci)
as waria, which he used to name both female (she)
and male (he). This means that biological foundation
for sexuality is misleading because it is and through
language that one’s subjectivity is produced across
historical and cultural contexts.
Amongst all options, waria scores zero, which
means that none of the respondents associated
themselves with the characteristics of waria as a
specific gender identity. They used another way to
describe their identities which can be put into one of
the 11 categories above. Since almost all of the
respondents are male (92.65%), it is easily
understood that sexual orientation represents the
interests of those who call themselves male. It
explains why only a minority stated ‘bi-curious’,
‘lesbian’, and ‘individuals who like masculine men’
which is language used to represents women’s
discourse on sexuality. However, the sexual identity
of the respondents who says ‘pro-LGBT’ is hard to
properly know as they could only be showing their
support for LGBT individuals who are still
experiencing discrimination and repressive acts
physically, psychologically and verbally. Although
the numbers are very small, its significance brings a
great magnitude to the campaign for the human
rights of LGBT people in the public sphere and
throughout social media.
However, only 80.88% of respondents admit that
they had sex with men while only 19.12% say the
opposite. The number is greater than the 68.85%
respondents who confess that they are gay with a
12.03% difference in percentage. This means that
diversity in sexual orientation is becoming more
extensive, which breaks the long-established
perception that sexual intercourse between men must
be labelled ‘gay’ which leaves no room for other
sexual expressions. This explains the prior outcome
that highlights the variety of sexual identity as
proposed by respondents. The argument that can be
brought to light for this observable fact has been
explained by Hall (1996), who said that difference
matters because it is essential to meaning, and
without it, meaning could not exist. The wide range
of identities breaks not only the existed binary
opposition that separates feminine from masculine in
extreme poles, but also defies the
‘heteronormativity’ as being the ideological force
that works behind all prejudices and violent acts
against LGBT people who stands for the right to be
different. It also dismantles the belief that sexual
subjects should fall into one distinct category and
cannot transgress the boundary without being
marked as deviant, dissonant, disturbing and above
all, subversive.
In spite of the LGBT people’s will to challenge
the traditional norms that marginalise and put them
in an already heterosexual relationship of
subordination, they cannot escape from a discursive
mechanism that requires them to have a ‘husband
and wife relationship’ as a means of survival. It
means that those who are married (13.11%) are not
committed to a monogamous relationship but have
an open relationship. It appears that a sense of
freedom that liberates them from the cultural
expectation to be ‘normal’ conflicts with the need to
express their homosexuality. It affects how the
respondent will decide on their sexual openness to
others and how it brings significance to them.
The degree of sexual openness as illustrated in
the diagram below exemplifies identity as a source
of worry rather than as a place of belonging. Even
though quite a lot of the respondents do not hesitate
to declare their sexuality, there are still considerable
number of people who show reluctance in revealing
their sexual identities for the reason that LGBT are
believed to be a type of illness and taboo for
Indonesian society. The figure confirms that the
community has silenced LGBT people and made
169
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

their sexuality a secret. There were 18.18% of
respondents hiding their sexuality from view which
again strengthens the idea that acceptance is really a
luxury. Butler (1995; p.29) argues that transgender
and transsexual persons and other LGBT identities
make us not only question what is real and what
must be, but they also show us how the norms that
govern contemporary notions of reality can be
questioned and how new modes of reality can
become instituted. She ensures that gender and
sexual affirmation should be the defining features of
the social world in its very intelligibility.
It needs to be rethought how the concepts such as
‘coming out’ and ‘liberation’, which are very
Western in orientation, should take the local society
into account in view of the fact people are marching
against homosexuality in Indonesia. The Pew
Research Global Attitudes Project reported on
attitudes towards homosexuality and their report
showed that 93% of those surveyed in the country
reject homosexuality and only 3% accept it. Cultural
assumptions on LGBT people are mostly influenced
by the dominant discourse in Indonesian society
which is religion. Contemporary discourse holds that
LGBT sexuality and religion are incompatible, thus
LGBT individuals participate less in religion than
heterosexuals, which has led to a process of
abandonment and being abandoned by their religious
traditions (Henrickson, 2007).
While the vast majority of respondents hold as
having the traditional religion of Islam as the
dominant religious group (56.62%), amongst
Christians (8.82%), Catholics (10.29%), Konghucu
(0.74%), Buddhists (2.94%), and Hindus (0.74%), it
can be perceived that a number of respondents
decided on being Agnostic (11.76%) or Atheist
(6.62%). Atheism, in the broadest sense, refers to the
absence of belief in God(s) by looking for the
answer to the question of meaning in ethical and
philosophical viewpoints. Agnosticism, strictly
speaking, is a doctrine that states that humans cannot
know the existence of anything beyond the
phenomenon of their experience. The scepticism
about religious questions in general and the rejection
of traditional Christian beliefs under modern
scientific thought has so much to do with the notion
of knowing. LGBT people have been objectified and
treated as the object of knowledge by the masculine
hegemony and the heterosexist power. Communities
commonly led by religious conservative clerics that
internalise homophobia and transphobia makes
LGBT people who live in that surrounding find it
hard to fully accept their own sexual orientation and
gender identities (UNDP, 2014). At the same time,
the act of uttering an oppressive view toward LGBT
people in public has created a sense of social
separation. However, there is also a growing
movement among progressive religious leaders and
believers with the relentless endeavour to offer an
alternative reading of the holy text.
4.2 Being Online: Negotiating Sexuality
and Performing Identity
Urban areas with visible gay and lesbian
communities provide expanded opportunities to
meet potential partners. In addition, the internet has
rapidly become a way for gay men and lesbians to
meet one another. There is some evidence that
lesbians and gay men, like their heterosexual
counterparts, rely on fairly conventional scripts
when they go on dates with a new partner
(Klinkenberg & Rose, 1994). This is proven by the
diagram below, which shows that gay men are very
keen to make use of online media for their social
life. There are a considerable number of respondents
who find their life-partner online (74.47%) as
opposed to others who are still looking for
companion in a more traditional way (23.53%).
Specifically, the furthest chart distinguishes a life-
partner from a sex-partner, wherein the results show
that 75% of respondents were looking for a sex-
partner online.
Figure 1: Are you also looking for sexual partners online?
Some scholars have heralded the emergence of
‘the global gay,’ the apparent internationalisation of
a certain form of social and cultural identity based
upon homosexuality. This “expansion of an existing
Western category” is seen to be the result of what

170
 The Impact of Mobile Devices on Indonesian Men’s Sexual Communication
Altman calls ’sexual imperialism’, which is the
reshaping of local understandings of homo-
sexuality, largely influenced by the development of
global media systems and increasing popular access
to so-called new media (from mobile-phones to the
internet), in order to align them with Western
conceptions of what it means to be gay or lesbian
(Barry, Martin, Yue, 2003). Almost all respondents
use a smart-phone regularly with a reading of
95.08%, followed by laptops and tablets by 72.95%
and 32.79% respectively
For those who use their gadgets to do online
activities, there is an evenly balanced proportion
amongst respondents that go online for 2-4 hours
(30%), 5-7 hours (23.33%), 8-10 hours (22.50%)
and more than 10 hours (20%) in a day. There are
only 4.17% of respondents who said that they
accessed the internet for less than an hour a day.
This upshot is not unexpected, knowing that the
internet which came to Indonesia during the early
phase of the political crisis in the 1990s has risen
both economically and politically to become an
alternative medium that has found its way out of the
control of the state (Hill and Sen, 2000; Lim 2002).
Even if this medium was initially deemed as elitist
due to the unequal access especially amongst the
marginal groups, the impacts are believed and
forecast to increase in the forthcoming years,
considering the advancement of technology in
complying with the most fundamental needs of
individuals as a part of society, which is about being
connected.
Figure 2: On average, how many hours per day you spend
online?
The social space where the access was made is
also vital to analyse since it demonstrates the social
dynamics that occur in gay communities. It is
worthy noticing that building an intimate
relationship, for gay people, can be very problematic
because visibility leads to consequences that can
potentially put gay people at risk. They are
frequently harassed or intimidated and moved on by
security forces that do not hesitate to do violence
when they appear publicly and hang out to find a
sex-partner. Having said this, it is comprehensible
that respondents mostly retrieve a website page or
their social media account on their leisure time,
especially when they are having a walk with their
family (48.84%) and friends (41.86%). The number
of people that access the internet at home is the
lowest, with 18.60% with the difference of 18.61%
from the quantity of those who log on to the internet
at their office.
This end result suggests that the respondents are
comfortable seeking a sex-partner while they are in a
public space as long as they do not have to be
noticeable physically. The timeline does matter for
61.63% of respondents, but does not make any
difference for the rest.
Figure 3: Since what age have you started to look for
sexual partner online?
The most visited social media platforms are
Grindr, Facebook and Blued, which are believed to
be advantageous for the respondents to get a
preferable sexual experience. They start to seek out a
sexual partner at the age of 17-25 with the most
notable figure of 70.93%. This number is followed
by the category of 26-35 years old (16.28%), under
17 years old (8.14%) and over 36 years old (4.65%).
In terms of ease, the majority (72.09%) agree
that social media is the best medium to use to find a
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
sex-partner instantly and 52.33% of respondents
think that the idea of staying hidden and being
unseen is a critical point for them. There were
16.28% persons surveyed who have other answers to
offer. Some says that they can identify people
nearby that are suitable either as a sex-partner or as a
companion. They can also be certain that the
intended persons have the same sexual orientation.
The adequate information can also be collected from
the online account before they actually get involved
with other social media users.
Figure 3: What kind of conveniences that you get from
using online media in looking for sexual partners?
5 CONCLUSIONS
Many of the findings of the research confirm what is
already stated in the literature on topics such as
gender and sexual diversity. The interconnection
with the dominant heteronormative culture of
Indonesian society is also apparent from the
findings.
Regarding online cultures, they have made a
difference in the ease of finding sexual partners or
friends, and serve as a safe space for gay men and
MSM to interact with each other. It is such a safe
space that many respondents are quite open about
their identities and desires, which means that online
cultures are becoming sub-cultures in Indonesia. In
future research, it would be interesting to compare
the issue of subversive sexual identity to other
subversive online cultures or sub-cultures such as
punk, child-free, erotic animation and the like.
Another finding that is worth noting is the fact
that young gay men and MSM form a significant
percentage of the respondents. This corroborates
with surveys on sexual behaviour conducted within
HIV programs that found that increasingly younger
gay men and MSM start their sexual experiences
early and some are diagnosed with HIV at an early
age (in their teens).
172
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The authors would like to thank the core activists at
GAYa NUSANTARA Foundation who took part in
the discussions on the issues to be explored, on the
questions to be included in the questionnaire and on
the try out of the draft questionnaire. We particularly
thank Rafael H. Da Costs (Vera Cruz), (Sam)
Slamet, SardjonoSigit and PurbaWidnyana. Along
the way we were joined by Astrid Wiratna,
LastikoEndiRahmantyo, Kathleen Azali, the late
MaimunahMunir. We thank the community
members who readily filled in both the online and
the offline questionnaires and thereby shared their
lives. We finally thank volunteers and staff of GAYa
NUSANTARA Foundation who have been involved
in the different steps of the research.
REFERENCES
Berry, C, Martin, F and Yue, A, 2003. Mobile Cultures:
New Media in Queer Asia. In Canadian Journal of
Communication, Vol. 29 (2) NC: Duke University
Press
Boellstorff, T, 2005. The Gay Archipelago: Sexuality and
Nation in Indonesia, Princeton University Press.
Princeton and Oxford.
Butler, J. 2004. Undoing Gender, Routledge. New York &
London
Hall, S & du Gay, P (eds), 1996. Questions of Cultural
Identity, SAGE Publications. London, New Delhi
Hill, D.T &Sen, K, 2005. The Internet in Indonesia’s New
Democracy, Routledge. London & New York
Henrickson, M, 2007.A queer kind of faith: Religion and
spirituality in lesbian, gay and bisexual New
Zealanders, Aotearoa Ethnic Network Journal
Klinkenberg D & Rose S, 1994.Dating scripts of gay men
and lesbians. Journal Homosex. 26:23–35
Lim, M, 2002.CyberCivic Space in Indonesia: From
Panopticon to Pandemonium?. In International
Development and Planning Review Journal, special
edition, November
UNDP. 2014. Being LGBT in Asia: Indonesia Report.
Bangkok.
 Virtual Democracy
MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia

Pratiwi Fajriyah1 and Valentina Mariama Sadaedema2

1
Political Science Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2
Political Science Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
Fajriyahpratiwi@gmail.com,valentina.mariama@gmail.com

Keyword: virtual democracy, religious populism, MCA, Indonesia

Abstract: A wave of democracy has existed since the end of the Cold War. Democracy is an ideal system for
developed countries, that should be practiced in developing or third world countries. The wave of
democracy that has struck third world countries, including Indonesia, has caused impacts through the entry-
era of globalisation. A democracy based on freedom and human rights has a tremendous impact on the
dynamics of society. The freedom that comes from using social media both positively and negatively poses
as a lighter in the context of the development of religious populism. One of the items of evidence of the
development of religious populism is the existence of a social media account named MCA. MCA utilises
social media in channelling aspirations related to political issues. This focus of this research is on how
social media utilisation by MCA can change society’s mindset related to political issues. The methods used
in this research were social media analysis and literature studies. The MCA movement is indicated to have a
political goal because it always disseminates information that is on a tangent to political issues. As a result,
it can be said that virtual democracy has an impact on the growth of the religious populist movement in
society as well as MCA.

1 BACKGROUND societies face a new era of democracy called the

Globalisation is a phenomenon that is inevitable for
every nation, including Indonesia. Moreover,
globalisation is initially interpreted as a form of
economic liberalisation which has a significant
impact on the political sphere of the state. The
power of globalisation has an impact and is related
to the encouragement by society of participation and
democracy. The relationship between participation
and democracy is close and mutually connected.
Public participation can help to take control of the
state, which means that the state cannot act
arbitrarily. The urgency of the public’s participation
is important because it is the spirit of the democratic
implementation occurring in the country.
Democracy itself is also born from the demands of
the outside world, or in other words, democracy is a
mandatory requirement for a country in the
globalisation era. In the 21st century, globalisation is
encouraged by the latest technological advances,
namely the internet. The internet becomes more
interesting when democracy makes it simpler to
know the needs of democracy itself. Therefore,
"democracy digital era".
The democracy digital era provides a space for
public participation in the country. Digital
technology is supported by the internet which can be
used to provide a new public space that can be used
by the whole of society. "Digital technology not
only increases participation, but also offers certain
advantages. As a virtual tool, the internet makes
participation activities easier". Furthermore, it can
also attract society to participate. Based on political
theory,
Sastroadmodjo (1995) suggested that the factors
that affect the participation rate of society are
modernisation and mass communication.
Modernisation is considered to be the ability to
facilitate access to participation through the
availability of devices which are more efficient and
effective. This availability of devices is presented by
the use of the digital era. In addition, participation in
politics in particular is increasing because of mass
communications through a variety of information
communication networks.

173
Fajriyah, P. and Sadaedema, V.
Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 173-181
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Images of participation and democracy in the
digital era can be seen through the track record and
data analysis focused on the users of social media.
Social media becomes a representation of the
presence of a digital age which is used as a public
space for society to express various aspirations.
Based on the data from Hootsuite, there are 132.7
million internet users in Indonesia, with 130 million
being social media users. The numbers show that
societies who are made up of internet users have
increased in the digital era. Digital democracy is an
effort to implement the concept of democracy
without being confined by the limitations of time,
space, and other physical conditions (Hacker and
Dijk, 2000).
The advantages offered by social media are the
main attraction for the political world. People who
use social media use a new term to describe internet
users, which is netizen. The improvement of
political communication through the internet is used
by political actors to reach new goals. Political
actors aim to win the hearts of netizens in order to
become the king of social media. The requisite
politics will make the virtual world as successful as
the real world that they want to build and control.
Netizens have the freedom to make groups with
different backgrounds and interests in order to show
their political existence and ideology through social
media. In some cases in Indonesia, the accounts
contained in social media can even have a specific
background as a part of their religious identity. Why
does this happen?
The phenomenon of religious populism is
participated in through social media, including
Indonesia. The high sentimentality of religion freely
supports participation in the era of digital
democracy, which has encouraged the emergence of
movements of identity in social media. In fact,
accounts focused on religious identity are not
uncommon, who also often upload and proclaim
about political issues. Recent political phenomenons
grow along with the development of social media.
Social media is one of the communication tools that
must be owned by everyone
2 EMPIRICAL BACKGROUND
In Indonesia, the dependence on social media
provides both positive and negative impacts. One
positive impact is providing transparent information
that is easily accessible. On the other hand, the
negative impact of social media is that hoax news,
which is not trusted, can be spread through social
174
media. The news is widely open on social media
networks but it is not necessarily verified. It is used
by individuals with a particular identity to influence
their readers through preaching.
One of the groups that use a religious identity is
the MCA (Muslim Cyber Army). The MCA is a
group that uses the Islamic faith as the basis for the
group’s formation. The MCA spreads their post
through social media networks such as Facebook,
Twitter and Instagram. The MCA group has been in
existence since 2016, which was marked with Habib
Rizieq’s statement that Jokowi blocked him online,
calling for the help from the Muslim Cyber Army.
Because of the statement from Habib Rizieq, the
MCA strengthened the news put through social
media. One event that is a marker of the MCA is the
212 events organised through social media; the 212
events accused the former Jakarta Governor, Basuki
Tjahaja Purnama, of being a blasphemer in order to
deepen the case against the other political actors.
One of the MCA’s missions through preaching is
to reject hoax news and to rebuild the good image of
the religious leader, Habib Rizieq. In contrast, the
news that they make have cornered one of the
parties. In fact, they often spread news content that
contains SARA (Tribe, Religion, Race, Inter-Group)
and politics. The MCA account provides information
related to one political actor or another political
party. Thus, with such news, many readers believe
the news even though the news is not necessarily
true. The distribution of the news through social
media allows it to spread quickly. Moreover, the
impact of the news that includes political issues will
affect political stability.
The formation of the MCA and the phenomenon
of religious populism greatly affects the public
stigma. In addition, the use of social media is one of
the strategies used changing the social stigma and
stockpiling the MCA. The phenomena showed that
religious populism that is accompanied by the
development of technology, such as social media, is
the result of democracy. Democracy in cyberspace
also has a significant impact in relation to shaping
the mindset of society, especially concerning
political issues. Therefore, in this paper, the authors
will discuss how the Muslim Cyber Army movement
in Indonesia can change the mindset of society
towards political issues through social media
3 METHOD
This paper consisted of several stages that began
with data collection. This was continued by the
 Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia
analysis of the data. When observing the movement
patterns of the MCA in social media, the authors
used the qualitative research method. Through the
qualitative method, this paper produced descriptive
data in written and spoken forms, thus allowing
people’s behaviour to be observed in relation to the
MCA movement in social media.
The data collection technique used in this paper
came from the secondary data in the form of
documentation. The documentation was in the form
of national and international journal literature. The
observations related to the movement of the MCA
were observed directly through the social media
accounts of the movement on Twitter, Facebook and
Instagram account.
Overall, the data analysis process involves some
attempt to interpret the data in the form of text or
images. Researchers need to prepare the data that s
to be analysed in order to understand and interpret
the real meaning of the data. After interpreting the
data, it will be analysed using a predefined theory.
4 LITERATURE REVIEW
4.1 Identity Politics
An identity will always refer to several things,
including the social, political and cultural. In the
current global condition, a person can have more
than one identity. An identity will continue to grow
and is not final. Identity is a special characteristic
that becomes the entry point for other people or
other societies to introduce themselves.
Castelle found that "Identity is the foundation of
the construction process and psyche-cultural culture
of an individual that gives meaning and purpose to a
particular individual. This is because the formation
of identity is a process of internal dialogue and
social interaction."
Another definition came from Stuart Hall (in The
Question of Cultural Identity, 1994), who said that
identity is something that is actually formed by
unconscious processes that transcend time. In
identity, there is something that is "imaginary" about
integrity. Identity remains incomplete, and is always
"in progress" and "being formed".
The politics of identity itself is an individual’s
participation in their social life which is determined
by their cultural and psychological background.
Empirically, the politics of identity is constructed
from the actualisation of political participation in the
cultural roots of the local community. Moreover, it
has a process of internalisation that is continuous in
the cultural fabric of society in a social interaction.
The rise of culture and the local community in the
form of identity politics should be a corridor to
declaring a commitment to democracy and sticking
to Pancasila as the crystallisation of the cultural
values of the nation. It can maintain and preserve
life in order to live in the harmony and glory of the
Republic of Indonesia.
4.2 Digital/Virtual Democracy
The concept of digital democracy was born
alongside the development of technology. The high
level of public interest in using technology is used as
a new way to meet their aspirations. Digital
democracy itself is the result of the synergy between
digital technology and democracy. Democracy
offers the world a future, which is the dream of the
digital technology era. It upholds the values of
freedom of information and communication, and
digital technology comes with a guarantee of
effectiveness, efficiency, transparency, openness and
accountability. Nikos Frangkis (2007) found that
“…digital democracy could be defined as any
electronic exchange in the democratic process, both
from the citizens' perspective, and that of politicians
and the political system. It reflects, in this particular
ambit, the tendency toward physically substituting
politically significant participation in events by
using electronic communication means”.
Digital democracy itself combines the concept of
representative democracy and participatory
democracy with an emphasis on the use of digital
technology devices. Democracy in a digital era is a
revolution that offers what democracy offered in an
earlier era. Democracy in the digital era is accepted
by society because it offers a way to deliver the
aspirations easily. The purpose and direction of the
digital democracy uses communication networks at
the global level and it is able to penetrate the
boundaries of space and time.
Based on the data released by “We Are Social”
by January 2018, there are 132.7 million internet
users in Indonesia with a penetration rate of 50%.
Apparently, people who are actively using the
internet are also active when it comes to using social
media; as many as 130 million with a penetration
rate of 49%.
Here we can see that the level of active users of
social media in Indonesia is quite high, so it
facilitates the democratic process online. This does
not mean that democracy in a face to face manner is
unnecessary. Cyber democracy or virtual world
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
democracy remains a stepping stone to be followed
up with concrete actions, so there is a good synergy
between democracy in the virtual world and the real
world.
There are four benefits gained from social media
from the practice of democracy (Fayakhun, 2017).
The first is access to information. Social media
(Socmed) is used as a source of information access
that accommodates the aspirations of society
because it promotes the public’s interest. The second
is as a tool of interaction. The high number of social
media users in Indonesia causes limited interactions
in cyberspace. However, the interaction becomes a
way to strengthen democracy. The third is a space of
participation. For social media, democracy becomes
a new place to encourage people to participate in all
aspects of life. The fourth is as a place to
decentralise information. Social media is helpful in
bringing the government closer to its citizens so then
societies can be involved in the practice of
democracy.
4.3 Populism
The definition of populism by KBBI is an
understanding that embraces, recognises and
upholds the rights, wisdom, and interests of small
communities. The definition of religion has an
understanding that is more inclined to religious
practices and emotions. The understanding of
religion in this discussion is that it is this close
understanding that makes people's life more
segmented.
Populism has four characteristics. First, the
movement represents the interests of marginalised
groups. Second, it is used against the systems and
sub-systems that are the cause of the
marginalisation. Populism rejects the setting up of
the government and the political elite. Third, the
populism movement spreads the discourse of
economic crises, politics and morality that erodes
the existence of the nation and of the state. Fourth,
the populist movement also displays religious
figures but it is also able to provide solutions to the
problems of the country. The figure becomes a role
model for societies who follow this movement.
(CSWS, 2017).
The traces of contemporary populism are
triggered in various countries such as the United
States, which is marked by "Trumpism". Trumpism
began to exist when Donald Trump became an
elected candidate in the US presidential elections. In
the Europe, it is characterised by the UK
government through "Brexit". The events that have
176
hit Indonesia are through the occurrence of massive
protests from Muslims responding to the blasphemy
committed by the former Jakarta Governor, Tjahaja
Basuki Purnama (Ahok). Through these events, the
wave of populism is increasingly prevalent and it is
growing into a big movement.
Figure 1. Characteristics of Populism.
Centralized
Figures/New
Anti
Establishment
Elites
Apocalyptic/ Nativism/
Mass Marginalied
Exploitation Groups
Data Source: CSWS Fisip Unair FGD “Religious
Populism” at November 23, 2017.
The movement of populism in Indonesia is
growing in the lower classes and also can be found
in the majority of the middle classes. Both of these
circles are people who are always dissatisfied with
the policies and leadership style of the main political
actors. In addition, there is the dominance of one
particular party that does not have any ideological
similarities. "Islamic populism" is defined as a trend
that has anatomy that is similar to populism
(specifically, right populism). This term makes
Islam an identity group. The populist Islamic term
can also be used to differentiate between radical
Islam and Islamic political movements in electoral
politics (Hadiz, 2017).
The religious populism movement that has
developed in Indonesia is caused by Western power
in the political, cultural, social and economic fields.
The emergence of the phenomenon of civil war in
the Middle East, the discrimination against Muslims
in Western countries, the expulsion of the Rohingya
ethnic group and the economic crisis has hit the
lower classes of Indonesian society, where the
majority are Muslims. The phenomenon that
happened recently is not a profitable position for
Muslims. Marginalised Moslems, hit by the crisis,
will foster a sense of solidarity among fellow
adherents of Islam and join them in spreading the
issue of discrimination and marginalisation. These
 Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia

conditions give birth to the radical movements that In 2017, the MCA was developed by the events
oppose the teachings of the West as well as the of 411 and 212. The demonstration on behalf of
symbols of non-Muslims. Islam when dealing with the religious defamation by
Based on the index showing the income gap the former Governor of Jakarta has strengthened the
between the rich and the poor in the world, radicalism of the religion. Additionally, it was also
Indonesia is ranked in fourth position in the world, used by political actors to get their own victories.
behind Russia, reaching 74.5% above India (58.4%), These events resulted in widespread religious
Thailand (58%), and Indonesia (49.3%); 10% of radicalism. Political issues about religion do not
Indonesia’s people control 75.7% of Indonesia's seem to happen in Indonesia. After the events of 411
wealth. Other data has shown that two thirds of and 212, the issue of religion has always been
wealthy people in Indonesia are a crony; people associated with political issues. As a result, the
close to power. Referring to the crony-Capitalism former Jakarta governor, who is of Chinese
Index, and related to the position of people who ethnicity, is not allowed to take on a governmental
became rich due to their proximity to power, position.
Indonesia was ranked the world's sixth, under
Russia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, the
Ukraine, and Mexico. (Herdy, 2017)
Based on the above data, Indonesia has a gap of
49.3%. The nominal data shows that Indonesia still
has a high gap level between the rich and poor. This
gap helps the movement of religious populism. The
culmination of the religious movement was at the
same time as the demonstrations against the
blasphemy cases focused on former Jakarta
Governor, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok). After
the 212 demonstrations, the populism movement
increasingly began to exist in social media. Social
media is used as a communication tool that is
effective at promoting the mission of their Figure 2: The beginning of the “MCA” or “Muslim Cyber
demonstrations. After the 212 demonstrations, there Army” movement emerged
became one movement called the Muslim Cyber Source: Ismail Fahmi, PhD (The War On MCA)
Army (MCA).

4.4 Muslim Cyber Army (MCA) in

Indonesia
The MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) is a movement
without form and structure that operates in social
media. The development of the MCA movement is
through social media and news that is related to
Islam or political issues. It is recorded in history that
the MCA emerged in Indonesia in 2016. It is marked
by a tweet from Adam Harvey, a Journalist at ABC
for Southeast Asia, who stated: "Radical Indonesian
cleric Habib Habib Rizieq says that Jokowi is
blocking him online. Calls for help from Season Figure 3: Keyword Trail: “MCA” or “Muslim Cyber
Cyber Army." Army”
Source : Ismail Fahmi, PhD (The War On MCA)
One of the religious leaders that is a role model of
the MCA, Habib Rizieq, said that his social media
In 2018, the police arrested 14 members of the
account was blocked by the government. Habib
MCA in various regions in Indonesia. The pros and
Rizieq, commonly called HRS, voiced that there
cons concerning the actions of the government have
should be a cyber-war and asked the MCA to join
spawned a social media war. One pro-government
him.
Twitter is @digembok, which always de-legitimised
the MCA.

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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

requirement is that if the member conducts phishing,

then they will be blocked from the group.
The MCA is considered to have an effective
strategy in attracting society. According to the data
from online news republika, it is proven that from
2016 to 2018, there were 102,064 MCA accounts
and 20 admin accounts. The workings of the MCA
are to accommodate hoax news, videos and
provoking images for the purpose of dissemination.
The target of their message is as an actor of the
government and political parties. Some of the
accounts that make up the cluster cons of
government are the Cyber Moeslim Defeat Hoax,
amounting to 145 people, The Family Team Cyber
which has nine members, the Sniper Army Team
that has 177 members and six administrators and
accounts that are similar to the MCA but that do not
show the MCA identity such as the
@indonesiabertauhid Instagram account that already
has 466k followers and@teropong.rakyat who has
63.7k followers. Accounts that are not on behalf of
the MCA can be regarded as a right hand or relation
Figure 4: Trigger Developed “MCA” : Statement of Cyber
Warfrom HRS
of the MCA based on the patterns and types of data
Source: Ismail Fahmi, PhD (The War On MCA) transmitted. This is because they deliver from the
same structure.
The war of the MCA and the government's pro-
account has become a cluster. A cluster is a
combination of social media accounts. In this case,
the cluster is divided into two smaller clusters,
which are the cluster of the pro-government and the
cluster that is counter-government. The arrest of 14
members of the MCA made the pro-government
cluster wider and the MCA cluster narrower. This
will not last long if the pro-government is negligent
in maintaining the cluster, as the MCA will find
gaps to attack back. The patterns of the social media
wars that occur between the clusters ran counter to
one another until now. One counter-government
movement is the MCA, which is still heavily in the
Picture 5: Joining Requirements Member of MCA Muslim
news, especially on the issue of governance and Cyber Army Indonesia Group
politics. The MCA presents a religious leader who is Source: Facebook Muslim Cyber Army Indonesia
considered to be capable in solving the problems of
the country.
From the above data, the followers of each
4.5 MCA Characteristics
account are not small. Over 2 years, the MCA drew
the attention of the Muslim community in Indonesia.
The MCA, which is without form and structure, is a
The number of followers listed above does not
movement united only because of the solidarity of
included the number of members or followers on the
having a similar ideology. Networking members or
Facebook group. The group of the MCA on
sympathisers are not bound. To join the discussion
Facebook has as many as 3,417 followers. The use
room of the MCA via Facebook, they only require
of social media in reporting strategies for public
mentioning the Syahada sentence twice,
attention is considered to have a high level of
acknowledging that Muhammad is the Messenger of
Allah and recognising Jesus as a prophet. The last

178
 Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia
effectiveness. As a result, there are many accounts
related to MCA that are developing fast.
Basically, the accounts of the MCA all have the
same pattern. There are some characteristics that can
be seen in the MCA movement. The first official
account is named the MCA (Muslim Cyber Army).
To identify whether the account is an account of the
MCA or not can be seen in the group or account
name. Some groups use the MCA name openly. But
some, especially Instagram accounts, do not show
the identity of the MCA. In other words, they use the
identity of the religion of Islam or Islamic symbols.
Second, the social media accounts of the MCA or
that use Islamic symbols have the same pattern of
reporting positive news that rivals the government.
The MCA recognises that members of the MCA
clarify the policies of the government subsidies and
spread the news that the policy is a hoax.
The MCA recognises that they can go against
each policy from the government, as well as counter
every crevice of government reporting. Third, the
news is disseminated in the form of a provocative
proclamation. The purpose is only to provoke, so
then the news presented is provoked and related to
the community issues raised. Fourth, one wave
populism can be seen from religious leaders who
feel able to solve the problems of the state and of the
nation. The MCA movement upholds Habib Rizieq
as a role model in both religion and society.
According to the MCA, Habib Rizieq should be able
to overcome the country’s problems. This is proven
because the early occurrences of the MCA are
characterised by a post about Habib Rizieq stating
that "Radical Indonesian cleric says Habib Rizieq
Jokowi is blocking him online, calls for help from
Season Cyber Army". From these statements, the
MCA movement started to develop in Indonesia.
Figure 7: Example of Provocative News
Source: Facebook Muslim Cyber Army News
4.6 Impact of MCA movement
The MCA movement has changed people’s mindsets
on the public degradation issues related to politics
and the government. The changing of the legitimacy
of the Muslim community is triggered by the level of
publicity. As mentioned above, the wave of
populism has four characteristics, and one of them is
that the wave of populism occurs because there are
people who are against being marginalised. It makes
them provide news against the authorities because
the government is considered to be the cause of the
marginalised party. The MCA is a movement that
goes against the government or the ruling political
party because the MCA feels that the political elite
has led to marginalisation, especially that of
Muslims. The MCA attracts so many Muslim
members who jointly undertake counter-government
reporting.
In addition, the societal legitimacy of the
government has declined because of the social media
war. The government, which is the stake holder in
the country, should be able to solve the problems
related to social media with a pattern of mediation.
This will help the social media war case not grow
fast in the eyes of the general public. The
consequence of the presence of the clusters being
segmented makes the society become firmer.
5 ANALYSIS OF THE THEORY
OF IDENTITY POLITICS
Emerging identities refers to several conditions such
as social, political and cultural. As described above,
identity is a special characteristic of any one person
or community that becomes the entry point for other
people to introduce themselves. Castelle found that
"Identity is the foundation of the construction
process and culture of an individual who gives
meaning and purpose to a particular individual,
because the formation of identity is a process of
internal dialogue and social interaction."
Identity as described by Castelle refers to the
basic construction of psycho-cultural culture.
Psycho-cultural qualities and identity can be
manifested into religious and ethnic identities.
Identity formation is built by a complex process
through experience, confidence, or interactions with
the environment. This is the reason why identity
construction is not a short time process. The process
of identity formation does not apply finally because
the identity can be changed with the development of
179
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
knowledge and through interactions with the
environment.
Talking about the MCA, the topic of
conversation will lead to the religious identity of
Islam because members of the MCA consist of
Muslims who uphold the teachings of Islam. They
deny the existence of non-Islamic symbols or
Western concepts. Members of the MCA are united
on the basis of religious affiliations in common
solidarity. MCA cadre members are very flexible.
One of the conditions that they must have is Islam.
In addition to the religion of Islam, members of the
MCA also feel that Muslims are marginalised by
government officials. Identities are formed in such a
way that they can be obtained through the
experience of Muslims who feel marginalised by
government policy.
The MCA is formed with the goal of the
existence of the Muslims. The MCA movement is
intended to indicate the identity of the Islamic
religion and the power of the Muslims if they are
united. One fact that cannot be avoided is that the
state of Indonesia has a Muslim majority population,
but Muslims feel that the government is not pro-
Muslim. It causes the existence of the MCA
movement to demonstrate against the government.
They believe that if Muslims are united, then it can
shake the political stability of the government.
Cressida Heyes revealed that "Identity politics is
a flagging political activity in a broader sense,
insulated by injustice experiences along with
members of certain social groups." Cressida Hayes’
opinion of the understanding of the politics of
identity is associated with the formation of the
MCA. Before the MCA formed, a wave of populism
swept through many countries. Indonesia
experienced the populism movement due to the
condition of having marginalised communities. The
MCA were formed to strengthen the existence of the
identity of the Muslim religion. Identity politics are
based on the experience of Muslims who are against
the governmental policies. This makes them come
together as a marginalised group.
6 CHANGE THE PUBLIC
MINDSET WOULD BE A
POLITICAL ISSUE
The MCA, as a Muslim group that attacks the
government, always gives news that they call the
"clarification" of the government policy. The
negative news about the government will decrease
180
its public legitimacy. If the legitimacy of
government fades, then their political legitimacy will
also fade.
The MCA has gathered a lot of members over
the span of 2 years because the MCA upholds an
Islamic religious identity. In fact, Indonesia is a
unitary state that upholds multiculturalism.
However, the concept of multiculturalism is not
enough to maintain stability in the society.
Multiculturalism has various cultures and religions
that are a particular challenge for the government
when it comes to being fair to all people. Indonesia
has finally found out the impact of multiculturalism
for itself. One group of people feel marginalised by
the government in particular. As a result, the MCA
movement formed as an impact of multiculturalism
and religious populism.
The MCA, in changing the understanding of its
members related to politics and government issues,
will not escape from the negative publicity. The
MCA does not state that the news is negative
coverage because the MCA uses the term
"clarification" concerning the policies established by
the government. The negative news related to the
government and politics makes and shapes people's
mindset. This can also decrease the public
legitimacy of the government.
MCA movement
The emergence of
marginalized
The emergence of
emerged that gave
the government an
triggers from HRS
groups intensely negative
report
The growing MCA is
Preaching through Decreasing
social media can legitimacy of
marked by the
increasing followers of
influence readers government MCA accounts
Figure 8. Mindset’s change of society by MCA
7 CONCLUSION
Democracy in the digital age is the direct impact of
globalisation, particularly the advancement of
information and communication technology.
Powered by the high number of social media users,
there is more secure community participation and
aspirations. Social media then grows and develops
into a new container that serves as a source of
information and participation, and that involves the
decentralisation of information and interaction.
Through social media networks, all information will
be open widely. On the other hand, the negative
impact of social media is a change in the
dependency stigma attached to an object affected by
 Virtual Democracy - MCA (Muslim Cyber Army) Influences on Political Issues in Indonesia

the news through social media. Information may be
wide open in social media networks, but it is not
necessarily information that has been verified.
The development of the digital era in Indonesia
has been followed by a phenomenon that has been
described as religious populism. The high
sentimental religion freely supports participation in
the era of digital democracy, having encouraged the
emergence of movements of identity in social media.
The religious populism movement developed in
Indonesia because of some of the Western power
shifts in the political, cultural, and economic social
spheres; this includes the emergence of the
phenomenon of civil war in the Middle East, the
discrimination of Muslims from Western countries,
the expulsion of the Rohingya ethnic group, and the
economic crisis that hit the lower classes of society
Indonesia.
The common thread that can then be inferred
from the above phenomena is the presence of social
media as a forum for a wide variety of background
accounts of the Islamic populism movement that is
capable of changing the mindset of society when
dealing with political issues. In fact, one of the
The Muslim movements, the Cyber Army
(MCA) have been utilising social media to raise and
discuss hot topics that will be able to lead the
reader’s opinion. The MCA movement, to some
extent, has changed the mindset of the people and
the legitimacy of the public degradation issues
related to politics and the government. The shift in
the mindset and legitimacy of the Muslim
community has been triggered by the level of
publicity in the neutralised structure.
Heryanto, Gun Gun. 2018. Media Komunikasi
Politik:Relasi Kuasa Media di Panggung Politik.
Yogyakarta:IRCiSoD
Ishadi Sk. 2014. Media dan Kekuasaan : Televisi di
HariHari Terakhir Presiden Soeharto. Jakarta:PT.
Kompas Media Nusantara
Macafee, Timothy. 2014. Social Media Politics: The
Interplay Between News, Networks, Attitudes and
Engagement. University of Wiscounsin-Madison.
Postill, John. 2018. Populism and social media: a global
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10.1177/0163443718772186
Sandel, Michael J. 2018. Populism, Liberalism, and
Democracy. Harvard University, Cambridge USA
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10.1177/0191453718757888
Shelly Boulianne. 2016. Campaign and Conflict on social
media: a literature snapshot.
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Simarmata, Salvatore.2014. Media & Politik: Sikap Pers
terhadap Pemerintahan Koalisi di Indonesia.
Jakarta:Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia
Stavrakakis, Yannis. 2017. Accomplishments and
limitations of the ‘new’ mainstream in contemporary
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Thessaloniki, Greece:
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10.1177/1368431017723337
Subiakto, Henry.dkk. 2014. Komunikasi Politik, Media
dan Demokrasi. Jakarta:PRENADAMEDIA GROUP
Suharko. 2005. Merajut Demokrasi: Hubunga NGO,
Pemerintah, dan Pengembangan Tata Pemerintah
Demokratis. Yogyakarta:Tiara Wacana.

REFFERENCE
Andriadi, Fayakhun. 2017. Partisipasi Politik Virtual:
Demokrasi Netizen di Indonesia. Jakarta:RMBOOKS
Buchari, Sri Astuti. 2014. Kebangkitan Etnis Menuju
Politik Identitas. Jakarta:Yayasan Pustaka Obor
Indonesia
Conde, Berganza RM. 2016. Negativity in the Political
News in the Spanish News Media. DOI:
10.4185/RLCS-
2016-1089en
http://www.revistalatinacs.org/071/paper/1089/09en.htm l
Hadiz, Vedi R. 2017. Populism in world politics: A
comparative cross-regional perspective. University of
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Haynes,Jeff. 2005. Democracy and Political Change in
The Third World. USA and Canada: Routledge. ISBN
0-415-24443-9

181
 Gender Mainstreaming Strategy to Eliminate
the Practice of Girl Marriage

Emy Susanti1 & Siti Mas’udah1

1
Department of Sociology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of Sociology, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
emy_susanti@yahoo.com, siti.masudah@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: girl marriage, gender mainstreaming, poor community, feminist perspective

Abstract: The practice of girl marriage in Indonesia has remained to this day, mainly in poor villages. This paper is
intended to reveal how women who married at a young age have been victims and how the practice of girl
marriage could be eliminated by using a gender mainstreaming strategy. This paper was based on research
conducted in poor villages in the province of East Java, namely in Sampang Regency and Ponorogo
Regency. This study is a feminist perspective research with the research subjects being women who were
married at a young age, their parents, community leaders, formal leaders, and the leaders of women's
organizations. The data collection techniques applied in the study were an in-depth interview technique with
20 informants and interviews using a questionnaire with 200 respondents. This study shows that the practice
of early marriage is detrimental to women, since women are the victims. The study also found that
implementing the gender mainstreaming strategy potentially could reduce the practice of girl marriage in
poor communities.

1 INTRODUCTION study used sociological analysis with a gender

Various policies and regulations severely limit the
practice of girl marriage in Indonesia. However, girl
marriage is still happening, mainly in poor
communities. Compared to other regions in
Indonesia, the number of early marriages in East
Java Province is quite high. One out of three women
who were married in Java married for the first time
when they were aged under 16, especially in West
Java and East Java (Indonesia Population Data
Survey, IDHS, 2007). Parents often encourage girls
to marry even when they are not yet 18 years of age
and still make them go to school with the aim of
easing the burden of the family economy.
Early marriage has been studied in many
countries (Gemignani and Wodon, 2015; Khanna,
Verma and Weiss, 2013; Myers and Harvey, 2011;
Nguyen, and Wodon, 2014). This study is more
focused on the side of the girls who married at a
young age, regardless of the age of the husbands. In
an early marriage, women often bear more losses
because they get pregnant and give birth
dangerously early (Field and Ambrus, 2008). This
perspective to explain the mechanism of the social
reproduction of gender-based power relations by
Foucault (2002) that support the ongoing practice of
girl marriage. This paper is intended to reveal how
the practice of girl marriage could be eliminated by
using a gender mainstreaming strategy.
2 METHOD
This paper is based on the research conducted in
poor villages in the province of East Java, namely in
Sampang Regency and Ponorogo Regency. This
study is a feminist perspective research study
focusing on women’s lives. The subjects of the
research were women who married at young age,
their parents, community leaders and formal leaders.
The data collection techniques applied in the study
were an in-depth interview technique with 20
informants and interviews using a questionnaire with
200 respondents.

182
Susanti, E. and Mas’udah, S.
Gender Mainstreaming Strategy to Eliminate the Practice of Girl Marriage.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 182-185
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Gender Mainstreaming Strategy to Eliminate the Practice of Girl Marriage
3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
The practice of girl marriage has remained to this
day, especially in the poorer villages of Ponorogo
Regency and Sampang Regency, in the East Java
province. The results of the study revealed two
important things; 1) women who married at a young
age were the victims of early marriage practices in
poor communities and 2) a gender mainstreaming
strategy (Office of the Special Advisor on Gender
Issues and Advancement of Women, 2001; FAO,
2017) needs to be implemented to speed up the
process of eliminating the practice of early girl
marriage in poor communities
3.1 Girls as Victims of Early Marriage
Practices
The practice of early marriage for girls among poor
families is considered to reduce the burden of the
family economically. Girls under 18 years of age
revealed that their family could not afford to send
them to school. The following data indicates that
girls were married at a very young age both in
Sampang and Ponorogo. Most of them got married
at the age of 14 and under (Sampang by 74% and
Ponorogo by 68%). Their parents marry off their
girls just after their first menstruation or after they
have graduated from elementary school. This study
shows that once the girls get married, they drop out
of school. This indicates that the girls were the
victims of the practice of early marriage since they
suffer from a loss of rights as children.
The results of this study also indicate that the
girls in poor communities were married at the age of
11-18 years old. Their mothers and their sisters also
got married when they were young girls, and the
majority of their mothers and sisters were married at
the age of 12-14 years old (Sampang by 81% and
Ponorogo by 75%). The study also shows that there
is a social meaning behind early marriage among the
majority of wives (73% of 200 women), as it is a
part of following the cultural norms and avoiding the
label of spinster.
A mother of a 16 year old girl who had just got
married stated the following: ”…. the important
thing for my daughter … She has a new family, she
can ask for help from her husband. There is someone
as a bread winner and it is her husband's
responsibility…. This happens…. because I am not
able to send her to school otherwise …. If her father
was still alive …. he would be the bread-winner ….
so now that she is married, she is not so dependent
on my family anymore…” (Mrs R, 40 years old, the
mother of a 16 year old married girl in Sampang
Regency)
When girls are married early, their educational
trajectory is altered. Formal schooling and education
often ceases, which means that they stop acquiring
the knowledge and skills that will carry them
through life, including as a part of being productive
members of their households and communities. In
the poor communities, the girls have no choice and
have to obey to their parents and the cultural norms.
It was obvious from the study that the girls were
victims and that they sacrificed their lives for their
families’ welfare.
3.2 Gender Mainstreaming Strategy
and Women Empowerment in the
Villages
Gender mainstreaming is a strategy that is carried
out rationally and systematically to achieve and
realize gender equality and justice through policies
and programs that pay attention to the experiences,
aspirations, needs and problems of women and men.
‘Gender Mainstreaming is widely understood as a
strategy used for institutionalizing and integrating
gender concerns into the mainstream’ (Tiessen, R.
2007: p.12). This strategy is built on the assumption
that women and men do not enjoy equal legal, social
and economic rights. In Indonesia, a presidential
instruction was issued - number 9 of 2000
concerning gender mainstreaming – in order to carry
out the program preparation by considering issue of
women's needs in a series of policies, programs and
activities. This strategy could be implemented
through a process that incorporates gender analysis
into work programs, integrating the experiences and
aspirations of women and men into the development
process.
The gender mainstreaming approach is an
improvement on the gender approach in previous
developments and it is one of the most effective
ways to achieve gender equality. This improvement
can be found in the strategy of shifting the focus of
policies from the subordination of women to
mainstreaming or integrating women into all
developmental sectors with the aim of achieving
equality and empowerment.
Implementing a gender mainstreaming strategy
could reduce the practice of girl marriage in poor
villages, since the gender mainstreaming strategy is
based on local wisdom. In addition, the gender
mainstreaming strategy empowers women as agents
of change, where women are the 'victim' of the girl
183
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
marriage. This study showed that the practice of girl
marriage is still supported by the respected informal
leaders, who are mainly male.
The gender mainstreaming strategy should be put
to the consideration of the entire development
process as an integral part of the functional activities
of all governmental agencies and institutions at both
the central and regional levels. In this case, the
gender mainstreaming strategy will optimize the
efforts to eliminate the practice of early girl
marriage. The main prerequisite condition of the
gender mainstreaming process is empowering
women through the dissemination of information
that is important to women. When women have
sufficient information and knowledge about the
things that are detrimental to their lives and their
families, it is hoped that women could take
precautions. However, the results of the study found
there to be a contradictory situation, as follows;
Table 1: Knowledge of Wives on the Regulations of Age
Marriage in Ponorogo and Sampang
No. f (%)
No Regulation on Age of
1. 108
Marriage
After baligh’s age
2. 62
(After First Menstruation)
After 16 years old
(based on Indonesian
3. 30
Government Regulations on
Marriage)
Total 200
Table 1 shows that the majority (54%) of wives
who married at a young age have no information
about the regulations on the age of marriage. The
women were sure that there were no regulations on
the age of marriage since the issue is considered to
be private. However, the Indonesian Government
actually has regulations related to marriage and the
age limit for brides is 16 years old. Furthermore, the
latest policy on the age limit of marriage has been
changed to 18 years old. This study showed that
only 30% of wives who got married at a young age
said that the limit for marriageable age for brides
was 16 years old (based on the existing Indonesian
Government Regulations on Marriage).
The facts revealed from the study are that women
do not know enough information and have no
knowledge at all about the rules of marriage. This
condition could mean that women in poor villages
are powerless toward the betterment of their own
lives. Especially in women's development programs,
women’s issues are the main thing that need to be
considered. Women are not usually included in
184
village meetings which also produce important
decisions for women, including the age limit of
marriage. Some of the village officials interviewed
explained that the village office has never provided
information about the Indonesian marriage law
regarding the minimum age for women to get
married. When we asked whether women were
included in setting up the development program in
their village, a village official answered; "...village
meetings on the development program? We also
invited community leaders to give input ... yes ….
the majority were men ... but there were also two
women from the PKK organization who often
attended the village meetings…" (Mr N, village
official, 45 years old).
From this explanation, it is clear that women are
not considered in the decision making process of the
development programs in their own villages. In the
case of early girl marriage practices in poor villages,
it is very important to include women when
determining policies and programs so then the
prevention and protection of girls can run optimally.
This is because girls are the direct victims of the
practice of early marriage. Gender mainstreaming
54 requires integrating a gender perspective to the
content of the different policies and addressing the
31
issue of representation for both women and men in
the given policy area. Both dimensions – gender
representation and gender responsive content - need
15
to be taken into consideration in all phases of the
policy-making process (Susanti, 2009).
100 Gender mainstreaming ensures that policy-
making and legislative work has a greater relevance
for society, because it makes the policies respond
more effectively to the needs of all citizens – women
and men, girls and boys. Gender mainstreaming
makes public interventions more effective and
ensures that inequalities are not perpetuated, in this
case, the practice of early girl marriage. Gender
mainstreaming does not only aim to avoid the
creation or reinforcement of inequalities which can
have adverse effects on both women and men. It also
implies analyzing the existing situation, with the
purpose of identifying inequalities, and developing
policies which aim to reduce the inequalities and
undo the mechanisms that caused them. Integrating
the gender perspective into policy means that
equality between women and men, as the
overarching principle, should be taken into
consideration in all decisions and in each phase of
the policy-making process by all of the actors
involved.
 Gender Mainstreaming Strategy to Eliminate the Practice of Girl Marriage

4 CONCLUSIONS Gemignani, R., and Wodon, Q. 2015. Child Marriage and

Based on the study, this paper argues that young
girls are the victims of early marriage practices. The
practice of early marriage in poor communities has
been going on for a long time and has continued for
generations until now. It is obvious that early girl
marriage practices were not an economic issue but
more of a gender issue.
Early marriage practices in poor communities
has been going on for decades since the government
did not previously have specific programs designed
for the prevention of early marriage. This research
shows that the majority of the girls and wives who
have been early marriage victims have no
knowledge at all about the marriage laws that apply
in Indonesia. This research shows the importance of
implementing gender mainstreaming strategy so then
any efforts aimed to eliminate early marriage
practices can run optimally.
Implementing a gender mainstreaming strategy
potentially could reduce the practice of girl marriage
since gender mainstreaming strategy is based on
local wisdom. In addition, the gender mainstreaming
strategy seeks to empower women as the agents of
change, particularly where the women have been the
'victims' of girl marriages.
Faith Affiliation in Sub-Saharan Africa: Stylized Facts
and Heterogeneity. The Review of Faith &
International Affairs, 13 (3): 14–47.
Khanna, T., Verma, R., and Weiss. E. 2013. Child
Marriage in South Asia: Realities, Responses and the
Way Forward. Bangkok: UNFPA Asia Pacific
Regional Office.
Myers, J., and Harvey, R. 2011. Breaking Vows: Early
and Forced Marriage and Girls’ Education. London:
Plan UK.
Nguyen, M. C., and Wodon, Q. 2014. Impact of Early
Marriage on Literacy and Education Attainment in
Africa. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Susanti, E. 2009. Perempuan Miskin dan Makna Sosial
Kemiskinan. Jurnal Masyarakat Kebudayaan dan
Politik, 22 (4): 275-285.
Tiessen, R. 2007. Everywhere/Nowhere: Gender
Mainstreaming in Development Agencies. USA:
Kumarian Press Inc.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We seek to express our sincere gratitude to the
DRPM Ministry of Research, the Higher Education
Republic of Indonesia and the Dean of Faculty of
Social and Political Sciences of Universitas
Airlangga for giving permission to conduct this
research. We also acknowledge the support from the
people who agreed to participate in this study.

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Foucault, M. 2002. Power/Knowledge: Wacana
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 Digital Storytelling
Joyfull Learning for Children in Kindergarten

Reza Nawafella Alya Parangu 1

1
Department of Library and Information Science, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia
reza.nawafella@ui.ac.id

Keywords: digital storytelling, education, kindergarten, learning methods.

Abstract: Telling and listening to stories is very beneficial for the mental and emotional intelligence of children.
Storying stretches the child's imagination, encouraging children to learn different ways of thinking. The
digital era is one of social and cultural phenomena and sometimes social and cultural practices have
changed in this era, including storytelling. This study aims to analyse the role of digital storytelling in
children's education in kindergarten. This study uses a qualitative approach, using the data obtained from
the interviews of children in kindergarten together with their parents after doing storytelling activities in
digital form. The data obtained are then reviewed and analysed with some related literature, so that to the
results can be interpreted. The results show that storytelling in digital form is very effective for children
who grow in the digital world today; with this method they are more enthusiastic about learning.
Storytelling in digital form makes it easy to remember the storyline that occurs and the effect is that what
they watch is applied to their daily lives.

1 INTRODUCTION The digital era is one of social and cultural

Reading a story to a child looks like a small activity
which if, we look deeper, turns out to be of great
benefit for the child. Activities relating to reading a
story from a book or just telling a story are fun for
children, and also provide other benefits for children
such as expanding the vocabulary of children,
developing and maintaining the skills of children
and helping the, to think creatively and broaden their
imaginations..
Not just in everyday life but also in other
contexts, reading a story or telling a story is a
learning method that have been applied in the world
of education, especially in the early childhood
education stage in kindergarten.
An education is intended to prepare students to
navigate the rapidly changing and complex world
which is interrelated in a landscape that is
increasingly digital and has resulted in mandatory
curricula, integrating global civic education and
digital technology in the classroom from
kindergarten to Grade 12 (Truong-White & Lorna,
2015). Digital storytelling integrated into the
educational curriculum,, increases the involvement
of kindergarten students in shaping and emerging
non-mainstream perspectives and self-reflection.
phenomena; sometimes social and cultural practices
can change in this era, including storytelling. The
rapid development that occurs in technology causes
the activity of storytelling tha,t originally present in
oral form, is now increasingly becoming alive with a
touch of technology. The most popular media in the
digital stories are on video so the focus of this study
is digital storytelling in the form of video.
The purpose of this article is to analyse the role
of digital storytelling in children's education in
kindergarten, by highlighting what issues make
learning by using digital storytelling appealing to
children and how digital storytelling can play a role
in controlling child behaviour.
Previous research has been done by Yuksel-
Arslan, Yildirim & Ross Robin with an article
entitled A Phenomenological Study: Teachers'
Experiences of Using Digital Storytelling in Early
Childhood Education. This study investigates how
early childhood education (ECE) teachers
incorporated digital storytelling in their classrooms
and the challenges and successes that they faced in
the process. The study presented examples that
illustrated how ECE teachers had used digital
storytelling to enhance learning. The results show
that the emphasis on specifc points may assist

191
Parangu, R.
Digital Storytelling - Joyfull Learning for Children in Kindergarten.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 191-194
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
teachers, parents, educational researchers and
educational policy-makers in using technological
tools in young children's learning environments. In
this study, the method used is qualitative
phenomenology.
Then the difference between this research and
previous research lies in the purpose and method of
research. The purpose of this research is as
mentioned earlier that is, to analyse the role of
digital storytelling in childhood education in
kindergarten, by highlighting what issues make
learning by using digital storytelling appealing to
children and how digital storytelling can play a role
in controlling child behaviour. The method used in
this research is a qualitative approach, using data
obtained from interviews with children in
kindergarten together with their parents after doing
storytelling activities in digital form.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Digital Storytelling
Digital storytelling is an activity like telling a fairy
tale or telling a story traditionally but by using
different media; combining it with a touch of
technology makes the story seem more alive.
Another definition is that digital storytelling is a
short story-making process that allows students and
educators to improve their information-gathering
and problem-solving skills, and to facilitate the
ability to work in collaborative teams (Robin, 2008).
Digital storytelling is a form of video
communication that combines images and sounds
along with narration to discuss perspectives or
stories (Robin, 2008). Digital stories are different
from the usual videos; digital stories for children in
kindergartens are intentionally created to serve
educational purposes. They can be produced simply
and affordably by the instructor.
Digital storytelling is categorised into three types
(Robin, 2008): 1) a personal story about one's
experience, memory, or event; 2) an informative or
instructive story that teaches a particular subject to
the audience; and (3) stories that examine historical
events. Basically, there are two narrations in the
digital story, the open narration (the words in the
story) and the secret narrative felt by the viewers of
the image.
Digital storytelling video is used as the main
content for the online part of this study because of
the following practical advantages: (a) it can be
produced simply and affordably; (b) it exploits
192
unique sources of knowledge from contributing
researchers and educators; (c) it is available to
students with online access; (d) it can be archived
and used across semesters and available to students
in the future; (e) it ensures consistent content
presentation across instructors, and (f) resonates
with preservice teacher audiences, as digital
storytelling is a common educational tool (Shelton,
Warren, and Archambault, 2016).
2.2 Digital Storytelling in Education
Digital storytelling was first popularised in the
educational sphere of the 1990s, as accessibility to
audio and video capture devices and digital media
software expanded in those days (Lambert 2013).
Digital storytelling evolved as a potentially powerful
innovation to support the goals of global citizenship
education while meeting the demands of a digitally
immersed student population (Truong-White &
Lorna, 2015). As an educational tool, digital
storytelling has been used extensively throughout
the curricula of kindergartens.
In using digital stories as a source of learning, it
is important to note that educators need to be
equipped with dialogue skills around controversial
issues and understand dissent, so when students
express their own perspectives, educators can
respond, guide and direct them.
2.3 Kindergarten
Kindergarten, commonly referred to as preschool, is
a school intended children of a young age. From
Victoria's Department of Education and Training
article entitled ‘All about kindergarten’,
"Kindergarten is an important step for children and
is strongly recommended for all children. Research
shows that kindergartens improve the health and
well-being of children, helping them develop strong
social skills and encourage love of learning.
Children who enter into a kindergarten program are
more independent and hide-away and are more
likely to make a smooth transition to primary school
(Preparation)"
According to the Minister of Education and
Culture of the Republic of Indonesia Number 137 of
2014 on the National Standard of Early Childhood
Education, the age 4 to 6 is the ideal age for children
to enter kindergarten, because, at this age, many
children want to know, and have already developed
the mental readiness to study outdoors. children are
ready to adjust to the learning environment, both
physically and mentally. They are ready to be away

from their parents, ready to meet new friends, ready
to follow instructions from educators, and ready to
do new things.
3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
The method used in this study is qualitative, using
data collected and analysed through observation,
interview and literature review. Interviews were
conducted with children and their parents after a
storytelling activity in digital form. Students came
from kindergarten, from one class, which amounted
to 18 people. I took a sample of five boys and five
girls aged 5 years, along with their respective
companions (mother / caregiver) to be observed.
4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Reading a story or story telling is one of the
activities that children love. Through the story, the
development of children's intelligence and character
can form slowly, because childhood is a golden time
to instill a good personality in them (Sukirman,
2016). Listening to a story helps a child imagine
characters, places, plots and more, instead of seeing
them in the visual media. It also enhances creativity,
makes them more imaginative and open to ideas and
free thinking.
Storytelling also has a good impact for children
in sharpening their memory. Reading a storybook
can help improve a child's memory. When we finish
reading a story, we can ask him/her to repeat the
same story after a few days. Another alternative way
is for us to ask the child to develop the story further
with his/her own version. This is a fun way to
improve him/her memory and encourage
concentration.
Digital storytelling also offers several
advantages, including: 1) complex conservation
topics can be delivered more holistically through
video than with technical articles or textbooks; 2)
incorporating recordings from around the world is
important to convey the depth of the topic of a story
(the unique advantage of the video is the ability to
provide students with a representative experience
that exceeds the range of possible experiences in real
life); 3) telling stories in a digital form connects
emotionally with students. Informative films that
generate affective responses are also associated with
increased topic interest and narrative engagement
(LaMarre and Landreville, 2009). Digital stories
Digital Storytelling - Joyfull Learning for Children in Kindergarten
seek to promote learning and retention by providing
a rich flow of information through various
modalities. The evidence suggests that videos offer
learning benefits compared to more traditional
content formats, because they combine visual,
moving images, and sound in a cohesive way
(Burmark, 2004; Hibbing and Rakin-Erikson, 2003).
The results of interviews with children after a
digital storytelling session in the form of a video
about what made them love this learning method
showed what makes digital storytelling appealing to
children in terms of visual and audiovisual
characteristics; the characters and the atmosphere
featured in the storytelling video, character-filled
sounds, storylines and songs that accompany stories
that children can usually imitate are all important
factors. After the video storytelling is played, then a
quiz about the video reinforces elements, like
mentioning the characters in the digital story, the
traits that the characters have in the story, what good
things they get from the story, and the bad things
that are suffered. Then educators can close this
digital storytelling activity by providing good and
bad things that are necessary and unnecessary for
children to know following on from the story.
The last question is whether they prefer
storytelling in a traditional way or storytelling in
digital form. Basically they liked both traditionally
storytelling, that usually features characters like
hand puppets, or characters made from paper which
make them interested and happy to listen, but if it
will be done again the storytelling activities of
children more agree if done storytelling in digital
form. This is because storytelling in digital form is
not monotonous, the songs that accompany the story
make them happy, they are not just listening to
stories and they can sing and dance together.
Storytelling in digital form can be any story
deliberately created for a child's education, usually
stories that include moral values so that children can
learn lessons from watching the video of the story.
The use of digital storytelling by teachers in the
teaching process can increase children's enthusiasm.
Children in kindergarten tend to be more excited
when their teachers read stories. Learning by using
storytelling in a digital form makes them more
interested in making it easier to absorb information.
Digital storytelling has a lot of influence on the child
in the development of the child's behaviour. The
moral values contained in digital storytelling are
absorbed by the child very well.
Their parents also pointed out that children
follow what they see; thanks to watching the
storytelling videos they see their favorite characters
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
doing good things. They also do good deeds, do
good things with parents, friends, and nature, such as
being honest, helping parents, making friends with
everyone, not bullying friends, being frugal, saving,
being independent, loving animals, throwing rubbish
in the correct place, etc. Stories that are commonly
used in kindergarten lessons are usually short stories
to keep in mind, and stories of everyday life that
children can equate to their lives.
5 CONCLUSION
The existence of a digital storytellling curriculum in
education in kindergarten is an appropriate step to
support children's education. Children in
kindergarten are in a period of growth and
development. They tend to imitate what they see.
Digital storytelling makes the child more
enthusiastic, happy, and excited so that the
information delivered by the story is easily absorbed
by the child. It is not simply fun; with a digital story,
the good behaviour in the traits that character
possess in the story can be imitated by the child. The
problem of digital storytelling is that children can be
addicted to watching videos they like, so it takes the
guidance of educators and parents to help children
both to control their intense wish to watch video
storytelling and to guide their perspective on the
entertainment to better things. However, storytelling
in a traditional way is not less interesting, but the
drawback is that the child usually loses focus if the
story is not interesting anymore. Storytelling in the
traditional way is considered monotonous because
there is only one voice from the storyteller; it is
necessary to have storytellers who are trained to
make traditional storytelling feel lively and fun.
Indirectly, the benefits gained from storytelling
lead to the formation of good habits amongst
children. Moral messages can be delivered by
educators after the storytelling activities which have
been both digitally and traditionally performed.
Little things like helping parents, singing, friends,
loving animals, saving, always being honest and
independent, and stick in the child’s memory and
cause them to carry out the messages they have
received.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
Thank you for PERTIWI kindergarten along with
educators, accompanying parents and very funny
194
students who support this research. And this
researcher is supported by Faculty of Humanities,
University of Indonesia and the Directorate of
Research and Community Service, University of
Indonesia.
REFERENCES
Emert, Toby. 2014. Interactive Digital Storytelling with
Refugee Children. National Council of Teachers of
English, Vol.91, No.6 pp.401-415.
Robin, B. 2008. The Effective Uses of Digital Storytelling
as a Teaching and Learning Tool, Handbook of
research on teaching literacy through the
communicative and visual arts. Vol. 2. New York:
Lawrence Erlbaum Associates
Sawyer, Cheryl B. & Jana M. Willis. 2011. Introducing
Digital Storytelling to Influence the Behavior of
Children and Adolescents. Jornal of Creativity in
Mental Health, Vol.6, No.4 pp.274-283.
Truong-White, Hoa & Lorna McLean. 2015. Digital
Storytelling for Transformative Gobal Citizenship
Education. Canadian Journal of Education, Vol.38,
No.2, pp.1-28.
Yuksel-Arslan, Pelin, Soner Yildrim and Bernard Ross
Robin. 2016. A Phenomenological Study: Teachers’
Experiences of Using Digital Storytelling in Early
Childhood Education. Education Studies, Vol.42,
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Shelton, Catharyn C., Annie E. Warren, & Leanna M.
Archambault. 2016. Eploring the Use of Interactive
Diigital Storytelling Video: Hybrid Course.
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Sukirman. 2016. Digital Storytelling Interactive and
Expending Using Augmented Reality (Digital
Storytelling Interaktif dan Menggembirakan
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Muhammadiyah Surakarta. pp.55-60
Lambert, J. 2013. Digital storytelling: Capturing lives,
creating community (4th ed.). New York, NY:
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LaMarre, H. L., & Landreville, K. D. 2009. When is
fiction as good as fact? Comparing the influence of
documentary and historical reenactment films on
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770
 Consideration of Parents’ Beliefs
about Guiding Children’s Usage of the Internet

Rully Khairul Anwar1, Edwin Rizal1,and M. Taufiq Rahman2

1Faculty of Communication, Padjadjaran University, Jatinangor, Indonesia
2Faculty of Social and Political Science, UIN SunanGunungDjati, Bandung, Indonesia
rully.khairul@unpad.ac.id, edwin.rizal@unpad.ac.id, fikrakoe@uinsgd.ac.id

Keywords: sociology of education, internet life, children’s aspirations, domestic communication

Abstract: This research examines the performance of parents in guiding their children’s usage of the internet in the
village of Majalengka Regency, West Java, Indonesia. How did the parents control their children’s usage of
the internet and how did their children react to the questions being answered in this research. The research
used a qualitative approach to get the natural settings in which there are many behaviours and events which
occur. This research also used a communicative theory of interactionism, because the theory could lead the
researchers to an understanding of the structure, regulation and parental procedures that could have a
significant impact on family education. This research found that to perform parents' functions as a guide, the
parents always make themselves available for their children. So, the parents collect the children's aspirations
and accommodate them and follow up the aspirations. And, also, to address children's complaints, parents
give a moral and psychological explanation to the children. This was one of the many solutions to address
children addiction to the gadgets.

1 INTRODUCTION measured and could be read (O’Keeffe and Clarke-

Adolescence is a transition period when a person is
about to enter a self-sufficient age, but a teenager is
not yet entirely responsible for themselves or the
community. This period of transition depends on the
circumstances and the social level of the community
in which you live. The more advanced the society,
the longer the adolescent is because they must
prepare to adapt themselves to society (Bowlby,
2012).
Adolescence is one period of human
development. This period is a period of transition
from childhood to adulthood that includes biological
changes. Changes in psychology and social changes
in most societies and cultures of adolescence
generally begin at the age of 13-15 years and end at
the age of 18-22 years (Blum et al., 2014).
Family plays an important role in accompanying
teenagers in guiding what they should do inside and
outside the house. The role is an individual role that
finally manifests rights and obligations. Knowing
the role of the family is very important because,
from here, the ideal and harmonious family figure is
Pearson, 2011).
The key success for parents in giving motivation
and guiding their children lies in how close their
relationship is with the children. No one can
completely replace the role of parents. Parents are
placing where children ask for protection and obtain
peace through harmony between order and
tranquillity, by things from outside their house
(Bowlby, 2012).
The role of the family in the supervision and
guiding the development of early teenagers of 13 to
15 years is significant. It is true in today's era that
many teenagers, especially those aged 13-15 years,
use the internet without supervision and guidance
from parents. Meanwhile, there are many impacts
caused by the internet, including the negative
impacts. Therefore, it is imperative that parents play
a role in guiding and supervising the use of internet
media for the development of their children. In this
case, parents should have the concept of information
literacy, as well as their children (Anwar et al.,
2017).

195
Anwar, R., Rizal, E. and Rahman, M.
Consideration of Parents’ Beliefs about Guiding Children’s Usage of the Internet.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 195-199
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Most of the parents still underestimate the fact
that the internet is the biggest pornography library in
the world that should be avoided by the children.
The results of the survey conducted by the Child
Protection Commission or KomisiPerlindunganAnak
Indonesia (KPAI) among 4,500 junior high school
and senior high school students in 12 major cities in
Indonesia, were shocking. Overall, 97% of
respondents confessed they had already accessed
sites that contain pornography and also watch porn
videos through the internet (Aditya, 2013). Even
worse, 36% of the parents, because of the minimum
effort of supervising, didn't know what their children
were accessing them. Only a few parents
acknowledge what is being obtained by their
children while online, and, on average, children
spent 64 hours online per month (Sufa, 2014).
As Symantec Norton has revealed, the three most
commonly used search engines by teenagers aged
13-15 years are YouTube, Google, and Facebook.
While the word "porn" and "sex" are in the second
position in Symantec data. Although it does not
reveal which country the child is from, at least
parents in Indonesia should consider this thing
(Sufa, 2014).
Teenagers around 13-15 years old have their
world; they have a curious sense of everything and
always want to try everything new. Youth live and
think only for the present moment; they do not think
of a distant past nor a future that they are clueless
about. Therefore, parents should be able to make the
reality of the present a starting point and learning
method for children. The development of a teen
character is influenced by the behaviour of the
family towards the character of a person formed
earlier; in this case, a certain family role is very
influential (Mustari & Rahman, 2014).
If associated with sociological theory, family as
the smallest social institution plays an important role
regarding the formation of individual characters. The
family becomes so important because, through the
family, one's life is formed. As the smallest social
institution, the family is a miniature of social
complexity, because, starting from the family, a
teenager experiences the process of socialisation.
The family is the first and main social unit as the
primary foundation for adolescent development. In
that sense, either for good or bad, a family is very
influential on the formation of one's personality
(Rahman, 2011).
In the family, children learn to socialise, think,
live, and feel all aspects of life that are reflected in
culture. It can be used as a frame of reference in
every action in life. The role of the individual in the
196
family is based on expectations and behaviour
patterns of families, groups, and communities
(O’Keeffe & Clarke-Pearson, 2011).
The question arises, how the circumstances of
parents whom their children in teenager age and can
be influenced by the development of information
technology such as internet? The following research
aims to answer the question. By focusing on a
location in rural areas in Majalengka, West Java,
here is a story about family communication between
parents and children regarding internet influence.
2 RESEARCH METHOD
In this research, the descriptive method was used
with the aim that this method would provide a
clearer description of social situations and could
describe the situation in a systematic, objective and
precise way (Lindlof & Taylor, 2017). The type of
data used in this research are qualitative data
because qualitative data are more comprehensive in
understanding the phenomena in the community. In
this research, the data collection techniques used
were: observation, interview, and a study of
literature. The sources of data in this study are data
obtained directly from the parties involved: parents
who have early teenagers (13 to 15 years old) that
use the internet. Other data sources (secondary) are
sourced from supporting data that is obtained from
the literature taken from journals, books, magazines
or newspapers, and the internet.
3 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
The constant development of information
technology today is convenience for the public to
obtain information. One of the most widely used
types of communication information technology
today is the internet. The development of the internet
leads in all directions, including negative ones,
making parents feel worried about the internet.
Parents often feel worried about the internet
because it could have negative impacts on their
children. Sometimes children could forget about
their rights as human beings, children get lost in
time and socialise less with their friends and many
more. Therefore, as a parent, it is necessary to guide
and supervise their children to use the internet media
at the right time and in a limited way; children
should not forget the time and not forget their duties
 Consideration of Parents’ Beliefs about Guiding Children’s Usage of the Internet
as a child, such as doing school work (interview
with SW, parents, 8/7/2017).
The increasing number of online activities
among children has become a threat. Parents need to
do more than warn their child about the content of
the internet. Looking at the facts, it is recommended
that parents use internet filters to restrict internet use
for their children. In these circumstances, the most
urgent thing to do is to discuss with children the
topics that make them curious, so it's better that the
children get information from their parents instead
of from the internet (Levin & Kilbourne, 2008).
Family SW, for example, is always firm in
supervising and guiding their son. Their son RM,
never uses the internet while he is alone, he is never
allowed to go to an internet kiosk to play games with
his friends. Their son must be supervised while
using the internet (interview with SW, parent,
8/7/2017). Parents FA, on the other hand, are
limiting the amount of time for their children using
the laptop for surfing the internet. FA do not mind
taking the laptop from their children if it’s already
beyond a reasonable time (interview with FA,
parents, 8/7/2017).
Based on the results of interviews and
observations in the field, the following data were
obtained: from 15 families, six families guide and
supervise their children while using the internet,
while the remaining nine families never guide and
supervise. From 20 teenagers, eight teenagers are
avoiding the negative impact of the internet by not
accessing unusual content, while the rest, 12
teenagers, confess they have seen pornographic
photos and videos on the internet either intentionally
or unintentionally.
The family behaviour influences the
development of a teen's character. A person's
character is formed early, so the role of the family is
very influential. The family is the smallest social
group in society. Every family member (father,
mother, and child) has a socialisation process to
understand the culture prevailing in society. From
interviews with parents, they can be a reliable
teacher for their children. Therefore, parents play an
important role in the early education process for
children. The precise information about sexuality,
for example, must be given by parents though,
however, the sense of taboo is still haunting parents
in Indonesia who are adapting Eastern culture
(interview with DN, parents, 20/7/2017).
For example, both in the village and city now
Internet kiosks are available and parents can entrust
their children to the kiosk owner/guard to guide and
supervise what their children access on the internet
or parents can limit the time usage on the internet for
their children. Parents should also tell their children
what things are good for them to use. If the child
often accesses the internet on a smartphone or other
device, then as far as possible, the parents should
control what he accesses from the device. Just like
MT said: "I always limit the time of my child when
using the internet on my laptop, and I divide his time
with positive activities." This is because when using
the internet, children often forget their rights as
children; sometimes children forget the time to eat,
pray, bathe, read the Quran, and others. Parents
often feel worried about that attitude, so MT often
take the laptop if it's already over time, and MT set
the time for their child also to do positive things
such as go to the mosque (interview with MT,
parents, 20/7/2017).
Addiction to playing on the computer is
suspected to trigger children to be lazy about
writing, drawing or performing social activities. A
playing computer addiction can happen mainly
because, earlier, the parents do not make certain
rules regarding playing the computer. According to
HS, as chairman of the RW in Blok Pajawan, parents
need to make a deal with the child about the time for
playing computer. For example, a child may play
computer after school and after finishing homework
for only one hour. The other free time could be used
for doing other things. This timing is necessary so
that children do not think that playing the computer
is the only activity that is interesting. This rule needs
to be monitored by parents from early on. At a later
age, it is expected that the child can manage the time
well (interview with HS, RW chairman, 20/7/2017).
The question that often arises in parents' minds is
whether the existing media could support the process
of educating children? Does the media have a
positive or negative effect on the child? Of course,
there are a lot of answers regarding these questions.
Of course, there are those who argue the media is
very useful because the media have various
information that can be obtained. Indeed, some
parents strongly agree once and never feel worried
about their children who often use the internet media
although not supervised by the parents. The reasons
given by such parents is that the internet that exists
today is very useful because it provides insight into
the development of children (interview with UA,
chairman of RW, 20/7/2017).
But there are some who do not like the internet
because they feel that the internet has a negative
impact on children (interview with YH, parents,
20/7/2017). Of course, a wise attitude to internet
usage could happen if the parents give the right
197
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
understanding about the internet; besides this, the
government should also make policies to manage it.
Considering the advantages and disadvantages of
introducing internet to children, in the end, it is very
dependent on the readiness of parents to introduce
and supervise their children while playing on the
computer. Therefore, all parents, it is expected,
could give a precise understanding of how to be wise
in using the internet media (O’Keeffe & Clarke-
Pearson, 2011).
The increasing amount of information regarding
the dangers of social networking sites like Facebook,
Twitter, and others, lately increasingly reinforces the
need for intensive participation of parents to protect
their children in cyberspace. The first thing many
parents need to realise is that their children will
always have access to the internet, no matter how
much they try to control what their children do and
see in that virtual world (interview with AF, child,
9/7/2017).
The Internet is also no less sophisticated with the
medium itself. Lately, it is the internet that is more
developed. Millions of people use the internet for
various purposes, ranging from personal and
organisational, to official work purposes, because
the internet is considered more practical. For
education, many schools have started to use the
internet as an important tool in learning activities
(interview with AF, children, 9/7/2017).
DR, as a child said, many benefits could be
obtained from the internet, especially in the process
of communication and information. But there are not
a few who abuse the use of the internet, not a few
teenagers who have bad morals, are lazy about study
because almost all their time is spent surfing the
internet. Moreover, teenagers who dare to open porn
sites, they all always convey a variety of reasons
when they get caught. For example, they all have a
high sense of curiosity. (interview with DR, child,
9/7/2017).
Also, children are also affected by the adults’
talk. Those who saw even just a glimpse of porn will
continue to watch it because they are addicted. Soon
their attitude will change to be worse, and they will
all be involved in promiscuity (Mustari & Rahman,
2014).
Internet media nowadays cannot be separated
from positive and negative impacts on adolescent
development. As a connector between many people,
the internet certainly has positive benefits. Benefits
could be gained when it is utilised for a proper
intention. The positive impact of internet usage
includes its use as the media of communication,
internet as a medium of data exchange. For example,
198
with e-mail data can be distributed easily. Data
could be files, images, and more. The internet is
beneficial for browsing information quickly, as a
medium of information education, culture, business,
and others, and as a medium of entertainment
(Budiana et al., 2016).
Besides the positive impact, the use of the
internet as a significant medium in the development
of this era, certainly also could cause negative
impacts. Negative impacts that can be generated
from internet usage are: the internet can trigger
things related to pornography. The internet, with its
scope that spans the globe, can lead to fraud, can
lead to the existence of gambling, and can also cause
addiction (Budiana et al., 2016).
The internet can cause a severe addiction; an
example that is happening in society today is that a
child may be willing to spend hours in front of his
computer to use the internet non-stop. The internet is
used for many things, to the extent that a child can
forget to eat and do other activities. It can be bad
and could get worse because an addiction will be
hard to cure. The internet can reduce one's social
nature. No wonder if then there are parents who
limit the association of their children with the
internet. They even encourage their children to
socialise face-to-face with society (interview with
FA, child, 8/7/2017).
From the positive and negative impacts of
internet usage, people should wisely make
themselves healthy internet users, which involves
making use of the internet well, wisely, and
maximally for useful purposes and producing
something positive for themselves and society.
Some parties reject the use of the internet. Mrs.
KT, for example, forbids her children from using
internet media and surfing the internet in internet
kiosks or on smartphones because she feels she
cannot supervise and guide when her children use
the internet, so she forbids her children from using
the internet. This action is taken because she thinks
the internet can degrade the religious education that
she already teaches her children (interview with KT,
parent, 9/7/2017).
But there are also parents who believe that there
are lots of benefits from the internet (interview with
TT, parents, 9/7/2017). Therefore, to avoid the
negative impact of internet usage, it is necessary for
internet users to understand what the internet is and
how internet usage should be. It is also necessary for
the parents and family to help as the controller of
children's internet usage so that the internet itself
becomes a thing that leads to good things that are
beneficial (Levin & Kilbourne, 2008).
 Consideration of Parents’ Beliefs about Guiding Children’s Usage of the Internet
From the research, there are things that parents
should do to guide and supervise the use of internet
media among teenagers, including:
 giving children time to learn and interact with
computers from an early age, especially
considering that the use of computers is
something that cannot be avoided in this
modern era. Here, parents can provide
guidance so that children can use the internet
properly according to their age;
 if the parent is unable to guide their children
directly, then the parent should supervise them
through persons who are entrusted to be
supervisors for their children while using the
internet.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Based on the explanation above, this research can
lead to the following conclusions: 1) the need for a
parental role in guiding and supervising teenagers in
the use of internet media. Similarly, because it found
a negative impact of internet media if the parents do
not guide and supervise teenagers’ internet usage,
including children not obeying their parents,
children often imitate the style and behaviour that
they see through the internet, and teenagers can be
addicted to the internet. So, to avoid the negative
impact of internet usage, participation from the
parents to help as the controller of internet users is
necessary so that the internet could give beneficial
things; 2) based on the effects that could occur
through use of the internet, as an anticipation, it
necessary to know how to overcome an addiction to
the internet. Parents, who have an important role in
guiding and supervising their teenager, have to limit
their teenagers’ amount of time for using the
internet; 3) parents have to supervise and limit their
child's society while the child is still under
supervision. Parents should give an understanding to
their children about the dangers of the outside world.
Parents should make it clear that not everything on
the internet is true, because the virtual world
(internet) and reality have differences; and 4) parents
should be able to give a clear understanding to their
teenagers regarding the rules at home, though they
should not let the child feel depressed with the many
rules because teenagers have an unstable psyche.
Give the teenagers the freedom to choose but
continue to supervise. Parents should accompany
their children while doing activities such as when
playing on the internet. They should provide support
when studying or while using the internet, and guide
the activities according to the childrens' ages.
Because parents are role models for life, they
become an influence on the growth of children.
REFERENCES
Aditya, R. 2013. ‘Survei: 97% Remaja Indonesia
Mengakses Situs Porno’, OkeZoneTechno, 24
September. Available at:
https://techno.okezone.com/read/2013/09/24/55/87083
2/survei-97-remaja-indonesia-mengakses-situs-porno.
Anwar, R. K.., Komariah, N., & Rahman, M. T. 2017.
‘Pengembangan Konsep Literasi Informasi Santri:
Kajian di Pesantren Arafah Cililin Bandung Barat’,
Wawasan: Jurnal Ilmiah Agama dan Sosial Budaya.
doi: 10.15575/jw.v2i1.964.
Blum, R. W., Astone, N. M., Decker, M. R. & Mouli, V.
C. (2014) ‘A conceptual framework for early
adolescence: a platform for research’, International
Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health, 26(3), pp.
321–331. Available at:
https://www.degruyter.com/view/j/ijamh.2014.26.issu
e-3/ijamh-2013-0327/ijamh-2013-
0327.xml?format=INT&intcmp=trendmd.
Bowlby, J. 2012. A Secure Base: Parent-Child Attachment
and Healthy Human Development, Routledge. London.
Budiana, H. R., Sjoraida, D. F., Mariana, D. & Priyatna,
C. C. 2016. ‘The Use of Social Media by Bandung
City Government in Increasing Public Participation’, in
International Conference on Communication, Culture
and Media Studies (CCCMS. Yogyakarta. Available at:
http://jurnal.uii.ac.id/CCCMS/article/view/7123/6345.
Levin, D. E., and Kilbourne, J. 2008. So Sexy So Soon:
The New Sexualized Childhood and What Parents Can
Do to Protect Their Kids. Ney York: Ballantine Books.
Lindlof, T. R. and Taylor, B. C. 2017. Qualitative
Communication Research Methods, SAGE
Publications. Thousand Oaks, London, Ney Delhi.
Mustari, M., and Rahman, M. T. (2014) Nilai Karakter
Untuk Refleksi Pendidikan, PT Raja Grafindo Persada.
Jakarta.
O’Keeffe, G. S., and Clarke-Pearson, K. 2011 ‘Clinical
Report—The Impact of Social Media on Children,
Adolescents, and Families’, American Academy of
Pediatrics, 127(4).
Rahman, M. T. 2011. Glosari Teori Sosial, Ibnu Sina
Press. Bandung.
Sufa, I. G. (2014) ‘Tifatul: 50 Persen Pelajar Pernah Akses
Pornografi’, Tempo.co, 18 February. Available at:
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/555290/tifatul-50-
persen-pelajar-pernah-akses-pornografi.
199
 The Relationship between Meeting the Needs of Education
and the Aspirations of Education by the Parent and Child

Marhaeni Mega Wijayanti and Tuti Budirahayu

Sociology Department, Universitas Airlanggaa, Surabaya, Indonesia
marhaeni.mega.wijayanti-2017@fisip.unair.ac.id, tuti.budirahayu@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Family Program Expectations, Poor Families, the Aspirations of Parents.

Abstract: The low rate of education in Indonesia has prompted the government to promote Family Hope Program or
Program Keluarga Harapan (henceforth PKH) for the poor and very poor. This program is directed to
extremely poor households who have children of school age by giving them Conditional Cash Transfers
(henceforth CCT). The majority of the beneficiaries or the parents have to understand that the funds are for
the education of their children and not for everyday needs. The implementation and management of CCT
funds has proven to be ineffective, judging by the number of minors who have not completed compulsory
education. Multiple studies have been conducted in order to understand the correlation between the three
variables; (1) the degree of the fulfilment of the basic needs of education, (2) the aspirations of the parents
regarding their child's education and (3) the level of understanding of the expectations of the family program
on the pattern of the use of funds by the parents. Samples were taken from the village community of Randegan,
in Tanggulangin sub-district of Sidoarjo regency in East Java. This study conducted a survey research
questionnaire using an explanatory type approach.

1 INTRODUCTION program is considered to be effective because it has

Poverty reduction programs and various government
assistance has been designed year by year. The
assistance is in the form of cash or the provision of
life support facilities. The fundamental reason for the
Government aggressively creating the program is the
high poverty rate in Indonesia. In 2016, BPS
registered that (10.86%) of the Indonesian people are
poor. Therefore, the government promoted
Conditional Cash Transfers (henceforth CCT)
program. In addition, the government has also
launched Family Hope Program or Program
Keluarga Harapan (henceforth PKH) for the poor
and very poor.
The launching of PKH is basically a dilemma,
there has been CCT as the main poverty reduction
program. The purpose of the CCT itself, among
others, is to reduce the number of child workers in
Indonesia who have responded quite positively to the
Indonesian people and to increase the school
enrolment rate, especially for children belonging to
very poor households. The purpose of the CCT is
based on the ILO Convention number 138, where the
ILO Convention says that individuals aged 15 years
and under are not allowed to work in any form. This
reduced the costs of parents sending their children to
school.
However, PKH is not running according the
program’s objectives. Since there are some children
from certain families that are not attending school.
Indeed, as reported by the Indonesian Statistic Bureau
(henceforth BPS) in 2015, around 5.99% of
Indonesian children being in labour and therefore did
not attend school. In addition, the financial benefits
of children who joined the CCT were much lower
than those who did not participate in it the short- and
medium-term. Only the long-term financial benefits
for the majority of the program’s participants were
greater than the number of participants who did not
participate. The subsidies were too low and too short
to enable the children go to school. PKH is less
effective as well, as the government does not pay
attention to the problems experienced by each
individual.
A problem analysis was not done for the actual
requirements. This is because it can be seen that the
focus of the program is on education and health. This
study aims to determine the level of satisfaction of the
basic needs of education, the aspirations of the
parents for their children's education and the family

200
Wijayanti, M. and Budirahayu, T.
The Relationship Between Meeting the Needs of Education and the Aspirations of Education by the Parent and Child.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 200-204
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Relationship Between Meeting the Needs of Education and the Aspirations of Education by the Parent and Child
program’s comprehension level of the expectations
(PKH) on the pattern of use of the funds by the
parents.
2 METHODOLOGY
This study was a survey research questionnaire using
an explanatory type approach. The study population
was the entire group of beneficiaries of the family
hope (PKH) in the village of Randegan, in
Tanggulangin sub-district of Sidoarjo. The sampling
was determined using quota sampling, consisting of
50 respondents who were the mothers from
beneficiary families (PKH). The data was analysed
using non-parametric statistics. Randegan village was
chosen as the test site and not at random, but because
of the variations in the composition of the population.
The methods of the data analysis on the results of
the statistical processing were done to ensure that the
questionnaire had completeness, writing, clarity of
meaning, consistency, relevance and uniformity of
the data entity as a whole. Both coding processes will
facilitate the data analysis. The third simplification of
data was used to classify the data by entering it into
SPSS for easier analysis. This study examined the
relationship between the degree of the fulfilment of
the basic needs of education, the aspirations of the
parents concerning their child's education and the
family program’s comprehension levels and
expectations (PKH) of the pattern of use of the funds
by parents. In this study, the researchers used the
Spearman Rho non-parametric statistic test.
Spearman's rho was used because the researchers
believe that the correlation between the variables
studied was monotonic, and not linear or non-
monotonic. Monotonic means that the variables move
in a common direction relative terms and are not
constant. A monotonic relationship between the
variables means that the observed variables move up
and down in the same direction but not at the same
speed.
3 RESULT AND DISCUSSIONS
This section described the findings of the research
and analyzed that the probability value arising from
the relationship between the level of satisfaction of
the basic needs of education and the patterns of use of
the funds by parents indicates a significant
relationship.
3.1 Characteristics of Respondents
The respondents who were targeted in this research
were housewife’s from very poor households
(RSTM) who received funds from PKH. The special
characteristic of the household's mother was that she
should have school age children. Randegan Village in
the district of Tanggulangin in Sidoarjo regency was
chosen as the study site based on the development of
the CCT beneficiaries (Non-Eligible) in Sidoarjo
regency. Tanggulangin is classified as a high enough
area where children did not significantly attend
school in 2014. Moreover, Sidoarjo regency is
immediately adjacent to the city of Surabaya, as an
example of an education center in East Java that has
a relatively good education level.
3.2 Wide Level Requirements With
Regard to the Use of Funds PKH
The parents wanted to get help from PKH, for
different motivational reasons. This is associated with
the theory of motivation created by Abraham
Maslow:
 Physiological needs (physiological needs),
such as hunger, thirst, rest and sex;
 Need for security (safety needs); not in the
physical sense, but also mentally,
psychologically and intellectually;
 The need for affection (love needs);
 The need for self-esteem (esteem needs), which
is generally reflected in various status symbols
and
 Self-actualization (self-actualization), in terms
of the availability of opportunities for someone
to develop the potential contained within into
real abilities.
The interpretation of Maslow's Hierarchy of
Needs is often represented in the form of a pyramid
with the more basic needs at the bottom. Someone
should therefore gradually achieve self-actualization.
3.3 Why Use CCT Funds as the Cost of
Children's Education
It is known from the research that all of the
beneficiaries (100%) were allocated the cost of
education. However, the housewives in the village
had specific reasons. Based on the data in the table
above, it appears that the reason that the majority of
mothers put their children into education was to
improve the lot of the families (94%). Providing
education to meet their child’s needs made up a very
small percentage compared to the first reason,
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

amounting to (6%). Based on the above table, it can relationship can also be seen from the sign (**) on the
be concluded that the reason for the mothers to correlation coefficient.
educating their children is the hope that the child can From the table above, it can be seen that the
improve their family's fate. strength of the relationship between the degree of
satisfaction of the basic need of education related to
Table 1: The reason the mother gives the child's education. the pattern of the use of funds by parents has a
Categories of valid Cumulative
significant correlation. This is shown in the figures
Frequency for 0437, in which the figure shows a correlation or
reasons Percent percent
Because of the need 3 6.0 6.0 relationship that is reasonable because the number is
To improve the lot 47 94.0 100.0 below 0.5. This is between the level of satisfaction of
Total 50 100.0
the basic need of education and the pattern of the use
of funds by parents. The sign (**) indicates the
Before explaining more about the aspirations of direction of the relationships that exist between the
the parents and the pattern of the use of PKH funds level of satisfaction of the basic need of education and
by the parents. The author has presented some of the the pattern of the use of funds by parents, which was
data about the various responses related to PKH and positive. The higher the level of satisfaction of the
the housewives. basic need of education, the higher the pattern of the
use of funds by the parents for education and vice
Table 2: Originally information PKH. versa.
Categories of origin valid Cumulative
Frequency
information Percent percent 3.5 Relationship between Aspirations
Fellow Neighbours 7 14.0 14.0
Fellow 1 2.0 16.0 Parents Against Patterns Use of
Companion 42 84.0 100.0 Funds by Parents
Total 50 100.0
The next explanation is about the relationship
Based on the above table, it can be seen that by between the aspirations of the parents and the pattern
(84%), 42 of the 50 housewives knew about the PKH of the use of funds by the parents analysed using the
assistance program through a companion. (14%) of Spearman Rho statistical test via SPSS. We got the
their knowledge came from their neighbors. results of the analysis as follows:
According to the table, the health and education Based on the probability value arising from the
of the children dominate the housewives’ answers, relationship between the aspirations of the parents
indicating that the CCT is intended to offset the cost against the pattern of the use of the funds by parents,
in the field, and out of 50, 38 mothers (76%) answered there is a significant relationship. This can be seen
in that category. Meanwhile, knowing that the from the value of the probability being 0.01, which
purpose of the CCT was actually for their child's indicates a number equal to the alpha error level of
education was equal to (4%) only. 0.01. A significant relationship can also be seen in the
sign (**) on the correlation coefficient.
3.4 Relationship between Levels of From the table above, it can be seen that the
Education Meeting the Basic Needs strength of the relationship between the aspirations of
Fund Usage Pattern by Parents the parents against the pattern of use of the funds is
correlated. This is shown in the figure of 0456, in
Educational needs are included in the hierarchy as which the figure shows a correlation or relationship
self-actualization and self-esteem needs. Although it that is reasonable because the number is below 0.5,
has been disseminated that the use of PKH funds are which is between the aspirations of the parents and
for the educational needs of children, many of the the pattern of the use of the funds. The sign (**)
recipients allocate the funds for other needs, such as indicates that the direction of the relationships that
health needs and the needs of everyday life. exist between the aspirations of the parents and the
Based on the probability value arising from the pattern of the use of the funds by the parents is
relationship between the level of satisfaction of the negative. The higher the aspirations of the parents, the
basic need of education related to the patterns of use less likely it is that the CCT funds will be used for
of the funds by the parents, there is a significant education and vice versa.
relationship. This can be seen from the value of the
probability of 0.01, which indicates a number equal
to or with an alpha error level of 0.01. A significant

202
 The Relationship Between Meeting the Needs of Education and the Aspirations of Education by the Parent and Child
3.6 Understanding the Relationship
between Level of Family Hope
Program (PKH) Pattern Against
Use of Funds by Parents
The relationship between the level of understanding
of the Family Program (PKH) and the pattern of the
use of funds by parents was analyzed using the
Spearman Rho statistical test through SPSS. We got
the following results in the analysis:
Based on the probability value arising from the
relationship between the level of understanding of the
Family Program (PKH) and the pattern of use of the
funds by parents, there is a significant relationship.
This can be seen in the value of the probability being
0.01, which indicates a number that is equal to the
alpha error level of 0.01. A significant relationship
can also be seen in the sign (**) on the correlation
coefficient.
From the table above, it can be seen that the
strength of the relationship between the level of
understanding of the Family Program (PKH) and the
pattern of the use of funds by the parents has a
correlation. This is shown in the figure of 0335, which
shows a correlation or relationship that is reasonable
because the number is below 0.5. This is between the
level of understanding of the Family Program (PKH)
and the pattern of the use of funds by the parents. The
sign (**) indicates that the direction of the existing
relationship between the level of understanding of the
Family Program (PKH) and the pattern of the use of
funds is negative. The higher the level of
understanding of the Family Hope Program (PKH),
the lower the CCT fund usage patterns by parents on
education and vice versa.
3.7 Relationship between Education
Level Meeting the Basic Needs,
Aspirations Parents Against Child
Education, Comprehension Level
Family Hope Program (PKH)
Pattern Against Use of Funds by
Parents
X1 is the basic requirement level of education, X2 is
the aspirations of the parents for children's education,
and X3 represents the level of understanding of the
parents. The three variables influence the parents in
the use of the aid funds.
Based on the results of the correlation between the
degree of the fulfilment of the basic needs of
education (X1) on the pattern of use of funds by
parents in mind, there is a negative relationship
between the two variables. This is where the higher
the level of satisfaction of the basic needs of
education, the lower the pattern of use of the funds by
the parent with a correlation coefficient of 0.163. It is
known that the higher the level of the aspirations of
the parents concerning their child's education, the
higher the pattern of the use of funds by the parents.
Out of the three variables, the correlation
coefficient was highest for the family program
expectations (PKH) on the pattern of the use of funds
by the parents. This is because the parents have to
understand that the funds are for the education of their
children, and not for everyday needs.
4 CONCLUSIONS
Here are the conclusions of the studies in order to
explain the degree of the fulfillment of the basic needs
of education, the aspirations of the parents concerning
their children's education, the family program’s
comprehension level expectations (PKH) and the
aforementioned factors influence on the pattern of the
use of funds by the parents. (1) It is known that the
strength of the relationship between the degree of
satisfaction of the basic needs of education and the
patterns of the use of funds by the parents has a
correlation. The parents allocate and use the money
properly to finance their child's education. (2) The
direction of the relationship between the aspirations
of the parents against the pattern of the use of funds
by the parents was negative. That is, the higher the
aspirations of the parents, the lower the CCT fund
usage patterns toward education and vice versa and
(3) The high aspirations of the parents concerning the
CCT funds show that the parents have to understand
that the funds are for the education of their child and
not for everyday needs.
PKH provides assistance directly to the
community for the betterment of society. Noting the
conclusion of the research results, we recommend to
related agencies that when implementing the CCT
implementation plan, we should modify and create
variations of the pattern of the use of funds for
community groups in the hope that the family
program recipients use the funds more effectively.
REFERENCES
Syahputra adisanjaya & Risma Resnawaty "Family Hope
Program (PKH) between social protection and poverty
alleviation" Prosding KS: Research & PKM, Vol. 4,
No.1
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

EBHurlock, 1990.Psikologi Developments Issue 5, Jakarta:

Erland
Febriany Vita, Nina, Toyamah, Justin Sodo, Sri Budiyati,
(2011). Qualitative Impact Study for PNPM Generation
and PKH on the Provision and the Utilization of
Maternal and Child Health Services and Basic
Education Services in the Provinces of West Java and
East Nusa Tenggara. Smeru.or.id
Lee, Kye Woo and Hwang Miae, (2016), Conditional cash
transfers against child labor: Indonesia Family Hope
Program, Asia Pacific Education Review. Volume 17,
Issue 3, pp 391-401
Prime, Ari A, (2014). The Future of Social Welfare
Programs in Indonesia: From Fossil-Fuel Subsidies to
Better Social Protection.www.iisd.org/gsi
Shukri, Mohammed Arif, Sirojuddiin Meuthia Rosfadhila,
Widjajanti Isdijoso, (2010). Making the Best of all
Resources: How Indonesian Household Recipients Use
the CCT Allowance, IDS Bulletin.volume 41, Issue 4,
pages 84-94
Thoha, Chabib. (1996). Capita Selecta Islamic Education,
Yogyakarta: Library Learning.
www.kemsos.go.id/program-keluarga-harapan

204
 Instagram and Political Education for Net Generation in Indonesia
Study on the Usage of Instagram for Political Education in Palembang City

Mariatul Qibtiyah1 and Alva Beriansyah2

1
Political Science Program, UIN Raden Fatah, Palembang, Indonesia
2
Political Science Program, UIN Raden Fatah, Palembang, Indonesia
tya.mariatulqibtiyah@gmail.com; berryalvha@yahoo.co.id

Keywords: political Education, Net Generation, Social Media, Instagram, Indonesia.

Abstract: Net Generation is an important part of the democratisation of this nation. Aside from being the next generation
of the nation's leadership, the sizeable population cannot be ignored in today's democratic party events.
Generations born in the digital age more often access and utilise technology and internet than the previous
generations. The Net Generation is not only technologically literate but also politically literate, and they are
willing to participate in political life and so they should get access to political education. By using a descriptive
qualitative research method, this article has tried to analyse the political education obtained by the Net
Generation of Palembang City through social media, focused on Instagram. Beginner voter behaviour
generally tends to be rational and has the ability to access various media in order to obtain information. With
different characters, the Net Generation can easily get their political education through social media, with one
of them being through Instagram. The political education that can be obtained by the Net Generation through
Instagram can be political information, viral political news, the introduction of political figures and there can
also be a reduction in the attitude of political apathy. The Net Generation can therefore become an active
political participant.

1 INTRODUCTION In Indonesia, until early 2014, internet users have

The development of the internet as a new media (the
second media age) marks a new period in which
interactive technology and network communication,
especially the virtual world, will change the
community and society. The presence of the
accessible internet, even just through smartphones,
has opened up new trends in socialisation patterns. In
general, many young people are more familiar with
this new internet-based medium because they are
born as digital residents (digital natives) compared to
their parents (digital immigrants). The time spent by
the net generation (term for the younger generation of
internet users) is more widely used on Twitter,
Facebook, Instagram, Path, Youtube, Google and
others than using traditional mass media. Even the
intensity of the time used to watch television has
began to decline, while the time spent on social media
has continued to increase. This trend will bring in
tremendous consequences. Internet users will
increase rapidly in line with the increasingly cheap
communications technology and the increasing
welfare of people in various countries.
been recorded as standing at 65 million. There are
51.6 million Facebook users. Twitter has reached 31
million accounts. The city of Jakarta is known as The
Social Media Capital of The World, and has become
the world's number one city with the most tweets,
followed by other major cities in the world such as
Tokyo, London, New York and Sao Paolo. The city
of Bandung occupies the 6th place. For Instagram
use, Indonesia is the largest community using social
media in the Asia-Pacific. Instagram had 45 million
active users every month in the first quarter of 2017
in Indonesia. This makes Indonesia one of the largest
Instagram markets in the world, which now has 700
million active users globally. Indonesian users are
among those that utilise Instagram’s Story content in
the world since the feature was launched a few
months ago. Indonesian users also enter into the top
five countries that most often use Instagram as a
business account, along with the United States,
Brazil, Russia and the United Kingdom.
The use of Instagram as one of the most
commonly accessed social media by the net
generation makes Instagram a medium used to gain

205
Qibtiyah, M. and Beriansyah, A.
Instagram and Political Education for Net Generation in Indonesia - Study on the Usage of Instagram for Political Education in Palembang City.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 205-210
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
access to information, including political
information. For the net generation, politics is
considered to be too formal, and even some refuse to
participate or to talk about politics. Instagram can be
an alternative when providing education for the net
generation, by prompting them to speak up against
political activity. It can also be an open channel for
direct feedback between the government and youths.
Social media provides the flexibility to discuss
politics and other public issues because the users can
'meet' at any time and anywhere virtually. Research
has reported on the effects of a strong community
network and not a weak one, and state that it will
provide an association between online and offline
political participation.
The tendency of the net generation to use social
media can be utilised by related parties such as the
government, political figures and even political
parties to encourage them to interact with political
social media such as campaigning, introducing the
vision and mission of certain political figures,
submitting government programs and so on.
According to Rusadi Kantaprawira (2004: p.55),
political education is intended to increase the
knowledge of the listeners so then they participate
optimally in the political system. According to the
sovereignty of the people and of democracy, the
people must be able to carry out the task of
participation. Social media is seen of as a medium
that is easily accessible and cheap compared to
conventional media. Moreover, most users of social
media are of the net generation¸ as a group of novice
voters who need information in order to prompt their
own interest in politics as the successor of the nation's
leadership. With the existence of social media such as
Instagram, the net generation is able to get
information so then they are no longer apathetic to the
condition of the nation.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
One of the most dynamic cyberspace communities are
those where the actors are active in building
interactions and utilising networking in cyberspace.
This is often a group of urban teenagers, commonly
referred to as the net generation. The Net generation
is growing in the context of the acceleration of the
rapid development of indent technology. According
to William Strauss and Neil Howe in reference to
generation theory (Generation Theory), to date there
are five generations: the baby boomer generation
(born 1946-1964), generation X (born 1965-1980),
generation Y (born 1981-1994), Z generation (born
206
1995-2010) and the alpha generation (born in 2011-
2025). Generation Z is also called the iGeneration,
Generation Net or the Generation of the Internet that
is born from generation X and generation Y. The net
generation is a generation born and raised in the
digital era with a variety of complete and
sophisticated technology available to them, such as
computers / laptops, smartphones, the internet and
other electronic devices. Since childhood, they have
known (maybe even been introduced to) and become
familiar with a variety of sophisticated gadgets, either
directly or indirectly which then affects the
development of their behaviour and personality.
Don Tapscot, a digital media expert, has been
conducting research in several countries. He put
forward the characteristics of the net generation or Z
generation. They are a growing global generation
with access to the internet and social media.
Compared to the previous generation, they are
smarter, faster and more tolerant of diversity. In
everyday life, they need time to update their status,
and they need time for Assassin’s Creed. They blend
work, play and social interactions and often still live
at home. All work is done through smartphone
technology. They instinctively master smartphone
technology without needing to read the manual. They
prefer communications through the internet rather
than through the telephone, because with the internet,
they can multi-task. For them, smartphone
technology is like air and cannot be separated from
everyday life. They are also very concerned with the
environment and pay attention to issues of justice,
society and politics. They also like to volunteer. The
net generation has shaped new values, such as respect
for freedom, wanting customisation and being aware
of everything that happens in society. They, through
social media, also build relationships and collaborate
with fellow Net generation individuals. Nevertheless,
they have the character of upholding integrity, and
wanting to have fun during school and working. For
those with technology, speed is a normal thing, and
innovations are a fact of life.
Research on what individuals learn from political
communication shows that one's interest in a
particular topic will make a difference. W. Russell
Neuman, Marion Just and Andd Crigler found that
individuals who use technology will have better
information about the issues they care about
accessible in their daily lives. They are also able to
learn more about issues that they already know about.
Those interested in a particular topic will study the
topic and have a balanced cognition, more so than
those who are smarter but not interested in learning
about the topic. The purpose of political education for
 Instagram and Political Education for Net Generation in Indonesia - Study on the Usage of Instagram for Political Education in Palembang
City

the younger generation has been set forth in the 97.4% of Indonesian people use social media. This
Presidential Instruction No. 12 Year 1982 on Political figure is considered to be higher than the access to
Education for Young Generations, which states that public services used by netizens in the internet world.
‘the purpose of political education is to provide
guidance to the younger generations of Indonesia in
order to raise awareness of the life of the nation and
the state’. While the other political education goal is
to create a young generation in Indonesia who are
aware of the life of the nation and the state based on
Pancasila. The 1945 constitution is one effort to build
a complete Indonesian man. Political knowledge
makes the study of the communication process move
one step forward, especially in terms of the
individual's active role in understanding political
messages.
Figure 1: Type of Internet Accessible Content.
Source: APJII 2016
3 METHODS
Based on the data, it can also be seen that internet
This research was descriptive and qualitative, where users who fall into the category of net generation are
the research had the purpose of analysing the political the most common type of internet user than internet
education obtained by the net generation through users in other age ranges. This shows that the net
social media (Instagram). Besides that, this research generation is an active user that has great potential
also aims to know the interests of the net generation when accessing information via the internet or virtual
as beginner political voters. The research study was worlds
conducted in Palembang City with the focus of the
research being on the net generation located in
Palembang City. This is because the number of
residents of Palembang City in the age classification
of 15-24 years, amounted to 312,284. This is the
highest percentage of the population compared to the
other age classifications in Palembang City. The
number of respondents sampled in this study was 147.

4 DISCUSSION
The current social system has changed radically since
the development of information technology that has
enabled the convergence of media platforms, as well
as the convergence of mass, interpersonal and group
channels through contemporary social media. Social
media can be defined as "a way to transmit or share
information with a broad audience, while social
networking is at the heart of engagement” (Hartshorn,
2010). For social media, all it takes is an internet
connection as a tool for sending messages. In social
networks, the users must be intertwined in groups and
connected with those who share similar interests, and
engage in two-way communication with
conversations and discussions at the core of the
fabric. Based on the research conducted by APJII
2016 on the behaviour of internet users in Indonesia,
Figure 2: Internet Users in Indonesia by Age.
Source: APJII 2016
According to the research conducted by APJII, as
many as 80% of internet users in general are young
people aged 25-29 years and aged 15-19 years old,
with the percentage being 64%. [7] As for Instagram
users in Indonesia, according to international research
institute Taylor Nelson Sofres Indonesia, the majority
of Instagram users in Indonesia are young people (by
89%). Young people are mobile-first users with good
financial abilities and who often have a Bachelor's
degree. Based on TNS research, 59% of Instagram
live users are 18-24 years old, 30% are 25-34 years
old, and the rest are 34-44 years old. [8] Instagram
users who are between the ages of 18-24 years are

207
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
commonly referred to as the Z generation (born 1995-
2010) or as the iGeneration. Generation Net or the
Generation of the Internet born from either generation
X and generation Y.
Figure 3: Frequently visited Entertainment News and
Entertainment content.
Source: APJII 2016
APJII research results in 2016 showed that the
behaviour of internet users in Indonesia concerning
those who access political news content is lower than
that accessing foreign news, which was only about
11%. This shows that, in general, the people of
Indonesia consider politics to be less desirable,
especially among the net generation. Based on the
results of a survey conducted by the Centre for
Strategic and International Studies, the results show
that the millennial generation or net generation is like
sports more than politics. This shows that the net
generation has a disinterest in politics and regards
politics as something that is too formal for them.
The disinterest of the net generation in the
political content of the internet world is not without
cause. The lack of political education has caused
some negative stereotypes about politics, which is the
main reason for such disenchantment. According to
Hutchinson, political awareness can be divided into 5
categories. First, is someone who is politically
illiterate. They do not read or follow any news or
political issues, either through the media or in the
general environment. Secondly, there is the so-called
misinformed, i.e. those who have emotionally
bonded, charismatic personality movements or
personalities. They are often dogmatic about their
view of the loss of objective debate. People in this
category will usually claim to vote but often do not.
Third, is referred to as General. Fourth, is the Activist
- someone who has a good understanding of the issues
in the sense of being able to read the details of each
208
side and who has worked on at least one election.
Fifth, the expert is someone who understands the
language of diplomacy and who can formulate
strategies with institutions and community
organisations. They always participate as voters in
every election
Figure 4: The Most Interesting Activities Net Generation
Interest.
Source: csis.or.id
Social media has a new media position when it
comes to contributing to political education. Social
networking media acts as a complement to
conventional media in supporting fund-raising
activities, identifying and motivating active citizens
and it can also be used for internal political
communications. Social media today can be an
alternative force that can offset the mass media
coverage that is not independent. Social media is a
manifestation of the active role of the public in the
flow of information whose users continue to increase
amid the flow of unfeeling media wars (Lupac, 2008;
Golinski, 2012; Perez, 2009; Menou, 2006). Social
media provides a space for every individual,
especially for the net generation, allowing them to
participate in the consumption, production and
distribution of ideas, knowledge and culture (Lim
2013). Based on the results of the research, the net
generation has the ability to express ideas in the form
of symbols, signs, symbols and images in various
ways. The net generation’s level of participation is
very low in relation to political issues. Most
informants claim to have received messages about
politics, but they only read it and do not comment.
Only a few feel that they have participated through
Instagram. Furthermore, some of them follow
political information accounts even though most of
them follow more general information accounts in
turn. In addition to political information accounts, the
informants also followed several accounts belonging
to political figures, state institutions and political
parties in order to obtain political information about
what is going on. However, most of them are passive,
 Instagram and Political Education for Net Generation in Indonesia - Study on the Usage of Instagram for Political Education in Palembang
City

meaning that the net generation only acts as a passive Indicator Gender of Respondents Number of
Man Woman Respondents
user that reads the info updated and even "likes" it but ∑ % ∑ % ∑ %
does not go further. At least this shows that the Reading Postings
process of political education through social media is 1. General 80 57,97 56 40,57 1 98,55
effective enough to attract the interest of the net Information 36
Account
generation, even though it has not succeeded in 2. Politics News 47 34,05 16 11,59 6 45,65
making the net generation an active participant in Account 3
3. Political Figure 76 55,07 55 39,85 1 94,92
politics through social media. Account 31
Social media has an enormous influence on life, 4. Government 47 34,05 21 15,21 6 49,27
including on politics. The presence of political Institution 8
Account
information on social media has also got sympathy 5. Political Parties 13 9,42 2 1,44 1 10,86
from the Net Generation, although not all Net Account 5
Follow
Generation individuals access information containing 1. General 80 57,97 52 37,68 1 95,65
political elements. The following data shows that the Information 32
Net Generation is still reluctant to seek information Account
2. Politics News 45 32,60 12 8,69 5 41,30
about politics and public issues. Subsequently, the Account 7
respondents were asked to rank the most frequently 3. Political Figure 73 52,89 51 36,95 1 89,85
Account 24
visited content related to access to obtaining 4. Government 41 29,71 15 10,86 5 40,57
information about politics, i.e. through general Institution 6
information accounts, political news, political parties, Account
5. Political Parties 11 7,97 2 1,44 1 9,42
political figures, and state institutions. Account 3
In this indicator, the net generation does not have Like Postings
to follow the account, and they are not required to 1. General 59 42,75 37 26,81 9 69,56
Information 6
provide a like or comment. The iGeneration Account
respondents can directly search and read the post 2. Politics News 7 5,07 1 0,72 8 5,79
Account
from the search homepage. This indicates that the 3. Political Figure 31 22,46 17 12,31 4 34,78
respondents include passive users. The table shows Account 8
that the general information account is the most 4. Government 24 17,39 7 5,07 3 27,53
Institution 8
popular account by next generation to access, which Account
is 98.55%. This is because the account contains 5. Political Parties 4 2,89 1 0,72 5 3,62
Account
information of a contemporary nature, including in Comment of
which are political issues that are being discussed by Postings
the public. This is followed by the accounts of 1. General 9 6,52 3 2,17 1 8,69
Information 2
political figures, equal to 94.92%. The accounts of Account
political figure are considered to be motivational and 2. Politics News 4 2,89 0 0 4 2,89
Account
inspirational by the net generation. This is followed 3. Political Figure 20 14,49 2 1,44 2 15,94
by state institution accounts by 49.27% and political Account 2
news accounts by 45.65%. Only a handful of net 4. Government 9 6,52 1 0,72 1 7,24
Institution 0
generation respondents read the posts from political Account
party accounts, at 10.86%. This is due to the lack of 5. Political Parties 2 1,44 0 0 2 1,44
Account
interest from the net generation who assume that the
political party is only for the cadres.
Furthermore, the percentage of net generation for state institution accounts (such as @dpr_ri, @
mem- follow multiple accounts can be seen to be official.kpk, @kemenkupr, @ sekretariat.kabinet, @
95.65%; mem-follow general information accounts polri.id and others) and political party accounts make
(such as @wowfakta, @ infodunia.id, up 9.42% (such as @pdiperjuangan, @pdemokrat,
@indo_psikologi, @detikcom, @hariankompas, @gerindra, @ partai.golkar, @pkb_muda_indonesia,
@tribunsumsel, @palembangterkini, and other - etc.). This tendency explains that the net generation's
Other); mem- follow political news accounts interest in politics is still very low. The ctive
amounted to 41.30% (like @ politik.idn, @ participation of the net generation in mem- follow or
politikcrazy.id, @obrolanpolitik, etc.), account for following accounts that convey specific information
89.85% of political figures (such as @jokowi about politics is still low. Most of the net generation
account, @fahrihamzah, @smindrawati, @fadlizon, mem- follow political party accounts; generally they
@aniesbaswedan, @ridwankamil); 40.57% make up are the party cadres or are only interested in
candidates promoted by the party. They do not see the

209
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
party's ideological background. The iGeneration
prefers to follow accounts of inspiring political
figures and general information accounts that do not
only provide information about the politics and
activities of the country in isolation.
Through social media, net-enabling socio-
economic attitudes can form. Social media can be
used as a means of political education, especially in
the run up to the 2019 election. The nature of social
media is independent, free and without limit, which
allows the net generation to interact directly in the
political phenomenon that is happening. Massive and
continuous campaigns on social media will also
impact voter behaviour in the upcoming elections.
The net generation can easily interact directly with
the candidates that they are aiming to vote for. Of
course, these interactions can be opinions,
suggestions and even criticism.
Instagram and Facebook are the two most widely
accessed social media platforms - although today,
Instagram is considered to be the most used social
media platform by the net generation. Social media
has the potential to be used to exchange information,
discuss public issues, and participate actively. This is
possible because social media has the following four
characteristics: cheap, fast, non-hierarchical, and with
a wide reach. In the context of political education,
social media helps to reduce the attitude of neutral
political apathy. For the net generation, Instagram is
not a medium of social interaction and for the sharing
of memory, but this social media platform instead has
the role of being a supplier of political information.
As a generation that is always shrouded in turmoil,
social media plays the role of being a means for
political education for the net generation.
5 CONCLUSIONS
Based on the results and discussion in this research
study, it can be concluded that the era of digital
development today has given birth to a new
generation that is more technology literate, referred to
as the net generation. These generations often spend
more of their time surfing the internet, including
spending time on social media. One of the social
media platforms favoured by the net generation is
Instagram. The use of Instagram can be utilised as one
of the means of attracting the net interest of the net
generation. It is hoped that the net generation will not
be apathetic to politics anymore.
210
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Campbell, Scott W. & Nojin Kwk. (2011). “Political
Involvement in’Mobilized’ Society: The Interactive
Relationships among Mobile Communication, Network
Characteristics, and Political Participation”, in
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Don Tapscott. 2013. Grown Up Digital: Yang Muda Yang
Mengubah Dunia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama.
Gracer, Doris A. “Whiter Research on the Psychology of
Political Communication?” In Crigler, Ann N. Editor.
(1998). The Psychology of Political Communication.
USA: University of Michigan Press.
Henry Subiakto dan Rachmah Ida. 2012. “Komunikasi
Politik, Media, dan Demokrasi”. Jakarta: Prenadamedia
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Howe, N. & Nadler, R. (2012). WHY GENERATIONS
MATTER: Ten Findings from LifeCourse Research on
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Generations%20Matter%20LifeCourse%20Associates
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Just, Marion, et.al. “Cognitive and Affective Dimensions of
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Stephen W. Littleojhn and Karen A. Foss. 2009. Teori
Komunikasi – Theory of Human Communication
(Mohammad Yusuf Hamdan. Terjemahan). Jakarta:
Salemba Humanika, hal. 413.
http://www.antaranews.com/berita/642774/pengguna-
instagram-di-indonesia-capai-45-juta
https://nasional.tempo.co/read/736014/pengguna-
instagram-di-indonesia-anak-muda-mapan-terpelajar
https://www.apjii.or.id/survei2016
https://www.suara.com/tekno/2017/08/24/190602/penggun
a-instagram-di-indonesia-terbanyak-di-asia-ini-
sebabnya
 Free Internet Program for Public Literacy Development
in North Lampung

Feni Rosalia1, Dian Kagungan2 and Devi Yulianti3

1
Government Department, Lampung University, Bandarlampung, Indonesia
2
Public Administration Department, Lampung University, Bandarlampung, Indonesia
3
Public Administration Department, Lampung University, Bandarlampung, Indonesia
feni.rosalia@fisip.unila.ac.id, dian.kagungan@fisip.unila.ac.id and devi.yulianti@fisip.unila.ac.id

Keywords: responsiveness, free internet program, global digital age, public literacy

Abstract: A free internet program in North Lampung is intended to facilitate the community in accessing
the internet to maximise the use of information and telecommunication technology. This study
aims to find out about the responsiveness to a free internet program in North Lampung. This
research used a qualitative approach of a descriptive type. The data were collected through
interviews, documentation and observation. The stages of data analysis performed were to collect
data, reduce, expose and draw conclusions. The results of this study indicated that a free internet
program could not be enjoyed by the majority of the community and it could not meet the
preferences and interests of certain groups. The suggestions given were that the Government of
North Lampung should install a free internet facility in a strategic place which could be accessed
by the majority of students and stakeholders such as in school and a park where many users
access information.

1 INTRODUCTION Indonesia reached 88.1 million people with a

The internet is a part of information and
communication technology that continues to
develop, and offers many benefits and convenience
for users such as searching, receiving, storing,
processing, sending and disseminating data or
information quickly and easily, and it can form
community interaction. It is undeniable that there are
various fields that have benefited from the internet
including education, health, economics, politics,
bureaucracy, security, and other fields. So, now the
internet has an effect on the competitiveness of
individuals, communities, and countries in the midst
of the current mobilisation of human increasingly
rapidly so that the progress of the Internet has
become one indicator of the progress of a country.
The development of the internet in Indonesia
continues to increase. This can be seen from the
results of a survey conducted by the Association of
Internet Service Providers in Indonesia (APJII)
which stated that the number of internet users in
population of 252.4 million up to the end of 2014.
The number of internet users in Indonesia was
mostly in West Java Province at 16.4 million,
followed by East Java at 12.1 million users and
Central Java at 10.7 million users, while Lampung
Province was in the 7th position at 3.5 million users.
The penetration of internet users in Indonesia in
2014 was 34.9% and this indicates still low internet
usage (http://www.apjii.or.id, accessed on the 18th
November 2016).
The internet is a basic need and a very important
resource while communication and information is a
right for every society in Indonesia. Therefore, the
state or government organisers in this case the
Ministry of Communication and Informationn are
obliged to fulfil the communication and information
needs of the community so that they can realise a
prosperous society in Indonesia. The government is
required to answer to the needs and increase the
willingness and ability to use the internet as an
information tool within the community.

211
Rosalia, F., Kagungan, D. and Yulianti, D.
Free Internet Program for Public Literacy Development in North Lampung.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 211-213
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

The vision of the Ministry of Communication means of communication or means of seeking

and Information (Kemen-Kominfo) in the Strategic information, but it has also been used as a means to
Plan of 2015-2019is: "The realization of the fulfill needs such as education, and can even be used
availability and the increasing quality of as a means of seeking money through the network.
communication and informatics services to support This means that users can use this device as much as
the focus of government development as a form of the points that have been provided, and for internet
state presence in declaring sovereignty and equitable Based on the research of Agustini (2017, p. 8) the
development and availability of NATIONAL Office of Communication and Informatics provides
broadband access, internet and digital broadcasting free internet programs for all the communities in
that is equitable and affordable to promote North Lampung Regency which can be accessed 24
economic, educational, social, cultural, and security hours a day and this program was expected to cover
growth". all parts of North Lampung Regency so that all
In response to the vision, Kemen-Kominfo has people could enjoy the program.
been trying to provide internet services for the
community, one of which services was the free
internet program in Indonesia as set out in the 2 RESEARCH METHOD
Regulation of the Minister of Communication and
Information No. 2 of 2013 on the Provision of
This research was conducted within the scope of
Wireless Internet Access Services In the Universal
North Lampung Regency, the Office of
Service Obligation Program. The emergence of these
Communications and Informatics of North
free internet programs can help the community in
Lampung, PT. Telecommunication, Indonesia, and a
terms of information technology in Indonesia.
free internet location. The Communication and
This free internet program reduces the gaps in
Information Service of North Lampung was chosen
community ability in the use and utilisation of
as the location for the research because the Office of
information technology and communication itself (e-
Communications and Informatics was the
literacy), especially internet technology. North implementing organisation for the free internet
Lampung regency is one of the regencies that has program in North Lampung; in addition to this,
implemented a free internet program.
research was conducted at PT. Telecommunication,
Free internet programs are one form of service to
and several free internet locations namely South
support public literacy in getting to know the
Kotabumi Subdistrict and South Lampung Abung.
internet.
According to Sugiyono (2015, p. 224) data
A form of literacy that must be mastered by the
collection techniques represent the most strategic
public in obtaining information is in the form of the
steps in the study, because the main purpose of
mastery of letters and literacy, but along with the
research is to get data. Data collection techniques
development of increasingly modern technology, the
used in this study were: 1). Interview techniques
mastery of letters is no longer effective when
with a specific purpose. The conversation was
obtaining information. Therefore, the use of the conducted by two parties, the interviewer who asked
internet strongly supports an increase in public questions and interviewees who provided answers to
literacy, but the internet does not simply display
the questions. The technique used by selecting
letters
members was specifically based on research
UNESCO explains that literacy is a fundamental
objectives. The instruments used to conduct this
right of every individual for lifelong learning. It is
interview were a small record of researchers,
useful for exchanging knowledge along with the
interview guides and mobile phones for their
development of technology that is currently internet-
recorders and cameras.
based; through the internet, the availability of
Data analysis is the process of finding data and
communication is more developed and can affect
systematically compiling data obtained from
political and social life (http://www.unesco.org,
interviews, field notes, and documentation, by
accessed on 8th march 2017).
organising data into categories, breaking it into
Literacy in the era of globalisation is very units, synthesising it, composing it into patterns,
necessary, now the development of science and choosing which is important and which needs to be
technology takes place very quickly. Likewise with
learned, and to draw conclusions. Data analysis in
the internet, literacy is necessary, because, with the
this study consisted of several stages, and the stages
internet, we can access and browse the information
were: 1) data reduction from the report amount.
quickly. Currently the internet is not only used as a
Reducing data means summarising, selecting the key

212
 Free Internet Program for Public Literacy Development in North Lampung
points, focusing on the things that matter, looking
for the theme and pattern. Activities to reduce the
data that were done in this study included: recording
of interviews, observations and documentation as
well as field notes and document collection for
results related to the research focus. In this study, the
data were obtained then selected and re-adjusted
with the focus of research on the free internet
program in North Lampung District; 2) data
presentation was done to make it easier for the
researcher to see the overall picture or specific part
of the research. According to Miles and Huberman
in Sugiyono (2015, p. 249) the most commonly
presented data in qualitative research is narrative
text; 3) verification or inferences. The data presented
were still temporary, and could change when strong
evidence was found to be supportive at a later stage.
But if the conclusions raised in the initial stages
were supported by valid and consistent evidence
when researchers returned to the field to collect data,
the conclusion put forward could be considered a
credible conclusion. In this study, the data were
obtained then analysed and patterns were searched
for, including themes and things that often arise, as
outlined in the conclusion. The process of drawing
conclusions in this research was done by discussing
the data in terms of the findings in the field with the
proposed theories as well as with the extract from
the series of research results based on interview
observation, and documentation.
3 DISCUSSION
Based on the results of research on the
responsiveness of a free internet program in North
Lampung Regency, it can be stated that people were
satisfied. This can be seen from the satisfaction put
forward by some internet access users who claimed
to be satisfied with the free internet program. From
the researcher's analysis of all interviews with
internet access users, the satisfaction felt by the
internet access users could be seen from reference to
the adequate facilities and infrastructure.
Based on the results of the analysis, researchers
have seen that people who claimed not to be
satisfied with the internet program were only located
in four location points. The four points were at
Saprodi Abung Selatan, Kotabumi Koramil,
Ramayana Kotabumi Fruit Market, and Bukit
Kemuning Market. Researchers found that, in
Ramayana Kotabumi Fruit Market, the internet
access did not run smoothly and sometimes internet
access could not be used or even there were wifi
access at the location of Ramayana Fruit Market,
Kotabumi.
According to the researcher, the location of the
free wifi installation in North Lampung Regency
was not effective due to the location which was not
strategic. Based on the description of the results, this
program is very helpful for the people of North
Lampung Regency, but there are still many people in
North Lampung who still stall when trying to use the
technology or are less able to access the internet; in
addition, the internet is not used in a positive way.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The conclusion of this research is that the free
internet program could not be enjoyed by majority
of the community and meet the preferences and
interests of certain groups. The suggestions given
were that the Government of North Lampung should
install a free internet facility in a strategic place
which could be accessed by the majority of students
and stakeholders such as in a school and a park
where many users access information.
REFERENCES
Agustini, Dewi. 2017. Evalausi Program Internet Gratis
Di Kabupaten Lampung Utara Dalam Mendukung
Literasi Publik. Skripsi. Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu
Politik. Universitas Lampung.
http://www.apjii.or.id. accessed on the 18th November
2016 at 22.30
http://www.unesco.org accessed on the 8th of March 2017
Peraturan Menteri Komunikasi dan Informasi Nomor 2
Tahun 2013 tentang Penyediaan Jasa Akses Internet
Tanpa Kabel (Wireless) Pada Program Kewajiban
Pelayanan Universal.
Sugiyono. 2015. Metode Penelitian Kuantitatif Kualitatif
dan R&D. Bandung: Alfabeta.
213
 The Influence of Service Quality on User Satisfaction with Library
Usage as the Intervening Variable
Case Study of Universitas Airlangga Library

Agustina Masruroh 1 and Helmy Prasetyo Yuwinanto 2

1
Department of Information and Library Studies Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2
Department of Information and Library Studies Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
agustinamasruroh.am@gmail.com, helmy.prasetyo@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: library services, library usage, user satisfaction

Abstract: This study aims to determine the effect of service quality on library usage and user satisfaction, the
influence of library usage on customer satisfaction and the effect of service quality on the satisfaction of the
user with library usage as the intervening variable. The hypotheses will be known as either a direct or
indirect influence. The sampling technique used in this research was random, via an explanative quantitative
method. In the results obtained from the calculation of the first hypothesis, it can be seen that there is a
significant influence between the quality of service on library usage with a t count> t table 2.091> 1.98. The
calculations obtained from the second hypothesis show that there is a significant influence between the
quality of service on reader satisfaction with a t count> t table 5.963> 1.98. The calculations obtained from
the third hypothesis show that there is a significant influence between library usage to the reader satisfaction
with a t count> t table 4.862> 1.98. The last hypothesis was that there is an influence from the service
quality variable on the satisfaction of the user with library usage as the intervening variable with the direct
influence result being 0.490 and the indirect influence being 0.080. However, the influence of the indirect
variable still must be considered because it produces a bigger total influence; 0.57.

1 INTRODUCTION Airlangga University Library, as a college

In relation to library services, there are several
important elements that form a unified library
service, such as collections, human resources,
buildings, infrastructure and most importantly, the
actual services provided by the library. The success
of a library is determined by some of these elements.
If one element does not work properly, then it will
affect the overall library services. This is because the
library is a place to support the learning activities
ongoing in universities, so it is important for
libraries to pay attention to the quality of the
services provided to its users. Terhile and
Anthanisusus (2014) said that the services provided
by academic libraries or college libraries serve as a
support that will contribute to learning, academic
research and meeting the teaching needs of the
academic environment. The library users also expect
that the library information materials are organised
to facilitate accessibility.
library, is one of the important means involved in
realising the Tri Dharma of College such as
education, teaching, research and community
service. This can be a reference for the academic
community, in relation to fulfilling its information
source needs. Furthermore, the provision of services
to the users is one of the main advantages provided
by the University of Airlangga Library as mentioned
in the existing vision. Airlangga University Library
also has a tagline and its own standards, especially
in relation to providing services to users, which is
already listed in the Manual of Procedures and
Industrial Work integrated with the university.
Airlangga University Library is a library that is
accredited (A). The library has met the level of
standards and accreditation that university libraries
are expected to guarantee. The assumption will be
that the library is able to provide quality services and
meet expectations and standards, including those of
its librarian. This study has examined the effect of
library service quality on the level of user

214
Masruroh, A. and Yuwinanto, H.
The Influence of Service Quality on User Satisfaction with Library Usage as the Intervening Variable - Case Study of Universitas Airlangga Library.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 214-218
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
The Influence of Service Quality on User Satisfaction with Library Usage as the Intervening Variable - Case Study of Universitas Airlangga
Library

satisfaction, with library usage as the intervening variables and that they are free from
variable. multicollinearity. It can be concluded that in this
study, there is no correlation between the
independent variables.
2 METHODS
Table 2. Multi-collinearity test results
The research method used was explanative
quantitative. The population in this research was all Coefficientsa
of the visitors to Airlangga University Library of Standa
Surabaya that used the services that exist in the Unstandardized rdized Collinearit
library. This includes students, staff, lecturers and Coefficients Coeffici y Statistics
Model ents T Sig.
other students have used the University of Airlangga
Library services. This was the population that Std. Toler
B Beta VIF
Error ance
became the object of this research. The total number
(Constant -2.353 1.816 - .198
of visitors to the University of Airlangga library so ) 1.296
far is 28,381. Based on the calculations performed,
X Quality .057 .011 .409 5.131 .000 .934 1.07
the number of samples taken in this study amounted of Service 0
to 115 respondents. The sampling technique used in Z Library .236 .059 .316 3.964 .000 .934 1.07
this research was random sampling using systematic usage 0
sampling and the location of this research was the a. Dependent Variable: Y Satisfaction
library of Airlangga University. This research used Source: processed data
the data collection methods of a questionnaire,
observation, interviews and a literature study. Based on the results of the heteroscedasticity test
in table 3, it can be seen that the value of the
significance of the service quality variable was
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 0.186 and the library usage variable was 0.133. This
shows that the value of the variable was > 0.05, so it
A validity test was performed to test the accuracy of can be said that there is no heteroscedasticity. It can
the research instrument. In this study, the researcher thus be concluded that this study is free from
used a pearson correlation technique using SPSS. heteroscedasticity.
The existing items are said to be valid if > 0.3008
(N: 115, significance level: 0.05). Table 3. Results of heteroscedasticity test
Based on table 1, the variables contained in this Coefficientsa
study have a value of cronbach's alpha > r table. It
can be concluded that the overall variables used in Unstandardize Standardized
this research are reliable. d Coefficients Coefficients
Model t Sig.
Std.
Table 1: Reliability test results B Error Beta
r value (Constant) 1.654 1.130 1.464 .146
Cronbach’s
Variable of Notes X Quality -.009 .007 -.128 -1.329 .186
alpha value
table of service
Quality of Z Library .056 .037 .146 1.514 .133
0,945 0,3008 Reliable
service usage
Satisfaction 0,823 0,3008 Reliable
a. Dependent Variable: RES2
Library usage 0,847 0,3008 Reliable
Source: processed data
Source: processed data

Based on the results of table 2, it can be seen that
the results of the VIF value of the service quality
variables and library usage was <10, with a VIF
value of 1.070 and a tolerance value of > 0.1, of
0.934 specifically. From these results, it can be seen
that there is no correlation between the independent
Based on table 4, it can be seen that the
normality test in this study resulted in a significance
value for the X variable of 0.120, with Y being
0.098 and Z being 0.071. The value of significance
resulting from the three variables was > 0.05. This
shows that all of the variables in this study can be
concluded to have a normal distribution. Based on

215
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

the results of the regression analysis, the regression The value is greater than the value of the t table of
of the path coefficient estimation can be described 1.98 and the probability significance of 0.000 is far
(See table 5). below 0.05 or significance ≤ 0.05.

Table 6: Result of the regression test on service quality

Table 4. Normality test results and library usage
One-Sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov Test Coefficientsa
X Z Y Unstandardized Standardized
N 115 115 115 Coefficients Coefficients
Model t Sig.
Normal Mean 151.50 20.41 11.11 Std.
Parametersa,,b Std. Deviation 15.924 2.985 2.223 B Error Beta
Absolute .111 .120 .115 (Constant) 14,928 2,636 5,664 ,000
Most Extreme X_Quality ,036 ,017 ,193 2,091 ,039
Positive .094 .099 .110
Differences a. Dependent Variable: Z_Usage
Negative -.111 -.120 -.115
Kolmogorov-Smirnov Z 1.186 1.291 1.228 Source: processed data
Asymp. Sig. (2-tailed) .120 .071 .098
a. Test distribution is Normal.
b. Calculated from data. Table 7: Results of the regression test on service quality
Source: processed data and satisfaction

Based on the results of the path coefficient Coefficientsa

estimation, the structural equation can be written as Unstandardized Standardized
Coefficients Coefficients
follows: Model T Sig.
§ Library usage = 0.193quality of service + e1 Std.
B Beta
Error
§ Satisfaction = 0.490 service quality + 0.416
(Constant) ,739 1,744 ,424 ,673
library usage + e2
X Quality ,068 ,011 ,490 5,983 ,000
Table 5: Regression test result
a. Dependent Variable: Y_Satisfaction
Standard
t (sig) VIF Source: processed data
Variable t value coefficient
value value
beta
Quality of 0,039 2.091 0,193 1,070 Based on table 8, the variable of library usage
service (X) on (Z) was significant, or in other words, H0 is rejected.
library usage This can be seen from the value of the t arithmetic
(Z)
Quality of 0,000 5,983 0,490 1,070
for the library usage variable of 4.862. The value is
service (X) on greater than the value of the t table of 1.98 and the
Satisfaction probability significance of the 0.000 value is far
(Y) below 0.05, or significance ≤ 0.05.
Library usage 0,000 4,862 0,416 1,070
(Z) on
Satisfaction Table 8: The results of the library usage regression test on
(Y) satisfaction
Source: processed data
Coefficientsa

Based on table 6, the variable quality of service Unstandardized Standardized

(X) was significant, or in other words, H0 is Coefficients Coefficients
Model t Sig.
rejected. This can be seen from the value of the t Std.
arithmetic, as the service quality variable is 2.091. B Error Beta
(Constant) 4,791 1,314 3,645 ,000
The value is greater than the value of the t table of
1.98 and the probability significance of 0.039 is far Z_Usage ,310 ,064 ,416 4,862 ,000
below 0.05 or significance ≤ 0.05. a. Dependent Variable: Y_Satisfaction
Based on table 7, the variable of quality of
Source: processed data
service (X) is significant, or in other words, H0 is
rejected. This can be seen from the value of the t
arithmetic, as the service quality variable was 5.983.

216
The Influence of Service Quality on User Satisfaction with Library Usage as the Intervening Variable - Case Study of Universitas Airlangga
The theoretical framework of this research
explains the relationship between the variables of
library service quality and library usage, library
service quality and library user satisfaction, library
usage and library user satisfaction, and library
service quality and library user satisfaction with
library usage as the intervening variable.
The items used in this study were tailored to the
relevant literature. This research refers to Fatmawati
(2013), with the LibQual + TM version consisting of
several items that make up the LibQual 3
dimensions, such as affect of service (AS), library as
place (LP), and information control (IC). Each item
was given a scale of 1-5, with a higher value
showing there to be a better impression. This
research used the concepts of user satisfaction and
library usage.
Kotler in Fatmawati (2013) stated that service
quality is a form of consumer appraisal. In this
context, the user’s judgment on the level of service
was received at the same time as the expected
service. If the service received was in accordance
with what was expected then it will affect the library
usage. This is in accordance with table 6. Based on
the results of the data processing conducted, we
obtained the result that there was a significant
influence at play between the quality of service and
library usage with a positive direction. The result
was obtained from the hypothesis testing as shown
in the result chapters and analysis. It is known that
service quality (X) has an effect on library usage (Z)
at Airlangga University Library, with the t value for
the service quality variable equal to 2.091, which is
bigger than the t value in table 1, which is 98. It can
be interpreted that H0 was rejected and that H1 was
accepted. It can also be said that the service quality
variable has a significant influence on library usage.
Based on the results of the data processing
conducted, we obtained the results that there is a
significant influence between the quality of service
and the satisfaction of the users. As expressed by
Rowszkowski et.al (2005), quality of service is a
benchmark used to show the satisfaction of the
service recipient. Based on the results of the data
processing, there is a positive influence between the
quality of service and the satisfaction of the user in a
positive direction. The result was obtained from the
hypothesis testing which was done in the results
chapter as part of the integrated analysis. It is known
that service quality (X) has an influence on the
satisfaction of the users (Y) at Airlangga University
Library, with the t value of the service quality
variable being 5.983 times bigger than the t value in
table 1, which was 98. So it can be interpreted that
Library
H0 is rejected and that H2 has a significant influence
on the satisfaction of the users.
Based on the results of the data processing
performed, we obtained the result that there is a
significant influence and relationship between
library usage on the satisfaction of the users in a
positive direction. It is known that library usage (Z)
has an effect on the satisfaction of the visitor (Y) at
the library of Airlangga University with the t value
result for the service quality variable being 4.862
times bigger than the t value in table 1 of 98. It can
be interpreted that H0 is rejected and that we can
accept H3. It can also be said that the library usage
variables have a significant influence on the
satisfaction of the users. Therefore, it can be
interpreted that if the library usage that is
experienced by the readers is good and therefore
higher, then the satisfaction of the users will also be
higher. This is in line with the results of the research
conducted by Moses (2016), stating that library
usage has a significant influence on user satisfaction.
In this study, besides testing the direct effect, we
also tested the indirect effect. The fourth hypothesis
suggests that the quality of service affects the
satisfaction of the visitors through library usage as
the intervening variable at Airlangga University
Library – thus, it is acceptable. An indirect
coefficient value of 0.080 was obtained from
multiplication between the direct influence of
service quality on library usage and from library
usage on the satisfaction of the users. The result of
the coefficient of the indirect effect - if compared
with the results of the coefficient value of direct
influence between the quality of service on the
satisfaction of the users - is equal to 0.490. It thus
can be seen that the direct influence is greater than
the indirect influence. Moses’ research (2016),
which was a reference in this study, resulted in a
direct coefficient of 0.01 and an indirect coefficient
of 0.29. Therefore it can be seen that there are
studies using the intervening library usage variables
resulting in different path coefficients. It is
necessary to consider the indirect effect in decision
making. In addition, if the library has also noticed
the indirect effect, then this will result in the total
influence obtained being the addition of the direct
influence of service (X) variable on the satisfaction
of the user (Y) and the indirect effect of service
quality (X) on satisfaction (Y) with library usage (Z)
as an intervening variable. The result was 0.490 +
0.080 = 0.57.
217
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

4 CONCLUSIONS REFERENCES
This study discusses the influence of service quality Fatmawati, E., 2012. Mata Baru Penelitian Perpustakaan
on the satisfaction of the user with library usage as dari Servqual ke LibQual. Jakarta: Sagung Seto
the intervening variable in the University of Moses, C.L., Olaleke, O.O., Akinbode M, G., Agboola M,
Airlangga University Library. Based on the results O., Maxwell, & D, A., 2016. Perceived Servive
Quality and User Satisfaction in Library Environment.
of the testing, data analysis and discussion done in
Journal of Information Technology, Vol 15(1); pp 18-
the previous chapter, the results of this study can be 25, 2016.
used to conclude that there is a significant influence Terhile, B.F & Y.A. Anthanisus., 2014. A Comparative
between the quality of service and library usage at Study on User Satisfaction with the Management of
the Library of Airlangga University. The results Library Services in Three Academic Libraries in
obtained from the value of the t arithmetic on service Benue State-Nigeria. Journal of Studies in Social
quality were 2.091 while the t table was 1.98. It can Science, Volume 6, Number 1, 2014, 23-30.
be concluded that 2.091> 1.98 with a significance
level of 0.039 <0.05. It thus can be interpreted that
we can reject H0 and accept H1. It can also be
concluded that if the level of service quality
obtained by the users is higher, then the library
usage will also be higher and vice versa.
There is a significant influence between the
quality of service and the satisfaction of the users in
Airlangga University Library. The results obtained
from the value of the t arithmetic on service quality
were 5.963, while the t table was 1.98. It can be
concluded that 5.963> 1.98 with a significance level
of 0.000 <0.05. It can be interpreted that we can
reject H0 and accept H2. It can also be concluded
that if the level of service quality obtained by the
users is higher, then the satisfaction will be higher
and vice versa.
There is a significant direct influence between
the quality of service and the satisfaction of the user
with library usage being the intervening variable at
Airlangga University Library. The result was
obtained from multiplication between the beta value
of X to Z and beta Z to Y, that was 0.193 x 0.416 =
0.080. Based on the calculations, it can be seen that
the value of direct influence was 0.490 and that for
indirect effect, it was 0.080. From the results of this
study, it is known that the direct effect is greater
than the indirect influence, while in the previous
research results, indirect influence was greater than
the direct effect. The library should still pay
attention to indirect influence. This is because the
total influence value, if we pay attention to the
indirect influence, will result in a bigger effect
resulting from the addition of the direct and indirect
influence together. This was 0.490 + 0.080 = 0.57.
From the third hypothesis, it can be known that
library usage affects the satisfaction of the user.

218
 Digital Literacy Competencies of Netizens Activities on Twitter

Sofi Arinda1, Rika Lusri Virga2

1Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia
2Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University, Yogyakarta, Indonesia
arinda.sofi@gmail.com, rikalusri@gmail.com

Keywords: digital literacy competencies, Twitter, netizens

Abstract: Hate speech is considered to be one of the problems in digital media, including Twitter. College students, as
the active users or netizens, seem required to protect themselves from such a problem. Hate speech cases
discovered on Twitter can be avoided by mastering digital literacy. Therefore, this research aims to find out
the digital literacy competencies of netizens in terms of activity on Twitter amongst Communication
Science students of Gadjah Mada University Yogyakarta. The method used in this research was qualitative
by gathering data through in-depth interview then analysing it using Paul Gilster’s theory about digital
literacy. The result of this research stated that Communication Science students of Gadjah Mada University
Yogyakarta have digital literacy competencies based on four competencies. They are internet searching and
hypertext navigation, while they still need improvement on content evaluation and knowledge assembly
competencies since they tend to be critical in terms of their interest and not assembling the knowledge yet
from others media to find the new one.

1 INTRODUCTION maximising the usage of digital media. But what

The 2017 survey of the Indonesian Internet Service
Provider Associatio or Asosiasi Penyelenggara Jasa
Internet Indonesia (henceforth APJII) shows the
growth of internet users in 2017 to 143.26 million
out of 262 million as the total population of
Indonesia. 74.23% of internet users are college
students aged 19 to 34 and 87.13% of all internet
users access social media.
The emergence of social media has increased the
intensity of internet usage. The shift of public
interest to digital media as a communication tool is
forced by its fast, easy, and practical way of
disseminating information. On the other hand, the
rapid dissemination of information over the internet
is considered to cause problems such as the spread
of hate speech. Internet users should have self-
protection over such problems.
Kaplan (2010) defines social media as a set of
internet-based applications built on ideology and the
technology of Web 2.0 which allow the creation and
exchange of user-generated content. The rapid
dissemination of information over social media
should be useful to improve cognitive ability in
happens is a lot of improper cases such as hate
speech, cyber violence, or hoaxes are spreading
rapidly on social media, one of which is in Twitter.
By its characteristics, Twitter has become a place
for people to express their opinions freely and that
often triggers some opinion wars on social media.
Although the rules in using social media seem to be
missing, the state imposes legal restrictions on the
violation of Constitution UU nomor 19 tahun 2016
about Information and Electronic Transaction,
replacing UU nomor 11 tahun 2008. Online society
(netizens) and social media can act as agents of
political change (Gordon in Syahputra, 2017).
Consequently, netizens need to verify each piece of
information circulating on Twitter, especially for
issues that make up two alignments.
Even so, verification is only one part of some
competencies that social media users should have.
Having digital literacy in terms of internet usage
involves mastery of a set of core competencies
(Gilster, 1997). There are 4 (four) competencies for
digital literacy: internet searching, hypertext
navigation, content evaluation, and knowledge
assembly. These competencies become the primary
key for self-protection of internet users, including

219
Arinda, S. and Virga, R.
Digital Literacy Competencies of Netizens Activities on Twitter.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 219-222
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Twitter, over vast content such as hate speeches. The
term digital literacy has been used since 1990; it
refers to the ability to read and understand
hypertextual and multimedia text; Lanham in
(Bawden, 2001) equates the term digital literacy
with multimedia literacy, while, according to Deakin
University’s Graduate Learning Outcome 3 (DU
GLO3), digital literacy is the use of technology to
search, use, and disseminate information.
Furthermore, there is a Network of Digital
Literacy Activists (Jaringan Pegiat Literasi Digital)
who have conducted research to map the digital
literacy movement in Indonesia. Their research
shows the following result:
“Seen from agents of literacy movement at 9
cities in Indonesia, university (56,14%) emerge as
the main actor, followed by government (14,34%);
community (13,52%); non-profit organization
(5,32%); school and corporate (3,68% each). Others
are professional association and mass organization
2,86%); and media (0,4%)” (Kurnia, 2017).
Whereas “seen from the variety of activities:
socialization or lecture (29,64%) is the most
frequently performed digital literary activities,
followed by workshop or research (20,9%); seminar
or discussion (14,32%); research (11,33%); talk
show (11,08%); publication (4,78%); campaign and
advocacy (4,28%); others are competence,
mentoring and formation of anti-hoax units (2,01%);
and curriculum (1,51%)” (Kurnia, 2017).
Curriculum has the lowest percentage in digital
literacy activities because there are only a few
universities that have digital literacy courses, one of
which is the Communication Study Program of
Gadjah Mada University. This encourages
Researchers to examine the digital literacy
competence of netizen activities on Twitter on
Communication Science students of Gadjah Mada
University, Yogyakarta.
2 METHODS
This research uses a descriptive method with a
qualitative approach. The primary research data are
gathered through in-depth interviews with 3
informants who are the Communication Science
students of Gadjah Mada University that actively use
Twitter. A documentation technique using photos or
screenshots of netizen activity on Twitter will be
used as secondary data in this research. These
documentation data will be useful to evaluate the
relevance between answers given by interviewees
and their lives on Twitter.
220
The collected data is then analysed by doing data
reduction, data presentation, and conclusion
drawing. This analysis method refers to the Milles
and Huberman analysis model in Emzir (2010).
3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
This research aims to describe the digital literacy
competence of Communication Science students of
Gadjah Mada University reviewed from 4
competencies, that are internet searching, hypertext
navigation, content evaluation, and knowledge
assembly. The collected data are analysed using Paul
Gilster’s theory.
3.1 Internet Searching:
Fulfilling Netizen Curiosity
As an informative form of social media, Twitter is
used as a media for information searching for one’s
interests and needs. Twitter users have the control to
manage from whom they want to receive
information or to find out certain issues manually
through the Twitter search features like the search
and trending column. Informant 1 who follows
movie updates described the movie information
search in Twitter by “using hashtag of the movie
title, reading replies and reviews from other users by
clicking each links available on their blog”.
Informant 1 showed that, in order to get information
on Twitter, besides having to follow the related
interest accounts it is also necessary to search for
information by entering the right keywords into the
column search..
In addition to the ability to do information
searches, Twitter usage activities are also an
indicator of digital literacy competency mastery on
the aspect of internet searching. It is related to the
knowledge and utilisation of various features
available on Twitter. Nevertheless, informants have
a tendency to use only the features they feel they
need in interacting on Twitter. As revealed by
Informant 3, not all features are used when accessing
Twitter. However, making use of features such as
tweet; like; reply; bookmark dm; list; and moment
has helped him in interacting on Twitter.
The Communication Science students of Gadjah
Mada University already know that the needs for
information as well as certain issues can be fulfilled
by the ability to search via Twitter in accordance
with netizens’ interests and needs. Besides this, the
ability to use and utilise features that support
interaction on Twitter is important.

3.2 Hypertext Navigation:
Finding Continous Information
Understanding the hypertext guide direction is not
only related to the hypertext itself, but also the
knowledge of information available on digital media
(Gilster, 1997). Twitter allows the users to share
links which can lead to other related pages on an
issue or information.
This competency can be seen from some
indicators, that are: knowledge of hypertext and
hyperlink and how they work; knowledge of the
difference between searching information via
Twitter and print media; knowledge of how Twitter
works; and the ability to understand the
characteristics of Twitter page.
Using hypertext and hyperlink on Twitter
showed netizens’ ability to find attractive continuous
information. Informant 2 stated that he finds
hypertext on the timeline as well as on other users’
bio profiles. Furthermore, he explained that he only
goes to certain accounts. That’s different from
Informant 3 who uses hypertext to connect tweets
that exceed the 280-character limit determined by
Twitter.
The process of finding information is more often
obtained through the internet. Informant 3 stated, “it
is more often to get information through the internet
because it is faster and more practical”. This is in
line with Informant 1 who prefers to access
information from the internet, although they have to
be careful with plenty of hoaxes compared to print
media.
Furthermore, the characteristics of Twitter pages
also need to be understood by its users such as: the
availability of original content; interactivity;
immediacy; and integration. Original content can be
seen from original posts that are supported with
auto-hypertext if tweets exceed the character limit.
Besides this, users are also able to use embedded
tweets and embedded timeline features if they want
to link their Twitter page to another web page.
Informant 1 links his Twitter page to his personal
blog page although he doesn’t use the embedded
timeline feature provided by Twitter. Informant 3
often uses hypertext to know the original post of
information gained via Twitter. Furthermore, the
characteristic of interactivity that Twitter has is
proven with some features that support netizen
interaction such as: thread; reply; and follow. All 3
informants also often use these features. Immediacy
can be easily obtained from Twitter due to the speed
of information updates, while integration can be
Digital Literacy Competencies of Netizens Activities on Twitter
done from other platforms to Twitter but not the
other way round.
3.3 Content Evaluation:
Browsing the Information Content
The information gained from Twitter cannot be
taken for granted. There are some processes for
understanding certain information in order to obtain
true information in social media. Browsing the
information content requires some abilities such as:
distinguishing the page display and information
content; analysing the information background;
evaluating the web pages; and understanding of
Frequently Asked Questions in a social media
newsgroup.
A Twitter user who has the ability to distinguish
the web page display and information content can be
said to have the competency of content evaluation.
In a web page found via Twitter, users should be
focused on the information content so the perception
is not only affected by the display. But this doesn’t
mean that it is not important to note the web display.
The results of the interviews state that all
informants pay more attention to the information
contents, but often an attractive display makes them
continue to read the information content.
In order to understand the information, Twitter
users need to know its background. Based on
interview data, informants often trace the
information through search engine machines.
Informant 2 explained that he uses Google to verify
the information from Twitter. It can be said that he
has filtered the information as he determines which
account he wanted to follow by considering its
credibility. As Informant 3 stated, the need to
browse the information background is based on from
whom the original post originated and the topic
being read. It can be said that although netizens have
trust in the information on Twitter, still they
continue to identify the information background and
its completeness by using search engines to know
the main source of content dissemination.
Evaluating the related web page for the findings
about information is achieved by looking at
hypertext linked to the Twitter timeline. The
evaluation is useful for knowing the web ownership
origin which is seen from the domain used. Netizens
need to have such knowledge in order to be effective
in determining information about a particular
information provider account that they want to
follow in accordance with their needs and interest.
As one of the social media types that doesn’t
provide a forum or discussion group, Twitter only
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has the feature of being able to gather netizens
together around a single topic. Accordingly, there is
no indicator for understanding Frequently Asked
Questions in a forum or newsroom.
3.4 Knowledge Assembly:
Enriches Netizen’s Perspective
Gilster (1997) explained that, besides critical
thinking, other competencies needed are assembling
knowledge and building a collection of information
obtained from some different sources. There are
some supporting components for users in compiling
knowledge from information. Re-checking the
information is one of the ways to ensure the
information’s validity. Informant 2 prefers to be
critical and skeptical, as he stated: “in my opinion,
all informations are need to be verified, either it’s
from Twitter or not”. From the statement, it can be
concluded that Informant 2 verifies not only the
information from Twitter but from other sources too.
Although he explained earlier that he trusts
information obtained from Twitter, still he needs to
re-check that information through other media. As
well as this, Informant 3 checks information validity
by browsing the main source of information.
Use of various types of media proves the
information validity. Regarding this, not all
informants use all types of media as a reference to
prove information’s validity. Informant 1 claimed to
believe with all information from Twitter was
reliable because he followed trusted accounts. This
is different from Informants 2 and 3 who verify
information through other media like Google.
Besides the internet, there are television and radio
which can be used as reference media and are more
credible.
Although all informants did not use all types of
media as a reference in checking the information, all
of them claimed that they need a discussion in the
real world regarding information obtained from
Twitter, as Informant 1 stated:
“I discuss about the same information or issue
with friends who have references other than Twitter.
Sometimes my understanding of certain information
is limited, so I need space for discussion which is
with my friends.” This proves that the Informant
who use Twitter to interact and seek information still
needs a place for discussion. Besides, it can be
assumed that knowledge formation around
information relates to strengthening trust towards
information validity, and gaining various
perspectives as well as new findings from organised
knowledge.
222
4 CONCLUSIONS
In doing their activities on Twitter, netizens have
digital literacy competency which can be seen from
their skill in searching for information on Twitter to
fulfill the curiosity of their interests and they have
also mastered the use of Twitter features which are
useful to support their activity. Furthermore, the use
of hypertext in finding continuous information
shows that the students are capable of understanding
how the hypertext guide works. Netizens are able to
trace the information content. However, the
assessment of information is only carried out on
information that suits their interest. In enriching the
perspective, although netizens have not used all
types of media as a reference in verifying
information’s validity, they often have a discussion
with people around them about information obtained
from Twitter.
REFERENCES
APJII, 2017. Infografis Panetrasi dan Perilaku Pengguna
Internet di Indonesia, s.l.: s.n.
Bawden, D., 2001. Information and Digital Literacies; A
Review of Concept. pp. 218-259.
Emzir, 2010. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif Analisis
Data.. Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada.
Gilster, P., 1997. Digital Literacy. New York: John Wiley
& Sons, Inc.
Kaplan, A., 2010. Users of The World, Unite! The
Challenges and Opportunities of Social Media.
Bussines Horizons, pp. 59-68.
Kurnia, N., 2017. Peta Gerakan Literasi Digital Indonesia:
Studi Tentang Pelaku, Ragam Kegiatan, Kelompok
Sasaran dan Mitra. Informasi Kajian Ilmu Komunikasi,
47(2), pp. 149-166.
Syahputra, I., 2017. Demokrasi Virtual dan Perang Siber
di Media Sosial: Perspektif Netizen Indonesia. Jurnal
ASPIKOM, Volume 3, pp. 457-475.
 Youth Behavior in Digital Age:
The Born-digital Archival Concepts

Bachrul Ilmi
Department of Library and Information Science, Universitas Indonesia, Depok, Indonesia
bachrul.ilmi@ui.ac.id

Keywords: youth behavior, born-digital archiving, digital age, social media phenomenon

Abstract: Along with technological developments, today's archival revolution has developed the concept of born-
digital. This is the era in which archives have been created that are not printed on paper. Archives are also
unwittingly created through daily virtual activities. This can be observed through the phenomenon of social
media usage, which today most youths have, depending on its function. This paper aims to analyse the born-
digital archival concept that occurs in relation to youth behaviour that has been embedded in the digital age.
This paper used the qualitative approach; the data in this paper was obtained through literature studies and
observations of social phenomena in Indonesia. The data obtained was collected, analysed, interpreted, and
presented descriptively. The results of the paper show that the youth’s habits and dependence on social
media today unconsciously leaves a record and creates digital-archives, namely through online storage,
making online documents, arranging documents by folders and through the use of social media included
photo archives, documents, posts archive etc. The need for recognition and identity seeking has become the
main factor of the youth’s dependence on social media that also forms the born-digital archives.

1 INTRODUCTION The information obtained is certainly no longer

The rapid development of technology has greatly
affected the changing habits of the people who are
inside it. This development makes people slowly
leave behind obsolete conventional technology and
begin to welcome in the latest technology as its
successor. Ease and freedom of access is one of the
backgrounds of community migration using the
latest technology to fulfil their information needs.
All of their needs can now be found by smartphones,
which are assisting tools. In its broad functions
supported by internet access, people can do several
tasks at the same time (multitasking). Therefore it
will consume time more effectively and the person
will get more productive.
The ease of internet access today is increasingly
allowing societies to reach any information in
seconds with unlimited access. Through the
collaboration between smartphones and easy internet
access support, an individual can do their work
easily, in a lighter manner and in handheld. Such
developments can drive the fulfilment of the daily
information needs of the community. They even tend
to rely on gadgets/smartphones in their daily
activities.
attached to physical objects (printed) but it can be in
digital form. The users in the digital environment are
called the digital community. This ease drives people
to think about changing their habits, from
conventional into new habits, utilising the ongoing
technology developing. Now with the technological
advances taking place, habits are beginning to shift
to the digital environment. Photos taken digitally no
longer need to be printed and stored on conventional
media, but they can be directly uploaded to online
storage media. Such cases are mainly conducted by
the internet generation who have internet literacy
and the ability to surf their information needs in the
digital form.
Based on the Internet World Stats survey in
2017, it was noted that the number of internet users
in Indonesia ranked 5th in the world, after China,
India, the US and Brazil; 143,260,000 individuals
were active internet users with an internet growth of
7.063%. These results indicate that the literacy and
awareness level of the technology development rate
of the Indonesian people is above average. There has
been a detailed composition analysis of the
Indonesian internet users based on the age
demographics categories by Asosiasi Penyelenggara
Jasa Internet Indonesia (henceforth APJII) in 2017 :
49.52% were users aged 19-34 years, 29.55% were

223
Ilmi, B.
Youth Behavior in Digital Age - The Born-digital Archival Concepts.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 223-229
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
users aged 35-54 years, while 16.68% were users
aged 13-18 years. The remaining 4.24% were users
over the age of 54 years old. According to the data
acquired from the survey, it can be concluded that
the internet users dominated the productive ages,
which is where the internet facility is needed to
assist their work. Not only does it assist their work,
the use of the internet can also be a tool in education
and to meet the daily needs of young adults and
youths as well. The youth use of the internet is
mostly as a medium for learning, for building a
networking in a friendship-based environment, and
looking for public information to fulfil their
information needs through their smart phone as an
access tools. The networking needs of youths are
inseparable from youth internet users.
The bloom of the social media phenomenon
nowadays is an indicator of the dependence of
human activities. Every single activity (office,
household, and all human needs, both primary and
secondary) is not spared from the use of information
technology. Search histories and online activities are
unconsciously created and collected into archives.
Search history and online activities are
unconsciously created, collected and archived. These
archives are personal archives as by being born-
digital, the archive is created in digital form and not
as the result of digitalisation (digitised archives)
(Bountouri, 2017). Such a phenomenon mostly
occurs in youths, in which it is a daily habit and
tends to depend on online activities, especially social
media. The importance of the study of born-digital
archives in the youth’s daily activities is apparent
through good digital archive management and being
able to facilitate and accelerate daily activities,
especially when using social media and networking.
There has been a similar study conducted on the
pattern of child and youth communications through
the internet conducted by the Ministry of
Communication and Information and UNICEF in
2014. The results revealed that the majority of
adolescent communication was conducted with their
peers. This was followed by communication with
their teachers, and with their family members and
was also significant. This paper will review and
analyse the habits and digital activities of youths
regarding born-digital archiving.
2 LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Born-Digital Archives
A digital archive is a repository that stores one or
more collections of digital information objects with
the intention of providing long-term access to the
224
information (Gerderen, 2005). The resources include
items created and managed in digital form (Erway,
2010). There are different types of Born Digital
Material according to Erway (2010):
 Digital photographs. The prevalence of digital
cameras is making digital photos one of the
fastest growing forms of born-digital content;
 Digital documents. Maintained in digital form,
standard formats such as the Portable
Document Format (PDF) are used to retain
formatting, while separating the documents
from the software that created them;
 Harvested Web content. Archives can harvest
material from websites related to a particular
subject or event. Open-source tools developed
by the Internet Archive can be used to crawl
and provide access to the content. The data
can be kept in the ISO standard WARC
(WebARChive) file format;
 Digital manuscripts. Personal “papers” can be
created as born-digital manuscripts, which
may accumulate automatically while
archivists plan what to do with them. A very
few manuscript collections may merit
emulation in order to recreate the workspace
of the author;
 Electronic records. This type of collection
might consist mostly of documents in word
processing formats or it may include an array
of e-mails, databases, spreadsheets,
presentations and other types of files, some of
which can only be read using proprietary
software. In most cases, it is best to get the
content out of the proprietary format;
 Static data-sets. Some data-sets need special
software and documentation to make them
usable and the system may need to be retained
or emulated. Context, including the nature of
the sample, the data collection approach and
software used, should be retained;
 Dynamic data. This type includes data-sets
that are added to over time, that are time-
based, or that include genetic sequencing or
Computer-Aided Design (CAD). It can
include data that is meaningless until it is
acted upon—and there may be an infinite
number of actions and results. In many cases,
the software, if not the hardware, environment
will need to be retained or emulated;
 Digital arts. Digital art may be as simple as
digital photography or it may be much more
complex in that it could be mixed media,
dynamic, or could require the recreation of an
entire installation to render effectively;

 Digital media publications. These are
materials that are routinely published in digital
form. Commercial publications like music
CDs, movies on DVD, and video games are
on fairly stable media and when those media
is replaced, the content is often re-released in
new formats.
2.2 Personal Digital Archiving
Personal files contain the documentation of
individual lives and human personality. While these
finds often reflect the recorded evidence of the
functions of the creator, in the same way that the
finds of organisations do, personal archives also
contain traces of the individual character of the
record’s creator (Hobbs, 2001).
Personal archives require a different appraisal
approach than administrative or government records.
A starting point for this new treatment could be
concerned with how we conceptualise the records
and how we approach them during the acquisition
process (Hobbs, 2001). Personal archives are not
only about the transactions of “official” personal
business and formal activity, but they are also a
prevalent source of commentary on daily and
personal life and relationships, by their very nature.
Broadly put, the finds of an individual are a site
where their personality and the events of life interact
in documentary form.
Personal archives reflect not only what a person
does or thinks, but who they are and how they
envision and experience their lives. An individual
creates records to serve his or her needs,
predilections or personality, not because some law,
statute, regulation, or corporate policy says so.
Regardless of any perceived historical or cultural
value, personal digital archives represent an
important chance for individuals to give voice to
their own perspectives, to make sure that the cultural
record reflects their lived experiences and to share
their stories with other people if they choose.
Well-managed personal archives will also make
it easier for individuals to maintain control over their
personal digital files and allow them to make well-
informed decisions about how their files are used in
daily life, while allowing them to plan for the
preservation or disposition of their digital files after
death.
Redwine (2015) stated that technological
obsolescence and a lack of planning are two of the
most obvious threats to the wellbeing of personal
digital files, but less visible threats can be equally
Youth Behavior in Digital Age - The Born-digital Archival Concepts
harmful. Most of the risks to digital files fall into the
following categories:
 Ageing hardware and software;
 A lack of secure storage and backup;
 Natural and man-made disasters;
 Neglect;
 The loss of cloud-based hosting or service
providers;
 A lack of planning and
 The death of the individual.
Moreover, there are 3 main recommendations
provided Redwine (2015), addressing the key threats
to personal digital files, namely Quick Wins, More
Effort, and Maximum Effort:
Firstly, Quick Wins. The archives owner/
crerator should:
 choose software that is well supported and that
creates files that can be read by a variety of
different programs;
 develop file naming conventions that are easy
to remember and apply them consistently;
 create multiple back-up copies and store them
in different geographical locations;
 test the back-up copies to make sure that they
are accessible and contain what they intend
them to; and
 transfer files to new media every 2 to 4 years..
Secondly, More Effort. The archives owner/
crerator should:
 access the stored media regularly to confirm
that it is in good working condition;
 regularly transfer and back up photos, videos,
and other important digital files from mobile
device(s) to a more secure form of storage,
either cloud-based or physical media such as a
computer’s hard drive;
 be conscientious about migrating files to
newer file formats if the software necessary to
open them is becoming obsolete;
 compare cloud storage providers and do the
legwork to find a secure service and
 maintain more secure, geographically-
distributed back-up copies of your files both in
the cloud and on physical media.
Thirdly, Maximum Effort. The archives owner/
crerator should:
 survey their digital files and create an active
plan that includes selecting files for
safekeeping, assess the need for file format
migration and utilise secure and backed up
storage;
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
 identify and locate the hardware and software
necessary to access obsolete formats in their
care and
 reorganise and rename unidentified files in
accordance with their used file naming
conventions.
2.3 Youth Behavior
Adolescence is a period of life in-between childhood
and adulthood. It is described as a time of
experimenting with roles and identities, still void of
the burden of social norms and obligations yet
slowly preparing the youngsters for their lives as full
members of the social collective. During this process
of social integration, young people find themselves
in a complex social system, composed of elements
such as tradition, history, social demands, hopes and
individual future prospects, all of which they have to
incorporate into a coherent picture in order to build a
proper foundation for their personal life. Step by
step, they have to obtain new social roles and extend
their range of social performance (Henze, 2015).
Youths make up the largest percentage of internet
users and the users of telecommunications gadgets.
“As the early adopters of new media, youths are, in
many ways, the defining users of new media”
(Montgomery, 2001). Today's young people are the
generation of 'net-geners', who have their own
uniqueness. Their brains have developed differently.
Their brains process fast-moving images differently”
(Tapscott, 2009 in Zimic, 2009). Participating in
online media is one of the distinguishing features of
today's youth character, as a digital generation
compared to the youths of the previous age.
3 RESEARCH METHODS
This study used a qualitative approach, where the
data was obtained from several theories relevant to
conditions in the field related to the practice of born-
digital archives in the youth environment and then
examined qualitatively. Conclusions were drawn up
according to the data.
4 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Youth Behaviour in the Digital Age
Rahmayani (2015) predicted that in 2018, Indonesia
will become "the sleeping digital technology giant of
Asia." Supported by data from the Digital Marketing
226
Research Institute (e-market), it estimates that in
2018, there will be more than 100 million active
smartphone users in Indonesia. With such a large
number of users, Indonesia will become the country
with the fourth largest number of active smartphone
users in the world after China, India and America.
Based on this data, it can be concluded that there is
great potential for Indonesia in the area of equitable
technological mastery. This needs to happen,
because one indicator of the development of a
country is the prevalence of public services and the
affordability of technology evenly.
According to Pertiwi (2018), the research
conducted by We Are Social in the Kompas issued
on March 1st 2018, a British media company
working with Hootsuite, the average Indonesian
spends 3 hours and 23 minutes a day accessing
social media. From the report entitled "Essential
Insights Into the Internet, Social Media, Mobile, and
E-Commerce Use Around The World" published on
January 30th, 2018, out of Indonesia's total
population of 265.4 million, there are 130 million
active social media users with a penetration level of
49 percent. This data is a reflection that Indonesian
people have digital activities that are very active on
social media as a container for meeting increasingly
diverse information needs. The more active they are
in their activities on social media, the more digital
traces are left behind by the social media users.
Either consciously or unwittingly, social media users
have also collected born-digital digital archives.
4.2 Conscious Born-digital Archiving
Sometimes consciously, born-digital archiving can
be conducted by digital age youths. One of the
habits of youths today is relying on cloud storage.
This requires an internet network to store digital
files. The digital files that they have are uploaded
and stored in cloud storage. It is intended that the
data or files can still be used and that they can be
stored for longer and are safer in the process. Most
of the digital files and data are born-digital, which
includes image files originating from digital camera
devices, mobile phones and office files that have not
been printed on paper. There are several cloud
storage servers that are often used including
Dropbox, Google Drive, One Drive, 4shared, Mega,
and so on. Youths today have taken advantage of
these facilities, with them even becoming the
mainstay of alternative storage that is relatively safe
from viruses and other digital disturbances.
Certain management is needed to assist the
owner of the archive in organising the digital

archives created, especially when looking for
archives that may be needed in the future.
Management is carried out in order to be able to
adjust things personally, so then it can be easily
understood and accelerated, as well as being a
security technique. This is because only the owner
can understand the details of the storage and have
access to the born-digital files or archives that he
owns.
In conscious digital archiving, there are 3 split
main recommendations put forward Redwine (2015)
addressing the key threats to personal digital files.
Firstly, is Quick Wins. The archives owner/creator
should:
 choose software that is well supported and that
creates files that can be read by a variety of
different programs. In this case, the owner
must archive software that can produce digital
files that can be read by other software in
general. This is also related to the digital file
format that is produced. For example, a digital
file in the form of an extension document
(.docx) will not be readable by certain
software, because the (.docx) version is too
high and the file reader does not support the
file. What is done is to reduce the format to
(.doc), (.odt) or (.rtf),
 develop file naming conventions that are easy
to remember and to apply these consistently.
Anticipating file owner negligence is
necessary in digital archiving, therefore there
needs to be a kind of guideline that refers to
consistent and ultimately useful digital file
naming in retrieval;
 create multiple back-up copies and store them
in different geographical locations. Even
though digital files are stored in the cloud, it is
also still necessary to physically backup or put
files on different cloud services. This is to
anticipate the worst possibility that the saved
file is corrupted, lost, or damaged;
 test the back-up copies to make sure they are
accessible and contain what they are intended
to. There is a need to check the backup files
regularly to make sure that the files are still
accessible; and
 transfer files to new media every 2 to 4 years.
Periodically backing up data every 2 to 4
years anticipates unwanted things. If the born-
digital file is stored in the cloud, then the
archive owner must backup to a different
account and even to a different vendor. This is
done so then the risk of losing data due to the
risk of bankruptcy of the cloud storage
Youth Behavior in Digital Age - The Born-digital Archival Concepts
companies that are not responsible for digital
files.
Secondly, is More Effort. The archive
owner/creator should:
 access the storage media regularly to confirm
that it is in good working condition. Through
regular checking, the archive owner can
ensure that the digital files are safe and
properly accessed;
 regularly transfer and back up photos, videos,
and other important digital files from their
mobile device(s) to a more secure form of
storage, either cloud-based or physical media,
such as a computer’s hard drive. This can be
done automatically by synchronising the
device with cloud storage;
 be conscientious about migrating files to
newer file formats if the software necessary to
open them is becoming obsolete. Updating the
file format can make a file that can initially be
read properly, unable to be read once updated.
Analysis is needed before converting digital
file formats, to determine whether or not it is
compatible with the reader;
 compare cloud storage providers and do the
legwork to find a secure service. Conducting a
comparison of the services, security and
features in order to minimise file loss;
 maintain more secure and geographically
distributed back-up copies of your files both in
the cloud and on physical media. Maintaining
and paying attention to storage security and
backing up to different locations is something
that digital file owners need to consider.
Thirdly, is Maximum Effort. The archive
owner/creator should:
 survey their digital files and create an active
plan that includes selecting files for
safekeeping, assessing the need for file format
migrations, and utilising secure and back-up
storage. The archive owner needs to carry out
active surveys and plans related to security
assessments and digital file format conversion
needs. This is done for storage effectiveness in
cloud storage, and relates to the access to the
files;
 identify and locate the hardware and software
necessary to access obsolete formats in their
care. If the digital file has been stored in cloud
storage and the file is in an old format, then
the owner of the archive needs to adjust the
reader in the form of the software and
hardware used for access;
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
 re-organise and rename unidentified files in
accordance with file naming conventions.
Analysing digital files that are not organised
needs to be conducted so then the files can be
found and used properly.
4.3 Unconscious Born-digital Archiving
Without realising it, every individual activity,
especially that conducted by today's teenagers in
cyberspace, will always be recorded and become
digital traces. The trace can be reused for certain
purposes in the future. This is related to the use of
cloud storage and social media, which are often used
by teenagers today in expressing their daily
activities.
Typical cloud storage public applications are
mostly served as SaaS layer services to users. There
are many cloud storage applications that offer
synchronous backup, document saving, offline
downloads, online editing and document sharing.
Typical cloud storage enterprise applications mostly
serve the user with the IaaS layer. Providing basic
storage facilities and basic storage backup services
for developers (mainly for enterprises) are rented to
facilitate their own office or business needs (Liu,
2016). Software that has a synchronous backup
feature makes it possible to auto-backup and copy
digital files automatically and then save them to the
cloud storage. This is so then, without the owner of
the file actively engaging, born-digital files (photos,
videos and other types of documents) on someone's
gadget can be automatically backed up. Usually,
synchronous backups occur on smartphones or
computer devices and laptops that are set up and
connected to cloud server accounts. Some
commonly used cloud storage applications provide
synchronous backup features including Google
Drive, OneDrive, Google Photos, Samsung Clouds,
Iclouds, and many more.
In addition to cloud storage that provides
synchronous backup features, activities on social
media are also recorded accidentally and without
user commands being input. For example, the search
history on Instagram will automatically record each
user or keyword typed in the search field. This is
done so then the users can easily access the search
according to the last keyword typed before. In
addition to the user search history, on Instagram,
there are Posts Archives that keep all old posts
without the owner's order. In addition to this, there
are story archives; stories that have been uploaded
for 24 hours that have not been deleted. They are
automatically uploaded to story archives, and photo
228
tags, favourites, direct messages lists and
notification files according to the activities of their
followers or followed users on Instagram are also
examples of unconscious archiving. In addition to
the two examples above, cookies in browser
applications are also examples of digital-born
archives that are accidentally collected to store all of
the user's search history in a browser account. For
example, on the Safari browser and on the Chrome
browser.
Another online activity that is usually done by
teenagers today is one that utilises an online
document editor application that is easily affordable
and tends to be safe against viruses. For example,
students often use G Suite, Google docs (which
consists of Word, Excel, or Powerpoint). By utilising
these facilities, students or users can directly save
straight to the available cloud storage, namely
Google Drive. After that, the file / document can be
opened, edited, and downloaded at any time and
anywhere. It is affordable without paying attention
to either distance or time. Another advantage of
using this feature is that you can share documents
simply by getting the document link and sharing it
with friends or colleagues.
5 CONCLUSION
Archiving can occur consciously or otherwise.
Archiving is intentionally carried out by youths in a
variety of ways that utilises cloud storage, allowing
them to organise their digital files. The phenomenon
of social media that is rife today can also be viewed
in archival science, where archiving occurs
unconsciously and where the archives collected are
born-digital archives. Youths can take advantage of
these developments to build a network of friendships
and to support their learning.
REFERENCES
Bountouri, L. 2017. Archives in the Digital Age:
standards, policies, and tools. Cambridge: Elsevier.
Hobbs, C. 2001. The Character of Personal Archives:
Reflections on the Value of Records of Individuals.
Archivaria, The Journal of the Association of
Canadian Archivists. Online,
(https://archivaria.ca/archivar/index.php/archivaria/arti
cle/view/12817/14027), accessed on 21 Juni 2018.
Garderen, P.V. 2005. Digital Archives. Online,
(http://archivemati.ca/2005/11/08/digital-archives/),
accessed in 30 July 2018.
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Erway, R. 2010. Defining Born Digital. USA. OCLC

Online Computer Library Center, Online,
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Rahmayani, I. 2015. Indonesia Raksasa Teknologi Digital
Asia. Online,
(https://kominfo.go.id/content/detail/6095/indonesia-
raksasa-teknologi-digital-asia/0/sorotan_media),
accessed on 30 July 2018.
Henze, V. 2015. On the Concept of Youth – Some
Reflections on Theory. Berlin: Institut für
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Kominfo. 2014. Riset Kominfo dan UNICEF Mengenai
Perilaku anak dan remaja dalam menggunakan
Internet.
(https://kominfo.go.id/index.php/content/detail/3834/S
iaran+Pers+No.+17-PIH-KOMINFO-2-
2014+tentang+Riset+Kominfo+dan+UNICEF+Menge
nai+Perilaku+Anak+dan+Remaja+Dalam+Menggunak
an+Internet+/0/siaran_pers) retrieved 10 August 2018.
Montgomery, K. 2001. Digital Kids: The New On-line
Children’s Consumer Culture. 635–50.
Pertiwi, W.K. 2018. Riset Ungkap Pola Pemakaian
Medsos Orang Indonesia. Online,
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/riset-ungkap-pola-pemakaian-medsos-orang-
indonesia), accessed on 30 July 2018.
Zimic, Sheila. 2009. Not So 'Techno Savvy': Challenging
the Stereotypical Image of Net Generations dalam
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https://apjii.or.id/survei2017
https://www.internetworldstats.com/top20.htm

229
 Information Seeking Behaviour in the Mualaf Communities
of Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya

Panji 1, Meinia Prasyesti Kurniasari 2

1
Department of Information and Library Studies, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of Information and Library Studies, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
panji@gmail.com, meiniaprayesti@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: information needs, information seeking behaviour, spiritual, mualaf

Abstract: Everyone has an awareness of their spiritual needs as an impact of the existence of the soul within man.
Spiritual needs can be obtained from various paths, and one of them is through religion. Some people study
the Islamic religion and finally choose to embrace the religion of Islam as their life guidance in the process
of meeting their needs of spirituality. The purpose of this study was to determine the behaviour of
information seeking among Mualaf at Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya. This research used the approach of the
Information Search Process theory. This theory explains the existence of initiation, selection, exploration,
formulation, collection and presentation in every process of information seeking among Mualaf. The
research method used was quantitative and descriptive with the number of respondents totalling 30 people
who were mualaf at the Muhtadin Institution in Masjid Al Falah, Surabaya. The number of Mualaf in
Indonesia in 2016 was 2,491 people. There was an increase in the number of Mualaf by around 5-6 percent
in the previous year. The number is expected to continue to increase given the current and numerous studies
about the religion of Islam. The number of Mualaf who made a pledge at Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya in
2017 was recorded at 161 people. The results of the research shows the involvement in each stage of the
Information Search Process concerning information seeking behaviour among the Mualaf registered and
active in the Muhtadin Institute of Masjid Al Falah. The conclusions of this study indicate that Mualaf in
Surabaya begin information seeking from the urge to become a Muslim. Good Muslims then encourage
Mualaf to search for information through information channels that are deemed appropriate to their
information needs. Satisfaction after sharing the information with fellow Mualaf is the end result of the
information seeking process. This process replaces anxiety and confusion with a sense of satisfaction at the
beginning of the process of information seeking.

1 INTRODUCTION teachers. School librarians with a background of

The road to pursuing a career in Library and
Information science is not forthright and there is no
straight direction in which to travel. Sometimes,
people who pursue a career as librarians as their
chosen profession experience some detours and
experience another job in their life. It also rare to
hear of university students who have been taught to
become a librarian from the beginning (Lo, 2017:
p.424). The librarian profession has not been in
much demand and is often unpopular in the
community, including school librarians. There are
37,133 school librarians in 365,000 school libraries
in Indonesia and 1,700 principals. The profession of
school librarians is duplicated by that of school
Library Science are few, and there are distinct
advantages and disadvantages in this profession.
Besides, there are overlaps in the rules to being a
librarian, starting from recruitment, the career path,
the public image and through to their welfare.
Researchers are interested in knowing how the
choice to become a school librarian is formed by
people who pursue the profession of school
librarians with such conditions in place.
The self-image of the librarian profession is lost
to professions such as lecturers and teachers who are
still in one particular area of education. This
profession has been researched by Korneliza Pert
concerning the professions as a source of income.
The result is that librarians served in sixth position

230
Panji and Kurniasari, M.
Information Seeking Behaviour in the Mualaf Communities of Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 230-232
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 Information Seeking Behaviour in the Mualaf Communities of Al Falah Mosque in Surabaya
out of seven professions that are in demand after
doctors, teachers, constructors, economists and
lawyers. The latter is occupied by system’s
engineers or programmers. The National Library of
Indonesia and the librarian institution currently has
700 employees, including 178 functional librarians
and with one third being "librarians in passing", i.e.
functional librarians with no formal education
background in library and information science,
which involves ordinary people without any library
education performing the duties of a librarian.
The career path of a school librarian is limited
because of the potential of teachers to fill the
position of the Head of the Library with the presence
of Permendiknas Number 25 Year 2008. It is
because of a lack of appreciation and low welfare.
Endang Fitriyah Mannan's research on School
Librarian Retention in Surabaya 2010 stated that the
first salary received by school librarians is between
500 thousand and 1 million, and it can be even less
than 500 thousand rupiah depending on the
institution where the librarian works. This situation
is happening to school librarians in Surabaya. A
Bambang Prakoso Librarian in SMKN 10 said that
his salary was still below the minimum wage for
labour, at around 1 million rupiah. Mas Dwi, the
librarian of SMKN 2 in Surabaya, confirmed that the
salary he received after 5 years of work was two
million rupiah.
This study has explained the rationale choice
underlying the act of becoming a librarian and has
sought to know whether it serves as a quick way to
achieve the individual’s life goals. Are they
conscious in determining and choosing the librarian
profession as an individual preference or is there
something else involved? What is the impetus for an
individual who sets their choice as becoming a
school librarian? Is being a school librarian based on
a strong inner drive and done solemnly by the
individual, so then it will be directed and bring good
results into their life?
This study examined the reasons for becoming a
school librarian and how their rationality is formed
among the conditions in society. Thus, this context
can be formulated into two focus problems. The first
is why they chose to pursue the profession of school
librarian and the rationality of the librarian
profession among school librarians in the city of
Surabaya. The research was conducted qualitatively
using the social behaviour method from the
phenomenological perspective. This research
focused on knowing the cause of rational choices
among school librarians while the condition is still
considered to be unbeneficial. From the field data
alone, it was found that the salaries and other awards
received by school librarians are still below the
standard. Therefore, the study proves how rational
choices are formed to pursue the work of school
librarian.
2 RESEARCH RESULTS
Initially they plunge in the world of school libraries
for various reasons, which can be analysed from the
informant information. There were no informants
who said that they worked on the basis of
compulsion due to economic pressure. The push and
economic constraints factor was a driving factor for
working as a school librarian, but not the primary
and first driver of action.
From the results from the six informants, it was
known that they claimed the profession of the school
librarian which came from their desires through
various motivations, such as being influenced by
their educational background, the work in the library
being considered lighter than their previous work
experience because there was no pressure, feeling
challenged by the management at the school library
as well as comparing the work of the school librarian
in their hometown with the city of Surabaya. Their
desire was also derived from the profession of
school librarian who, according to them, is an open
door to providing education because by they can
give children the correct information and education
is very important. This is because “information
literacy is a necessity for everyday life decisions and
is considered to be essential to the point that it was
endorsed by UNESCO’s ‘Information for all’
programme as a basic human right… (Demasson et
al., 2017: p.1).
Although there were informants who admitted to
entering the world of libraries by chance, after
experiencing the profession, they feel secure and
have been working for more than six years. The
awareness of careful consideration for those working
in the school library by Coleman is described in his
theory of norms. He argues that the norms are built
and conserved by some who see the benefits of
compliance within the norms and dangers posed by
violations of the norms. School librarians, as the
actor in school libraries, are automatically bound by
regulations applied in their school. This is as well as
the unity that the library within the organizational
structure represents still not standing alone;
librarians are encouraged to perform tasks in the
field of administration as well. With a mature
231
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
consideration, finally a candidate plunges into the
world of school libraries and becomes a librarian.
The actor has hopes and goals within their
actions, in an effort to realise that their hopes and
objectives can be achieved. They always undertake
careful consideration by prioritising the benefit
maximisation involved so then the actor receives
benefits from every action that he or she undertakes.
Differences in the hopes and goals are there but they
have something in common in that their interests can
be achieved by doing the actions of a school
librarian. In this context, the choice to become a
librarian school is to obtain a tool that is then used as
a follow-up to the goal of becoming a teacher,
because by becoming a school librarian, the actor
could receive more compensation regarding the
income of a teacher.
Another informant revealed that he wants to
become a lecturer and then with the knowledge
gained in the field of libraries, he could then take
further action to get compensation and use it to
finance himself to become a lecturer. There are also
those who make the school librarian profession their
goal, because of the easy recruitment process, the
job demands not being as heavy as their previous
job, as well as flexible work.
3 CONCLUSIONS
Webber's theory of rational choice states that the
ratio of one's personality is derived from two key
factors, namely the tools and the actors to achieve
the maximum benefit that underlies an action. In
pursuing the profession of school librarian as a
rational act, it cannot be separated from the objective
educational environment of the actor who is
equipped with a set of tools. However, it can occur
by looking at the opportunities and actions that can
be accepted and done as a rational effort. What is the
behaviour of the school librarian's election and how
does his / her rationality decide to prompt them to
work as a school librarian? Why do they persist with
their profession, in the midst of the problems that
librarians are plagued by? Based on the results of
research into the rational choice of school librarian
professions, the research formula is summarised as
follows.
In the beginning of their behaviour, their choice
comes from consciously thinking of pursuing the
profession of school librarian by considering the
tools that they have, and then moving on to the
external factors by looking at maximising the
benefits that they can gain from the profession of
232
school librarian. The action is based only on the
opportunities that are open and likely to be accepted
due to an action. The process of thinking afterwards
just weighs on the maximum beneficial aspect that
will be obtained by the rational actors. This thinking
process involves consideration if the actor tries to
perform actions that are inconsistent with the tools
that he possesses and what impacts it has on him. In
the end, we can see the advantages of the chosen
profession of librarian being an answer to the
necessities of life.
The advantages gained by the actors who have
the tools in accordance with larger libraries are
found to be in comparison with the actors who do
not have the tools. The actors with tool discrepancies
require time to adapt to the work in the library. The
opportunity to develop their knowledge of library
science is also wide open for actors with the
appropriate tools, with the development of the actor
increasingly allowing them to able to multiply their
tools, with the implication of obtaining maximum
benefits.
REFERENCES
Association of Indonesian School Information
Proffesionals.
http://www.ifla.org/files/assets/alp/BSLA/manila-
2016/bsla_indonesia.pdf
Demasson, A., et al., 2017. How do public librarians
constitute information literacy? Journal of
Librarianship and Information Science, Vol 00(0): 1–
15.
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/09610006177
26126
George, R., 2003. Sosiologi Ilmu Berparadigma Ganda. Pt
RajaGrafindo
George, R., Douglas J. G., 2008. Teori Sosiologi Modern
edisi ke-6. Kencana
Lo, P. et al., 2017. Motivations for choosing librarianship
as a second career among students at the University of
British Columbia and the University of Hong Kong.
Journal of Librarianship and Information Science,
Vol. 49(4): 424–437.
http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/09610006166
54961
Purwaningtyas, F., Pilihan Rasional Mahasiswa
Melanjutkan Magister Ilmu Perpstakaan.
Permendiknas no 25 tahun 2008
Suwarno, W., 2010. Ilmu Perpustakaan & Kode Etik
Pustakawan
Sulistyo-Basuki. Profesi dan Konsep Pustakawan dalam
Kontes Indonesia.
Sugiyono, 2009. Memahami Penelitian Kualitatif.
Bandung: Alfabeta.
P UBLIC P OLICY
F ULL PAPERS
 Do We Have Privacy in The Big Data Era?
A Study of Privacy as a Legal Concept in Indonesia

Masitoh Indriani1 and Amira Paripurna2

1
Department of International Law, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of Criminal Law, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia

masitoh@fh.unair.ac.id, amira@fh.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Big Data, Crime Prevention, the Right to Privacy.

Abstract: Do we have privacy in the Big Data Era? This is the main question with the emergence of the internet with
its negative excess in our daily life specifically in the field of privacy. Big Data is increasingly used as the
main source for predicting internet users’ behaviour by collecting and processing users’ personal data. Those
predictions enable and transform society insight in the digitalised era. As a result, there is no doubt that Big
Data is a valuable tool to generate money for business entities, to predict consumer behaviour, to predict
certain criminal activity in the security field, and even beyond this, to be able to control citizens’ behaviour
in every aspect of life. Thus, the debate over the use of Big Data is whether it leads to disruption of the right
to privacy. In addition, there is a relative view of the right to privacy; while one society considers privacy to
be an important thing, it could be less important in another society. Addressing those backgrounds, this paper
will analyse the right to privacy in Indonesia using Kurbalija’s triangle on privacy and the response of the
Indonesian Government to protect privacy.

1 INTRODUCTION more complex, ranging from focusing on how the

In recent years, the development of Big Data
technology has changed many sectors. In the private
sector, Big Data has been used to understand, identify
and to analyze new opportunities for organizations for
smarter moves, more efficient operations, higher
profit and happier customers (Davenport, 2013). Big
Data for companies is able to reduce business cost in
terms of cloud-based business analytics and data
storing; as a result, Big Data provides faster and better
decision making in for business moves. These
decisions lead companies to create new products and
services that fit with consumer needs.
Meanwhile in the government sector, the rise of
Big Data can be seen by the utilization of e-
government services. Despite the fact that e-
government has helped to achieve efficient and
effective services for the citizen, the infrastructure for
running an e-government system is also facing a
complex and risky task. In the context of law
enforcement, Big Data is gathered to produce a more
accurate analysis of a criminal pattern. Therefore, the
information provided would be a consideration in
terms of the decision-making process. However, the
information provided is expanding and becoming
information is gathered and processed to storage. Yet,
the issue of data protection and security is increasing
in significance since the new search suggests that
capture, discovery and analysis of respected data
might be invading privacy (Institute, 2018).
Privacy itself can be defined as the right of the
person to control their own personal information and
whether to disclose information or not (Kurbalija,
2014). The right to privacy is a legitimate right as it
recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and in many
international and regional human rights conventions.
Therefore, as a fundamental right, privacy should be
protected in all respects. Speaking of the protection of
privacy, data protection would be the legal
mechanism to guarantee the protection of privacy
(Kurbalija, 2014).
Despite the great advantage of Big Data in several
areas of public life, undoubtedly there are challenges
for Big Data and analytics. The challenges
particularly relate to the issue of citizens’ privacy,
data quality and data security. The violation of
privacy may occur when there is an absence of data
protection principles in terms of how personal

237
Indriani, M. and Paripurna, A.
Do We Have Privacy in the Big Data Era? - A Study of Privacy as a Legal Concept in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 237-242
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
information is gathered, processed and analyzed. The
challenge for data quality relates to processing and
analysis in the form of the algorithm in use; as a
result, there will be disruption since this algorithm is
used to as a tool of data analytic. The issue for data
security may be caused by the software and system
used by the organization to process such data. In line
with those phases, Kurbalija highlighted that the
challenge for privacy could be seen in the triangle of
states, business and individuals (Kurbalija, 2014).
Considering the broad area in which Big Data is
commonly used, the discussion on Big Data in this
paper will focus on the use of Big Data in the context
of crime prevention. Furthermore, this paper aims to
discuss the legal problems of the various regulations
enacted by the government to tackle such issues on
privacy. In addition, this study uses Kurbalija’s
triangle on privacy to analyze the impact of using Big
Data on citizens’ privacy.
2 DISCUSSION
2.1 Big Data and Crime Prevention
As mentioned above, many people may be aware that
Big Data has been frequently used in business matters
such as targeted ads. But not many people are aware
that Big Data has been used as an important tool for
law enforcement to stop crime before it happens. In
the era of information, law enforcement agencies are
having access to vast amounts of data from emails,
video and chat files as well as from fingerprint files,
police records, drivers’ licenses, car registries and
other public databases.
Not only do the law enforcement agencies benefit
in the digital and information age, but also the
criminals have made great use of it for their criminal
activities. Therefore, law enforcement agencies are in
need of more advances in technology than the
criminals. It is of paramount importance because the
criminals are usually one step ahead; they are
becoming smarter and more creative at utilizing and
benefitting from the advancement of technology.
With these data and the use of advanced analytics,
law enforcement officials can identify trends and
patterns that older crime prevention methods simply
did not have the capacity to accomplish.
All around of the country, there is proof that the
advance of analytics has offered significant benefits
for crime prevention efforts. By accurate analysis, the
unconnected data and sources that are owned by the
law enforcement agencies can be used to identify
threats and halt potential crimes. Therefore, data
238
analysis of Big Data certainly can assist law
enforcement agencies to solve a crime problem faster
when incidents happen.
Some countries have been using Big Data
analytics in preventing crimes. This trend, popularly
known as ‘predictive policing’, has already become
popular in countries such as the US, UK and China,
where the authorities are not just using data to
understand past criminal activities but are also trying
to predict the future crime pattern. The Chinese
government has been using artificial intelligence (AI)
technologies to identify human faces in surveillance
video. By applying predictive analytics and machine
learning to vast sets of data, police departments can
more easily forecast where and when violent crime
will break out, and ensure that they have the resources
in place to prevent it. However, there are concerns
about such AI surveillance; violation of privacy is
designated intentionally by the authorities to tackle
criticism over the government (Shimbun, 2018).
Meanwhile in the US, several police-led initiatives
began making the most of surveillance information
about 20 years ago. Surprisingly in the UK, a report
on Big Data’s use in policing published by the Royal
United Services Institute for Defense and Security
Studies (RUSI) said British forces already have
access to huge amounts of data but lack the capability
to use it (Babuta, 2017; Dearden, 2017).
In the context of Indonesia, Big Data has been
used under the counterterrorism framework. The
main objective is to address terrorism and
transnational crimes. Based on a recent study, “In
connection with counterterrorism, especially in the
pro-active counterterrorism whose strategy is focused
on the pre-crime aspects such as preventing and
stopping, and disrupting terror plots, exchange of
biometric data among law enforcement officers
across the countries becomes highly relevant”
(Paripurna, Indriani & Widiati, 2018). The law
enforcement officers in the field are facing many
hurdles because of the growing trend of using false
aliases, falsification of travel documents and tactics
of deception misleadingly suggesting a person has
died in a conflict area.
As part of counterterrorism measure, law
enforcement conducts systematic collection and
recording of the DNA and fingerprints of suspects or
defendants as well as collecting and sharing biometric
data in their efforts to arrest foreign terrorist fighters
(FTF) crossing the border under fake names and
travel documents. In Indonesia, the biometric data
recorded, collected and stored are Big Data. As it is a
relatively new technological system in Indonesia,
within the law enforcement and crime prevention
 Do We Have Privacy in the Big Data Era? - A Study of Privacy as a Legal Concept in Indonesia
processes, these Big Data are used in a limited way;
for example, as comparative data (Paripurna, Indriani
& Widiati, 2018). In terms of gathering, storing and
sharing biometric data, the recent study has shown
that there are indications of violations of personal
data and privacy (Paripurna, Indriani, & Widiati,
2018). The violations include the absence of a
mechanism for data retention, consent, processing,
notification, and disclosure (Paripurna, Indriani, &
Widiati, 2018).
An example of the use of Big Data in some
countries as described above has shown that law
enforcement may be a powerful weapon in predicting
and preventing crime. However, civilians should
remain critical and concerned about Big Data in terms
of how it is being used. With the easy accessibility of
Big Data, it is necessary to ask, if it is a threat to the
daily lives of the people. What limits should be
imposed on its use?
As previously discussed, with the amount of Big
Data, Big Data can offer public safety. Officials have
an obligation to protect the wider community.
Furthermore, when law enforcement agencies and the
private sector are working together, it can enable
companies, shareholders, customers, and the public to
prevent future crime, reduce costs and prosecute
criminals. Furthermore, collection and analysis of Big
Data are crucial to law enforcement, business and
government in order for them to be sustainable and
efficient in conducting their tasks. The use of Big
Data is beneficial in many respects, but not without
some merit. One of the weaknesses is the
vulnerability to violate the right of privacy.
Principally, any steps to collect, store, analyze, access
and share Big Data require certain principles to
guarantee protection of the right to privacy.
Therefore, the following section discusses certain
challenges in the utilization of Big Data under the
framework of the right to privacy.
2.2 How Big Data Works and
Challenges Privacy
In general, Big Data represents the information assets
characterized by its high volume, velocity and variety
to require specific technology and analytical methods
for its transformation into value (De Mauro, Greco, &
Grimaldi, 2016) In order to get advanced analytics of
Big Data, there are, at least, some elements to be
fulfilled, such as: data management, data mining,
software, in-memory analytics, predictive analytics,
and text mining (Institute, 2018). Data management
represents the capability of an organization or
authority to guarantee that the data are well-governed
before they can be reliably used, and this should also
apply in the maintenance process. Data mining will
help the organization to gather and examine large
amounts of data; furthermore, this collection data will
be analyzed to help answer some apparent patterns.
Software will be the main tool to process such data
and the issue of the storage process is then examined.
In memory analytics, technology has the capability to
remove data and undergo n analytical process for a
new scenario and also, it is able to make a new model;
this may influence the organization to make some
business or other decision.
Yet, predictive analytics technology uses data,
algorithms, and statistics and machine learning
techniques to identify future outcomes based on
historical data. This means that the technology
provides an assessment of what will happen in the
future, so the organization is quite confident in
business decision-making. Lastly, text mining is used
to analyze data from the web, books, or other text-
based sources to uncover insight that the organization
had not noticed before. Also, this technology uses a
social media platform, feed and an online survey to
help the organization to analyze more of large
amounts of information and find new topics and
discover their relationships.
What we know about Big Data as mentioned
above is that Big Data entails three elements: volume,
velocity and variety (Laney, 2001). Moreover, Big
Data is merely used to describe certain predictive
analytics or certain methods to gather the value of
data (Boyd & Crawford, 2011). In conclusion, the
data gathered, processed and analyzed originate from
any data including personal data. Therefore, in its
application, Big Data cannot be separated from
various issues related to personal data and
information as well as the right to privacy.
Big Data works with certain systems that collect
various user interaction data and sensor
infrastructures, not only generating large amounts of
data, but also containing individual information on a
person. also known as Personally Identifiable
Information (PII) (Aryani, 2017). Specifically, PII is
any data that can potentially distinguish one
individual from another, so they can be used to reveal
the data that should remain anonymous.
Privacy is firstly defined as a legal concept in
terms of the right to be left alone (Warren & Brandeis,
1890). It also has been part of a long debate and
became broader in interpretation as the right of a
person to choose seclusion from the attention of the
other, the right to be immune from being watched in
a private setting (Solove, 2008). In the context of Big
Data, privacy which remains in the private area might
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
be exposed by the nature of data collection and data
processing. As a result, there is no more control of the
subject in deciding whether their personal data or
personal information should remain private.
Furthermore, based on Kurbalija’s triangle, the
challenge of privacy can be described in relations to
states, private sectors and individuals. The
relationship between states and individuals occurs
when the government collects vast amounts of
personal information in national programs such as
national identity, e-government services, citizens’
administrative services and in the form of social
security numbers, tax information and many more.
For individuals, there is no choice to opt out of
providing their personal information; otherwise, they
cannot use the provided government services. In this
context, individuals’ personal information is
voluntarily collected by the government. Meanwhile
in the context of crime prevention, personal
information on individuals is gathered, processed and
analyzed in certain ways without providing an option
out due to its utilization. Similarly, in terms of crime
prevention, the law enforcement agencies collect vast
amounts of personal information through biometric
data collection of the citizen. Then, the collection of
biometric data is used to identify people and assist
criminal profiling.
The relationship between private sector and
individuals might challenge privacy when the private
sectors should be able to protect their clients, in this
regard the individuals, by protecting individuals’
confidential information from misuse and theft. In the
context of Big Data and crime prevention, as we
know that Big Data is also gathered from media
social, the media social provider should provide
protection for their users, otherwise with the
increased information users reveals about themselves,
the privacy violation becomes frequent and
sophisticated (Marsen, 2012).
The third side of the privacy challenge is the
relationship between law enforcement agencies and
the private sector. This relationship is considered to
be the most significant issue since both states (law
enforcement agencies) and private sectors collect
massive amounts of data on individuals. Some of the
data are exchanged with other states in the context of
preventing and combating trans-national crimes. As
mentioned previously, data exchange is an important
element in preventing foreign terrorist fighters
(FTFs). Meanwhile, in the process of data sharing, the
absence of individual control over personal
information is likely to happen. Moreover, the
accuracy of data analysis is affected because of the
vulnerability of errors in the systems provided by the
240
private sector. In other words, there is a danger of
inaccurate personalization over certain data caused by
the system, and this can allow images to be displayed
to identify certain person such as fugitives, missing
persons and persons of interest. Yet, there are always
changes in the physical appearances of individuals
(Paripurna, Indriani, & Widiati, 2018).
The last challenge for privacy is person to person
(individuals to individuals). As technology
development increases, any person with sufficient
models might own surveillance tools. As a result, the
invasion of privacy is becoming more sophisticated,
while, in the context of crime prevention, the
capability of such individuals might harm society
which means that privacy is an important issue.
Although there is also less concern for privacy in
certain cultures.
2.3 Indonesian Government’s
Responses on the Right to Privacy
As the right to privacy is the main element related to
data protection, we found a study that has recorded
that there are at least 32 regulations that contain
material related to personal data. Most of these
regulations provide the authority to collect and
process personal data, including intruding with some
exceptions (ELSAM, 2018). The study also found
overlapping between: 1) the purpose of processing
personal data; 2) notification or consent of the subject
data; 3) data retention; 4) the destruction, removal or
alteration of personal data; 5) the purposes of data
disclosure for third parties; 6) data disclosure
processes for third parties; 7) the period of data
disclosure for third parties; 8) sanctions; and 9)
recovery mechanisms for the subject data whose
privacy are violated (ELSAM, 2018).
Yet, the discussion of the legal basis for the
protection of the right to privacy does exist. Although
the right to privacy itself is not explicitly mentioned
in the 1945 Constitution, the basic concept of privacy
protection can be found in Article 28F and 28G of the
Amendment to the 1945 Constitution. In addition, the
protection also can be found in Human Rights Law in
Article 13 and Article14 that guarantee every person
can be protected in terms of self-development in
science and technology, also in communicating and
gathering information. To be more specific, there are
some regulations containing protection for privacy
such as Consumer Protection Law, Banking Law,
National Health Law, Hospital Law, and
Telecommunication Law and Information and
Electronic Transaction (ITE) Law.
 Do We Have Privacy in the Big Data Era? - A Study of Privacy as a Legal Concept in Indonesia
In the context of crime prevention, based on
Article 26 of ITE Law, it is highlighted that the use of
any information through electronic media concerning
the personal data of a person shall be made with the
consent of the person concerned and whoever’s rights
are violated may file a lawsuit for damages incurred.
However, as argued by Kurbalija, data protection
would be the legal mechanism to ensure privacy
(Kurbalija, 2014). Hence, data protection law that
contains the principles of data protection would help
detail the protection and maintenance of citizens’
basic rights.
Following on from this, in responding to data
protection and the right to privacy, the Indonesian
Government enacted Regulation of Ministry of
Information and Communication No. 20 of 2016 on
Personal Data Protection in Electronic Systems (PDP
regulation). Privacy in the PDP regulation is
described as the freedom of personal data’s owner to
disclose or not to disclose his/her personal data,
unless otherwise stipulated by the law. In addition,
the approval of the disclosure process is given after
the owner confirms it in terms of appropriate
confidentiality and the purpose for which it is being
used. Following the approval, the process, is the
collection process, analyzing, storage, and data
exchange and the retention process. On the other side,
the electronic system provider is obliged to: a)
provide an internal procedure to protect such data in
terms of its collection and maintenance processes; b)
provide access to a subject’s data in the context of
data modification. In addition, to guarantee the
readiness system, the system used by the provider for
the process should be certified. Another issue to be
highlighted in this regulation concerns data centers.
The provider is also obliged to assign a data center
and disaster recovery center within Indonesian
jurisdiction for the prevention of data-leaking abroad.
Compared to the Organization for Economic Co-
operation and Development (OECD)’s Privacy
Framework, as the data collected is personal
information, there are a number of requirements from
the subject in terms of certain principles. Those
principles are: 1) The Collection Limitation Principle:
it should be clear whether the collection of personal
data should be obtained by fair means and lawfully
and with the consent and knowledge of the subject
data; 2) Data Quality Principle: the data collected
should be relevant, accurate, complete and up to date;
3) Purpose Specification principle: the purpose of the
collected data shall be subject to data collection and
the subsequent use of the subject of the data collection
and the subsequent use; 4) Use Limitation Principle:
any personal data should not be disclosed, and should
be available except when stated otherwise with the
consent of the data subject; or by the authority of law;
5) Security Safeguard Principle: personal data should
be protected by the company with any reasonable
security safeguards against risks of unauthorized
access or loss, destruction, modification or disclosure
of data; 6) Openness Principle: there should be a
general policy of openness about developments,
practices and policies with respect to personal data;
7) Individual Participation: the subject data should
have some rights to obtain information including
communication from the data controller, when given
a reasonable reason by the subject; also it should be
possible to challenge data relating to the subject data
in terms of data retention, and rectification and
amendment; 8) Accountability Principle: the data
controller should be accountable for complying with
the principles mentioned above (OECD, 2013).
Even though the PDP regulation has
accommodated certain principles above, the PDP
regulation is still considered insufficient since it is
only regulated at ministry level. As a result, the
regulation might cause technical challenges in
bureaucracy.
3 CONCLUSIONS
The utilization of Big Data in the area of crime
prevention throws up several issues, particularly the
right to privacy. Big Data is shaped by personal
information collected and analyzed in a certain
manner. Therefore, privacy might be invaded in the
context of the relationships of states with individuals,
states with the private sector, the private sector with
individuals, and individuals with individuals as
presented by Kurbalija. These relationships show that
the violation of privacy in terms of crime prevention
is mostly caused by the absence of data protection
principles.
Responding to those threats, in the context of
Indonesia, the protection of the right to privacy is
guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution; however, at the
implementation level, the PDP regulation is still
considered insufficient since it is only regulated at
ministry level. As a result, the regulation might cause
technical barriers in bureaucracy.
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REFERENCES
Aryani, T. R. (2017, 09 11). Bigdata Sharing Vision.
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data-data-privacy-dan-compliance
Babuta, A. (2017). BIg Data and Policing. London: Royal
United Service Institute for Defence and Security
Studies.
Boyd, D., & Crawford, K. (2011). Six Provocations for Big
Data. A Deacade in Internet Time: Symposium on the
Dynamics of the Internet and Society. Oxford.
Davenport, T. H. (2013). Big Data in BIg Companies.
International Institute for Analytics.
De Mauro, A., Greco, M., & Grimaldi, M. (2016). A Formal
definition of Big Data based on its essential Features.
Library Review, 122–135.
Dearden, L. (2017, October 7). The Independent. Retrieved
from www.independent.co.uk:
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-
news/police-big-data-technology-predict-crime-
hotspot-mapping-rusi-report-research-minority-report-
a7963706.html
ELSAM. (2018, March 7). UU Perlindungan Data Pribadi
Penting Segera Diwujudkan. UU Perlindungan Data
Pribadi Penting Segera Diwujudkan. Jakarta.
Institute, S. (2018). https://www.sas.com. Retrieved from
https://www.sas.com/en_id/insights/analytics/big-data-
analytics.html
Kurbalija, J. (2014). An Introduction to Internet
Governance. Diplo Foundation.
Laney, D. (2001). 3D Data Management: Controlling Data
Volume, Velocity and Variety. META Group Research
Note, 70.
Marsen, C. (2012, January 26). 15 Worst Internet Privacy
Scandals of All Time. Retrieved from Network World:
https://www.networkworld.com/news/2012/012612-
privacy-scandals-255357.html?page=1
OECD. (2013). the OECD Privacy Framework. OECD.
Paripurna, A., Indriani, M., & Widiati, E. P. (2018).
Imlementation of Resolution no.4/2016 of the ICPO-
INTERPOL Concerning Biometric Data Sharing:
Between Countermeasures Against Terrorist Foreign
Fighters (FTFs) and Protection of the Privacy of
Indonesian Citizens. Brawijaya Law Journal.
Shimbun, T. A. (2018, July 13). Editorial: Privacy Under
AI surveillance: China's extreme use raises alarm.
Retrieved from The Asahi Shimbun:
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Solove, D. (2008). Understanding Privacy. Cambridge,
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Warren, S. D., & Brandeis, L. (1890). The Right to Privacy.
Harvard Law.

242
 Copyright Infringement using in Stream Ripping

Benhard Tanuatmaja, Siane Esar, Camellia Anand, Monica Olivia,

Joshua K. Gani and Jesslyn Nathania
Magister Kenotariatan, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
benhardtanuatmaja@yahoo.com

Keywords: Copyright Law, Copyright Infringement.

Abstract: Technological advances open up more opportunities for copyright infringement because everything is
accessible through electronic devices so long as there is an internet connection. YouTube is a video-sharing
website, which means there are a lot of videos, including music videos, which have been uploaded. There are
websites, which provide the facility to download videos from YouTube and to convert them into a music file
(.mp3); this action is called stream ripping. Actions undertaken by the website have violated the creator’s
economic rights, namely by conducting distribution that is against Indonesia’s Copyright Law.

1 INTRODUCTION Ahmad M. Ramli describes technology as a two-

The advancement of technology and information has
contributed greatly to the globalisation of the trade of
various creations with Intellectual Property Rights. In
Indonesia, Intellectual Property Rights, especially
those tied into the Copyright Act, were last amended
by Law Number 28 Year 2014.
Article 1, number 1 of the Copyright Act,
stipulates that copyright is an exclusive right of the
authors that arises automatically on the basis of a
declarative principle after a work is manifested in its
tangible form without prejudice to restrictions in
accordance with the provisions of legislation.
Copyright is granted to creations in the fields of
science, art, and literature that are already tangible or
in the form of an expression that can already be seen,
read, heard etc. Copyright cannot provide protection
against works that are still ideas, so the idea must be
expressed first in order to get protection. A copyright
Holder and / or creator has the exclusive right to grant
permission or to prohibit other persons from renting
their creations for commercial purposes.
Everyone must obtain permission from the creator
and the copyright holder if they wish to execute the
economic rights above. The Vision Team of Justice
states that "Any person who without the permission
of the Creator or the Copyright Holder who executes
the economic rights of a Work is prohibited from
committing or making use of the Works
commercially" (Yustisia, 2015).
edged sword: "Information technology today is a
double-edged sword, because in addition to
contributing to the improvement of welfare,
advancement and human civilization, this is as well
as being an effective means of unlawful acts" (Ramli,
2004). With these advances, there is a gap for
copyright infringement to occur. According to Rahmi
Jened, violations of copyright can be categorised as
direct infringement, the authorisation of
infringement, and indirect infringement (Jened,
2015).
Actions included in direct copyright infringement
are acts in the form of piracy of copyrighted material
without permission (Jened, 2015).
Today, the enforcement of copyright is challenged
by the rapid advances in technology, which can have
a positive or negative impact on the use of internet
media. The negative impact is the enforcement of
legal protection against the rampant occurrence of
copyright infringement that is difficult to detect.
Responding to these technological advances, Rahmi
Jened argues that: “When copyright and the rights
associated with copyright cannot be exploited on an
individual basis because the copyrighted work or
related rights work is used by a large number of users
at different times in different places, then
individually, the owner does not have the capacity to
monitor all usage, to negotiate with the users, and
collect any remunerations” (Jened, 2015).
The modern era comes with many applications
and sites that provide video services, one of which is

243
Tanuatmaja, B., Esar, S., Anand, C., Olivia, M., Gani, J. and Nathania, J.
Copyright Infringement Using in Stream Ripping.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 243-246
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
YouTube. In the YouTube app, there is a download
feature, but the download feature will not store the
video to the device; the download feature is intended
to allow users to watch the video without using their
internet data quota. With no video stored to the
device, the video therefore cannot be moved to
another device.
With the rapid growth of technology, there are
now sites that provide a video download facility from
YouTube for free. These are known as ripping sites
(otherwise known as converters). Ripping sites
provide access to download videos or to even convert
videos from YouTube sites into .mp3 (audio) files.
These can then be downloaded to the user's device.
The difference between the download feature of the
YouTube app and the download feature of the ripping
site is that the file that is downloaded through the
ripping site will be stored on the device so it can then
be transferred to other devices. The presence of
ripping sites harms the creators of songs and other
parties concerned.
2 RESEARCH METHODS
The type of research used in this study was a literature
review to prepare the conceptual foundation and for
theory building, thus becoming the basis of the
hypotheses formulation. This study also used
interviews, which according to Kvale (1996: 174) are
“a conversation whose purpose is to gather
descriptions of the [life-world] of the interviewee”
with respect to the interpretation of the meanings of
the ‘described phenomena’.
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The Copyright Act uses a declarative system, which
means that protection is automatically obtained on the
condition that it is expressed in advance in a tangible
form. It requires no registration in advance for
protection when the idea has been expressed in a
tangible form; in this case, a song or music. At that
time, the song or music has copyright protection and
the creator automatically obtains exclusive rights to
his or her creation.
Exclusive Rights under Article 4 of the Copyright
Act consist of Moral Rights and Economic Rights.
Article 8 of the Copyright Act affirms that "Economic
Rights are the exclusive right of the creator or
copyright holder to obtain economic benefits from
their creation." Article 9, paragraph (1) of the
244
Copyright Act affirms that the Creator or the
Copyright Holder, as referred to in Article 8, has the
Economic Right to:
 Publish their creation;
 Duplicate their Creation in all of its forms;
 Translate the Creation;
 Adapt, arrange or transform the creation
 Distribute the Creation or its copies;
 Show the Creation;
 Announce the Creation;
 Communication with the Creation; and
 Rent the Creation
Subject to the provisions of Article 9, paragraph
(2) of the Copyright Act, the person wishing to
execute economic rights to the song or music should
obtain prior permission from the Creator of the song
or the music or to the respective Copyright Holder.
Article 9, paragraph (3) of the Copyright Act
stipulates that unauthorized persons are prohibited
from duplicating and / or being able to commercially
use the Creation. Therefore, without the permission
of the Creator or Copyright Holder, any other person
should not copy the song and / or use the song
commercially.
One example of a site that provides the feature to
download a video from YouTube by converting it into
an .mp3 file is the site
www.onlinevideoconverter.com. By providing the
video download feature from the YouTube website
and then converting the video into a song file (.mp3)
for free, the site has executed the same economic
rights as the Author of Distribution. Based on the
appearance of the site, there are some ads, so the site
registers the site with an ad site that aims to earn a
profit whenever there is an advertisement installed or
every time the ad is opened by a visitor.
Marcelinus Ferdinand Suciadi explained how the
YouTube ripping site can convert a video into a music
file (.mp3) as follows:
We watch a video on YouTube (streaming) until
the entire video is downloaded onto the computer.
Videos played on YouTube typically use HTML5
(which can include MP4, WebGM, or OGG Vorbis
formats), while browsers do not support the FLV
format (using Adobe Flash). The video file itself
consists of several parts, one of which is the audio
codec section. This can be utilized by the site or
YouTube converter software to convert videos
downloaded from YouTube into audio (mp3). The
YouTube converter site streams to YouTube to get
the full video file, performs the analysis on the video
file to retrieve the used audio codec information, and
transcodes it (if necessary) to store the audio

information into the desired audio format (mp3 or
other). This can also be done alone on their own
computer if they have YouTube converter software.
The video is downloaded to the computer with the
help of the software, and then the remaining process
is the same (grab the audio codec and transcode the
info to the audio file) (Suciadi, 2017).
A Creator and Copyright Holder have exclusive
rights that only Creators and Copyright Holders may
execute; others may not execute such rights except by
the permission of the Creator. A person who executes
an unauthorized exclusive right infringes Copyright,
as explained by the Vision of Justice Team that,
"copyright infringement is the use of copyrighted
work; infringing the exclusive right of the copyright
holder includes breaching the right to produce,
distribute, display, show off or create derivative
works without the permission of the copyright
holder" (Yustisia, 2015).
Thus, the www.onlinevideoconverter.com site
violates Article 113, paragraph (3) of the Copyright
Law namely: “Any Person who, without rights and /
or without permission of the Creator or Copyright
Holder, shall violate the economic rights of the
Author as referred to in Article 9 Paragraph (1) a, b,
e and / or g for Commercial Use shall be criminally
charged with imprisonment of a maximum of 4 (four)
years and / or a maximum fine of Rp
1,000,000,000.00 (one billion rupiah).”
The provisions of Article 113, paragraph (3) of the
Copyright Act are violated by
www.onlinevideoconverter.com because without
rights and / or without permission, the site violates the
economic rights of the creator, which includes the
right to distribute the work. Distribution, in
accordance with Article 1, number 17 of the
Copyright Act, is the sale, distribution and / or
distribution of Works and / or related rights products.
The site distributes files from YouTube for free with
the commercial purpose of obtaining economic
benefits because there are advertisements on the site.
Commercial Use in accordance with Article 1, Sub-
Paragraph 24 of the Copyright Act is the use of the
work and / or related rights products with the aim of
obtaining economic benefits from various sources.
The www.onlinevideoconverter.com website also
violates Article 112 of the Copyright Act which
affirms that "anyone who, without the right to do the
deeds as referred to in Article 7 paragraph (3) and / or
Article 52 for Commercial Use does them, is
punished by the maximum imprisonment duration of
2 (two) years and / or a fine of no more than
Rp.300.000.000,00 (three hundred million rupiahs).
Copyright Infringement Using in Stream Ripping
The act has caused an economic loss for the
songwriter or copyright holder because with the
ripping site, the benefits that should be obtained from
the sales of songs or albums through official
applications such as iTunes are reduced. This is
because the ripping site provides the free
downloading of songs by distributing video files from
YouTube to use commercially without the permission
of the Creator.
The Creator, Copyright Holder and / or Rights
holder or their heirs suffering economic loss shall be
entitled to indemnification under Article 96
paragraph (1) of the Copyright Act. Article 1 number
25 of the Copyright Act affirms that "indemnification
refers to the payment of a sum of money charged to
the perpetrator of the violation of the economic rights
of the Creator, Copyright Holder and / or owner of the
Related Rights based on a civil court or criminal court
case and court ruling for damages suffered by the
Creator, Copyright Holder and / or owner of Related
Rights." The arrangement of indemnification has
been detailed in Article 1246 Burgelijk Wetboek.
The most appropriate step in providing legal
protection for the Creator and / or Copyright Holder
is to ask the Indonesian government to block the
ripping site. Article 55, Paragraph (1) of the
Copyright Act affirms that, "any Person who is aware
of copyright infringement and / or related rights
through electronic systems for Commercial Use may
report it to the Minister." The explanation given in
Article 56 paragraph (1) of the Copyright Act
describes the closure of user content and / or
permissions, namely: “Referred to as ‘closed content
and / or user access rights,’ this means covering 2
(two) terms which include, firstly blocking the
content or the content service provider's site and
secondly, blocking user access to certain sites through
the blocking of the internet protocol address and the
like.”
The Creator and / or Copyright Holder, as
stipulated in Article 55, paragraph (1) of the
Copyright Act, may report to the Minister of
Telecommunications and Informatics in which the
Minister shall review the report and then close the
ripping site if sufficient evidence is found in the
reports made by the Author and / or the injured
Copyright Holder.
4 CONCLUSIONS
The acts committed by the ripping site (in this case,
www.onlinevideoconverter.com violate the Creator's
Economic Right, which is Distributed in the form of
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

providing download services without the permission

of the Author and the Copyright Holder.

5 SUGGESTION
The acts committed by the ripping site (in this case,
www.onlinevideoconverter.com) violate the
Creator's Economic Right, which is distributed in the
form of providing download services without the
permission of the Author and the Copyright Holder.

REFERENCES
Jened, R. 2014. Hukum Hak Cipta (Copyright’s Law), PT
Citra Aditya Bakti. Bandung.
Ramli, A. M. 2004. Cyber Law dan HAKI dalam Sistem
Hukum Indonesia, PT Refika Aditama. Bandung.
Suciadi, M. F. 2017. Interview, Dosen Teknik Informatika
Universitas Surabaya, Surabaya.
Yustisia, Tim Visi. 2015. Panduan Resmi Hak Cipta, PT
Visimedia. Jakarta.

246
 #Kamitidaktakut:
Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast

Ganesh Cintika Putri1 and Shafira Elnanda Yasmine2

1
Research and Development Unit, Ministry of Law and Human Rights of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
2
Research and Development Unit, Ministry of Law and Human Rights of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia
ganesh.cintika@gmail.com, yasmineshafira94@gmail.com

Keywords: terrorism, security, social media, post-truth, Indonesia

Abstract: Several hours after a bomb blast in Surabaya, the internet was flooded by the hashtag #kamitidaktakut (we
are not afraid) and #surabayaorawedi (Surabaya is not afraid). International media claimed that the attack
was the worst in a decade suffered by Indonesia, highlighting the involvement of women and children as the
attackers. The Indonesian government was urged of the necessity to impose a Terrorism Law even though
the draft received criticism due to the distortion of human rights values. In such circumstances, the public
displays a different response as depicted in social media, stating that the public is not afraid. The research
question proposed is ‘How does the public, as the targeted victim of terrorism, offer an alternative narrative
when responding to a recent terror act in Surabaya?’ We employed post-truth as the main perspective to
analyse the issue. In the post-truth era, objective reality is no longer relevant. Instead of being sensed,
community and information exchanges in social interaction play a great role in truth construction. Social
media has become a platform for truth contestation. This article argues that the public’s engagement in
social media shows the citizen’s spontaneous effort to combat the feeling of being terrorised by considering
the attack to be irrelevant. The data was collected through observations on internet platforms and through a
literature review. The conclusion reached was that while the government signifies the ‘state paranoia’ by
imposing a controversial counter-terrorism policy, the public had succeeded in delivering the message that
they are not afraid, thus rendering the attack insignificant.

1 INTRODUCTION long been considered polemic in nature compared to

Indonesia was once again projected as a haven for
terrorism following the last bombing wave in
Surabaya last May. The deadly suicide bombings hit
the second-biggest city, aimed at vital places such as
the Catholic Church and Police Headquarters
(Hermawan, 2018), while another premature
explosion took place in a flat in Sidoarjo. The
Time’s magazine claimed that the attack was the
worst in the decade suffered by Indonesia,
highlighting the involvement of women and children
as the attackers (Hincks, 2018). The event took place
just before Ramadhan, the holy month for Muslims,
and served as a wake-up call for both the
government and society that terrorism never sleeps.
President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) condemned the act
and stated that “This is the act of cowards,
undignified and barbaric” (Hincks, 2018). Moreover,
Jokowi stressed the urgency to legalise the Law on
Terrorism as soon as possible. The draft itself had
the national legislative process due to its lack of
human rights measures.
Existing studies mostly see terrorism issues as a
conflict between terrorists and states, which are then
defined as executive, armed forces and the police.
Subhan (Subhan, 2016) and Johnson’s (2016)
studies, for example, analyse periodisation based on
changes in the pattern of terrorism that have led to
differences in governmental responses from 1998
through to 2016. Meanwhile, Febrica (Febrica,
2010) limited their study to a shorter period in the
Megawati and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono era,
which identified to what degree the two Presidents
conducted securitisation in response to terrorism.
Seniwati went further by discussing how the United
States influenced the government's response in
Indonesia (Seniwati & Alimudin, 2016).
This paper argues that a mere highlight on the
government’s response would only deliver a partial
insight into the counter-terrorism strategy. As

247
Putri, G. and Yasmine, S.
#Kamitidaktakut - Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 247-254
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
mentioned by Thetford, terror should be publicised
by its perpetrators to create fear (Thetford, 2001).
There is a lingering gap in addressing the question of
social media becoming a truth contestation platform
for a group that has been influenced by a terror act.
Previous studies are lacking in the portrayal of how
terror acts are directed not only at the state but also
to every human living in it – which is society.
Particularly for Surabaya, this shocked the
citizens since it was the first time that such an attack
had rocked the city. The recent terrorist events
sparked a widespread reaction and flow of
information via social media. However, the public
response created a common pattern: to deliver the
message to the terror perpetrators that the public
were not terrorised. Hours after the first bomb
blasted in Santa Maria Tak Bercela Catholic Crunch,
social media was flooded by the hashtag
#Suroboyoorawedi (Surabaya is not afraid). Since
terrorism aims to spread terror, the simplest anti-
thesis would be saying that the public was not afraid.
The social media stream, however, also provides
a pattern related to the phenomena that the truth was
not for taken for granted. Thus, the research question
proposed is how social media creates and obscures
the dominant narrative when responding to
Surabaya’s recent bombings. In this research, the
authors believe that truth has been produced and
reproduced through the various messages spread in
society, particularly on social media. The truth
perceived would further influence the decision and
behaviours of related parties: in this paper, the
Government and the public. We employed post-truth
analysis to reveal the connection between social
media and public resistance to terrorism.
2 RESEARCH METHOD
This research was mainly conducted using a
literature review and discourse analysis to capture
the government and public’s response regarding
Surabaya Bombings. The references were limited to
social media, public engagements, post-truth,
constructivism, terrorism and counter-terrorism.
Post-truth was applied to determine an alternative to
the dominant narrative prevailing in society on
terrorism. We analysed the outreach of the tweets
using Tweetreach to measure engagement and the
spread of terror-related tweets after the Surabaya
attack. By seeking out an alternative discourse in
analysing the impact of the terror act in society, we
hope to contribute by providing a complete image in
this particular counter-terrorism study.
248
3 FINDING AND DISCUSSION
3.1 Social Media: A Contestation Space
for Narratives
The world has witnessed the massive growth of
technology and the development of social media
over the past decade. Social media has emerged as a
potential research field which can uncover broad
social phenomena. It can capture the millions of
invisible interactions in a network and provides a
readable pattern of social reactions. Social media has
increasingly been used by citizens in the local up to
the global scale to spread real-time event news,
particularly in a crisis. Information scattered in
social media diffuses in various forms such as
supporting social resilience and spreading
information. On the other hand, social media can
also play a disruptive role by informing the public of
inaccurate details and being a platform for
antagonist commentary (Burnap et al., 2014).
However, social media is not yet a coherent
academic discipline or a distinctive intelligence
tradecraft, even though it features intersections
between various disciplines ranging from computer
sciences to ethnography, communication and brand
management (Bartlett and Reynolds, 2015).
Specifically discussing terrorism, social media
analysis focusing on how society reacts to terror and
the reflection is less popular compared to how social
media is used as a tool to expand the radicalism
which leads to terrorism. However, many attempts
have been made in drawing relations between the
reactive response in social media and the goals of
terrorism as perceived by society. Burnap et al
(2014) published research on the social media
reaction after the Woolwich terrorist attack,
specifically analysing the reactions shared on
Twitter. This study measures the sentiment and
tension expressed in tweets quantitatively and has
predicted the information flow size and survival of
the terrorist event. It suggests that the social factors
explained the largest amount of variance in the
content factors and temporal factors. Therefore, to
create a large information flow regarding the
terrorist event, social features played a crucial part.
The research proves that the opinion/emotional
factors of tweets are statistically important in major
socially disruptive events such as terrorism.
This argument was supported by Careless, who
stated that social media is a digital space where
billions of people interact in an unlimited manner.
Nowadays, people can share and talk about the same
issues through retweeting, tagging and hashtagging.
 #Kamitidaktakut - Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast
Facebook, Twitter and Instagram suddenly become a
new space to argue, debate and sometimes
consolidate. As essentially free, virtual non-
hierarchical tools that facilitate user-generated
knowledge, these online spaces may be powerful
applications for talking – or "typing" – back to the
dominant narrative and giving voice to counter-
discourse (Careless, 2015).
Social media is defined as user-controlled and
user-created because of its easiness and openness of
use. This tool can be transparent, flexible and
democratic, in which participation, collaboration,
and knowledge sharing can be forced through a
simple application. Even for those who actively
participate in the digital space –digital citizenship,
with the individuals known as netizens - they have
the opportunity to become engaged in advocating for
themselves or their society. Social media, like any
other democratic channel, provides a wider space for
questioning inequitable social, cultural, and political
systems that serve the interests of a dominant
minority, but that are embedded in everyday
practices (Careless, 2015). This characteristic allows
critical discourse to challenge the dominant
ideology. But because of its flexibility and
accessibility, social media can become a discourse-
controller while at the same time, becoming a
counter-discourse tool.
3.2 Mapping the aim of terrorism
Many terrorist acts have put the weight of
justification on the cliché saying stated that "One
person's terrorist is another person’s freedom
fighter." Such a definition leads to a highly
contested debate related to the goal of terror groups.
Fortna (2015) defines terrorists as a group that
employ a campaign of indiscriminate violence
against public civilians to target a wider audience
with the main goal to coerce the government into
making political concessions. What makes terrorism
horrible is the intentional targeting of civilians and
the randomness of the attack. Therefore, it is clear
that the aim of the terror is not limited to the victim
of the violence, but rather, it is to send a message to
the masses. For Wilkinson and Stewart, terrorism is
generally viewed as a specific method of struggle
that can be executed by various actors. Terrorism is
also highlighted as the weapon of the poor because it
aims to address political changes but is not
supported by adequate costs to achieve the goal
(Özdamar, 2008).
The act of terrorism has been used as a form of
communication with targets that symbolise the goal
of the attack. As mentioned by Thetford(2001), “…
[T]he terrorist needs to publicise his attack. If no one
knows about it, then it will not produce fear. The
need for publicity often drives target selection; the
greater the symbolic value of the target, the more
publicity that the attack brings to the terrorists and
the more fear that it generates.”
Given the characteristics, terrorism is believed to be
a social construction rather than a physical fact,
constituted through discourse. Even though the
terror is real and performed by real people, the
interpretation of such actions could be different.
Thus, it influences policy implications because the
interpretation could draw a conceptual foundation in
the policy-making process (Spencer, 2012).
The terrorist act that happened in Surabaya was
highly associated with symbolism to promote fear.
In analysing the Surabaya blast, we could not
override the riots that happened in Mako Brimob,
committed by the cell where Aman Abdurrahman,
Jamaah Ansharut Daulah’s (JAD) leader was jailed
for his association with the planning and the funding
of the Thamrin Bomb in early 2016. The riots
happened several weeks before the bombings in
Surabaya. The JAD leadership was then diverted to
Zainal Anshori, East Java’s JAD leader. However,
Anshori was captured in April 2017 due to his
involvement in funding arms moving from the
Southern Philippines to Indonesia. This information
has been confirmed by Tito Karnavian, the chief of
Indonesian National Police. Karnavian claimed that
the legal system underwent by the JAD leaders
evoked the rage of JAD members in Jawa Timur
(Sumandoyo, 2018). Surabaya’s terror was
perceived as an effort to send messages to the wider
audience that JAD could not be ruled out.
What makes the Surabaya blast different from the
previous attacks that happened in Indonesia is the
actor’s involvement, which acts as another display
of symbol to promote fear. The first bomb that
happened in Bunda Maria Tak Bercela Catholic
Church was executed by a whole family consisting
of the father, mother, and three children. The third
bomb that exploded in Mako Brimob also involved
the husband, wife and children, even though the
youngest child happened to survive.
Abdurrahman, who was sentenced to death last May,
stated that the involvement of children in suicide
bombing was a "barbaric act using the name of
Jihad" (BBC, 2018). The JAD leader believed that a
mom that leads her child in the way to detonate
suicide bomb is an act that could never be
undertaken if a person truly understands Islam and
the guidance of Jihad, as he stated in his Pledoi.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
However, a clear message was sent to the worldwide
audience regarding the attack. Family, as the most
intimate group in social interactions, could not
prevent the spread of radicalism. Instead, the family
plays a vital part in providing a perspective to
children about the use of violence. This kind of
attack is new, and the involvement of family
members was out of the range of any of the
predictions before the terror attack happened in
Surabaya.
3.3 Surabaya Attacks: The State of
Paranoia
After the bombing, the police, military and the
executive's responses illustrate a similar pattern of
behaviour. Karnavian declared a joint operation
countering terrorism with the military called
Koopsusgab (Komando Operasi Khusus Gabungan).
This operation was directly approved by the
President and by the Presidential Special Staff
member, Moeldoko, without any specific time limit
to completing the operation. The team, which
included personnel of the Army’s Special Forces
(Kopassus), the Navy’s Denjaka specialised squad
and the Air Force’s Bravo 90 special force, would be
put on standby and should be ready to be mobilised
any time that terror threats emerged (Jakartapost,
2018). Although the joint force was first designed to
assist the national police, this team will be
commanded by the TNI commander while any
further tasks of special command will be discussed
later. Jakartapost claimed that the police looked
unconfident at the idea of tackling terrorism, and so
called the military for help. Tito’s statement and
Moeldoko’s act followed a recent string of terrorist
attacks that thrust the country into a state of
paranoia. Moreover, the revitalisation of the joint
team did not require any regulation while the
parliament was still debating the military’s
involvement in the counter-terrorism act.
The urgency of involving the military in
countering terrorism was implied in the President
Jokowi's speech. Jokowi urged the House of
Representatives to expedite the deliberation of a
draft revision to the 2003 Terrorism Law. The
President even raised an ultimatum to issue a
regulation (Perppu) to apply to the Terrorism Law if
the House failed to ratify the amendment by June
(Amnesty International, 2018). For two years,
human right activists have strongly campaigned
against the law as it grants direct military
involvement in counter-terrorism operations and
internal security matters. There is a huge insecurity;
250
if the law tends to threaten human rights in these two
aspects, then first, the vagueness of some of the
law's wording could be used by the authorities to
restrict the freedom of expression, association, and
peaceful assembly or it could be further misused to
label peaceful political activities as terrorism.
Second, the law erodes safeguards against arbitrary
detention and against torture and other ill-treatment,
as well as expanding the scope of the application of
the death penalty (Amnesty International, 2018).
Nonetheless, only twelve days after the bombing,
Indonesia's parliament unanimously approved the
controversial anti-terrorism law after prolonged
deliberations since 2016. The insecurity of human
right abuse was then anticipated by presidential
decree in which the new anti-terrorism law allowed
for military involvement so long as the police
requested it and the president gave their approval.
Right after the attacks, the President declared the
issuance of the regulation in lieu of the law (Perppu)
on terrorism if the House failed to ratify the
amendment by June. The President’s eagerness to
pass the law signifies the state paranoia which
indicates an unclear policy in combating terrorism.
This act put the public in distress as the police were
unable to handle the attacks and the only way to
solve the problem was by giving the military greater
authority. Even though the Islamic State in Iraq and
Syria (ISIS) has been identified as an international
terrorist organisation, Indonesia is not one of the
core ISIS operational target. Therefore, military
involvement in countering terrorism was
unnecessary, even though it is threatening national
security (Tempo, 2018). Terrorism-related crimes
are regulated in the Criminal Code that lies within
the domain of the police. Undermining human rights
enforcement for the sake of counter-terrorism
indicates the state’s inability to manage the terror
act. Instead, it confirms the paranoia endured by the
state.
3.4 #kamitidaktakut: Grassroot's
Responses in the Era of Post-Truth
This paper argued that #Surabayaorawedi is the
manifestation of the counter truth that emanated
from the grassroots movement. Jokowi’s speech
right after the attacks was a truth pinned down by
the government. The government had the power to
symbolise the attacks and define what the attack
was. This definition could simply be traced back by
examining the government’s responses after the
attacks. The government perceived the Surabaya
attack to be a dangerous threat which terrorising
 #Kamitidaktakut - Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast

national security. Terror or terrorism has multiple middle of the so-called marketplace of ideas. In this
definitions but what makes it different from other stage, rationality and expertise are no longer
violence is its emphasis on terror. As Dwicahyo relevant. The only thing that is relevant is how much
stated, any terrifying message that scares society as a power does the subject has. How then can an
consequence of an attack can be as powerful as the individual with limited power be able to compete in
actual act of violence (Dwicahyo, 2015). The police the marketplace of ideas and offer a new truth?
and government’s inability to tackle the attacks Thus, it provides a space for social media to take
strengthens the terror itself. part. Zarzalejos claimed that Trump winning was
In the middle of terror – supported – indirectly - influenced by the power of tweeting (Zarzalejos,
by the government, the Surabaya people offer 2017). For those who are sceptical of post-truth, the
another perspective. Instead of being trapped in a ‘Twitter strategy' was seen of as the winning of
state of panic and paranoia, the Surabaya people hoaxes and lies. For those who were an optimist in
declared that they are not afraid of terrorism. The post-truth, social media was perceived as the new
distinct reaction displayed by the public emerged as democracy channel.
a platform that underlies the process of truth
creation, proposing a counter-narrative for the
prevailing discourse implemented by the
government. Therefore, post-truth analysis is
essential in understanding the public response
regarding the terror.
The idea of post-truth is nothing new. Andrew
Kirkpatrick proclaimed post-truth to be the morbid
actuality of the postmodern condition where there is
no single truth (Kirkpatrick, 2017) In the other word,
the truth is perceived as something relative. For
those who embrace postmodernism as something to
celebrate, this relativism of truth is perceived as a
triumph over domineering, homogenising and
oppressive discourse in which the truth is emanating
from the individual's perspective. It does not mean
that post-truth leads to the absence of truth, but
inverse to this, it leads to the proliferation of truths.
Kirkpatrick compares this multiplicity of truth to the
marketplace of ideas. When truth becomes a
product, as it has in the marketplace of ideas, street
hawkers are bound to emerge in order to sell specific
truths. The public's denial of a specific truth simply
implies that there is a better product on the market.
The idea is that the offering of truth will never be
perceived by the masses if no partial truth has been
trusted before. In Foucault's terms, truth can only be Figure 1: Tweet from Cabinet Secretariat
perceived as long as the subject, and the object is in Source: thejakartapost.com, 2018
the same discourse (Foucault, 2002). For example,
in the authoritarian regime, there was only a single In the recent Surabaya blast, social media has
truth since the supreme leader had huge power when become a crucial battlefield in both spreading and
it came to dominating the discourse. But, in the era countering the terror. Social media has provided
of post-truth, every single individual has got the accessible information and updated details about the
access to be involved in the contestation of truth. newest situation and victims. Indonesian netizens
If post-truth is perceived to be a celebration of have responded to the attack by hashtags aimed to
democratisation, it means that individuals have the counter the intention of spreading terror (Andipita,
choice whether or not to believe or counter the 2018). The Indonesian Twittersphere was
dominant narratives and to create their own truth – immediately flooded by resilient hashtags about the
Derrida called this method deconstruction incident such as #BersatuLawanTerorisme and
(McIntyre, 2018). This truth will then compete in the #KamiTidakTakutTeroris. Some of them are written

251
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

in the Javanese language, stating #kamitidaktakutteroris (we are not afraid of

#SuroboyoOraWedi or #SuroboyoWani.
#Suroboyoorawedi has played a vital part in creating
civic engagement to address the issue.
Figure 1 stated that “circulating photos of the
bombing victims on social media is what the
terrorists expect us to do to spread fear among us.”
Even though the tweet was officially published by
the Cabinet Secretariat Official account, the picture
received a massive response regarding retweets and
likes from Twitter netizens (Andapita, 2018).
terrorists) and #lawanterorisme (fight against
terrorism) and found 4.501 and 245.721 exposure
points for both hashtags respectively.
The question that social media has tried to
uncover in the relation to the truth contestation
encompasses how we are living in the middle of a
remarkable increase in our ability to share, to
cooperate with one another, and to take collective
action, all outside of the framework of traditional
institutions and organisations (Obar, Zube and
Lampe, 2012). Under the framework of the debate of
truth, the public refuse to acknowledge that
terrorism creates disruption to the city. Admitting
that terrorism has succeeded in spreading mass fear
only serves the interests of the terrorist. The public
response through social media, when analysed,
showed the contrary. Social media activity
represents a collective action taken right after the
bombings: sending the message that people are not
afraid, which renders the act of terror as having
failed to terrorise the public.

Figure 2. Response from Netizen

Source: Twitter, 2018

As shown in Figure 2, Twitter has been host to

volatile statements from its netizens. Surabaya’s
football team twitter account said the following:
“For all parties who have a bad intention to
Surabaya… don’t mess with the city of heroes. You
disrupt the crocodile - an animal that represents the
symbol of Surabaya city -, Surabaya is not afraid!”
The tweet engagement reached 4.797 retweets and
3.050 likes. Another Twitter user put up a post
showing a billboard picture in the city. The billboard
reads, “Teroris jancuk!” (Fuck terrorists), stating
that the Surabaya netizen’s response in counter-
terrorism was highly resilient. Faktuals.co (Setyanto,
2018) analysed the Twitter hashtag #Suroboyowani
and found that in 5 minutes, 100 tweets were posted
containing the hashtag. Also within 5 minutes, the
100 tweets had reached 63.077 accounts with a total
81.235 impressions.
Another impression of the related hashtags was
that they had a wide number of engagements. In
Graphic 1, we employed tweetreach to analyse the
reach of a tweet and its counter-terrorism specific
hashtags. The tweets were analysed in July 2018, Figure 3: Related hashtags engagement on Twitter
approximately six weeks after the attack. However,
the public still shows a high amount of engagement
with posts related to terrorism. We searched for

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 #Kamitidaktakut - Revisit the Truth of Security on Social Media after the Surabaya Blast
4 CONCLUSIONS
The Surabaya blast resulted in a diverging response
from the government and from society. If the
dominant narrative mentioned the urge to use full
force to counter the terror act, then Surabaya’s
citizen responded to the counter terrorism by
flipping back the idea of terror. The flexibility
brought in by social media was successfully utilised
to counter the dominant narrative.
#kamitidaktakutteroris or #surabayagakwedi,
hashtags that went viral, implied public resilience in
responding to the terror act. Twitter provides a
platform for Surabaya’s people to send messages
stating that the terror was no longer relevant. What
the public perceived became a mainstream view that
eventually formed a prevailing narrative in society.
Finally, this paper does not necessarily claim that
the tweeting strategy successfully defeats the
dominant narrative regarding terrorist attacks.
Community efforts to popularise #surabayagakwedi
and #kamitidaktakutteroris have, instead,
successfully provided an alternative narrative
responding to the terrorist attacks in Surabaya,
united in a public engagement saying, “we are not
afraid!”.
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 Broadcasting Law Amendment
for Digital TV Migration in Indonesia
Concerning Policy Ideas Fallacy

Titik Puji Rahayu1

1
Communication Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
titik.rahayu@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: digital TV, broadcasting, multiplexing, convergence, policy, Indonesia

Abstract: Indonesia has aimed towards digital FTA-TV migration due to the need to increase broadband services for
the society. However, the main obstacle for the migration is the fact that the current Broadcasting Law
No.32 (2002) does not acknowledge ‘multiplex operators’ which are going to be prominent new players in
the digital broadcasting business. In response to this, the Indonesian legislature and executive government
have proposed amendment to the current Broadcasting Law. By applying qualitative policy document
analysis, a literature review and interviews with policymakers, this study examines the amendment drafts
proposed by both the DPR and the Ministry of Kominfo, to identify: how multiplexing and multiplex
operators are proposed to be regulated; what aspects of multiplexing have been overlooked and therefore
left unregulated; how the proposed multiplexing arrangement will potentially impact on competition within
the industry; and finally, these policy documents are seen as reflecting a fallacy in the understanding of
Indonesian policymakers on the technological nature and business of digital broadcasting.

1 INTRODUCTION players in the new digital business landscape (p.

Technological convergence increases the demand for
broadband services. Globally, digital broadcasting
migration has been considered to be a solution to
this situation. In Indonesia, the FTA (free-to-air)
television industry has been forced towards digital
migration. The Indonesian Ministry
Communications and Informatics (henceforth the
Ministry of Kominfo) adheres to the Geneva 2006
frequency plan agreement which sets 17 June 2015
as the deadline for digital broadcasting migration
worldwide.
However, as pointed out by Rahayu (2016), the
main obstacle for implementing digital TV
migration in Indonesia is the current Broadcasting
Law which only acknowledges four types of
broadcasting institutions to hold spectrum licences:
 Public Broadcasting Institutions,
 Private Broadcasting Institutions,
 Community Broadcasting Institutions, and
 Subscription Broadcasting Institutions.
The law does not acknowledge ‘multiplex
operators’, which, indeed, are going to be significant
234). This is why the legal standing of multiplex
operators was questioned by the Indonesian
legislature, known as Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat
(henceforth the DPR) (Budiman, 2013, p.19).
For this reason, amendment of Broadcasting Law
No.32 (2002) has been considered critically
of necessary. The DPR has led the amendment process
since 2010, with the main aim of legalising digital
TV migration and acknowledging multiplex
operators as new players within the Indonesian
broadcasting industry. Unfortunately, up until today,
the policy process shows no sign of approaching an
end.
This article, therefore, aims to investigate
obstacles that have significantly obstructed the
amendment process. As for method, a qualitative
policy document analysis was mainly conducted to
examine both amendment drafts proposed by the
DPR and the Ministry of Kominfo, to uncover: How
are multiplexing and multiplex operators proposed
to be regulated? What aspects of multiplexing have
been overlooked? How will the proposed
multiplexing arrangement potentially impact on
competition within the industry?

255
Rahayu, T.
Broadcasting Law Amendment for Digital TV Migration in Indonesia - Concerning Policy Ideas Fallacy.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 255-259
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Figure 1: Function/Players in the Digital Value Chain
Source: International Telecommunication Union (2012, p.30)
2 DIGITAL BROADCASTING
DISTINCT ENGINEERING
Digital broadcasting is a phenomenon of both
technological and industrial convergence. Shin
(2006) argues it as “a culmination of
telecommunications and broadcasting convergence”
(p. 42).
Digital broadcasting migration has been
considered as an essential prerequisite for
maximising the benefit of technological
convergence. Papadakis (2007) described how
“convergence gives rise to new services and
applications which are bandwidth intensive,
requiring an existence of broadband infrastructure.
Only with broadband access is the use of complex
services (e.g. multimedia services) attractive or
possible in the first place” (p. 2). Analogue Switch-
Off (ASO), followed by Digital Switchover (DSO)
in the broadcasting sector has been considered to be
a strategic solution to increase the allocation of radio
spectrum for the telecommunication sector in
providing broadband services.
Indeed, digital broadcasting uses multiplexing
technologies which enable more efficient use of
spectrum resources (Song et al., 2015, pp. 4-5). As
explained by Brown (2002, p. 280), “multiplexing
(or multichannelling) is a technical device that
allows the broadcast of multiple programmes
simultaneously on a single transmission. Different
streams of programming are funnelled into a single
data stream for transmission, and at the reception
end the stream is split back into the original multiple
programme streams”. Because of these multiplexing
technologies, one frequency can be used to carry
multiple services, which is known as the “1-to-N
relationship” (International Telecommunication
Union or ITU, 2012, p. 30).
256
As a result of digital broadcasting migration,
there will be ‘digital dividend’; the part of the
frequency spectrum that is released as a result of the
digitalisation of previously analogue television
services (Börnsen, Braulke, Kruse, & Latzer, 2011,
p. 162). These freed-up spectra can then be
harnessed for broadband services.
At the industrial level, Figure 1 below illustrates
a critical consequence of digital broadcasting
migration in that ‘multiplex operators’ will be
introduced as new players within the broadcasting
value chain (ITU, 2012, p. 30). In this way, the
digitalisation has the potential to alter the ownership
structure in the broadcasting industry.
At the regulatory level, digital broadcasting
migration further demands an adjustment in
licensing frameworks (see Figure 2). As explained
by the ITU (2012), in the analogue broadcasting era,
every broadcasting company is simultaneously
granted three rights:
 Spectrum rights; “the right to have access and
use a defined part of the radio spectrum in a
designated geographical area for a specified
time period”,
 Broadcast rights; “the right or permission to
broadcast television content on a defined
broadcast DTTB/MTV platform in a
designated geographical area and for a
specified time period”, and
 Operating rights; “the right to erect and
operate a broadcasting infrastructure in a
defined geographical area for a specified time
period, including aspects such as horizon
pollution, environmental and health hazards”
(pp.28-29).
In the era of digital broadcasting, however, those
three rights need to be granted separately to different
players within the broadcasting value chain, in that
 Broadcasting Law Amendment for Digital TV Migration in Indonesia - Concerning Policy Ideas Fallacy

Figure 2: Possible Licensing Frameworks for Digital Broadcasting

Source: International Telecommunication Union (2012, p.31)

“the broadcaster is not necessarily the frequency
licence holder” anymore. It is now multiplex
operators who are granted the spectrum rights and
who are, therefore, responsible for managing the
defined part of the radio spectrum to carry
programmes or services produced by broadcasters or
content providers. As for digital broadcasters, they
need to obtain broadcast licences for accessing
multiplexing services and broadcast permits for
every programme they aim to broadcast (ITU, 2012,
p. 30).
In this way, digital television migration is a
critical step for both the broadcasting and
telecommunication sectors. Through the
technological transformation, broadband services
can possibly be improved and the diversity of media
ownership can be potentially increased.
However, besides the benefits, digital television
migration tends to be perceived as a threat to
broadcasting incumbents for its potential to alter the
ownership structure within the industry. The main
challenge for regulating digital television migration
is, therefore, to prevent anti-competitive business
conduct by either incumbents or new players,
especially if they are granted the position of
multiplex operators.
Analysis of the amendment drafts of
Broadcasting Law proposed by the DPR and the
Ministry of Komminfo reveals different views on
how multiplexing services will be positioned within
the Indonesian broadcasting industry and who will
able to provide multiplexing services. The DPR
categorises multiplexing as a new broadcasting
service, after radio and television, so that all four
broadcasting institutions – The Public Broadcasting
Institution, the Private Broadcasting Institution, the
Community Broadcasting Institution, and the
Subscription Broadcasting Institution –are
considered eligible to become multiplex operators
(see Figure 2). Meanwhile, the Ministry of Kominfo
does not clearly define the position of multiplexing
services, but puts a restriction that only Public and
Private Broadcasting Institutions are eligible to
become multiplex operators (see Figure 3).

3 AMENDING THE LAW WITH

MISUNDERSTANDINGS Figure 3: Multiplexing Position in the DPR’s Draft
ABOUT MULTIPLEXING
As described by the ITU (2012), the digital
broadcasting system introduces ‘multiplex
operators’ as new players within the industry (p. 30).
The term ‘multiplexing’ and ‘multiplex operators’,
unfortunately, do not exist in the current Indonesian
Broadcasting Law No.32 (2002). Thus, the main
progress critically needed to be made in the
amendment of the Indonesian Broadcasting Law for
the legal acknowledgement of ‘multiplexing’ and Figure 4: Multiplexing Position in the Kominfo’s Draft
‘multiplex operators’.

257
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
In my view, multiplexing services should not be
placed on the same level with radio and television
stations. Multiplexing is the technological
infrastructure that facilitates the transmission of
digital radio and television programs, while the
multiplexing service is at the physical/infrastructure
layer, digital radio and television services are at
content layer. While multiplex operators provide
infrastructure services for radio and television
stations, radio and television stations provide content
to their audiences.
None of the drafts clarify the changing players’
roles in the digital broadcasting industry, in which
multiplex operators will act as infrastructure
providers, while digital broadcasters (radio and TV
stations) are going to be only content providers. This
division of player roles is critical as it determines the
type of licensing for those players, as well as their
rights and obligations.
4 AMENDING THE LAW
WITHOUT ADJUSTING THE
LICENSING FRAMEWORK
According to the ITU (2012), in the digital
broadcasting system, it is multiplex operators who
are going to be granted spectrum rights: “the right to
have access and use a defined part of the radio
spectrum in a designated geographical area for a
specified time period” (p. 28). Meanwhile, digital
broadcasters (radio and television stations) are going
to be granted broadcasting rights; “the right or
permission to broadcast television content on a
defined broadcast DTTB/MTV platform in a
designated geographical area and for a specified
time period” (p. 29).
Unfortunately, none of the amendment drafts of
Broadcasting Law specify different licences that are
going to be granted to multiplex operators and
digital broadcasters (radio and television stations).
Both drafts maintain the existence of two licence
forms: Spectrum Licences and Broadcasting
Licences. Both multiplex operators and digital
broadcasters are required to obtain the two forms of
licences.
In my view, policymakers need to make it clear
that Spectrum Licences are to be granted for
multiplex operators, while Broadcasting Licences
are for digital broadcasters (radio and television
stations). The absence of adjustment on the
broadcasting licensing framework reflects a lack of
understanding among policymakers in the DPR and
258
the Ministry of Kominfo on the distinct engineering
of the digital broadcasting system.
5 AMENDING THE LAW BY
OVERLOOKING
COMPETITION ISSUES
The current Broadcasting Law No.32 (2002) only
makes a general statement on the restriction of
within-industry and cross-industry concentration.
More detail about within-industry and cross-industry
concentration by private TV companies is regulated
through Government Regulation No.50 (2005).
Article 31 of the Government Regulation states that
one legal entity can have only one radio station.
Article 32 states that one legal entity can have a
maximum of two FTA TV stations located in two
different provinces. Meanwhile, article 33 of this
puts restriction on media cross-ownership between
the Private Broadcasting Institution (LPS), the
Subscription Broadcasting Institution (LPB) and a
print media company in the same region.
While the spirit of the current Broadcasting Law
is to prevent ownership concentration, incumbents
get around this ownership policy by establishing a
number of subsidiary companies and using each of
them to apply for two TV Broadcasting Licences
(IPP) in different provinces. In this way,
broadcasting incumbents have managed to establish
many local TV stations throughout Indonesia and
exceed cross-ownership restrictions.
Obviously, the existing ownership policy has
been ineffective in preventing within-industry and
cross-industry expansions by broadcasting
incumbents. Learning from the failure, in their draft
of Broadcasting Law, the Ministry of Kominfo
proposed a stricter rule: if there are two or more
legal entities and/or individuals who become
shareholders in Private Broadcasting Institutions
(LPS) have shareholding relationships, family
relationships (horizontally and vertically up to the
second degree), and/or cooperation to achieve a
common goal (acting in concert), then those two or
more shareholders are considered to be one party
(Buyung Syaharuddin, personal communication,
March 4, 2015).
Regarding media cross-ownership, the draft of
Broadcasting Law by the Ministry of Kominfo only
restricts cross-ownership between the Private
Broadcasting Institution (LPS) and the Subscription
Broadcasting Institution (LPB). Meanwhile, the draft
by the DPR restricts cross-ownership between the
 Broadcasting Law Amendment for Digital TV Migration in Indonesia - Concerning Policy Ideas Fallacy
Private Broadcasting Institution (LPS) and print
media companies. So far, the consideration has been
to restrict ownership concentration limitedly in the
content layers, targeted only at content providers.
There has not been any consideration of how cross-
layer ownership needs to be restricted, for example,
to prevent broadcasting institutions from
simultaneously becoming multiplex operators
(infrastructure providers) and digital broadcasters
(content providers).
Cross-layer restriction is critical to prevent anti-
competitive conduct by multiplex operators who are
simultaneously acting as broadcasters. According to
Cave (1997), multiplex operators have the potential
to unfairly treat broadcasters by setting
discriminatory pricing, excessive pricing and even
refusal to supply multiplexing services (p.582).
Unfortunately, as argued by Cave (1997), media
regulators and competition authorities, while they
used to be hostile towards horizontal
monopolisation, tend to be uncertain about how to
respond to vertical integrations (p.581). Due to the
increasing interdependency of the broadcasting and
telecommunication sectors in the era of
convergence, it is critical to maintain the separation
of conduit and content providers, as argued by
Gilder (2000, p.269).
6 CONCLUSIONS
Both the DPR and the Ministry of Kominfo support
digital broadcasting migration and acknowledge the
presence of multiplex operators as new players in
the Indonesian broadcasting industries.
Unfortunately, neither the DPR nor the Ministry of
Kominfo has clearly defined the position of
multiplex operators as physical/infrastructure
providers, different from digital broadcasters that
provide content. It is critical to differentiate
regulatory principles to be imposed on multiplex
operators and broadcasters. Regarding licensing
frameworks, neither the DPR nor the Ministry of
Kominfo have clearly stated that it is multiplex
operators that are going to hold spectrum licences,
not broadcasters.
Regarding ownership restrictions, the amended
version of the Broadcasting Law was aimed at
restricting more within-industry concentration.
Regarding cross-industry ownership, restriction will
only be applied to broadcasting companies who own
print media companies. There is no restriction on
cross-ownership of multiplexing and broadcasting
companies.
REFERENCES
Börnsen, A., Braulke, T., Kruse, J., & Latzer, M. (2011).
The allocation of the digital dividend in Austria.
International Journal of Digital Television, 2(2), 161-
179.
Broadcasting Law No.32 (2002). Jakarta: The Indonesian
Ministry of State Secretariat or Kementerian
Sekretariat Negara (Setneg). Retrieved from
http://www.setneg.go.id/index.php?option=com_perun
dangan&id=302&task=detail&catid=1&Itemid=42&ta
hun=2002
Brown, A. (2002). Different paths: A comparison of the
introduction of digital terrestrial television in Australia
and Finland. International Journal on Media
Management, 4(4), 277-286.
Budiman, A. (2013). Menyoal kebijakan digitalisasi
penyiaran. [Concening broadcasting digitalization
policies]. Info Singkat Pemerintahan Dalam Negeri,
V(20). Retrieved from the People's Representatives
Assembly or Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR)
website:
http://berkas.dpr.go.id/pengkajian/files/info_singkat/In
fo Singkat-V-20-I-P3DI-Oktober-2013-20.pdf
Cave, M. (1997). Regulating digital television in a
convergent world. Telecommunications Policy, 21(7),
575-596.
Gilder, G. (2000). Telecosm: How infinite bandwidth will
revolutionize our world. New York: Free Press.
International Telecommunication Union. (2012).
Guidelines for the transition from analogue to digital
broadcasting: Regional project - Asia-Pacific.
Retrieved from the International Telecommunication
Union (ITU) website: http://www.itu.int/ITU-
D/tech/digital_broadcasting/project-
dbasiapacific/Digital-Migration-Guidelines_EV7.pdf
Papadakis, S. (2007). Technological convergence:
Opportunities and challenges. Retrieved April 5,
2014, from the International Telecommunication
Union (ITU) website:
http://www.itu.int/osg/spu/youngminds/2007/essays/P
apadakisSteliosYM2007.pdf
Rahayu, T. P. (2016). Indonesia’s digital television
migration: Controlling multiplexing, tackling
competition. International Journal of Digital
Television, 7(2), 233-252.
Shin, D. H. (2006). Convergence of telecommunications,
media and information technology, and implications
for regulation. Info: The Journal of Policy, Regulation
and Strategy for Telecommunications, Information
and Media, 8(1), 42-56.
Song, J., Yang, Z., & Wang, J. (2015). Digital Terrestrial
Television Broadcasting: Technology and system.
Canada: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
259
E CONOMICS
F ULL PAPERS
 Digital Storytelling for Ecotourism Development

Eli Jamilah Mihardja1, B. P. Kusumo Bintoro2, D. M. Putri3

1
Universitas Bakrie, Jakarta
2
Universitas Bakrie, Jakarta
3
Universitas Bakrie, Jakarta
eli.mihardja@bakrie.ac.id

Keywords: digital storytelling, city branding, ecotourism, Pinrang

Abstract: City branding is the identity of the city that contains the pride of the population. This pride, for example,
can be found in uploads on social media, especially on Instagram. Therefore, a search of these accounts was
conducted to determine its potential in forming city branding. Qualitative content analysis was performed to
identify the strategy of the accounts - @insta-Pinrang, @pinrangkeren and @pinrangupdate - to see if they
could be used to popularise the tourist spots in Pinrang. Furthermore, the author has recognised the potential
of the accounts in ecotourism development objectives and the establishment of city branding in Pinrang.
The results of this study can be a reference for development planners on the strategies used in social media
to popularise the natural attractions and their potential in the formation of city branding.

1 INTRODUCTION does not have uniqueness will not be remembered,

City branding is the identity of the city that contains
the pride of the population toward the city. This
study intends to (1) identify accounts and determine
their potential in forming city branding, and (2)
recognise the potential of these goals in ecotourism
development objectives and the establishment of city
branding in Pinrang.
Branding is a concept that is one of the important
points in marketing a product. Efforts to create
brands or branding can be undertaken both for
tangible components such as names, logos and
packaging as well as for those that are intangible,
such as atmosphere and image. Furthermore, the
brand concept can not only be implemented in a
product or service, but it can also be implemented
for an area. The scope of the area can be within the
borders of the country, islands, provinces and cities.
The results of the research conducted by the
researchers at TPP showed that if a country or city
has a superior brand that is different, authentic and is
of good quality, then it can improve the image and
competitiveness of the country or city.
Branding a city is necessary to provide an
identity for the city. With the existence of identity,
the city will have its own characteristics that,
ideally, are not owned by other cities. A city that
has no differentiation and will not be able to
compete with other cities. With a strong brand, a city
can "sell itself" and open up a wider employment
field, either through the benefits of tourism
(culinary, tourism, crafts, art and culture) or as an
educational centre, as well as offering an industry
advantage that has the potential to attract domestic
and foreign investors to the country. The impact will
have an effect on the increase of Original Regional
Income (PAD) and the welfare of the people.
Consumer behaviour and ethnographic studies
expert, Amalia Maulana, stated that strong brands
have three important components that are relevant,
where brands must fit the needs and wants of the
consumers or stakeholders. The brand must also be
distinctive, which is able to highlight its uniqueness
ad how it is different from its competitors. Third, the
brand must be consistent, and the brand must be able
to optimise and manage the uniqueness that is "sold"
so then it will always remain in the minds of the
consumers (Maulana, 2012: p.64). The central
government in recent years has intensively
encouraged local governments to undertake more
serious branding in various cities in Indonesia.

265
Mihardja, E., Bintoro, B. and Putri, D.
Digital Storytelling for Ecotourism Development.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 265-270
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
2 ECOTOURISM AND CITY
BRANDING
Building a brand in an area is the same as the effort
undertaken to create a particular image that is unique
to the region in question and at the same time, it is
an attempt to distinguish the region from other
regions. Brands such as those proposed by Louro
and Cunha (2001) are a multi-dimensional set of
attributes that consist of functional elements and
emotional, relational and strategic features where the
collection of all of the elements form a unique
association in the public's mind. (Aaker, 1996: p.68).
The association will, in turn, create a brand image or
a set of feelings and attitudes that the community has
about a brand (Aaker, 1996: p.70). In the context of
the region, local uniqueness will be the core benefit,
and the characteristics and culture will attract
potential stakeholders such as investors, residents
and tourists. Thus, the brand of a region may be the
region's competitive advantage.
The creation and management of city brands
requires integrated efforts. Regarding this matter,
Kavaratzis (2004) stated the need to adopt the
concept of corporate branding to manage the brand
of a city through an integrated approach of eight
elements of the city:
§ Vision and Strategy: Clarity about the
development and future of the city.
§ Internal Culture: All efforts must be oriented
to the management and development of the
city brand and these activities must be
internally entrenched.
§ Local Communities: Prioritise and involve
local residents, entrepreneurs and business
people in developing the city brand.
§ Synergy: Seeks agreements and support from
all related stakeholders in order to develop the
city brand.
§ Infrastructure: Prepare an adequate standard
infrastructure in accordance with the city
brand that has been declared.
§ City landscape: Setting up the city landscape
according to the established city brand.
§ Opportunities: Good urban infrastructure and
landscape can be a stimulus and an attraction
for stakeholders (migrants, tourists, business
people and local residents).
§ Communication: City brands are
communicated strategically and continuously
so then they are embedded in the minds of
stakeholders and become the strong identity of
a city.
266
Disseminating city brands that have been
declared through strategic marketing communication
activities are sustainable and involve all relevant
stakeholders. Conventional marketing
communication activities (advertisements in local,
regional and national print, local and national print,
television and radio) and digital marketing
communications (Instagram, blog, Facebook and
websites) are optimised. In relation to the
empowerment of local communities and branding
communications, there is an opportunity to establish
city branding through posting on Instagram
accounts.
The potential of ecotourism has been chosen as
an alternative branding strategy because ecotourism
has the opportunity to support sustainable
development. Wood (2002: p. 9) mentioned that
"ecotourism is responsible travel to natural areas that
conserves the environment and sustains the
wellbeing of local people." (The Ecotourism
Society, 1991). In addition, the IUCN (now called
the World Conservation Union) stated in 1996 that
ecotourism is "environmentally-friendly travel and
visitation to relatively undisturbed natural areas, in
order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and any
accompanying cultural features - both past and
present) that promotes conservation, socio-economic
involvement of local populations.”
3 METHODS
This study used qualitative content analysis
methods. In the literature, this method is generally
used in nursing studies. For example, the analytic
procedures are specific to each approach and there
are techniques for addressing trustworthiness with
hypothetical examples drawn from the area of end-
of-life care (Hsieh and Shannon, 2005). According
to them, content analysis is a widely used qualitative
research technique. The current content analysis
application shows three different approaches:
conventional, directed, or summative. Summative
content analysis involves counting and comparisons,
usually keywords or content, followed by
interpretations of the underlying context (Hsieh and
Shannon, 2005).
An analysis of the documents can also be a form
of fieldwork. For example, the analysis of
ethnographic content is briefly contrasted by the
conventional modes of analysis of quantitative
content to illustrate the usefulness of constant
comparisons to find patterns, emphasis, and themes
that appeared in the analysis of TV news coverage of
 Digital Storytelling for Ecotourism Development

Iran's hostage situation. The ethnographic Subsequent searches through interviews with
perspective may help to illustrate the pattern of officials in the relevant offices mentioned that
human action when document analysis is Puncak Karomba cannot be developed by the
conceptualised as fieldwork (Altheide, 1987). government because it is owned by the private sector
Referring to this study, posts on Instagram accounts and in a disputed condition.
are treated as document analyses to understand the Bakaru Water Power Plant is a dam and
account owner's strategy in popularising Pinrang, in irrigation source that irrigates Pinrang and the
particular, for places where ecotourism has potential. surrounding districts. This place does not have
In various forms of qualitative content analysis, special access as a tourist spot, but the post-images
the theme of ‘search’ is the main one. This study create curiosity and awe. Bakaru hydropower is not
aims to identify the Instagram account strategy used included as a tourist destination based on the
in popularising the destination. Tourism Office documents.
As a sample, 3 Instagram accounts were chosen
bearing the name Pinrang, namely @pinrangupdate,
@insta_pinrang, and @pinrangkeren. Virtual
observations were done to find out the trends and if
any certain themes emerge from the posts
Furthermore, the results of the content analysis
were cross-checked with in-depth interview results
and document data from the Department of Tourism,
Youth and Sports in Pinrang District (dari Dinas
Pariwisata, Pemuda dan Olahraga Kabupaten
Pinrang). Field research was conducted in March
and July 2018.

4 DIGITAL STORYTELLING IN
Figure 1: Puncak Karomba
INSTAGRAM
Digital storytelling in this study refers to the way
that the owners of the Instagram accounts who
popularised beautiful places in Pinrang tell their
stories about Pinrang. In communication studies, it is
noted that generally the digital story focuses on a
particular topic.

4.1 @pinrangupdate
This account reposts more varied content. In
addition to images of the Ammani Beach scene, for
example, @pinrangupdate also reposted places like
Puncak Karomba, PLTA Bakaru, and Soroja House.
This may be related to the tagline as an account that
presents "Tourism, customs, history and news."
Puncak Karomba is a spot in Pinrang that is
famous as the "Land in the Cloud", like the same
place in Tana Toraja. However, based on a
document search, Puncak Karomba does not include
the superior destinations of Pinrang Regency. Figure 2: PLTA Bakaru

267
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

sun, then the remaining twilight is a memory of

you. Beautiful, even though you are gone - Fiersa
Besari).

3. Waterfall Kalijodoh Pinrang

Alam semesta ini memiliki batas, tapi hikmah
yang bisa diperik padanya tak terbatas. (This
universe has limits, but the wisdom that can be
attached to it is infinite.)
4. Pantai Harapan (Ammani)
Menara tempat memantau ‘mantan’ (The tower
where you can monitor your ex.

Figure 3: Rumah Soroja

Soroja's house is a kind of old royal house in

Pinrang. This spot is generally unknown. This spot
is also not included in the flagship destination. Field
observations show old houses that are not groomed
and that look mediocre.
The last three places mentioned are famous on
social media but are not commonly visited by local
tourists. There is no adequate access, bad
infrastructure and no management.
The post theme by @pinrangupdate during
January - June 2018 was focused on a place, activity Figure 4. Air Terjun Latta Pitu
and cultural heritage. This can have the potential to
further enrich the insights into Pinrang.

4.2 @instapinrang
This account uses the tagline "Let's remember
Pinrang through photos”. They often use the 'photo
of the day' strategy that reposts other people's posts.
From January to June 2018, @instapinrang reposted
34 places that have beautiful scenery in Pinrang. Out
of all of the posts, the most posted were Kalijodoh
Waterfall, Itto Sarassa, Latta Pitu Waterfall and Air
Terjun Latta Pitu. In some posts, there are captions
included
1. The hills of Lembang area of Bungi village
“Buttu na buttu. Kampong na kampong salu
lattung tasi '.Ada 'sola Budaya.Sipulung manang Figure 5. Air Terjun Kalijodo
mancaji mesa wilaya, sanganna PENRANG /
KAB.PINRANG Dan KEC.LEMBANG” (The According to respondents interviewed, this
area that you can enter as a tourist destination of increases the attractiveness of the posts. However,
Pinrang Regency. Many hidden paradises in the existence of the caption may be due to reposting.
here, but only a few know the conditions. Only The captions also contain criticisms of the
the government, who is unusual with that). government as seen in the post about the hills of
2. Wakka Beach Lembang area in Bungi village.
Jika kau adalah mentari maka bias senja yang The post theme of @instapinrang is more of a
tersisa adalah kenangan tentangmu. Indah meski view. The posts are also diverse, including beaches,
kau sudah tidak ada - Fiersa Besari. (If you are a waterfalls, parks and artificial attractions such as

268

floating houses. The number of posts and the
frequency of posting allows for more variation.
4.3 @pinrangkeren
Similar to @instapinrang, @pinrangkeren also
includes Latta Pitu Waterfall, Kali Jodoh Waterfall,
Karawa WaterfallLosita Beach and Ammani Beach.
However, what is not found in @instapinrang is that
@pinrangkeren contains posts about Peak Karomba,
and Lembang.
Scene. @pinrangkeren’s posts are all posts
containing photographs of people posing and not
merely the associated natural scenery.
Figure 6: One of the posts @pinrangkeren
This accommodates the need for people to use
social media to 'show themselves'. This is often
known as narcissism. This can be a strategy for
@pinrangkeren to get more viewers and followers or
also add human elements with the impression of
there being human activity in the intended place.
However, to this day, this assumption cannot be
checked by the manufacturer of the message because
the researcher has not received an answer.
Digital Storytelling for Ecotourism Development
5 CONCLUSIONS
The three accounts are a sample of the potential to
use Instagram as a forum for dissemination city
branding and for popularising ecotourism in Pinrang
Regency. The government and stakeholders can
cooperate with the account owners as influencers on
social media.
The storytelling strategy is carried out by reposts
and involves the participation of the accounts of
others who have travelled in Pinrang or who pay
attention to Pinrang. This participation is great social
capital to help to develop the potential of
ecotourism, further forming the Pinrang city
branding that is more integrative with all internal or
external parties of Pinrang.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research is funded by the Ministry of Research
and Higher Education through the scheme of
PDUPT for budget year 2018
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The Social Sciences 11 (2): 129 – 138.

270
 The Online Marketing Communication Strategy
for West Java Tourism by the Government

Diah Fatma Sjoraida1, Rully Khairul Anwar1

1Faculty of Communication, Padjadjaran University, Jatinangor, Indonesia
diah.fatma@unpad.ac.id, rully.khairul@unpad.ac.id

Keywords: online development, local tourism, West Java, digital communication

Abstract: This article discusses the governmental efforts related to sharing information about tourism in West Java to
the community online. This is important for the community because the development of local tourism has a
very close relationship with social welfare and regional economic growth. This can be shown by the
indication that areas with complete tourist sites can have better social welfare and economic growth. The
research has been conducted using online research methods to determine the proper online method to
advertise tourist attractions in West Java. The research findings show that in addition to designing and
implementing tourism development plans, the West Java government also involves communities, employers
and even the Indonesian central government in the region. All tourism programs can be communicated to
the public using digital media.

1 INTRODUCTION internet provide a space to determine travel

decisions for travellers.
Tourism is anything to do with tours, including the Therefore, it is not surprising that the internet has
tourist objects, attractions, and businesses that are changed the way that travel information is searched
related to tours (Law No.9/1990 about Tourism). for and that it has advanced the process of
Tourism is a growing industry globally. For a long determining the destination (Morosan & Jeong,
time, tourism in developed countries has been a part 2008). The utilisation of internet-based social media
of life. West Java has a lot of tourism potential, as a media for tourism communications is both
ranging from agro-tourism through to mountains, flexible and profitable. This is because the use of
historical site tours and others. media like this is easier, has a wide range, and is
Pusat Kajian Komunikasi UI did a press release cost-effective at communicating tourism. This is
about the results of an internet user profile survey why social media is more attractive for
conducted in Indonesia. The outcome of the survey communication and promotion.
was the result of cooperation with APJII, which is Social media is an internet-based medium that
the source of information about data internet users in allows its users to participate, create and share
Indonesia. The survey stated that the number of experiences and the information that they have.
internet users in Indonesia has reached 88.1 million Besides Facebook, there is Twitter, Pinterest,
users. The high number of internet users makes LinkedIn, and Path. One of the fastest growing
Indonesia a good potential market for online social media platforms in Indonesia is Instagram. In
business activities (Atiko et al., 2016). less than a year, Instagram account users have
Manap (2013) emphasises on the role of the increased by 100 million users worldwide. In
Internet in developing tourist destinations. The same Indonesia alone, the number of Instagram users
opinion has been expressed by Hanan and Putit made up as much as 7% of the 88.1 million internet
(2014), where the contributions of social media are a users with a population of 255.5 million (according
driving force to promoting a goal. Both of their to wheresocial.sg in January 2015). Based on the
arguments show that the tourism industry and the number of users that is continuing to increase,
Instagram has become an excellent opportunity for
business people to use to conduct promotional

271
Sjoraida, D. and Anwar, R.
The Online Marketing Communication Strategy for West Java Tourism by the Government.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 271-277
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
activities. Instagram feels quite unusual compared to
other social media. Instagram, which initially served
only as an online platform for sharing photos and
videos, is now effectively developing in relation to
advertising, promotions, marketing, the distribution
of ideas/goods and the distribution of precise and
accurate information services (Hoffman & Novak,
1996; Doolin et al, 2002). The reasons for this are
that the number of users of the internet is always
increase because the user is more facilitated in using
the internet to do things, either through their
smartphone or through a computer (Ting et al.,
2015).
In the development of the tourist area, the open
model is used. This does not close off the possibility
of there being a social contact between the tourism
activities with local community activities. This is
even supported by the existence of facilities and
infrastructure that enable the mobility of the
community. Social connections are the contact that
occurs between the tourists and local people who
live around the tourist attraction.
In reviewing tourism from the sociological
aspect, Erik Cohen (1984) argues that tourism can be
viewed from one or more of the following
conceptual approaches:
 Tourism as commercialised hospitality. In this
approach, tourism is the process of the
commercialisation of the relationship between
guests with the host. Guests (strangers) are
granted status and temporary roles in the
communities visited, which are then
calculated commercially. This approach is
appropriate for analysing the development and
dynamics of the host-guest relationship,
including emerging conflicts and the various
institutions involved;
 Tourism as democratised travel. Tourism is
seen of as tourist traveller behaviour with
different characteristics. Tourism is seen of as
a democratization of the journey itself, which
was once monopolised by aristocrats, but now
it can be done by anyone;
 Tourism as a modern leisure activity. Tourism
is seen of as an institution that has a specific
function in contemporary society, which
returns the society to a state of harmony and
balance;
 Tourism as a stylish variety of a traditional
pilgrimage. Tourism is seen to be associated
with a traditional religious pilgrimage or as
another form of a sacred journey. This
approach analyses the deeper basic meaning
of travel;
272
 Tourism as an expression of the primary
cultural themes. This approach is emic (as
opposed to ethic), through seeing the meaning
of the trip from the travellers’ perspective.
With this approach, the culture of the culprit
determines the variety of the travel
classifications of the traveller;
 Tourism as an acculturation process. This
approach focuses on the analysis of the
acculturation process, as a result of the host-
guest interaction with different cultural
backgrounds in play;
 Tourism as a type of ethnic relation. This
approach is concerned with host-guest
relationships and links them to theories of
ethnicity and inter-ethnic relations, or the
effects that arise with ethnic identity and
 Tourism as a form of neo-colonialism.
Dependency is one of the issues that are
focused on in this approach. Tourism is seen
of as playing a role in sharpening metropolis-
periphery relationships, as tourist-generating
countries will become dominant (metropolis)
whereas the tourist-receiving countries will
become satellite or peripheral. This
relationship is a repetition of colonialism or
imperialism, in which in its estuaries will
result in dominance and structural
underdevelopment.
In general, socialisation is the learning process
experienced by a person used to acquire knowledge
of skills, values and norms so then one can
participate as a member in one community group
(Sperber & Wilson, 1988). Socialisation is also a
process of social interaction through which we
recognise the ways of thinking, feeling and behave
needed to participate effectively in society (Nebeská,
2000).
According to Berger and Luckmann (1966),
socialisation can be divided into two stages. Primary
socialisation is the first socialisation that a child has
as an individual, in which they will become a
member of society. In this stage, the process of
primary socialisation forms the child's personality in
the society. The family is the agent of primary
socialisation. Secondary socialisation is defined as
the next process that introduces individuals who
have been socialised into society. In this stage, the
process of socialisation leads to the realisation of an
attitude of professionalism and in this step, the
agents of socialisation are educational institutions,
peer groups, employment agencies and the wider
part of the family.
 The Online Marketing Communication Strategy for West Java Tourism by the Government
However, on the other hand, the process of
socialisation is also very influential on the lives of
the citizens themselves individually. Apparently,
without experiencing an adequate socialisation
process, it is impossible for a citizen to live a normal
life without encountering difficulties in society.
Figueroa et al. (2002) argue that socialisation is
formed due to a social process. Therefore, this
process then leads to a socialisation process. This
socialisation process occurs through social
interaction, which is the relationship between
humans that produces an influenced-influencing
process. In the process of human maturation based
on their own experiences, a behavioural system will
form that is also determined by their character. This
is how they will react to a certain experience.
Finally, this behaviour system will determine and
shape their attitude toward something. Through this
social process and socialisation, the social groups in
society are familiar with the term by itself. In a
group, each group member has a task or role
assigned to them.
Socialisation is formed due to the social
processes determined through social interaction. An
interaction is impossible if it does not meet the two
conditions of social contact and socialisation. The
process of socialisation that is relevant to the
formation of personality can be distinguished based
on:
 The process of socialisation that is done
(accidentally) through the process of social
interaction and
 The socialisation process that is undertaken
(intentionally) through educational and
teaching processes (Figueroa et al., 2002).
The process of socialisation will not work
properly without the assistance of people who
consciously or unconsciously, in this case, have the
role of "representing" the community in carrying out
socialisation activities. The people are divided into
two, which are:
 People who have the authority and power over
socialised individuals such as fathers, mothers,
teachers, and superiors, leaders and so on and
 Persons of equal standing with socialised
individuals, such as their peers, comrades,
classmates and so on (Sperber & Wilson,
1988).
Practically, this socialisation is not just a
generative issue from one generation to another; but
it is also an issue of authority, from the policy-
makers to the community. The authorities that make
the policy must always socialise it because the
community is not directly involved in the technical
issues of the policy. This is where there is a need for
lines of communication between the government and
the institutions and networks that exist in the
community.
Theoretically, in the context of elite integration
and power as mentioned above, institutions interact
with existing social networks and norms to form
economic action. Victor Nee (2005) explained that
an institution is the dominant system of formal and
informal elements such as the customs, agreements,
norms, and common beliefs in which actors perform
their actions while fulfilling their interests. Through
this definition, Victor Nee views institutions as
social structures that provide guidelines for joint
action by regulating individual interests and
strengthening relationships. It is this institutional
framework that shapes the economic behaviour of
the people. Through this conception, Victor Nee
refined the concept that Douglas C. North (1986)
pioneered with the economic perspective of seeing
that others do not influence economic behaviour,
other than markets and states.
Victor Nee (2005), who is the latest generation
involved in new institutional theory, explains that
institutional change involves not only the re-
establishment of the formal rules, but that it also
fundamentally demands the rearrangement of
interests, norms, and power. All of the processes of
emergence, resistance, and transformation in the
institutional structure are based on context-bond
rationality; i.e., rationality that is based on a
particular societal context and that is embedded in
interpersonal relationships.
2 RESEARCH METHOD
This research was conducted using the qualitative
approach. The qualitative approach focuses on the
general principles underlying social phenomena in
society. The object of analysis in the qualitative
approach was the meaning of social and cultural
phenomena using the culture of the community
concerned to obtain a picture of a particular
categorisation (Bungin, 2011).
This research used a descriptive qualitative
approach. Qualitative descriptive research is a
research method of execution that attempts to solve
a problem investigated by describing the state of the
subject and the object of the research at the present
moment based on the facts that occur focused on the
object of research (Nawawi, 2005). Based on the
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
above opinion, this study will describe the utilisation
of websites as a form of media promotion of West
Javan tourism conducted by the Department of
Tourism and Culture of West Java. The data sources
used in this study included primary data and
secondary data. The primary data is the data
obtained from field study activities, both through
interviews and documentation. The interviews were
conducted with informants (people who can be used
as a source of information).
Secondary data is data obtained through
documentary studies, i.e. in the form of research
journals, reference books and news contained in
newspapers or magazines (Sugiyono, 2009). The
data collection method in this research was through
interviews and documentation. The interviews
consisted of question and answer activities between
the researchers and the informants, with the aim of
obtaining information or an explanation related to
the problems studied (Bungin, 2011). Interviews in
this study were conducted with the aim of obtaining
information on the utilisation of the website
(www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id) as a form of media
socialisation for West Javan tourism.
3 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
West Java is one of the provinces that has naturally
complex geological structures, with a total area of
35,377.76 km2. In the central and southern regions
of West Java, there are mountains, while in the
north, it is made up of lowlands. West Java has
forests covering 22.10% of the total area of West
Java. These forests function as conservation forests,
protection forests, and production forests. Most of
the West Javan Province is adjacent to the sea, so it
has a long coastline totalling 755,83 km. That is why
West Java offers a great selection of beach tours.
This coastal tourist destination option is present in
almost in all districts of West Java.
Besides nature tourism, West Java also has many
cultural and religious tours available. For example,
the relics of the Sultan of Cirebon and the relics of
the Kingdom of Pajajaran. Similarly regarding
religious tourism, there is the Tomb of Sunan
Gunung Djati in Cirebon and the Tomb of Shaykh
Abdul Muhyi in Tasikmalaya.
West Java is quite advanced in the field of
tourism. No wonder then, that this tourism is
included in the mission of West Java 2013-2018,
which is "Improving Social Life, Art and Culture,
Youth and Sports Role and Tourism Development in
Local Wisdom Frame." To support the mission, the
274
Department of Tourism and Culture of West Java
also has a vision: ‘Realising West Java as a World
Class Culture and Tourism Destination Centre’. To
support the vision, the Department of Tourism and
Culture of West Java also has the following
missions: 1) improving Local Potential-Based
Economy Development; 2) preserving Local
Cultural Assets; 3) making art and culture effective
as a regional asset supporting West Javan tourism
development as a part of the local wisdom frame and
4) improving the Quality of the Human Resources
Division of Culture and Tourism.
Each country has a strategy in order to advance
its potential in every sector that it has. One of these
strategies is related to the economic, social, and
cultural development that is usually obtained from
the tourism sector. This is because tourism has a
good influence on visitors as well. This era of
globalisation, with its complicated life situations and
the many problems faced by everyone, makes
tourism important in order to gain peace as a form of
entertainment. Tourism as an activity is carried out
by people who are usually preoccupied with
activities that switch the mind to tranquillity and
entertainment. Tourism is a travel activity
undertaken from the original residence to a
destination for the reason not to settle or to earn a
living, but to satisfy curiosity, to spend leisure time
or to go on holiday.
The tourism sector has a significant role in
supporting the progress of a region. Tourism is a
significant commodity if it is well managed, with the
existing natural resources supported by human
resources. Tourism can become the foundation of
the income of a society and area and it can increase
the Original Regional Income or Pendapatan Asli
Daerah (henceforth PAD). This should get the
attention of the government, especially the local
government, which in this case is the provincial
government. In order for people to understand the
tourism of West Java, there are several steps in the
socialisation of the tourism policy in West Java, as
follows:
 through conventional media channels, such as
newspapers or radio;
 through formal communications, both to
formal leaders and to government employees
down to the lower levels of officers;
 through traditional communications, the
government approaches community leaders as
well as informal leaders, such as the leaders of
community organisations;
 through the website
http://www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id/ where
 The Online Marketing Communication Strategy for West Java Tourism by the Government
there is an open portal for the community to
communicate directly with the government;
 through personal communication channels
such as mobile phones, SMS etc and
 through social media channels like Facebook
etc.
West Java is one of the provinces in Indonesia
that has great potential in the tourism sector as it can
be developed, be it nature tourism, historical tours,
culinary tours and shopping. The Department of
Culture and Tourism as an institution is directly
related to the field of tourism, and it has the
responsibility to be able to realise West Java as
being a reliable area in the field of tourism. The
activities of the Culture and Tourism Office of West
Java in the field of Tourism Marketing have a
significant role in the business development of the
tourism sector.
To promote tourism, the office requires
communication tools like websites. The website is
one manifestation of communication activities,
which is mass communication. In the process of
delivering information, several important aspects
determine the success of the process of delivering
the message, including information sources, namely
the party that makes and delivers the message.
Messages are the idea of symbolic codes, with
channels as the messenger medium and the
recipients of messages targeted for communication.
Technological developments have a great
influence on changes in communication systems and
information systems that make the communication
and delivery process of information become faster,
easier, cheaper and in a wider range. The
development of internet technology allows us to be
able to send and receive information from various
parts of the world through access to the website. As
part of the development of advanced communication
and information technology, globalisation is
increasingly widespread, involving all aspects of
human life. The world has become a global village.
The utilisation of internet technology in
Indonesia is developing at a relatively simple level.
Nevertheless, it cannot be denied that in the last two
years, the number of enthusiasts and internet users in
Indonesia has continued to increase. Currently, more
and more offices of government agencies and private
companies already have connections to the internet
network. Some of them have even published their
agencies in the form of an official website on the
World Wide Web (Anwaret al, 2018).
In promoting the existing tourism of West Java,
one of the technological advances used in promoting
West Java province's tourism is the website.
Through the official website of the Department of
Tourism and Culture of West Java, the government
can make local and international community’s better
know the potential of West Java tourism. It is not
widely known, so people can easily access
information about tourism in Western Java.
In 2010, there was a change in the interface,
regarding the content, web domain and database.
This is because, referring to the provisions of the
Department of Communications and Information of
West Java, the government's website must have a
go.id domain. They then changed the website
domain of the Department of Culture and Tourism
of West Java to www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id.
APBD Jawa Barat manages the funding. The
website is managed, other than by the staff of the
Marketing Sector of Data Analysis and Information
Division, by is each admin per sector, including the
Secretariat and UPTD, the Department of Culture
and Tourism of West Java. However, this did not
work effectively, so starting from 2011 up until now,
the website management has only been done by the
Marketing Sector staff of the Section on Analysis,
Data and Information. The target visitors of the West
Java Tourism and Culture Website are all levels of
society, both foreign and domestic, that require
information about West Java Tourism.
As of September 8th, 2010, until now
(29/7/2018), there have been 3,215,022 visits to
5,861,502 pages on the official website of the West
Java Tourism and Culture Office. There have been
381 website visitors each day
(http://www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id.)
At this time, the website of the Department of
Tourism and Culture of West Java is one effective
medium to promote tourism in West Java, but the
development and management of the website is not
without the constraints that cause deficiencies in the
feasibility of accessing the information on the
website.
The information contained in the website of the
Department of Tourism and Culture of the West
Java Province is not known by the community
because of the lack of information and socialisation
provided to the public in relation to knowing the
function of the website. The lack of information
related to promoting the web to the public is also
influential, so there are still people who are less
aware of the tours available in the West Java
Province. This relates to the type of information
presented on the website.
Aside from the lack of information and
socialisation given to the public regarding the
existence of the website, there are also some
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
shortcomings in the feasibility of the information
contained in the content of the website. The need for
information will have to be based on eligibility. The
feasibility of information is considered in relation to
its significance, its magnitude, its timelessness, its
proximity, its prominence, and the fact that it can
touch the feelings of the reader (human interest).
Tourism information displayed on the Department of
Tourism and Culture of the West Java website is not
complete and detailed enough to meet the needs of
the public.
The Department of Tourism and Culture of West
Java website’s content is considered to be complete
enough, but the deficiency is in the information
presented. The tourism content is still considered to
be less complete and detailed, so the lack of
socialisation means that the effectiveness of the site
has not been felt maximally and thoroughly.
In the aspect of completeness or magnitude,
information about the object of the tour is still
considered to be incomplete, even there are some
attractions, such as information on the ticket prices,
access to entry, information about the facilities.
Shortcomings have also been found in the
timeless aspect. The actuality of the news displayed
on the Department of Tourism and Culture of West
Java website lies in the lack of diverse news
displayed. The website manager rarely updates
information and information about the tourism
object should also be about the development of the
world of tourism. There is some information that has
remained unchanged, but there is still a lot of
information that can be extracted.
A lack of socialisation is one of the constraints or
barriers because not all people know about the
website itself. The website manager is also
considered to be less able to attract the public to visit
the website because the information presented still
seems stiff.
However, there has been considerable progress
made compared to before, with the inclusion of links
to art and cultural centres such as Saung Angklung
Udjo, Taman Bunga Nusantara, and other tourism
websites all over Indonesia.
Similarly, on the website, some of the data can
be downloaded. But again, the data is out of date.
For example, the tourist data is still based on that in
2017, and this has been running as it is for more than
half a year.
Regarding the presentation for foreign tourists, it
seems that the Department of Tourism and Culture
of West Java website is less interesting, because
there is no choice of foreign languages.
276
Regarding connections with social media, the
Department of Tourism and Culture of West Java’s
website only focuses on Facebook and Twitter.
Meanwhile, most people are already shifting to
Instagram, where people can interact with fellow
Instagram users including mutually uploading
photos and videos. Therefore, it is proposed that to
meet the latest public trends, Instagram should be
used as another social media platform.
4 CONCLUSIONS
In conclusion, the socialisation of tourism in West
Java Province through
http://www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id has not been
successful enough to be in the public awareness.
Although not yet successful, most of the art and
culture communities of West Java Province
welcome the policies that support the ease of
tourism information access. This can be seen from
their enthusiasm when entering the link to the
website at (http://www.disparbud.jabarprov.go.id.).
West Java Province has witnessed a variety of
tourism advances, which can lead to changes in
social, cultural, and even technological aspects.
Tourism policies in West Java province have led to
business interactions, political interactions and
cultural interaction. The economic, social, cultural,
and technological, tourism policies could also add a
sense of community, art and tourism.
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277
 The Role of Online Transportation in Supporting
the Mobility of Therapists with Visual Impairment in Surabaya

Danny Heru Dwi Hartanto1

1
Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
danny.heru.dwi@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: blind, online transport, service, disabilities

Abstract: In the era of technological advancement, various tools could help people with disability to live as regular
citizens by performing their jobs to fulfil their daily needs. People with disabilities may work by using tools
such as sticks, wheelchairs, communication devices, and other tools to assist people with visual impairments
in accessing information. This issue is also equally important when it comes to transportation which has a
role in increasing productivity. It can be argued that if the city can provide mass transportation, it will be
significantly useful to society regarding cost efficiency and it will also support people’s productivity. A trip
that takes long hours with traffic congestion causes people with disabilities to have difficulties in fulfilling
their daily needs which even makes the availability of more comfortable transportation for disabled people
necessary. This is because disabled people are unlikely or usually unable to ride a vehicle such as a
motorcycle or drive a car, particularly people with low vision or visual impairment and other severe
disabilities. Therefore, online transportation becomes an efficient alternative in supporting the mobility of
people with visual impairment who mostly work as therapists. By using existing smartphone devices, they
can easily access apps to receive faster services.

.
1 INTRODUCTION
The rampant of online transportation has had a
considerable impact on economic development in
Indonesia. One of the impacts is that online
transportation can serve as an alternative to mass
transportation services which are still lacking in
Indonesia. Istianto & Mulamin (2017) argue that “in
general, the public opinion regarding the use of
online transportation is much cheaper, convenient
and practical.” This means that the existence of
online transportation leads to more efficiency in
terms of cost and time, particularly for people with
disabilities such as people with low vision, visual
impairment and those who are entirely blind.
Blind people, practically-speaking, cannot access
private vehicles independently like other normal
people. Volunteers to help blind people cannot
always be available whenever they need some
assistance, especially when it comes to going to
work every day. Although they have disabilities,
they still want to do their job since that will be
helpful to fulfil their daily needs. They realise that
having meaningful careers could contribute to their
financial independence, mean they belong to the
society, have a valued role within the community,
and overall life satisfaction (Hagler et al., 2015).
Sixty percent of people with visual impairment
in Surabaya possess a profession such as being a
health therapist. Therefore, it is necessary for them
to be able to access transportation easily, to help
them going from one place to another. This is
because their job depends on the call order from
customers who need a therapist to go to their house.
According to Brown (2015), when disabled people
work for a company, usually company leaders will
provide housing for their disabled employees.
However, it is different when people with visual
impairment have a profession as a call therapist
since most of them prefer to work individually.
Their transportation costs so they have mobility as a
call therapist becomes a separate issue. Even in
developed countries like America, the cost of
preparing and commuting for people with
disabilities is also a problem (National Council on
Disabilities, 2009 in Brown, 2015). It will encourage
the blind therapists to raise their tariffs to compete
with normal therapists who can ride their private
vehicles such as motorcycles which minimise the
transportation expenses. As a result, they are able to

278
Hartanto, D.
The Role of Online Transportation in Supporting the Mobility of Therapists with Visual Impairment in Surabaya.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 278-280
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Role of Online Transportation in Supporting the Mobility of Therapists with Visual Impairment in Surabaya
charge their customers cheaper fees and provide a
faster service since they can avoid traffic congestion.
On the other hand, a blind therapist who is using
public transportation with such traffic conditions
cannot provide a satisfactory service to the
customer. This kind of ineffectiveness means the
blind therapist has a lower income, due to the longer
time it takes to travel, the slow services which make
them limited in terms of the total number of clients
they can see each day, since they do not have
sufficient time to move from one area to another.
Related to the above problems, the purpose of
this paper is to discuss the role of online
transportation as a means of supporting blind
therapist mobility in Surabaya. It is expected that
this kind of topic could be open to public discourse
because, in today's era of technological
advancement, the technology of online
transportation is very beneficial for people with
disabilities, especially when they have to go to work
every day to increase their economic welfare.
2 METHOD
This study uses a qualitative approach and interview
as its data collection method. The researchers
interviewed the Secretary of Perkumpulan Tunanetra
Alumni Malang (Pertama) as an informant who also
works as a therapist. According to Neuman (2014),
the informant who served as a research subject
should be a professional in his field. In addition, the
researchers also used a literature study to obtain data
for the research which related to the topic and used a
theoretical framework to enrich the results and
discussion.
3 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
This research is departing from the facts that the
income of people with disabilities is lower than that
of normal people (Livermore & Honeycutt, 2015).
This is due to the very limited job opportunities for
people with disabilities and so disabled people have
limited options regarding their job. The labour job
recruitment also cannot always accommodate people
with disabilities. As a consequence, the vast majority
of blind people in Surabaya work in the informal
sector as health therapists (Badiah et al., 2017)
This situation will create a gap, particularly
regarding income between disabled people and
normal people. For instance, when they have to
compete in the same field as other call therapists,
normal people would find it easier to move from one
area to another, while, for the blind therapist, it
would be difficult.
Moreover, blind people have more mobility
constraints than people who are not disabled. When
a blind therapist receives a client call, they cannot
directly ride a vehicle; because of their limited
vision, they desperately need an accessible means of
transportation and way to facilitate them in moving
from one place to another.
The shortcomings of public transportation such
as traffic congestion and slower movement make the
travel time for call therapists longer. This situation
makes them unable to serve many customers;
instead, this will limit the number of customers that
they will serve in a day. Therefore, this condition
makes online transportation an alternative means of
transportation for blind therapists. The Daily
Octagon quoted an IT expert Heru Sutadi; he stated
that “Not all public transportation could bring the
people directly in front of to the house destination.
Right now it available online motorcycle and online
taxis.” It proves that blind therapists mostly use
online transportation because it is very accessible for
them (Istianto & Maulamin, 2017).
Budianto, the Secretary of Pertama, explained
that "the presence of online transportation is
beneficial in the therapeutic profession because they
have to move from one region to another to fulfil the
customers’ calls. It is significantly more efficient in
terms of time and cost as well as it provides
convenience since that they directly arrive at in front
of their customer’s house.”
The advance in technology is able to facilitate
online transportation access for disabled people.
According to a survey on disability workers at the
Center for Independent Living in California, “54
percent of people with disabilities have used
assistive technology” (Yeager et al., 2006 in Brown
et al., 2015). The use of smartphones with a screen
reader program for people with visual impairment
help blind therapists to access online transportation.
Moreover, Budianto also explained that the
efficiency in terms of time could make the therapist
capable of serving more customers. He further said
that “before there was online transportation the time
to serve more customers was insufficient because it
took a long time to arrive in other areas. The public
transport in Indonesia is not always easy to find and
the system still not integrated which very consuming
time and energy on the road. Now, with the online
transportation we can receive two to three more calls
a day", said Budianto.
279
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

4 CONCLUSION
It can be concluded that the presence of online
transportation can be a solution to the mobility
problems of blind therapists. The efficiency in time
and effort and the accessibility of the technology are
important reasons for people with disabilities to
choose online transport as their primary mobility
support in performing their daily professional tasks.
However, this research is still in the process of
development. Therefore, there are still many
shortcomings, and it also requires a lot of input from
various parties.

REFERENCES
Brown, N., Denny., O’day, B., & Mcleod, S. 2015,
Staying Employed: Services and Supports for Workers
with Disabilities, Journal of Disability Policy Studies,
Vol. 26 (2), PP. 124-131.
Istianto, B. Dan Mulamin, T., 2017, Kebijakan
Transportasi Online dan Konflik Sosial, Jurnal Ilmu
Administrasi Negara, Vol. 5/2 2017.
Bumble, J.L., Carter, Erik, W., McMillan, E., Manikas,
A.S., & Bethune, L.K. (2018), Community
Conversations on Integrated Employment: Examining
Individualization, Influential Factors, and Impact,
Journal of Disability Policy Studies, Vol. 28(4) 229–
243.
Hagler, M., Hamby, S., Grych, J., & Banyard, V. 2015,
Working for Well-Being: Uncovering the Protective
Benefits of Work ThroughMixed Methods Analysis,
Science&Business Media Dordrecht.
Neuman, W, Laurence., 2014, Social ResearchMethods:
Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, Seventh
Edition.
Livermore, G.A. and Honeycutt, T.C. 2015, Employment
and Economic Well-Being of People With and
Without Disabilities Before and After The Great
Recession, Journal of Disabilities Study, Vol. 26(2),
PP. 70-79.
Badiah, L.Isni., Lathifah, M., and Pravesti, C.A. 2017,
Layanan Informasi Untuk Meningkatkan Self
Knowledge Dalam Mengarahkan Karier Pada Anak
Tunanetra Di Slb A Ypab Surabaya, Jurnal Buana
Pendidikan, Tahun XIII No. 4 PP. 145-154.

280
 Coup D’Etat Consumers’ Right Through Standard
Form Clause in the Form of Notary Deed

Prisilia Anggraini Evelyn Terisno1, Andrian Julius2, & Yuliana Angela3

1
Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
3Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya,Indonesia

Evelineterisno@yahoo.com

Keywords: Act, Notary Deed, Standard Form, Consumers’ Right, Law of Consumer Protection.

Abstract: When ensuring the significance of business people, the rights and obligations of each party have to be
defined under an agreement. Due to the complex process of making a complete and comprehensive contract,
for time efficiency, business people generally have formulated the agreed terms and conditions prior to
making the contract. In Indonesia, an agreement as mentioned above is called a standard form contract or
“Standard Clause Contract” based on Law Number 8 Year 1999 regarding Consumer Protection. According
to article 18, the Law of Consumer Protection states that the application of a standard clause requires
heeding some of the restrictions that are listed under the Law in relation to the objective of preventing
consumers who are not familiar with the law to incur losses. In Indonesia, for the agreement to have an ideal
value of verification based on Burgerlijk Wetboek article 1870, business people in general will ask for the
agreement to be taken to a notary to change its status to that of an authentic deed. Issues will arise if the
standard form contract between the business people and their consumers is initiated without the authentic
deed status. Therefore, the restriction in the Law of Consumer Protection article 18 could be applied.
However, when the standard form contract status has been changed into an authentic deed, the condition of
the Law of Consumer Protection article 18 can no longer be applicable. This issue arises based on normative
jurisdiction reviews whereby the terms and conditions of the standard form contract have to be concluded
by business people before the consumers agree to the contract. Nevertheless, authentic deeds, especially
notary deeds, often states, either implicitly or explicitly, that the whole contract formation is initiated in the
presence of the notary, and not made prior by business people. This fact is justified by the characteristic of
an authentic deed that has an ideal strength of verification in the justification by a notary as the general
officials if some events have actually taken place

1 INTRODUCTION limited act, namely the act regulated in detail in the

Under the provisions of Article 1233 of Burgerlijk
Wetboek, it states that alliances are born from
agreements and laws. In his book, Subekti states that
"The alliance born out of the agreement, is required
by two person or parties making an agreement,
whereas the legal borne of the law is held by law
beyond the will of the parties concerned” (Subekti,
2001). Many foreign companies that come to
Indonesia bring in various types of agreements, one
of which is the standard agreement. In this regard,
the positive law in Indonesia states emphatically that
the application of the standard clause in a treaty is a
prevailing laws and regulations - the Consumer
Protection Act. According to Achmad Busro, the
reason is "based on the goals to be achieved by the
parties, as well as the need for the existence of rules
that can accommodate the interests and provide legal
protection for economic actors (the parties), then in
the development of the law of agreement, the
development of the treaty law requires effective,
simple, practical, and does not require long process
and time is possible in the principle of freedom of
contract”. One of the reasons for the enforcement of
this regulation is to protect the interests of

281
Terisno, P., Julius, A. and Angela, Y.
Coup D’Etat Consumers’ Right Through Standard Form Clause in the Form of Notary Deed.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 281-283
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
consumers whose positions do not often benefit from
the existence of the standard class.
The standard clause is a breakthrough of the
parties to accommodate the need for rapid and
appropriate legal protection. However, the use of
standard clauses in an agreement is detrimental to
the customer, because the position between the
parties to the agreement is unequal to the other
party, therefore the Consumer Protection Act have
formulated articles that prohibit the application of
standard clauses. One of the characteristics of the
standard clause is that the clause must “first be made
by the business actor”, therefore to deceive the law,
the business actors make agreements with the
standard clause using notary deeds where the
character of the agreement is “made and settled
before me, the Notary”, because the character of the
notarial deed and the agreement itself cannot be
categorised as a standard agreement.
2 MATERIAL AND METHODS
2.1 Page Setup
The approach used in this journal is the statute
approach (approach using related legislation) and the
conceptual approach (approach using related legal
concepts)2. The statute approach is undertaken by
reviewing all of the laws and regulations relating to
the issue of the law being handled. Other than that,
this study also applies the conceptual approach,
which is an approach from the views and doctrines
that develop in the science of law. This approach is
important because an understanding of the evolving
views / doctrines in law science can be a foothold
for building legal arguments while resolving the
legal issues faced. The view / doctrine will clarify
any ideas by providing legal concepts relevant to the
problem.
2.2 Type of Research and Legal
Material
In writing this journal, the researcher used the
normative juridical research type. This means that
this research was conducted based on a literature
study to get the legal materials. To complement this
research, we used legal materials in the form of:
 Primary Legal Material; in this case, Law
Number 8 Year on Consumer Protection Act
and Burgerlijk Wetboek.
 Secondary law materials are legal materials
that provide an explanation of the primary
282
data; in this case, the authors obtained the data
from legal books, the scientific work of
scholars, newspapers, and internet sites.
 Tertiary Law Material is legal material that
supports both the primary law material and
secondary law material, including dictionarie,
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The terms of the agreement are a translation of the
Dutch language word overeenkomst. The word
overeenkomst comes from the word overeenkomen,
which means ‘agree’. So, the term agreement
contains an agreement in accordance with the
principle of consensualism. According to Subekti, an
"agreement is an event in which a person promises
to another or where the parties promise to do
something"3, (Subekti, 2001) Wirjono Prodjodikoro,
in more detail, gave the meaning of an agreement as
being “a legal relationship relating to property
between two parties, in which one party promises or
is considered promised to do something or to do
nothing, while the other party has the right to
demand the execution of the agreement”
(Prodjodikoro, 1986). In an agreement, there are
clauses governing the legal relationship including
the rights and obligations of the parties. One of the
most common types of clause is the standard clause.
The meaning of the standard clause can be seen in
the Consumer Protection Act. Standard clause are
any rules, terms and conditions that have been
prepared and determined first unilaterally by the
business actors as outlined in a document that are
agreement binding that must be fulfilled by the
consumer.
In the Indonesian Big Dictionary, the word
standard means a certain measure that is used as a
benchmark, while the standard word means a
benchmark that is applicable to the quantity or
quality specified5. Abdulkadir Muhamad states that
"standard or standard word means the benchmark
used as a benchmark or guideline for every
consumer who has a legal relationship with the
entrepreneur, which is standardised in the standard
agreement covering the model, formulation, and
size” (Abdulkadir, 2006). The standard clause is the
content or part of an agreement whereas the
agreement using the standard clause is called the
standard agreement. The standard agreement is an
agreement in which there are certain conditions
made by the creditor, generally referred to as the
adhesive agreement or the standard agreement. The
other party, the customer, is generally called the
 Coup D’Etat Consumers’ Right Through Standard Form Clause in the Form of Notary Deed
"Adherent". He does not participate in contracting,
and he has no choice. In that case, the seller has a
monopoly position. If seen in the development of the
use of standard clauses, this is due to business
activities that require everything to be done quickly
and efficiently.
The standard clause is one of the outcomes of
article 1338 on the freedom of contract, which gives
freedom for the parties to determine its contents,
including if the content is a standard clause. But the
use of the standard clause has been banned in the
consumer protection law. To avoid the restrictions
set forth in consumer protection laws, the business
actors make agreements with the standard clause
using a notary deed where the character of the
agreement is “made and settled before me, the
Notary”.
According to law number 2 of 2014 on the
amendment to Law number 30 of 2004 concerning
the position of a notary public, article 1 point 1
regulates who is a notary. A notary is a public
official authorised to make the deed authentic and
who has the authority as referred to in the Act. One
of the duties of a notary is to create an authentic
deed where the notary pours the will of the parties
into a deed made by the parties before the notary.
The notary in this case acts only as a recorder and
not as a party to the agreement.
By using a notarial deed wherein the agreement
is made and settled before the notary by the parties,
it does not meet the definition of a standard clause
which requires that the agreement be made by one of
the parties. This legal loophole makes the provision
of a prohibition in consumer protection law difficult
to implement, therefore it is better to exclude the
definition of "standard clauses"/"non-standard
clauses” and to promote a generalisation of the
definition between both standard clauses and non-
standard clauses. It is very difficult, and even
impossible, to prove that a clause has been "made
first" or made on the spot.
4 CONCLUSIONS
There is a legal loophole in the application of a
ban as part of the standard clause to protect
consumers in the Indonesian legal system. Thus,
business actors can still violate any provisions of the
standard clause by bringing it to the notary and
creating an authentic deed. The legal loophole
means that the restrictions on the contents of the
standard clauses stipulated in the Consumer
Protection Act are not applicable because they do
not meet the "made first" element but are "made
together before the notary".
Suggestions to be given in order to tackle this
legal loophole are to revise the Consumer Protection
Act, and to remove the definition of the standard
clause and prohibition using a standard clause for
any agreement made with either party, in addition to
the consumer.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank to Jesus and to everyone
who has provided support and assist us in
completing this scientific journal on time. We
realizes that there are still many shortcomings in this
journal, although it has been done as best as
possible. We hope this journal can be useful.
REFERENCES
Burgerlijk Wetboek;
Journal of Law Reform Master Program of Legal Science
Volume 11, Number 1, Year 2015 Faculty of Law
Diponegoro University 74 “Pengaturan Klausul Baku
Dalam Hukum Perjanjian Untuk Mencapai Keadilan
Berkontrak” Muhamad Hasan Muaziz1, Achmad
Busro2 Law Study Program of Law Faculty of
Diponegoro University
Law Number 8 Year 1999 regarding Consumer Protection
Act;
Law number 2 of 2014 on the amendment to Law number
30 of 2004 concerning the position of a notary public
Mahmud, Peter Marzuki, 2006, Penelitian Hukum,
Jakarta, Kencana Prenada Media Group
Muhammad, Abdulkadir, 2006, Hukum Perikatan, PT.
Citra Aditya Bakti, Bandung.
Panggabean, R.M. Faculty of Law Universitas
Bhayangkara, Jakarta, Keabsahan Perjanjian dengan
Klausul Baku;
Prodjodikoro, Wirjono, Asas-asas Hukum Perjanjian, PT.
Alumni, Bandung, 1986.
Subekti, 2001, Hukum Perjanjian, PT. Intermasa, Jakarta.
283
 The Changing Face of Global Capitalism
Sharing Economy and Digital Society in Indonesia

Kurniawati Sa’adah1
1
International Relation Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
kurniawatisaadah@gmail.com

Keywords: digital society, global capitalism, Indonesia, TCC

Abstract: Globalisation has an impact in almost every part of the world. Indonesia is one of the highest users of the
internet and social media platforms yet there is a huge gap in inequality in terms of internet access
throughout the country. The digital market in Indonesia presents new challenges for current competition,
such as Grab, Gojek, AirBnB, etc. In order to meet rising demand, the market place has attempted to adapt
itself to the new changes and challenges. This is a face of global capitalism that is very old but, at the same
time, fundamentally new. It is considered old because of its objective towards relentless competition in the
pursuit of profit, and the pursuit of individual satisfaction (deferred or immediate) is its driving engine. But
it is fundamentally new because it is driven by technologies in information and communication that are at
the root of new productivity sources, new organisational forms, and the construction of a global economy.
Social development today is determined by the ability to establish a synergistic interaction between
technological innovation and human values, leading to a new set of organisations and institutions that create
positive feedback loops between productivity, flexibility, solidarity, safety, participation and accountability,
in a new model of development that could be socially and environmentally sustainable in a mostly digital
era. The emergence of a digital society represents part of the consequences of this new form of global
capitalism. This study analyses how new global capitalism and the emergence of a digital society are
manifested in a vulnerable era of globalisation with asymmetric information dissemination in Indonesia.
The concept of a Transnational Capitalist Class (TCC) explained by Leslie Sklair is used to explain the
phenomenon of global capitalism in the digital era, particularly in Indonesia. This study argues that global
capitalism in a digital society era is an innovation of the old version of global capitalism. However, the use
of technology particularly in the information, communication and transportation sectors is an inevitable
phenomenon yet not everybody can get access into the internet generally

1 INTRODUCTION be on demand is just now beginning to gain

The public perception of global corporations has
changed substantially in the past few years.
Globalisation and the massive progress of a digital-
based business model has triggered the shifting of
corporations. An emerging digital platform economy
is increasing significantly. The massive development
of technology and information over the last few
decades has made many changes in industry and
corporations. While it has changed the assets-based
model into capability-based models, the system and
the user have also changed rapidly. There are many
business startup lines based on technology. MNC no
longer appears in a conventional form, but has a new
face in the form of technological innovation. The
emergence of startup companies e.g., Uber, Grab,
AirBnB, Gojek and others and the wish for them to
widespread popularity and generate huge incomes.
Shared mobility business models are considered
more effective and could unveil the optimal
relationship between corporations and the customer
to achieve the common objective of sustainable
business (Cohen, 2014). The massive development
of technology and the high use of the internet has
shifted almost all of the business models as well as
the trajectory and long-term orientation of those
start-up companies. The market place attempts to
adapt itself in the new digital era and for digital
literacy. These new values are causing people to be
up to date and to update these technological changes.
These global phenomena are all over the world. It
has virtually triumphed and reviled everywhere
(Wolf, 2018). Such a sophisticated market is the
most just and humane economic system yet

284
Sa’adah, K.
The Changing Face of Global Capitalism - Sharing Economy and Digital Society in Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 284-288
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Changing Face of Global Capitalism - Sharing Economy and Digital Society in Indonesia
conceived but is also a challenging system that has
triggered the shifting of global capitalism. It creates
innovations, developments and breakthroughs in as
many ways as we could possibly imagine. But on the
other hand, these massive changes are unequal
especially in the developing countries.
As a developing country, Indonesia is one of the
highest users of the internet and any kind of social
media platforms because of its huge number of
citizen. The technology shift of business models as
well as the daily lifestyle make this inevitable. While
the virtual amount is most likely high, the impact is
consider low. The gap between the city people and
the rural people is quite high. The widening
inequality in accessing these technological
improvements is a real deal. The law and regulation
system need to be changed in regard to these
matters. It is easy to accept and blame the
desirability of government to provide these within
manageable bounds. And because information is
widely disseminated in a free society, companies
must adhere to environmental standards if they hope
to maintain their reputation (Wolf, 2018). It
segregates society in the most casual way between
people who are well informed and people who are
less knowledgeable about technology. A subtle
critique has emerged among scholars themselves,
some of whom even decry capitalism as inherently
inhumane and in need of a human face, and some of
whom foster and prosper the new form of digital-
based capitalism. These inequalities can lead to so
many possible problems and conflicts of interest.
There are pros and cons over this change. How
could this changing system and trajectory of this
system in the future affect our daily lives, in terms of
whether this new era will become much more
beneficial for people or the other way around.
2 METHODS
This paper uses a qualitative explanatory research
method as well as literature review. This study refers
to some of the previous studies that address the
issues and related phenomena. The data obtained
will be sorted out to be classified in accordance with
the materials needed in the research, then in-depth
analysis will be conducted and associated with the
concept that has been prepared to further draw
conclusions in order to answer the formulation of the
research problems. In this study, the research
conducted is deductive qualitative. Referring to
Pupu Saeful Rahmat's opinion, qualitative research
is research conducted with observations on the
behaviour of the related actors. This research is
intended to observe the life of a historical society,
the behaviour, the functional organisation, and social
activities that cannot be obtained through statistical
procedures (Rahmat, 2009). Based on Bogdan &
Biklen (in Grace, 2009), qualitative research is
useful for generating descriptive data on human or
organisational behaviour in certain context settings.
This research is used by the author because it is
considered able to provide a descriptive explanation
of the behaviour of actors, formulated in the
formulation of research problems.
In addition, the author uses the concept of a
Transnational Capitalist Class (TCC) which is
argued by Leslie Sklair (2002). Sklair (2002) argues
that some treasons which affect states and global
corporations cannot necessarily stop the pattern of
consumerism happening at the global level because
they are part of them. The author uses literature
review to compare and deepen the data and the facts
with regard to this research.
3 RESULTS
This concept is a newly categorised concept in
various literatures. In its implementation also still
biased globally. The sharing economy has grown
rapidly throughout the world since 2012. However,
researchers from various organisations are still not
much to analyse the business model of the sharing
economy in terms of its implications for companies,
cities and the environment. Despite the massive and
rapid development of this new business model, there
is no universal definition of the concept of an
"economy", "collaborative economy", "ride-
sharing", "peer-to-peer economy" model, etc. The
concept of this business model has grown rapidly
thanks to information and communication
technology in different parts of the world so that the
sharing economy is defined as any market space that
unifies an individually distributed network to share
or exchange underutilised assets. This includes all
types of goods and services distributed or exchanged
for monetary and non-monetary benefits (Koopman,
Mitchell, and Thierer, 2014). This concept is more
focused on cooperation and not on ownership of
assets to reduce the costs incurred. In the case of
Uber, Lyft, AirBnB and various other startup
platforms, these companies use third parties to run
their businesses. A conventional taxi company must
have assets in the form of a fleet of cars,
professional drivers, parking lots and licenses for the
company's operations. However, non-conventional
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
taxi firms based on technology do not need the
assets. Uber can work with car rental companies or
individuals who have vehicles and the ability to
drive. The principle of sharing the role and then
sharing the results is the main mode in running a
business of this model. The sharing economy is an
attitude of participation in economic activities that
creates value, independence, and well-being (CNN,
2016).
In line with Martin (2016), the phenomenon of
the sharing economy can be conceived as being
made up of six things: (1) economic opportunity; (2)
more sustainable forms of consumption; (3) a road
to a decentralised, fair, and sustainable decree; (4)
creating unregulated markets; (5) strengthening the
neoliberal paradigm; (6) an incoherent business
innovation opportunity. There are many critics, but
not a few who consider the business model as a
practice of sustainable promotion of consumption in
the long run. For the Uber case, its existence can
reduce the use of private cars on the highway. Uber
is also a disruption for existing taxi businesses or
any other conventional transportation. There are so
many countries and companies that have adopted the
concept. The digital society could simultaneously
adapt these changes in their lives. The impact of
widespread technology and internet make it easier
and convenient. In the next few decades, at this rate,
the data shown predict that more people will use the
internet in their daily core lives. The trajectory of the
digital economic business platform simultaneously
has potential.
4 DISCUSSION
The concept of a Transnational Capitalist Class (TCC) by
Sklair (2005) explains that consumerist culture is not
necessarily made by corporations and that is why it is
their fault. But, consumers also play a big role in
captivating and prosecuting demand for certain products.
As long as the demand is higher, the corporations will
likely use this opportunity to gain more profit and
revenue to keep running their businesses. The higher the
profit, the higher the economic growth in the business
sector. This will benefit the country in some ways not to
mention the degradation effect in other sectors. This cycle
has been a vicious cycle over time that make it even more
complicated at the national level. The government is in a
bind situation. Members of this new class have
connections with each other that have become more
significant than their ties to their home nations and
governments (theconversation.com, 2017).
286
However, awareness is needed not only at the
government level, but also at the individual level.
Quite apart from this, every individual is responsible
for this happening. TCC works in global politics in
terms of the role of globalising professionals,
scientists and technologists on whom the whole
activity is said to rest (Sklair, 2002). Besides, there
are four overlapping factions in the transnational
capitalist class: TNC executives, globalising
bureaucrats, politicians and professionals,
consumerist elites (merchants and media) (Sklair,
2011). For instance, the corporations which have a
palm oil business will likely promote and engage
methods and ways to prolong the business in the
long term (Saadah, 2018). Consequently, practices
such as land clearing, including forest fires is
considered a necessary thing and that is why it is
important to keep this situation. In terms of startups,
the corporations which focus on the transportation
business such as Gojek, Uber, Grab, etc will likely
expand their businesses if the demand is high and
sponsored by the internet accessibility as well as
media marketing. Globalisation allows the extensive
spread of this new form of global corporation,
thanks to the internet which make it easier for the
four factions to operate comprehensively.
However, the dynamic of the global corporation
is a constant phenomenon. Like it or not, we cannot
stop the wheel from spinning. The global
corporations which always improve the dynamic
around us always change every single second
without our concern. Change is constant and
inevitable. In the modern era, with the high
influence of internet usage, global corporations have
shifted their business models. Even setting aside the
internet, the demand for the customer and society is
likely to be high. In terms of convenience and
simplicity, the internet makes life easier both for
companies and customer. For instance, startup
companies provide easy access to almost everything
the customer needs in one click. This shifting
lifestyle is considered a global phenomenon.
The sharing economy concept is then to be the
most popular business model (Kenney & Zysman,
2015). This concept has been simultaneously
growing but at the same time, this business model
also disrupts existing businesses. In the midst of the
shifting of global capitalism, there have been several
attempts to resist this activity. Indeed, the
appropriate market rules for competition/antitrust,
labour market, and intellectual property among
many others are becoming increasingly difficult to
specify and legislate for (Kenney & Zysman, 2016).
 The Changing Face of Global Capitalism - Sharing Economy and Digital Society in Indonesia
Moreover, this phenomenon doesn’t seem to be
about to stop in the near future but is rapidly
growing. Digital platforms are the base upon which
an increasing number of connection-based activities
–marketplace, social, and political—are being
organised (Kenney & Zysman, 2015). The substance
choice of a digital platform is to be as adaptive as
possible.
Indeed, the enormous spread of the internet is
inevitable and is called the third globalisation wave.
But at the same time, this rapid growth is unequal.
This inequality and the gap is huge. In several
developing countries, not all of this concept applies
coherently. Similarly, in the discussion of the
Internet of Things, or the digital-based business
model, we find significant differences between
social emphasis and economic impact. It is most
likely like two sides of a coin which walk hand in
hand.
5 CONCLUSIONS
It is clear that digital technologies have had a major
impact on social, political and economic sectors.
This creates a new type of global corporation and
new method of capitalism. Digital technologies have
progressively made digital society and the new
business model unavoidable. Over the past decades,
this has become a reality and yet the most successful
business model has integrated, at least to some
extent, Uber technology and the sharing economy. It
is not necessarily the best formula, however, because
of the unstoppable changes which have occurred.
However, this phenomenon is proof that customers
are playing a big role in determining the shifting
way global corporations operate. This platform
digital era generates a changing and emerging new
phenomenon in so many ways. But, how can these
changes in the business sector affect the changes in
the social sector such as income inequality, poverty,
and inhabited information? The changing face of
global corporations has the same soul as the old
form of global capitalism in the form of digital
global capitalism. How we connect the enormous
value of these socio-technical shifts into something
more useful and adaptable remains a necessary
question.
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288
 The Factors of South Korea’s Closure
of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in 2016

Amalia Mastur1, Siti R. Susanto2

1
International Relations Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2International Relations Department, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
siti.susanto@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Kaesong Industrial Complex, South Korea, North Korea, Nuclear Proliferation

Abstract: South Korea’s decision to close Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) on February 10th 2016 was a response to
North Korea’s nuclear testing. As a result, the closure led to economic losses for South Korean companies
of approximately 2 trillion won. KIC and its political implications are significant and need to be examined
since it was the only remaining bilateral cooperation between the two Korean states, as they had been
divided after the Korean War in 1953. This research paper aimed to examine the reasons behind the decision
that was made by South Korea to close the KIC in 2016. This research is an explanative research study that
used qualitative data analysis. The theoretical framework that was used was foreign policy and rational
choice theories. This paper found that South Korea’s response to North Korean’s nuclear testing in 2016
regarding the role of KIC was different compared to their response to the previous nuclear tests in 2006,
2009 and 2013. Regarding the last three nuclear tests, South Korea had not interrupted the operations of the
complex. On the contrary, North Korea was the one who usually disrupted the complex; they even choose to
close the KIC in 2009 and 2013. This research revealed the four determinants that influenced South Korea’s
decision to close KIC; North Korean governmental revenue, nuclear proliferation, the political tension
between the two Koreas, and pressure from the United States.

1 INTRODUCTION South Korea's decision to close the KIC is a

surprising act to many parties. The KIC closure has
Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) is an inter- caused more than 50,000 North Korean workers to
Korean economic cooperation project in the form of lose their jobs and more than 120 South Korean
a Special Economic Zone, officially opened in 2004 firms lost their place of business, causing a loss of
(Yang, 2016). Up until 2016, KIC was the only form more than 2 trillion won for the South Korean
of cooperation that was left between South Korea companies involved (Manyin, 2016; Woo, 2016).
and North Korea. It served as part of the When the KIC was operational, the region was
implementation of the Sunshine Policy to achieve a usually unaffected by inter-Korean political
state of reconciliation between the two Koreas. The tensions. However, the KIC was only ever
KIC here had the role of being a 'lifeline' that temporarily closed unilaterally by the North Korean
connected the two countries to allow them to government in 2009 and 2013 because of annual
continue high-level dialogue as well as people-to- joint military exercises conducted by South Korean
people diplomacy. Through this interaction, KIC alongside US forces.
was expected to function as a facilitator to South Korea's attitude then changed due to inter-
encourage social exchange, which then became a Korean political tensions in 2016, when North Korea
springboard for reconciliation between the two conducted its fourth nuclear test on January 6th,
Koreas. However, on February 10th, 2016, the South 2016, and there was the launch of a satellite
Korean government, under President Park Geun Hye violating the UN Security Council Resolution on
February 7th, 2016. South Korea finally decided to
(박근혜), decided to close KIC. close the KIC in response to North Korea’s action.
Contrary to the South Korean government's attitude

289
Mastur, A. and Susanto, S.
The Factors of South Korea’s Closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in 2016.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 289-294
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
in previous years, this decision is interesting to
further examine, since although previously North
Korea showed provocative action, South Korea
never has previously had the intention to close the
KIC, given how it was the only form of cooperation
between two Koreas.
2 RESEARCH METHODS
This research is an explanative research study which
aimed to explain and test the hypotheses associated
with the research variables (Singarimbun, 1981).
The variables used in this study included nuclear
proliferation, government revenue, inter-state
tensions and international pressure. This study was
limited by focusing only on the causal analysis of
the KIC’s closure by South Korea in 2016. The
scope of this study began from the establishment of
KIC in 2004 up until its closure in 2016.
The data collection techniques were qualitative
which, according to Cassel and Simon, is a social
science research method that attempts to accurately
describe and interpret the meaning of symptoms that
occur within a social context (Cassel & Simon,
1994). The collection of the data required in this
research used books, journals, lecture notes, articles,
and other publications from print media, the internet
or mass media as determined to be relevant to this
thesis writing. The data analysis in this research was
in parallel with Miles and Huberman’s model
framework. The analysis was done gradually
through data reduction, data presentation, and
conclusion and verification (Punch, 2005).
3 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1 KIC Funding Flow Potential for
North Korea's Revolutionary Fund
as a South Korean Security Threat
The main objective of the KIC closure was to
pressure North Korea to halt its nuclear
development. This is because South Korea saw that
North Korea used the money originating from the
KIC to fund its nuclear program development
instead of using the money to improve the welfare of
North Koreans.
The argument was proven by KIC's significance
to North Korea's hard currency revenue. Up until the
KIC closure in 2016, South Korea served as North
Korea's second largest trade partner (KOTRA,
290
2016). The hard currency here is an important
revenue source for a country conducting transactions
related to the development of nuclear technology,
and the KIC here plays an important role as a hard
currency contributor to North Korea. In this case, the
KIC's role to provide a surplus of hard currency for
the North Korean government can be seen from the
payment system used in KIC.
Article 34 of the Employment Act in KIC
stipulated that South Korean companies must pay
the North Korean workers' wages directly in cash
(KIC Council of Industry Representatives 2006).
However, at the request of the North Korean
government, the South Korean company was
required to send the salaries to the North Korean
government. The KIC wage payment process was as
follows: the North Korean workers' wages were paid
in hard currency first to the KIC's Special Bureau of
Public Regions for KIC. Later on, the Bureau
distributed some of the wages received from the
South Korean company to the North Korean
government, and then handed it over to North
Korean workers after the North Korean government
cut the wage due to social insurance and other
expenses.
The 15 percent wage deduction mentioned by the
Ministry of Unification, from what was received by
the North Korean workers, was for social insurance.
The remainder of their workers salary was cut again
for the 15 percent or 30 percent socio-cultural tax
(Korean Institute for National Unification 2006).
Only $35 is paid to the workers in cash in North
Korean won or it is exchanged with the daily
necessity coupons for food, clothing and other basic
necessities (Korean Institute for National Unification
2006). Up until it closed in February 2016, North
Korean workers at the KIC received only 250,000
KPW as described by the North Korean government
and an additional bonus of 50,000 KPW (Lee 2016).
In fact, the minimum wage prior to the closure of
KIC increased to $73.78 and was capable of
reaching $150 per month (Ministry of Unification,
2016b). Given the amount calculated based on the
USD and KPW exchange rates, the amount earned
by the North Korean government was much greater
than what was estimated. The exchange rate of 1
USD equals 8,200 KPW. Therefore, based on the
exchange rate, 250,000 KPW was received by the
North Korean workers, equivalent to 30 USD or
about 20 percent of the $150 that the North Korean
workers should earn. Based on the number of wages,
the North Korean government not only cut as much
as 30 percent, but they even cut up to 80 percent
 The Factors of South Korea’s Closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in 2016
from the total salary payment from the South Korean
companies.
The funding therefore flows to the North Korean
government, and the KIC also channelled its funds
indirectly to the North Korean leaders, called
'revolutionary funds'. The revolutionary fund is one
of the funds contained in the North Korean financial
system that can only be obtained through foreign
trade. The main function of the revolutionary fund is
to maintain the leadership’s power in North Korea.
In addition, the fund could also be used by North
Korean leaders to import luxury goods for the North
Korean elite, as a source of corporate funding under
the guidance of North Korean leaders and to run
state-owned enterprises and institutions (Kim, 2017).
When viewing some of the functions of the
revolutionary fund, they all have the same final
effect - maintaining the regime and increasing the
regime's leadership in North Korea. To maintain
leadership in North Korea, nuclear development is
one of the ways that its leaders continue to do so.
3.2 The significance of KIC Revenue
for North Korea Hard Currency
Revenue
The revolutionary fund that serves to maintain
leadership in North Korea can only be obtained
through foreign trade. In addition to South Korea,
North Korea's largest foreign trade partner is China,
which occupies the first position as North Korea's
largest trading partner. Thus, in order to know the
significance of the KIC fund flows for North Korea,
a comparison of China's foreign trade volume with
North Korea and South Korea with North Korea was
made. It should be noted that KIC contributes to 99
percent of the total foreign trade between South
Korea and North Korea (Ministry of Unification,
2016c).
It can be recalled that KIC has an increasingly
significant role in the North Korean government’s
revenue, especially the North Korean leader's
revolutionary fund. The increasing volume of trade
between South Korea and North Korea shows that
North Korea has a tendency to become increasingly
dependent on South Korean trade. Although not yet
able to exceed the total trade with China, South
Korea has reached half of the total trade of China
and North Korea in 2015. In recognising the
increasingly significant hard currency received by
North Korea through KIC, it is a rational choice for
South Korea to decide to close the complex to avoid
potential revenue to North Korea’s revolutionary
funds that could threaten South Korea's security.
3.3 North Korea's Nuclear Capability
Improvement since KIC’s Opening
The closure of KIC is related to the increasing threat
from North Korea, which continues to conduct
provocative actions through nuclear and missile
tests. The use of KIC funds acquired to develop
nuclear weapons can be proven through North
Korea's ability to expand its nuclear power, both in
terms of quantity, quality and intensity. In terms of
intensity, this can be seen from the increasing
frequency of the nuclear tests and missiles compared
to ten years before the opening of KIC. During that
time, North Korea had only conducted a one-time
missile test in 1998. Since the opening of KIC in
2004, North Korea conducted four nuclear tests in
2006, 2009, 2013 and 2016 and seven missile
launches in 2005, 2006, 2007, 2012, 2014, 2015 and
2016 before its closure.
In terms of quantity, an increase also occurred in
the amount of raw materials for nuclear weapons
that is possible to be produced by North Korea.
North Korea has had the capability to produce one of
the main sources of nuclear material, plutonium,
through its nuclear reactors in Yongbyon since the
1980s. In February 2003, exactly one year before the
KIC was opened, North Korea reactivated the
reactor. North Korea is able to process uranium fuel
and produce about 7 kilograms of plutonium per
year (Niksch, 2002) compared to the plutonium
production before the closure in 1994. In mid-2006,
it was estimated that North Korea had produced at
least 15 kilograms of plutonium. In 2008, this
increased to 38.5 kilograms and in 2009, North
Korea stated that the country had started uranium
enrichment. This uranium enrichment, according to
David Albright and Chritina Walrond (2012), has
the potential to produce 17 kilograms of uranium-
grade weapons per year.
Since the early development of ballistic missile
technology in the 1970s, North Korea was able to
produce and deploy short-range missile systems
(SRBM) including artillery missiles and short-range
rockets, including Scud missiles and a new SS-21
variant called KN-02 with a distance of 120 - 170
kilometres (Albright 2015). Scud-B and C, with a
range of 300km and 500km respectively, began to be
developed in the mid-1980s (Albright 2015). In the
late 1990s, North Korea fielded a 1,300km (MRBM)
missile and then the Scud-ER, which expanded the
scud's previous range (Wit and Ahn 2015). To date,
North Korea has several medium-range missiles that
have been tested and that are able to operate such as
Hwasong, Pukguksong and Nodong. They have the
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
ability to shoot from 1000 to 1600 kilometres away,
which can be used to threaten South Korea and
Japan. However, in line with the North Korean
treaty which was not to develop its nuclear arsenal
since 1999, there was no increase in its missile-firing
capability until 2003.
Nevertheless, since the KIC operations, the
abilities of the missile types owned by North Korea
became increasingly sophisticated. After North
Korea decided to re-develop its nuclear program in
2007, three years after the opening of KIC, North
Korea was able to deploy its first long-range missile
(IRBM), the Musudan missile with a minimum
distance of 3,000 km (ROK Ministry of Defence,
2014). The IRBM missile is expected to be able to
reach Guam, which is a United States territory. In
April 2015, Admiral Bill Gortney, commander of the
North American Air Defence Command (NORAD),
also confirmed that North Korea is developing two
other ICBM missiles; KN-08 and KN-14 (Harper,
2015). In 2016, North Korea successfully conducted
its first test of an ICBM missile when it launched
Taepodong 2 as a launch vehicle space (SLV) called
"Unha 3" on February 6th, 2016. It is believed to be
able to reach the United States mainland. The launch
came three days before South Korea finally decided
to close KIC (NTI, 2016).
3.4 KIC Failure to Bridging the Peace
between the two Koreas
The main objective of the formation of KIC was to
reduce the tension between the two Koreas.
However, since the KIC’s inauguration and up until
its closure in 2016, tensions and conflicts between
the two Koreas still happened. This shows that KIC
failed to achieve its main objective to strengthen
bilateral cooperation. The conflicts and threats
happened almost every year after KIC began
operating. There have been four crises caused by
nuclear testing, and four crises when the conflict was
caused by gun attacks. There was one border conflict
and there was a verbal threat three times.
On 12th November, 2009, South Korea and North
Korea engaged in a battle along the Northern Limit
Line. This conflict was preceded by a North Korea
ship that crossed the NLL toward the West Sea near
Daecheong Island, which was then involved in
fighting with a South Korean ship. On March 26th,
2010, a conflict broke out which further complicated
South Korea's and North Korea's ties, which
involved the sinking of the Cheonan ship that killed
46 South Korean sailors. The investigation
292
conducted showed that North Korea was the
mastermind of the incident (BBC, 2016).
On February 19th, 2012, a telegram issued by
North Korean officials threatened that they would
launch an attack on South Korea if South Korea still
continued with their military training. Two months
later, on April 13th, 2012, North Korea launched a
satellite that worsened the relationship between the
two Koreas. On August 4th, 2015, two South Korean
soldiers conducting a patrol in the DMZ area were
seriously wounded by landmines stationed outside
the South Korean guard post. The UN investigation
found that the mines were planted by North Korean
troops, which was immediately opposed to by the
North Korean side (United Forces Korea, 2015). On
August 9th, 2015, the South Korean government
responded to this incident by continuing its
propaganda through a loudspeaker in the border
areas, where both countries had agreed to stop their
military actions since in 2004. In response to this,
North Korea fired four bullets into South Korea, and
in return, South Korea responded with artillery fire.
3.5 United States’ Pressure to Close
KIC
The United States, as South Korea's biggest ally,
encouraging the sanctions toward North Korea
following the nuclear tests in January 2016. The US
has always helped South Korea to face the North
Korea's provocative actions through military aid and
guarantees South Korea its protection. It firmly
states that the nuclear tests that have been conducted
by North Korea have violated the previous
resolutions and clearly pose a threat to international
peace and security. The United States Ambassador
to the UN, Samantha Power, said that the
international community should respond to this
incident by "increasing the pressure" and upholding
the sanctions continuously (US Mission Korea,
2016).
The United States, as one of the UN Security
Council members, will step up the economic
sanctions against the North Korean regime and
propose sanctions to discontinue North Korea's
access to the international financial system and hard
currency sources (Kim, 2017). By the United States
continuing to put pressure on North Korea, this gives
North Korea limited options to survive:
denuclearisation or face the collapse of their regime.
In addition, in response to the post-nuclear tests
conducted by North Korea, White House press
secretary Josh Earnest said that the President of the
United States had spoken separately with the South
 The Factors of South Korea’s Closure of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) in 2016
Korean and Japanese leaders, Park Geun-Hye and
Shinzo Abe on the phone, and convinced the two
that the country will commit to ensuring the security
of the US’s allies both in Asia and around the world
(The White House, 2016).
The United States did not directly ask South
Korea to close the KIC, but the United States was
pushing to increase the multilateral sanctions and
closing access for North Korea to the international
financial system in order to stop the country from
developing its nuclear weapons. The pressure placed
from the United States onto South Korea was limited
to increasing the multilateral sanctions for North
Korea and increasing the US-allied commitments to
achieving peace and security on the Korean
Peninsula. As an ally of the United States under the
protection of the nuclear umbrella of the United
States, South Korea interpreted the United States'
strong response to North Korea's nuclear test and
decided to close the KIC in 2016. The KIC’s closure
is the most effective bilateral sanction that South
Korea can provide.
As previously mentioned, the KIC is a hard
currency source for North Korea. Therefore, closing
the KIC for North Korea is equivalent to putting
more economic pressure on North Korea, hoping to
halt its nuclear development. Furthermore, South
Korea's decision to close KIC also provides a higher
bargaining position for South Korea at the UN, to
encourage the increase of sanctions against North
Korea. If South Korea decides to keep the KIC
operational, then it means South Korea indirectly
supports North Korea in its nuclear development.
In the process of developing nuclear technology,
hard currency is a crucial source of income,
especially for a closed country like North Korea
which has limited sources of hard currency. Thus,
realising the collapse of KIC in relation to achieving
its ultimate goal of easing inter-Korean tensions and
the US’s pressure to increase sanctions for North
Korea, the closure of KIC is the most rational choice
for the South Korean government. This is because
South Korea no longer benefits from the region, but
the region threatens South Korea's security since that
the flow of KIC funds is for North Korea's nuclear
development.
4 CONCLUSIONS
It can be concluded that the reason behind the South
Korean government's decision to close KIC is
influenced by three factors. The first is because KIC
served as the main source of revenue for the North
Korean government’s nuclear proliferation that
could threaten South Korean security. This is proven
by the increasing intensity, quality and quantity of
North Korea's nuclear development since the
opening of KIC.
The second is because the KIC failed to achieve
the main goal of reducing inter-Korean tensions.
Although the KIC was established as the main point
of cooperation between the two Koreas, tensions and
conflict between them still happened. Tensions
occurred almost every year since 2006 until the
KIC’s closure in 2016. The third was because the
United States put on pressure to close the KIC. This
proves the United States' strong response to North
Korea's nuclear test by increasing sanctions on North
Korea. South Korea's position here is an ally of the
United States under the US "nuclear umbrella",
which has a strong influence on South Korea’s
decision to close the KIC.
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 Development of the Information Economy in India
and the Role of Diaspora
The Missing Intercourse

Reza Akbar Felayati1, Joko Susanto2

1
Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
joko.susanto@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: India, information economics, diaspora, human capital

Abstract: India experienced a unique development phenomenon in the late 1980s to 1990s when the IT sector, in the
form of production, software exports, and services related to computers and IT, became dominant in the
Indian economy. As in developing countries in general, India is faced with the problem of inadequate
human capital when it comes to achieving modern economic levels, and the industrial and manufacturing
sectors hampered by regulative government policies. Looking at the situation as it stands; India has reached
the stage of what is called the information economy, which is the typical economic style of developed
countries. Using the diaspora role approach as a state development actor, the authors have a hypothesis that
the success of India in addressing the problems of human capital needs relates to their success in utilizing
the diaspora that acts as a technological and knowledge transfer initiator, an additional number of human
capital, and as transnational bridges between multinational and state enterprises. In other words, the
diaspora is the link that allows India to jump to the stage of information economy.

1 INTRODUCTION shows, from 1987-1988 to 1989-1990, India's

India's growing development in IT is a unique
phenomenon, because as a developing country, India
has a dominant information economy and this can be
seen from several facts about India. Firstly, there are
various regions of India that have developed into IT
incubation centers that are full of information-based
economies. One of them is Bengaluru, known as the
Silicon Valley of India, which accounts for 38% of
India's IT exports, making it the IT Capital of India
(Arora et al., 2013). India’s position as one of the
global IT centers and as a software export center is
done through Bengaluru. Some of the leading IT
companies such as Intel, Texas Instruments, Bosch,
Yahoo, SAP Labs, and Continental, have now
opened their research centers in Bengaluru. With
astonishing Indian achievements, India has shown
itself to the world as a country that will lead Asia as
the spearhead of the global economy and in
technological developments.
This can be seen from one sub-sector that has
shown a significant improvement; the software
sector, especially in relation to exports. As Table 1
software exports rose from $52 million to $100
million, nearly doubling over four years. In terms of
this growth percentage, it is noted that software
exports in India reached 78 percent in the same
period.
Table 1: Export of Indian software from 1987 to 1990
Eichengreen and Gupta (2010) also said that with
respect to the service sector, revenues derived from
activities based on IT and telecommunications are
dominant. This is evident from the composition of
the services sector in India dominated by software,
business services and communications in 1990.
Software exports that occupy 64 percent of the total
revenue from the service sector. This is followed by
business services at 27 percent, and then finances (5

295
Felayati, R. and Susanto, J.
Development of the Information Economy in India and the Role of Diaspora - The Missing Intercourse.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 295-301
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

percent) and communications (4 percent) (see Graph
1).
Graph 1: The composition of the services sector in India in
1990
Uniquely, the development of India's information
economy occurred in the midst of the availability of
human capital, which can be said to be limited. Data
from Papola and Sahu (2012) noted that in 1972 to
1973 alone, 74% of Indians still worked in
agriculture. Data from the Selected Education
Statistics (Bag and Gupta, 2016) suggested that up to
1983, only four per cent of Indians were in high
education. Not only regarding quantity, but most of
those in higher education were mostly the driving
forces in the agricultural and manufacturing sectors.
In the research of Banerjee and Muley (2008), which
mapped out the majority of engineering graduates in
India up to 1990, it was dominated by mechanical
and civil engineering with a growth rate of 17,696
and 13,546 graduates. On the other hand, computers
and IT techniques showed a growth rate of 12,143
graduates. This shows us the picture that the output
of the human resources produced by India are
commonly those with quality and capabilities
outside of the IT sector. In other words, the
capabilities, abilities, and levels of knowledge and
skills possessed by the majority of the workforce in
India are not strong enough to create a breakthrough
into the information economy.
Based on this exposure, it can be seen how there
is awkwardness and a certain uniqueness when
looking at the development of the information
economy in India. Theoretically, the information
economy is a knowledge-based and capacity-based
economy that requires the foundation of the
modernization of infrastructure that supports the IT
sector, through the collection of human capital with
special skills and knowledge as a driver of the
information economy (Castells, 1996). This
phenomenon then underlies the researcher's interest
in analyzing what important aspects enable India to
jump to the stage of having an information economy
and the manufacturing and industrial stages. The
uniqueness of this phenomenon also lies in how the
experience of India is different from that
experienced by Western and East Asian countries in
its economic development, which passed through the
first manufacturing stage. From this brief
explanation, it can be underscored that India seems
to have found a way to address the issue of its
human capital needs, making it interesting to further
examine India's economic information relationship
with the issue of human capital. In connection with
these findings, the question arises that the
information economy in particular requires human
capital oriented to specialized aspects of IT. How is
the development of the information economy
possible in India? How does India address the
critical human capital needs of this relationship? To
answer the question, the author used a diaspora role
approach to state the development, which can be
mapped into three:
Figure 1. The role of diaspora in the development of the
information economy (Source: Author analysis)
From this approach, in general, the hypothesis of
this study can be formulated as follows:
 The key to the successful development of the
information economy in India is generally
related to its success in addressing the
problem of human capital needs and
 The crucial role behind India's success in
relation to addressing the human resource
issues is India's creativity in exploiting and
developing the role of diaspora.

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 Development of the Information Economy in India and the Role of Diaspora - The Missing Intercourse
2 RESULT AND DISCUSSION
2.1 India and the Development of the
Information Economy
To explain how the Indian diaspora play an
important role in the IT sector-oriented economic
development process, it is important to first discuss
economic developments in India and how the IT
sector can emerge, and grow rapidly in countries that
theoretically should still be in industrialization. It
will be demonstrated by looking at the modern
technological advancements in India from the
beginning of independence and how, at first, the
agricultural revolution became the main reference of
technological development in India. Besides that,
this study will also explain what momentum was
able to encourage the IT sector through the industrial
revolution to becoming a major sector in India. This
chapter also explains the driving factors involved in
India's economic movement toward the IT sector in
a relatively short period of time.
One manifestation of the realization of the
information economy in India is the development of
the Indian Institute of Technology, through India's
national policy of the IIT Act in 1961. This
investment is a collaboration between the Indian
government and the US government. The role of the
US as a collaborator in the development of the first
wave of human capital makes IIT an important
institution in the creation of qualified computer
engineers. However, the IIT also has no significant
impact on human resources in India. The limited
number of human capital can be seen in the number
of graduates produced by the computer engineering
institute in India, which have only produced B.Tech
(650 graduates), M.Tech (S2 equivalent) as many as
800 graduates, and 60 Ph.D graduates. Banerjee
(2008) said that in the 1970-1985 period, India was
projected to have a deficit in the number of
graduates in engineering and computer science. It
can be seen that regardless of the policies and policy
orientation, India has begun to promote the
development of the IT-based education sector. In
reality India has serious obstacles in the way of its
realization. This is because the number of graduates
generated in India is not enough to push the mobile
IT sector into being the dominant economic power
in India. In the midst of an Indian situation requiring
human capital to develop an information economy,
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, in the 1980s,
implemented a policy of tax reduction and intensive
development in the information economy sector.
This suggests that this need, in some cases, has been
bridged by the Indian government.
2.2 Rajiv Gandhi's Role in the
Development of India's
Information Economy
Under Rajiv Gandhi, India, which previously
focused solely on agricultural and industrial
economics, then began to look toward the IT sector.
To support the development of the IT sector, Rajiv
Gandhi devised three key policies aimed at building
the preconditions and infrastructure needed by India
to reach the economic stage of Information. This
policy was made by the Government of India under
Rajiv Gandhi, with the help of Sam Pitroda and
Narasimaiah Seshagiri. Starting from this
description, Rajiv Gandhi sought to design a foreign
policy that maximized the role of the IT sector in
India, that opened the technology transfer network
gateway, and that maximized the role of Indian
diaspora as the prime mover. This made the Indian
government under Rajiv Gandhi the first to
emphasize policies for the IT sector, electronics,
software, and telecommunications.
There are three major policies in the Rajiv
Gandhi era that were considered to have
revolutionized the IT world in India, as well as being
a magnet that draws Indian diaspora back to their
home countries, namely the Computer Policy 1984,
the Software Policy 1986, and the Software Garden
India India 1988. The Computer Policy 1984
downgraded PC software and tasks, and allowed the
import of computers in exchange for the export of
low tax software. The 1984 Computer Policy also
reduced the software import tariff from 100 percent
to 60 percent. In just one year after the policy came
into force, it was noted that computer production in
India increased by 100 percent, while computer
prices dropped by 50 percent (Athreye, 2005). The
1986 Software Policy provided access to
technologies and software in order to enhance their
global competitiveness and to promote high value-
added exports (Athreye, 2005). Therefore, the
import of software in any form is permitted and the
various procedures involved are simplified. The
policy also invites foreign investment and provides
venture capital to encourage the establishment of
new companies and export growth.
All three of these policies are rapidly changing
the information economy environment and thus, the
Indian IT industry, enabling domestic players to
demonstrate their capabilities in the IT sector and
thus to become viable alternatives for multinational
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
corporations that seek to invest in India. The policy
Software Technology Parks of India 1988 shows that
India is aware of the key factors of infrastructure and
the availability of IT sector incubation centers in
relation to building the information economy.
Multinational companies within the STP area are not
required to nationalize such a manufacturing sector,
and may be wholly foreign-owned and exempt from
export duties. From the description, generally it can
be concluded that in the effort involved in
developing the information economy, there are
obstacles that have arisen, namely the need for
human capital.
2.3 Indian Diaspora and the Role of
Human Capital
In this chapter, we will explain the mapping and
dynamics of the second wave of Indian diaspora,
which appears in many developed countries.
According to the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs
data in 2016, there are around 30.8 million Indian
diasporas. India has the largest diaspora population
in the world with more than 15.6 million according
to the United Nations Department of Economic and
Social Affairs (2015). Interestingly, the Indian
diaspora apparently showed a distinct trend after
independent India, favoring advanced post-industrial
countries as their goal. The diaspora that emerged
after Indian independence were referred to as the
second wave of the diaspora, and many chose to go
to the United States after the 1965 Immigration Act
was passed in the US and the state quota for
immigrants was abolished. This allows the Indian
diaspora to get permanent residence and to bring
their family members. It is interesting then to see
what underlies the number of diaspora who choose
developed countries as their goal.
2.4 Indian Diaspora in US
As one of the most recent and up-to-date IT
innovation centers, the US is a key destination for
Indian diasporas looking to pursue an education and
career in IT and computer engineering. Since the
beginning of the 20th century, the US has been
known as a center of computer innovation and is
believed to be the birthplace of computer
technology. The occurrence of the computer boom
throughout the late 1950s to 1960s led to many
companies becoming engaged in the field of
computers and software. The rise of the IT industry
in the US was also followed by the inclusion of the
Computer Science course at MIT as part of the
298
Electrical Engineering program in 1963. Similar
majors were also emerging in various other US
universities and it became one of the majors that US
aspiring students wanted. The existence of an
educational container in computer science and
engineering eventually became the main appeal for
Indian diasporas who wanted to continue their
studies in that field. In addition to the existence of
the latest computer boom and innovations in the US,
this diaspora saw the existence of career and
business prospects in the field that they did not
encounter in India at the time.
2.5 Contribution of Diaspora in the
Development of the Information
Economy in India
This proactive approach began to work when,
throughout the late 1970s and the 1980s, diaspora
began to emerge in India and provided the new IT
sector needed for its resurrection. To then see how
this brain-reinforcement process was slowly taking
place, the author has mapped out and illustrated the
contributions made by Indian diasporas returning to
India toward development in the IT sector.
The mapping of this contribution will
qualitatively be in the form of data that represents
how the diaspora returned to India, transforming
itself into the architect behind the IT sector's main
foundation. From the data and through case
examples of diaspora contributions to the
development of the IT sector as described, it can be
seen that there has been a significant contribution
from the Indian diaspora regarding the development
of India as a country with an information economy.
This can be seen in how the diaspora played a role in
the crucial moments involved in the rise of the IT
sector in India throughout the 1980s. Starting from
Sam Pitroda's role in the telecommunications
revolution and internet communication network in
India, through R.K. Baliga and Sharad Marathe with
the concept of the Electronic City and Software
Technology Park that became the forerunner of the
Indian Silicon Valley, through T.K. Rao who made
Texas Instruments the first multinational IT
company in Bengaluru and ending with Azim
Premji, who was the mastermind behind one of
India's IT giants. They are all Indian diaspora who
pursued their education and careers outside India,
who then returned to their home country and became
the initiator of IT sector development.
 Development of the Information Economy in India and the Role of Diaspora - The Missing Intercourse
2.6 The Missing Intercourse: The
Development of the Information
Economy and the Role of Diaspora
This chapter will present an analysis and verify the
diaspora's role hypothesis in terms of developing key
points in the IT sector in India that occurred over a
relatively short period of time. The analysis begins
with a review of the IT sector’s development issues
in developing countries. This was followed by a
problem review for India. After that, the discussion
continued in order to discuss the extent to which
diaspora can be the actor that becomes a solution to
the problem of developing the IT sector in a given
country. In the end, the subject focuses on how
Indian diaspora came in response to the problems
and become actors who began the process of
developing India's information economy.
First, the diaspora have the potential to become a
stronger transnational link between the diaspora and
the diaspora's home country. According to Safran
(1991), the diaspora tend to involve their homeland
early and with greater dedication than non-ethnic
investors. This is because the diaspora underlies
their actions with sympathy and solidarity. Second,
the interaction between diasporas and domestic
actors tends to be more reliable and lasting, and this
is called a trust network. A trust network is defined
by Tilly (2007) as a good network of interconnecting
relationships between diasporas and communities in
their home countries that facilitates the transfer of
ideas and resources from the outside to the domestic
actors. This is because the proximity of a shared
culture, history, and language that makes it easy for
the diaspora to be trusted by their country of origin.
Good relationships facilitate the transfer of ideas and
resources from the outside to the domestic actors.
Third, diaspora networks help to overcome
institutional and infrastructure constraints and
reduce transaction costs in investing in undeveloped
homeland markets (Chen and Chen, 1998). With
linguistic similarities and the knowledge of local
norms, diaspora are more likely to involve local
officials and economic actors. Support at the
domestic level can enhance economic liberalization
(Hsing, 1998).
Diaspora in the category of high-skilled workers
can also be a major actor in the process of the
transfer of technology and knowledge from
developed countries into their home country. The
process of technology transfer and knowledge
occurs when diasporas have been educated in
developed countries and return back to their home
countries, often becoming educators, businessman,
entrepreneurs and technocrats who are the main
drivers of the process of creating human capital and
forwarding the economic development of the
country (Saxenian, 2005). In many situations, the
diaspora also pave the way for the inclusion of
multinational companies and international research
and development institutions in their home
countries. This is possible because diaspora play a
role in bridging the link, allowing for collaborations
between the state and multinational corporations, as
well as international research and development
institutions as the subject of knowledge and
technology transfer (Saxenian, 2005). In other
words, the diaspora also have an indirect role as an
actor who opens the door of cooperation and who
inhibits the inequality of science, technology and
human capital between their home country and the
destination country.
Diaspora also help local entrepreneurs enable
economies in their home countries to participate in
the information economy (Saxenian, 2005). Their
professional network can quickly help to build
promising opportunities, raise capital, build
management teams, and build partnerships with
manufacturers in other parts of the world. The ease
of exchanging communication and information in
the network is localized by freedom, technology, and
the discussion of new skills, technology and capital,
as well as potential investors (Saxenian, 2005).
There are three roles underlying the rise of India's
information economy. In general, the diaspora
depiction becomes a bridge and an important link in
the economic view of information.
The explanation of this study is that an important
issue in India's information-economic development
efforts related to inadequate human capital can be
domestically produced by India to solve the urgent
need for human capital. The possible path for India
to build its IT sector and its information economy is
through diasporas. This is motivated by the absence
of significant efforts by India in relation to the
accumulation of human capital through the means of
applying for foreign workers or through the reform
and implementation of effective educational
policies. Therefore, diaspora have three major roles
in the development of the state. By pulling diaspora
back into the high-skilled worker category, a brain
reinforcement situation will occur and the problem
of human capital needs in India can be bridged.
Diaspora, when in the context of the
development of the information economy, serve as
an important link in the process of developing the
information economy. Through its three roles, the
diaspora can act as an important linking thread for
299
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
knowledge transfer, changing the mapping of
multinational corporations as key actors in the
transfer of knowledge at the global level. Many
diasporas return to India to start their own
businesses and to create forums for information
exchange. They also advise the country's
development authorities. Besides that, diaspora also
play a major role in bridging various state benefits,
such as remittances and FDI flows that are of
international importance for the knowledge transfer
process.
3 CONCLUSIONS
In general, India is experiencing a shortage of
human capital suitable for a larger revolutionary
information economy under Rajiv Gandhi's
government. In the period 1984-1990, India
succeeded in making the information sector one of
its major sectors and revolutionized the information-
related policies in India, especially in the aspects of
software production and exports. This occurred in
central India, which was visited by human resources
to encourage the information economy sector. This
led to a potential discussion of the diaspora as a
source of human capital. In connection with the
situation of Indian diaspora emigrating out of India,
they are a group that has a high level of education
and that are a part of the skilled workforce. The data
found showed that diaspora have a high interest in
the IT sector in the destination countries, which is
dominated by the US. This is evident from the
number of Indian students at MIT who occupy one
of the largest numbers of diaspora students and in
the high number of Indian diaspora involved in the
Silicon Valley region.
This caught the attention of PM Rajiv Gandhi,
who sought to attract the diaspora. Through his
initiative, Rajiv Gandhi succeeded in attracting
important figures such as Sam Pitroda, T.K.Rao,
Azim Premji, and Sharad Marathe. Accompanied by
three revolutionary policies - the 1984 Computer
Policy, the Software Policy 1986, and the India
Software Software Park of 1988 - India quickly
succeeded in revolutionizing their economic
conditions into an information economy. Not only
that, the diaspora called by Rajiv Gandhi also
initiated the construction of important points in
India's information economy sector. Using the
outlined framework, it can be confirmed that the
main findings in this study are: (1) that India has
proven successful in addressing human capital needs
in an effort to build the information economy in a
300
short time and (2) that diaspora are the answer to the
needs and proven problems, and that they have a
significant role and contribution to India's
development of the information economy.
Therefore, it can be concluded that India, in a short
time, succeeded in building its information economy
and addressed the problem of human capital needs.
The diaspora are the chain and the answer to the
cause of the development of India's information
economy. In this case, the diaspora served as an
alternative source of human resources required by
the information economy in India, and they
contributed to the information economy in India
through the initiation of technology transfer, the
source of knowledge and the human resources that
foster the development of sectors related to the
information economy. They serve as a bridge
between their home country and the global
economy.
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Safran, W (1991) Diasporas in modern societies: Myths of
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I NTERNATIONAL R ELATIONS
F ULL PAPERS
 The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in
Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in
2014

Maula Hudaya1 and Dwi Aulia Putri2

1Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2
Department of International Relations, Universitas Andalas, Padang, Indonesia
Auliadwi747@gmail.com, maula.hudaya-2015@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Crimea, Turkish Foreign Policy, Mass Media, Public Opinion.

Abstract: The annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014 was a very controversial action that sparked
various responses from countries in international society. Among the various responses, Turkey became the
one who strongly opposed the Russian Federation’s decision in the Crimea, and openly declared its stance to
support the Ukraine in its territorial dispute. Turkey's foreign policy, as stated before, is quite contradictory
to reality in that the relationship between Turkey and Russia was at a pretty good level. The closeness of their
relations has been indicated by the cooperation woven by both countries, with one of the cooperation’s focus
points being in the field of nuclear energy. There was also a fairly intense meeting between Erdogan and
Vladimir Putin during that period. Under these conditions, it is almost impossible for Turkey to take a very
opposite stand against Russia in a dispute that does not even affect Turkey directly. Therefore, in this paper,
the author attempts to analyse Turkish foreign policy through the level of analysis of the mass media and
public opinion by looking at the extent to which the mass media can influence public opinion against the
Crimea, which can ultimately be used to pressure the government. The mass media and public opinion level
of analysis is very interesting to use in this case because it can explain Turkey's foreign policy from different
perspectives, coupled with the media in Turkey being quite contrary to the Erdogan regime.

1 INTRODUCTION the orientation of the Ukraine - which was originally

Foreign policy is an indispensable element of a
country, especially when it tries to play an active role
in the realm of international relations. There are many
factors influencing the foreign policy of a country.
Therefore, there are various levels of analysis (LoA)
that are helpful in explaining the reasons behind a
country's foreign policy. One of the most interesting
is mass media and public opinion LoA. In this paper,
the authors attempt to explain the reasons behind
Turkey's foreign policy in response to the Crimean
annexation by the Russian Federation in 2014 through
the LoA of mass media and public opinion.
Before entering further discussion about the
Turkish response to the Crimean annexation, the
authors will explain the background to the conflict
first. The Crimea is one of the regions in the Ukraine
which has a population composition consisting of
mostly ethnic Russians. In the era of the presidential
administration of Viktor Yanukovych in the Ukraine,
more inclined to the countries of Western Europe -
shifted to Russia. This happened because of the
cooperation between the Ukraine and Russia in the
field of energy, especially natural gas, in which the
Ukraine relies on the supply of natural gas from
Russia to meet its energy needs. The proximity that
occurred between the two countries did not last long.
It happened because the president of Yanukovych,
who was elected in 2010, was eventually overthrown
in 2014. Yanukovych's overthrowing came when he
made a surprise deal with Russian president, Vladimir
Putin. The deal stated that Russia bought Ukrainian
bonds amounting to 15 billion US dollars and slashed
the price of natural gas being exported to the Ukraine
by up to one-third. The widespread news seems to be
a firm confirmation that President Yanukovcyh
ignored protests from the people of the Ukraine
demanding that the Ukraine no longer be a Russian
ally, but more oriented towards Western Europe,
especially the European Union (Diuk, 2014).

307
Hudaya, M. and Putri, D.
The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in 2014.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 307-312
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
The assertiveness of Yanukovych to further attach
the Ukraine to Russia caused concern for the people
of the Ukraine. They were and are traumatised by the
bad memories of when the Ukraine was still under the
Soviet Union. This is evidenced by the huge negative
view of the people of the Ukraine against Russia
under Vladimir Putin’s regime, where Onuch (2015)
stated that almost 60% of Ukrainian people have a
very bad view of the regime of Vladimir Putin.
Therefore, it can be understood that Ukrainian society
considers cooperating with Russia as hampering the
development of the Ukraine. Therefore, there
emerged a much larger protest action in response to
Yanukovych's decision. The protest was exacerbated
by the issue that Yanukovych was involved in a
corruption scandal. Public anger also increased when
Tetyana Chornovol, a journalist who exposed the
scandal, was persecuted by some alleged accomplices
of Yanukovych (Diuk, 2014). These events triggered
the occurrence of Euromaidan, which ultimately
succeeded in overthrowing Yanukovych.
The result of the event was that Yanukovych was
replaced by Petro Poroshenko; the regime change in
the Ukraine was raising concerns in Russia. The
concern was triggered by the indications that
Poroshenko was a pro-Western leader. Generally,
their concerns were that the Ukraine would be divided
into two. The first worry was that NATO would
expand into Ukraine, and the second concern was that
Russian ethnics in the Ukraine would be
discriminated against and receive ill-treatment by the
Ukrainian society, as well as by the regime in power.
In response to this, the authors can see that the
purpose of Russia's annexation of the Crimea was to
secure the Russian naval ports in Sevastopol as well
as to protect ethnic Russians in the Crimea.
In fact, the justification is very understandable,
since Russia is a geopolitically situated country in the
heart region. In history, it is not uncommon for it to
experience an invasion by the great powers around it
so as to construct the Russian identity as an expansive
nation (Lavrov, 2016). Although the annexation of
the Crimea is justifiable for Russia, it has led to
various reactions from various countries in which
many countries denounced the Russian action, and
among them, was Turkey.
As the authors have mentioned earlier, the
Crimean annexation by Russia reaped harsh criticism
from various countries, where Turkey became one of
the countries that cast a strong condemnation of
Russia related to the annexation of the Crimea.
Turkish condemnations of Russia's annexation of the
Crimea is an anomaly because the diplomatic ties
between Turkey and Russia are practically
308
harmonious, at least up until the shooting down of a
Russian fighter jet by Turkish armed forces in 2015.
The author sees that the Turkish foreign policy
anomaly is closely linked with Turkish public
pressure and pressure from Turkish mass media. The
authors therefore see that the mass media and public
opinion can explain the reasons behind the policy.
2 LEVEL OF ANALYSIS: MASS
MEDIA & PUBLIC OPINION
In the study of conventional foreign policy decision-
making views, the mass media such as newspapers,
television, radio, press, and multi-media, serve only
as a channel to convey messages or news during the
process of foreign policy formulation (Naveh, 2002).
Naveh saw that the study did not realise that the mass
media has a much larger role than that. Therefore,
Naveh (2002) also stated that the mass media should
be involved in the analysis to formulate the foreign
policy itself.
Naveh (2002) stated that there are three models
that describe the role of the media in decision-making
related to the formulation of foreign policy. The three
models focus on the view that the public environment
or the wider community is one source of input that
can be taken into consideration when formulating
foreign policy. The first model was initiated by Glenn
Snyder et al., (1969, in Naveh 2002). Snyder stated
that in the process of foreign policy formulation, there
is a setting that consists of two aspects, namely
internal and external. Snyder (1969, in Naveh 2002)
stated that the setting potentially has an impact on all
decisions made by the state. Internal in this sense is
understood as the factors that come from within the
country, such as a community environment consisting
of culture, population and public opinion (Naveh,
2002). In other words, the media plays a major role in
shaping the environment. Media can be interpreted as
a means to expressing interpretations and non-
governmental expectations from various groups and
components of society (Naveh, 2002).
Michael Brecher developed a much more detailed
analytical framework for the analysis of foreign
policy decision making, and he also involved
explicitly the role of the media as a "communication
network in the political system" that allows the flow
of information about the operational environment to
the government elite (Naveh 2002). The framework
developed by Brecher is a model that has an
environmental design. Brecher believes that the
foreign policy system consists of an environment or
 The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in 2014
setting. The operational environment defines the
setting in which foreign policy decision-making is
conducted (Naveh, 2002). The concept of setting
refers to a set of relevant factors and conditions,
which can influence the country's external behaviour.
The operational environment specifies the parameters
or constraints on which the decision maker must act
(Naveh, 2002).
However, like other authors, Brecher does not
explicitly involve the mass media as an instrument of
input variables impacting on foreign policy decision
making. The input variables referred to by Naveh
(2002) are external factors, and a part of the
international environment. Viewing the media as a
variable input in foreign policy decision making
involves understanding its role in influencing society
and politics in the agenda setting and constructing
reality.
The third model of foreign policy formulation was
initiated by Papadakis and Starr (1987, in Naveh,
2002) to analyse the process of formulating foreign
policy in small countries, but this model remains
relevant to other countries as well. The environment
that forms the inputs for the foreign policy decision-
making process is described as the structure of
opportunity, risk, and price and profit, which restricts
decision-makers. However, Papadakis and Starr do
not involve mass media in their models, neither to
form part of the community level in an environment,
nor as part of the opportunities or obstacles that affect
the internal government in making decisions (Naveh,
2002).
The mass media has begun to have a significant
influence on the formulation of foreign policy since
the presence of television broadcasts on a global scale
and the emergence of an international news agency
that is CNN (Gilboa, 2005). According Gilboa,
humans always need news in order to follow the
development of an event that is or has happened.
Even if we look at history when the civil war occurred
in the United States in 1861 to 1865, the demand for
news increased dramatically. As a result, the United
States Newspaper increased its publication to seven
days a week (Gilboa, 2005).
The same condition occurred during the Gulf War
in Iraq in 1991. Gilboa (2005) stated that with the
availability of global cable television broadcasts, the
public was able to watch the war reports first aired in
real time. Therefore, the public interest in the news
reported, especially by CNN, is very high. In fact,
many Americans sit in front of the television for hours
to watch news broadcasts live from conflict areas.
The huge public interest in news broadcast from all
over the world has not been followed by a critical
attitude to question the truth of the news presented,
making it a great opportunity for the mass media to
further influence public opinion. The author
discerned that this factor is what then encourages the
emergence of the CNN effect. Gilboa (2005) stated
that the CNN effect arises because of changes in the
attitude of the international community caused by the
ease and speed of access to information resources.
Meanwhile, a computer security expert stated that the
CNN effect occurred when the source of information,
which has very much entered into the news, was
manipulated (Johnston, 1996 in Giboa, 2005).
Despite the existence of the CNN affect theory,
there is still a debate among academics and policy
makers because of a lack of evidence that leads to it.
Already there are some cases that claim to suffer the
impact of the CNN effect itself. Gilboa (2005) stated
that in 1999, there were protests from senior US and
British officials including Tony Blair related to the
issue of Russian military activity against the Chechen
people. In response to the protests, the senior military
officers of
Russia, General Valery Minilov, stated that the
protests made were on the basis of news spread
widely through the media, without being clarified
directly and seeking the truth in advance, resulting in
misinformation related to what is actually happening
in Chechnya.
Gilboa (2005) also explained that the mass media
has proven to be on the path of diplomacy that is
sometimes far more effective than conventional lines.
This is in line with Naveh (2002), who explained
about some of the functions of mass media in
influencing foreign policy as the only agenda setting.
The mass media can enhance the prestige and
authority of a person or group by giving legitimacy to
their status. Agenda setting is a way that the media
constructs public opinion in accordance with what is
desired by the media, where there is usually a political
agenda. Naveh (2002) also stated that for most
political observers abroad, an overview of the world's
most influential forum today can be precisely map
mapped by journalists and editors compared to a map
of the work of cartographer. Although the map
compiled by the media does not provide enough
information that is objective to the reader, it must be
admitted that the map is very successful in directing
the reader toward what to think about. In other words,
the media exerts an influence on how one views a
region, such as the existence of a construction that
makes the audience have a negative view that the
Middle East is nothing more than a terrorist nest and
a centre of chaos.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
Naveh (2002) also stated that another function of
mass media in foreign policy is as a means to conduct
framing. Framing is defined as a process in which a
medium creates an image by filtering out existing
facts for use in foreign policy formulation. Seeing the
explanation that the media play an important role in
the formulation of foreign policy, the authors saw that
the influence of media in building public opinion is
actually divided into two. First, is the media
influencing public opinion to oppose, criticise, or
pressure governments to change or formulate foreign
policy. An example of this is in the case of the
Rohingya conflict; the media played public opinion,
viewing the conflict from religious sentiments in
which Muslims are the victims of a vicious massacre
perpetrated by non-Muslims. This affects public
opinion, especially in Indonesia where religious
sentiments are still very strong. As a result, many
people are demonstrating and pressuring the
Indonesian government to respond to the case. In the
end, the actual Indonesian government did not have a
significant national interest in Rohingya and also
responded, due to the strong public pressure framed
by the media. The second is how the government uses
mass media to construct public opinion in order to
increase the legitimacy of the policies adopted. The
author sees that only a strong government and
firmness in the formulation of foreign policy alone
can do this, especially if the government has control
over the mass media within a country. The author
noted that the influence of mass media on the
formulation of foreign policy in Turkey is a very
interesting thing because in Turkey itself, there is a
big media company that is called the Dogan Group,
which in some ways is contrary to the Erdogan
government.
3 TURKISH MASS MEDIA AND
FOREIGN POLICY
The annexation of the Crimea by Russia, as the writer
explained earlier, caused controversy that provoked
different responses from each country, not least
Turkey. As published in news reports, Hurriyet
(2016) stated that Turkey once again condemned the
Russian occupation of the Crimea, and gave support
to the Tatar people in the Crimea. To explain why the
Turkish government under President Reccep Tayyip
Erdogan so condemned the Russian annexation action
against the Crimea and gave such strong support to
the Tatar people in the Crimea, it can be seen through
how the mass media influenced public opinion in
310
Turkey and how the government regime played the
mass media to get support for the policies undertaken.
Before seeing how far the media plays an
important role in influencing Turkish foreign policy
related to the Crimean annexation, the author will be
able to determine what role the mass media in Turkey
has played since the multi-party era in Turkey. Rich
(2010) explained that despite the strict control of
radio media in 1927, it has yet to have a broad impact
on existing politics. This happened because in that
era, Turkey still had a single party system so there
was only one camp with control of the media. That
changed as the multi-party system began to take
effect. Rich (2010) explained that after the transition
from a single party system to a multi-party one, the
reach of the radio broadcasting network was
increasingly expanded and directed almost
exclusively to reporting things seen from the point of
view of the ruling party or the majority, so it can be
said that there is virtually no objectivity in the news
broadcast by Turkish radio. It is not wrong to mention
the role of the media at that time only as a means of
framing for the Turkish government.
The condition shifted when there were rapid
developments in the information technology sector
not accompanied by the creation of appropriate
regulations (Rich, 2010). These changes have led to a
variety of media controlled by private sectors. As a
result, the mass media is then dominated by
conglomerates who pursue profits when running the
media business. Then, at the end of the military
regime that was subsequently replaced by the civil
regime under Turgut Ozal where he managed to unite
Turkey into the global market but failed to unify
disputed opinions within Turkey itself, it actually
degraded the legitimacy of the government. Coupled
with the occurrence of the two major recessions of the
1990s, it created a great opportunity for the mass
media to increase its influence in politics (Rich,
2010).
Political instability in Turkey in that decade
coexisted with different views and there was a new
prime minister five times in less than nine years,
which very clearly indicates that there were no
hegemon actors in Turkish politics. Therefore, the
media has a greater chance to increase its influence in
the political sphere. In fact, observers do not hesitate
to claim that the media has emerged as a "First Estate"
in the political realm. The claim is not excessive. One
of the biggest beneficiaries is Dogan, who became the
third largest conglomerate in Turkey (Kaya, 2010).
The Dogan Group, which is controlled by Aydin
Dogan, has huge potential when it comes to
influencing public opinion. This happens because the
 The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in 2014
media group is very big, and consists of not only
Hurriyet which moves in the realm of newspapers, but
there are other newspapers such as Radikal, Posta,
Fanatik, Millyet, and Vatan which also under the
Dogan group. In addition to newspaper media, the
Dogan group also controls television. Dogan has a
total of 13 television stations, including Canal D, Eko
TV, Euro D, CNN Turk, Super Channel, Euro Star,
Canal D Romania, TNT Turkey, Cartoon Network,
NBA TV, TV 2 and Boing. In addition, the company
also controls five radio stations, four of which are still
active. With so much mass media controlled by one
party, as happened in Turkey, it would be possible for
the Dogan Group to form public opinion which is also
related to the process of foreign policy formulation in
Turkey.
Aydin Dogan himself is a figure opposed to
Erdogan. This statement is evidenced by the news
published by Hurriyet on its website stating that
President Erdogan repeatedly dropped criticisms and
personally attacked Aydin Dogan (Hurriyet, 2015). In
fact, as a result of the dispute between Dogan and
Erdogan, the Dogan Group was banned by the
government (Reuters, 2015). Given the poor
relationship between the government and the media,
the most likely condition is that the media was trying
to play public opinion in order to bring down the
government. However, in the case of Turkey with the
Crimea, it is not very clear. But the authors see that
the media plays a role in influencing Turkey's related
foreign policy.
As the authors explained earlier, Turkey
responded to Russia's attitude toward the Crimea by
casting condemnation and condemning the Russian
actions. On the other hand, Turkey actually supports
the Crimean Tatar nation and the Ukraine. This is a
bit of an anomaly because Turkey has a considerable
interest in Russia especially in the energy sector, but
Turkey has also taken action by condemning Russia.
The author has noted that the role of the media in this
case is very strong. Based on the data that the authors
have obtained, the news that emerged during the
Crimean annexation event was published by leading
media such as Hurriyet and Sabah, many of which
contain framing elements.
These media filter out the facts and select the facts
that are "sold" to the Turkish public. One fact that is
played is the fact that in Crimea, there are Crimean
Tatar people who have also become the victims of
annexation, and who also experienced violence from
the Russian side. The Crimean Tatar nation is made
up of ethnic Muslims who have lived in Crimea for
centuries. The nation first became diaspora and fled
to the Ottoman Turks in 1783 due to the impact of the
Crimean annexation by the Russian empire. Then
they became diaspora again due to the Crimean war
in 1853. Therefore, up until now, there have been
many Tatar people who are descendants of the
Crimean Tatars in Turkey. The narrative and
demographic conditions are repeatedly exploited by
the Turkish media in view of the issue of the Crimean
Annexation in 2014.
The news published in the Daily Sabah (2014)
was titled "Turkey's Crimean Tatars worried for
Crimea". The story states the narrative that the Tatar
nation was a nation that was expelled from the
Crimean lands due to the first Russian annexation and
the outbreak of the Crimean war in 1853. The article
seemed to illustrate that the Tatars are the most
disadvantaged victims in the crisis, without
explaining the situation that occurred in the Crimea
as a whole. It was these reports that then constructed
the public view of the Crimea that Russia was the only
criminal in play and that the Tatars were the main
victims. As published in Daily Sabah (2014), there
have been many Turkish Tatar people who have
demonstrated appropriately.
The number will continue to increase with the
publication of such news. In addition, the news titled
"Tatars, Turks not to leave Crimea again" published
by Hurriyet (2014) also used framing by describing a
similar narrative. The news tells about the valour of
the Crimean Tatar leader, Mustapha Dzemilev, who
is called the Gandhi of the Crimea. The article
illustrates how the Tatar struggle and how Turkey
cares for their cause. The news has an effect on
increasing Turkish sympathy for the Crimean Tatar,
coupled with religious sentiments in which Turkish
society is made up of a Muslim majority of over 70%.
The vast amount of public opinion sympathetic to
the Crimean Tatars was then voiced in the form of
actions demanding that the Erdogan regime be firm
against the annexation of the Crimea, and for it to
condemn Russia for what has happened, particularly
related to ethnic Tatars in the Crimea seen of as being
increasingly oppressed. On the other hand, public
opinion also leads Turkey to a closer relationship with
the Ukraine, as Ukraine is seen of as the legitimate
ruler of the Crimean peninsula. The author sees that
this factor really does affect how Erdogan runs its
country's policy to make criticisms of Russia,
although Turkey has a considerable national interest
in Russia especially in economic corridors. The
authors assume so because despite Turkey's
condemnation of Russia, the condemnation is merely
a criticism. Turkey decided not to impose tough
sanctions on Russia as Western countries did. It was
impressed that the criticism was merely the
311
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

government's attempt to placate the public. Relations Lavrov, Sergey. 2016. Russia’s Foreign Policy in a
between Russia and Turkey are still normal, as Historical Perspective. [Online] http://eng.global
evidenced by several meetings between Erdogan and affairs.ru/number/Russias-Foreign-Policy-in-a-Histori
Putin to discuss the case. The relationship can be said cal-Perspective18067. Accessed in 19 April 2017.
Naveh, Chanan (2002) “The Role of the Media in Foreign
to have been good, at least until Turkey shot down a Policy Decision-Making: A Theoretical Framework”,
Russian fighter jet. Conflict & Communication Online, 1(2), pp. 1-14.
Onuch, Olga. 2015. “Brothers Grimm or Brothers
Karamazov: The Myth and the Reality of How Russians
4 CONCLUSION and Ukrainians View the Other”, in Ukraine and
Russia: People, Politics, Propaganda and
Perspectives. Bristol: E-IR Pubishing.
Based on the above explanation, it can be concluded
that the Turkish response, which openly denounced
the Crimean annexation by Russia was, in essence,
not an initiative of the Erdogan regime but something
that came from outside the government. From the
point of view of the LoA of mass media and public
opinion, and of the political order in Turkey where the
opposing side of the government controls one of
Turkey's greatest media groups, it is likely to be
enormous if the foreign policy is the result of media
coverage that has succeeded in influencing the
masses. In this case, Turkish mass media proclaimed
the narrative that the Crimean Tatars suffered so
badly at the repression at the hands of Russia. The
news has succeeded in influencing the Crimean
Tatars living in Turkey as well as the Muslim
community in general to sympathise with what
happened in the Crimea and ultimately, it seeks to
suppress the Erdogan regime to take decisive action
against Russia.

REFERENCES
Diuk, Nadia. 2014. ”EUROMAIDAN: Ukraine's Self-
Organizing Revolution”, in World Affairs, Vol. 176,
No. 6. Pp. 9-16.
Gilboa, Eytan (2005) “Global Television News and Foreign
Policy: Debating the CNN Effect”, International
Studies Perspectives, (6), pp. 325-341.
Hurriyet. 2014. Tatars, Turks not to leave Crimea again.
http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/opinion/murat-yetk
in/tatars-turks-not-to-leavecrimea-again-65108.
Accessed in 14 December 2017.
Hurriyet. 2015. Aydın Doğan against continued debate with
President Erdoğan in Turkey’s ‘painful period.
http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/aydin-dogan-again
st-continueddebate-with-president-erdogan-in-turkeys-
painful-period-89210. Accessed in 14 December 2017.
Hurriyet. 2016. Ankara reiterates support for Crimean
Tatars, decries Russian ‘occupation.
http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ankara-reiterates-
support-for-crimean-tatarsdecries-russian-occupation-
99315. Accessed in 14 December 2017.
Kaya, Rasit dan Baris Cakmur. 2010. “Politics and the Mass
Media in Turkey”, in Turkish Studies, 11:4, 521-537.

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 The Implementation of China Peaceful Rise in The IMF Reform

Mahfudz Ibnu Romadhon1, Moch. Yunus2,

1
Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
2Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
moch.yunus@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: China Peaceful Rise, China Peaceful Development, IMF Reform, Role-Bargaining Theory

Abstract: China’s Peaceful Rise is a policy orientation established back in the Hu Jintao administration in 2003. This
concept was created to gain interest through peaceful and non-confrontational means. The IMF's reform is
one of the major agendas in IMF, containing the IMF's attempt to reform itself in two rounds: a major
reform of the quotas by changing the composition of the quotas themselves and the voting rights of its
members, and by changing the position of the government structures within the IMF itself. On October 14th
2014, the IMF Reform faced a problem in the United States. The USA, the only country that has the veto
ability, blocked the outcome of the IMF Reform. Because of this rejection, European constituents put
forward a confrontational effort by not involving the USA in the reforms. Regarding this background, this
research study has tried to explain the application of CPR in the IMF Reform. From the research results, it
was found that the application of CPR in the IMF Reform was done by overcoming the US allegations
against its currency manipulation policy (RMB) and gaining a legitimate role in the context of the IMF
Reform. In addressing the allegations of RMB manipulation, China demonstrated a commitment to the IMF
Reform by signalling China's expenditures in the IMF Reform and showing there to have been direct
monitoring of the IMF on RMB through multilateral surveillance and SDR monitoring. Second, China
gained legitimacy concerning its demands by utilising G-20, BRICS and its executive directors who served
as voices, suppressors and framers of the IMF Reform. In addition, China also visited the United States as
part of an agreement to ratify the IMF reforms.

1 INTRODUCTION through upholding world peace and contributing to

In 2003, President Hu Jintao's government released a
white paper which explained the direction of his
policy on a peace named “China’s Peaceful Rise”
(CPR). CPR is a policy designed to re-show China's
identity in an era of peace and prosperity, which
seeks to offer changes through peaceful and non-
confrontational means. It was intended to avoid the
aggressive label inherent in a country with rapid
economic development which is often coupled with
a revision of the existing order.
After the implementation of CFR, China had a
relatively high GDP growth rate. In 1984, China's
GDP had the highest growth amount of 15.14
percent and China's GDP in 1993 had a growth rate
of 14.2 percent (World Bank, tt). China's GDP rank
increased from ten in 1978 to six in 2003 and
continued to increase over the following years.
China defines CPR as “China should develop itself
world peace through its own development; it should
achieve development through its own efforts and by
carrying out reforms and innovation. At the same
time, China should learn from other countries. It
should seek mutual benefits and common
development with other countries in keeping with
the trend of economic globalisation, and it should
work together with other countries (Ministry, 2007).
The relationship of CPR and international
organisations is linked through China's government
to the IMF. President Hu Jintao also has the "big
idea" of creating a peaceful and prosperous
condition through the use of a "peaceful
development" approach in reaching his interests. As
expressed through Xiaochuan, the Governor of the
Central Bank of China, in 2006 the G20 forum
stated the following: "If we (China) do not choose to
follow fair rules in international organisations, then
the situation becomes chaotic and inefficient” (Dorn,

313
Romadhon, M. and Moch. Yunus
The Implementation of China Peaceful Rise in The IMF Reform.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 313-319
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
2006). This statement was a response to the
involvement of China in the IMF Reforms that
began to be discussed in 2006. This reform is an
important reform for China, because China is the
single most disadvantaged country ranked 6th with a
quota of 2.98 percent. China's economic
performance was ranked 3rd with a quota of 6.39
percent after the United States and Japan during the
IMF's Reform (IMF, tt). Concerning the
implementation of CPR, it was a challenge to show
the nature of China's compliance, coordination and
their status as a responsible stakeholder to
international organisations and to China itself. It was
a great opportunity to internationalise the renminbi,
to expand its financial influence and to become a
major player in IMF decisions by having the right to
vote a separate executive. The IMF's revisions
contain the IMF's attempts to reform itself in two
rounds. The first round of reforms was
operationalised in two attempts. The first was with
the addition of the total quota value of 188 member
states, making it USD $659 Billion up from the
previous of USD $329 Billion. In the second round,
the reforms were carried out by abolishing the direct
appointment function of the IMF Executive Director.
This was conducted by five largest shareholder
countries in the IMF and through the shareholder's
position on the basis of the change (IMF, tt).
Like the WTO accession, China was tested for its
commitment and statements to the non-
confrontational approach of CPR, among others.
This is because China became a country accused by
the United States. In the interview with
therealnews.com, they said: “The law is clear. If
China is manipulating its currency, then you're
supposed to designate them. Other than the fact that
that would make them really mad, and they are
cheating less, why haven't you carried out an
existing law in designating China as a currency
manipulator?” (Desvarieux, 2014)
This challenge strengthened when the United
States became the only country that could determine
the progress of the Reformation by having a de facto
veto. The 3rd Article of Agreement in the 2nd
paragraph states that "An eighty-five percent
majority of the total voting power shall be required
for any change in quotas" (IMF, tt). While the
United States had 17.46 percent of the vote, the
United States did not ratify the outcome of the IMF
Reform until there was an emergence of non-
confrontational reactions from various members of
the IMF, including Japan. Japan wanted a reformed
design without including the US as an anchor of this
decision (Arifin, 2004). This decision referred to an
314
interim solution or an interim step. As expressed by
Taro Aso, Japan's representative at the IMF: “On
strengthening the IMF’s financial resources, the
2010 Reforms are the one and only existing package
that was agreed upon by all member countries, and
its realisation is critical... Japan firmly believes that
it is critical that the quota shares of members under
the “interim solution” should be implemented within
the vicinity of the final results of the 2010 Reforms”
(Aso, 2013)
Despite the confrontational situation, IMF's
reaction was finally inaugurated on 26th January
2016, with the results of the reform as planned and
approved by the United States on 18th December
2015. With the implementation of the IMF Reform,
it becomes to know how China got through the
confrontational situations and helped the IMF
reform succeed despite the fact that CPR is still
being implemented. While China itself has its own
complexities when regulating its economy as China
has one currency, with two different values for the
onshore renminbi and offshore renminbi due to its
semi-open policy, China is also often accused of
manipulating currency values to increase the
competitive level of trade. In addition to this, up
until 2014, China had never released any of its
economic data including interest rates, inflation and
capital development and lastly, China also has
control of foreign and local companies within its
territory.
2 RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
2.1 Role-Bargaining Theory
In discussing the problems encountered before, the
authors have adopted the theories offered by Kai He
and Stephen Walker in their research titled "Role
Bargaining Strategies for China Peaceful Rise". It
describes China's accession to the WTO. If the IMF
accuses China of being a country that manipulates
the value of its currency, then the WTO of Tiongkok
can be accused of frequent dumping. Based on the
similarity of this context, the author adopted the
theory of role bargaining as a lens through which to
see the application of CPR in the IMF reform. In
international relations, the theory of rational
bargaining suggests that a bargain between countries
is a determination of war and peace (Tingley, 2013).
In theory, it explains the two barriers that affect the
success of bargaining in overcoming problems of
information and commitment. Information problems
are defined as the circumstances where there is

asymmetric information in the process of bargaining
between several countries (Tingley, 2013). The
commitment issue occurs because the country makes
a dubious promise that is to be kept in a certain
period of time caused by the overtime changes of the
initial incentive (He & Walker, 2005). Furthermore,
the rational bargaining theory suggests two
strategies to overcome the problem of cost signalling
and self-restraint. The cost signalling strategy shows
that the actor incurs costs related to the desired
proposal that is put forward to the other actors,
especially when it is to a superior country given its
position in an international system (Sulivan, 2014).
In self-restraint, the actors invite agencies to monitor
the issues and release the results to the international
community (He and Walker, 2005).
Meanwhile, role theory initially shows that
everyone plays a particular role in society and the
society functions as a network of individual roles.
Role theory further focuses on the convergence or
different conceptions of the role of the agents
against the expectations of the role of other agents.
This is as well as the demands of the system. When
analysing an actor and the role that they want to
achieve, there are three factors to note (Drezner,
2010). First, the agent (Chinese) needs to define its
new role through its own conception, which is what
China wants to do in the international community.
Secondly, there is China's expected role according to
other agencies (other countries). Third, is the 'role
demands' system from the international community
to China. When it comes to making credible
demands and legitimising them, role theory provides
two role-diversification and alter-casting strategies.
The role-diversification strategy is the strategy used
to vary the actors according to their role inside and
outside of international organisations in order to gain
better acceptance opportunities from other countries
(He and Walker, 2005). The second strategy is alter-
casting. It can be used by rising powers to make real
and legitimised role demands (He and Walker,
2005). Alter-casting shows the weak actors in the
international system.
2.2 The Implementation of Role-
Bargaining Theory in the IMF
Reform
There are two costly sacrifices that are being
pursued by China during the IMF reforms. The first
aimed to assist the IMF in helping the member
countries during the 2008 crisis and the second is
related to the costs incurred while carrying out
China's economic reforms. The IMF estimated that
The Implementation of China Peaceful Rise in The IMF Reform
US and European banks lost more than $1 trillion in
assets from bad loans between January 2007 and
September 2009. The loss is estimated to be $2.8
trillion between 2007 and 2010. US bank losses
were estimated to be $1 trillion and European bank
losses reached $1.6 trillion; The IMF estimated that
in 2009, US banks lost about 60% of their total cash
reserves and British and Euro-area banks lost about
40% (Reurters.com, tt). Upon this occurrence, in
April 2009 at the G-20 Summit in Pittsburgh, the
UK G-20 leaders committed to increasing the Fund's
basic resources of USD $500 billion to help
countries hit by the crisis. After the outcome of the
first meeting, the IMF issued bonds for sale to
member countries. China became the first buyer of
the bond by purchasing the equivalent of $50 billion
(New York Times, 2009). In making this decision,
China chose to announce it together with the BRICS
countries (Brazil, Russia China, South Africa) in the
G-20 forum in 2009, and stated that they will donate
funds to the IMF through a mechanism that allows
for the temporary purchase of IMF bonds. BRICS
raised the IMF capital by adding US $150 billion
through bond purchases, with China giving the
biggest amount of USD $50 billion. Other countries
each bought US $25 billion. China also took the
unusual step of paying for the IMF bonds with
payments of 341.2 billion yuan instead of dollars, as
used for most trades and other foreign transactions
(Glosny, 2010).
In the domestic realm, China helped to reform its
market as a way to adapt to the economic system
offered by the IMF. Starting from 2005, Wen Jiabao,
in his meeting with the US delegation, stated his
intention to reform the renminbi currency. On July
21st 2007, the People's Bank of China, the central
bank of China, announced that the Chinese currency,
RMB, would trade at a rate of 8.1 per US dollar.
Renminbi anchors on USD, diverted to a basket of
foreign currency managed on the basis of supply and
demand (China Embassy.org, tt). In May 2007,
China expanded the daily trading band of renminbi
against the dollar to 0.5 percent from 0.3 percent
(Qing and Magnowski, 2012). In July 2008, China's
central bank effectively pegged the renminbi against
the dollar at 6.83 to help its economic rise through
the worst global financial crisis. In July 2009, China
took a step towards internationalising the renminbi
by launching a pilot program that allowed selected
Chinese regions to pay imports and exports with the
renminbi. In June 2010, China continued the reform
of the renminbi exchange rate and increased its
currency flexibility, which effectively permeated the
two-year anchorage against the dollar imposed
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
during the global financial crisis. In February 2012,
the renminbi reached a record high of 6.2884 per
dollar. In March 2012, China increased its efforts to
internationalise the renminbi by allowing all
companies in the country to pay their imports and
exports in renminbi '; In April 2012, China expanded
its trading band for the renminbi against the dollar to
1 percent up from 0.5 percent (Qing and
Magnowski, 2012). Due to the reforms in the
renminbi currency, China cannot manage its
finances at a low value without IMF approval. This
is related to the IV article agreement. The value of
the renminbi itself experienced a natural
appreciation of about 25 percent to the dollar
(brookings.edu, tt). The value of the appreciation
continued into 2014. Between 2008 and 2011,
China's trade surplus fell by almost half from $298
billion to $155 billion. The IMF, in 2015, declared
its currency to be "fairly valued" and in that year, the
IMF no longer accepted there as being problems
between the US and China. This was announced on
the official website of the IMF. In addition to a
reduction in the trade surplus, China also spent USD
$94 billion in reserves to keep its currency in August
2015, and its total reserves fell by about USD $400
billion from year-on-year usage and peaked a year
ago (reuters.com, tt).
China strongly opposed the surveillance decision
in 2006, as stated by the Governor of PBoC in an
inter-IMF committee meeting stating that "in
strengthening surveillance, the Fund should be
realistic and not overestimate the role of exchange
rates. Biased advice would damage the Fund's role in
safeguarding global economic and financial
stability". In 2012, China experienced a drastic
change in attitude toward its oversight function. At
the IMF Annual Meeting in 2012, Yi Gang, the
alternate IMF Governor Council for China, accepted
both bilateral and multilateral surveillance which
was then called integrated surveillance through its
statement as follows: “We welcome the adoption of
the Integrated Surveillance Decision by the IMF, as
a step in a positive direction to enhancing the
effectiveness of Fund surveillance through the better
integration of bilateral and multilateral surveillance,
together with a broadened focus on macroeconomic
policies” (Qu, tt)
The second monitor was invited by the Chinese
government directly in order to apply renminbi as
SDR basket currency. In 2006 at the IMF spring
meeting, the Governor of the People's Bank of
China, Zhou Xiaochuan, remarked on the need for
reforms in the currency reserve of SDR. At the IMF
in March 2015, Li Keqianag asked the IMF to put
316
the renminbi into the basket of SDR as follows:
“China hoped to, through the SDR, play an active
role in international cooperation to maintain
financial stability and promote the further opening of
China’s capital market and financial area. China will
push forward financial reform for the real economy
and the prevention of risk. China will develop
private, small and medium banks to provide better
support for small businesses.” (Gang, 2012)
To be a contributor of the renminbi currency in
the SDR basket, China needs to meet two general
criteria: 1) the exported currency being proposed
must be the currency with the greatest export value,
and 2) it must be free-usable, i.e. there is the use of
the currency widely in international transactions and
in foreign exchange trading by other countries in the
international currency market through the
assessment of the Executive Board as well as the
IMF board (IMF, tt). In the first criterion, China has
become an active country in international trade. The
IMF's board of directors and executive directors
noted that the ranking of the largest exporters
remained unchanged since the last review in 2005.
China has recorded an increase in world trade, such
as imported product figures from ASEAN member
countries of 33.1 percent, Japan by 27.3 percent,
India by 80 percent, the EU by 28 percent and the
US by 31.8 percent and an overall increase in world
trade between 7.7 percent and 10.5 percent (IMF,
2010). The second criterion is still encountering
problems. In 2010, the Executive Board undertook
an SDR assessment and concluded that four
currencies (U.S. dollars, euros, yen, and pounds)
remain the currencies in the SDR basket. At that
time, Chinese yuan was not considered to be used
freely and needed to reform the policy. Over 5 years,
China has become a country monitored in the
context of both fiscal and monetary policy, by the
IMF, specifically to meet the criteria of having a free
usable currency.
During China's monitoring, there were at least 7
successful financial reforms and capital controls
executed in China (IMF, tt). The first increase of the
“klirink” bank quotas for offshore exchanges was in
accordance with the value of the onshore interest
rate. Secondly, the corporate cross-border cash
pooling arrangement was expanded. The third was
when the Chinese authorities also recapitalised the
data based on the liquidity of their currencies by
introducing an average amount for the reserves in
each bank operating in China. The fourth was on
September 23rd, 2015. PBoC approved the issuance
of RMB securities by foreign financial institutions in
the inter-bank bond market of China. Fifth, a cross-

border inter-bank payment system was launched in
October 2015. The new system provides an efficient
platform to clarify and finalise cross-border RMB
payments, and ultimately, also provides access to
offshore transactions. Furthermore, PBoC liberalises
the overall domestic interest rate. The full
liberalisation was announced on October 23rd, 2015
and resumed in August, with a ceiling of the one-
year time deposit interest rate removed later in June.
Major banks were allowed to issue negotiable
deposit certificates to household agencies and non-
financial corporations with a 'market price' and
annual target quotas. Finally, there was the opening
of access for reserve managers and their agents to
domestic fixed income and foreign exchange (FX)
markets, now fully implemented. Separately,
Chinese authorities have also made important strides
in data acquisition and disclosure. While not a
formal criterion for currency inclusion in SDR
baskets, the currency publishers generally meet the
high data transparency standards. The Chinese
Authority in 2015 took several steps forward in this
area, including (i) announcing their subscription to
the IMF's Special Data Dissemination Standard; (ii)
issuing quarterly real levels of real GDP for the first
time; (iii) following the monitors in the trade of
goods and services and currency trading by COFER,
which is the Currency Composition of Official
Foreign Exchange Reserves reports (for the first
time including the composition of currencies). They
are committed to improving; (iv) reporting data for
the first time to BIS on any international banking
liabilities, and also confirming their intention to join
the international banking statistics in December
2015 (IMF, tt).
There are two methods of applying role
diversification in the IMF reform. The first is the
implementation of the internal structure of the IMF
and second, is the external application of the IMF
reform. Implementation in the internal structure of
the IMF is done through the utilisation of the Chair
of the Executive Director and external managerial
candidates through BRICS and G-20 in 2011. China
has one executive director's seat, allowing them to
choose the equivalent of one-seat states. After his
visit to Beijing, Lagarde listened to China's wishes
in his nomination. Lagarde, in Beijing, the last tour
of his world tour, sought support for his IMF's
candidacy. He said that he supported the decision to
increase China's voting rights in the IMF from 3.65
percent up to 6.4 percent, and he also said that the
organisation would help Beijing to internationalise
the yuan currency (chinadaily.com, tt). After
speaking with Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan
The Implementation of China Peaceful Rise in The IMF Reform
and central bank chief Zhou Xiaochuan at the
meeting, Lagarde signalled that there was room for
further reforms at the IMF to provide greater
economic levels.
Following the election, Lagarde appointed two
Chinese deputies, Zhu Min and Zhang Tao, and took
Lin Jianhai on as general secretary. Not only that,
Lagarde actively pressed the US for the ratification
of the results of the IMF reform as follows: “The
2010 governance and quota reform is an absolute
must. It has to be implemented and everybody
knows that it is currently stuck before the US
Congress. Now this should not have happened. [The
reform] was due in 2012, and it was overdue in
2014. I strongly hope that under President [Barack]
Obama’s leadership, with the right understanding of
the parties involved.” (Giles, 2014)
In relation to the external actors, China also used
its role as a G-20 member country and BRICS to
fight for IMF reform. In July 2015, during the
seventh BRICS Summit, Chinese President Xi
Jinping issued a statement that BRICS members
should keep pushing with events for the realisation
of the IMF reforms. One way of doing this is by
increasing the representation and unity of both
BRICS members and developing countries. In
addition to BRICS members, China also approved
and encouraged G-20 members to support the IMF's
reform discourse. China's active role in stimulating
the IMF's reform discourse in the G20 can be seen in
the 7th G20 Summit of 2005 in Xianghe. At the
same time, President Hu Jintao also called for
respecting and understanding different development
models in different countries at the forum.
Furthermore, in 2010, the Governor of the People's
Bank of China, Zhou Xiaochuan, at the G20 Summit
in Seoul, also publicly stated that the outcome of the
IMF reform will not only benefit China, but also
developing countries which have been under-
represented while undergoing significant economic
development at a global level. From these meetings,
the G20 members agreed, in some respects, on
improvising the governance structure of the IMF.
First, should be the transfer at least 5% of the votes
from over-represented countries to under-
represented countries (Kirton, 2016). Second, the
next general quota review should be sped up. Third,
would be the disconnection of the election of the
IMF regional executive director. Fourth, would be
putting forward sound and quota reforms.
There were two applications of Chinese alter
casting in the IMF Reform using different platforms.
The first is at the annual and spring meetings and the
second is at the bilateral US and Chinese
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
negotiations. At the annual meeting and in spring
2006, China advised on the implementation of a
medium term strategy that was the forerunner of the
IMF Reform to help legitimise the IMF that failed to
overcome the crisis from 1997 at the 2007 annual
meeting. China suggested a quota calculation with a
PPP indicator (Purchasing Power Parity), linking it
as a solution representing emerging countries that
constituted 80% of IMF members in 2008. China
advised on adding a 5.4% quota, adding to the
representation of poor countries and the seat of the
executive director for Africa (IMFC, 2008). In 2009,
China again gave advice, this time with the
suggestion of the implementation of the merit-based
system. This refers to the position of the managing
director from the beginning of the formation of IMF
when it was occupied by the Europeans. In 2010,
China called on member countries and developed
IMF Reforms that benefit all parties. This refers to
the 2008 crisis that hit the countries of Europe and
the US. With the IMF reforms, Tionkok, along with
other developing countries, can help developed
countries to restore their economic markets while for
developing countries, the IMF reforms allow them to
get a bigger vote for decisions undertaken by the
IMF. For IMF itself, its legitimacy can be better
backed. In 2011, China also put forward a similar
invitation for the solution of the crisis as being the
IMF Reform. In 2012, with a call to help a country
still affected by the crisis in 2014, China invited the
US to ratify the legitimacy and credibility of the
IMF (IMF, tt).
Two months before the US ratification decision
relating to IMF reforms on 18th December 2015,
President Xi Jinping paid a visit to the United States
to discuss matters relating to the relationship
between the two countries. Both countries agreed to
ensure that there was an inclusive, robust and ever-
increasing international economic architecture to
address current and future challenges. As for the
IMF-related reforms, China and the U.S. committed
to strengthening their cooperation at the IMF and to
continue improving the IMF quota and governance
structure (usa.chinadaily.com, 2015). China and the
United States were committed to strengthening their
cooperation at the IMF and continued to improve the
IMF quota structure and governance. The US is
committed to implementing the IMF 2010 quotas
and government reforms as soon as possible and also
seek to reaffirm that quota distributions should
continue to shift to emerging markets involving
dynamic and developing countries to better reflect
the relative weight of IMF members in the world
economy. In addition, the US welcomed China's
318
commitment to releasing their economic data
following the IMF Special Data Dissemination
Standard (SDDS) at the end of the year and further
welcomed China's efforts to continue to improve
transparency.
3 CONCLUSION
From the above descriptions, the authors conclude
that there have been at least eight attempts by China
to assist in generating IMF reforms through four
efforts to adjust the IMF requirements and four
negotiation efforts outlined through the role of
bargaining theory. First is by changing the attitude
of the IMF monitors, second is by inviting the IMF
monitors directly, the third helps the IMF to provide
funds for the crisis-affected countries of 2008, the
fourth matches money and capital markets in a free-
usable and wide-usable form, the fifth is by choosing
Christine Lagarde as the managing director and
helping to pressure the US, the sixth is by letting the
voice of the IMF reform be heard within BRICS and
G20, the seventh is by emphasising on the mutual
benefits at the IMF's annual and spring meetings and
last, is by negotiating directly with the US. After all
of these efforts have been made by China for them
to get the legitimacy of its position as the third
largest IMF shareholder country validated. This is
evidenced by the recognition of the US and IMF
concerning the negotiations being undertaken by
China.
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Desvarieux, Jessica. “China-U.S. Rivalry Front and Center Qu, Bo. “Dynamic Engagement : China ’ S Preference to
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 International Environmental Non-Government Organization
(IENGO) Diplomacy in Emerging Countries
The Cases of China, Brazil, and Indonesia

Irfa Puspitasari1, Masitoh Nur Rohma2, Kartika Yustina Mandala Putri3, Dinis Cahyaningrum4
1
Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
1Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
1Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
1Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia

irfa.puspitasari@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: International Environment Non-Government Organization (IENGO), diplomacy, Indonesia, China, Brazil.

Abstract: The International Environmental Non-Governmental Organisation (IENGO) has become increasingly
influential since the Rio Jeneiro conference in 1992. This paper seeks to investigate the pattern of NGO
diplomacy in three countries, namely China, Brazil and Indonesia. Transnational advocacy networks apply
boomerang pattern strategies to pressure governments by carrying out information politics, symbolic
politics, political leverage and accountability politics. This strategy is also implemented by environmental
NGO networks, for example, to drive a soy moratorium in Brazil aimed at mitigating the deforestation of
the Amazonian rainforest. In one of the cases in Indonesia, the barriers to cooperation between the
government and NGOs, as well as differences in the values and information held between the respective
global and local perspectives involved in conservation management, resulted in unjust conservation policies.

1 INTRODUCTION Bamidele-Izu, 2002). Some of the roles played by

NGO in the Global Environment Governance
Studies regarding compliance alongside the current (Gemmill & Bamidele-Izu) include expert advice
environmental condition state that democracy can and analysis, intellectual competition against the
provide more freedom for NGOs, enabling the government, the mobilisation of public opinion,
organisation to establish its formation and to representation for the voiceless, service provisions,
strengthen transnational coalitions in order to monitoring and assessments, and the legitimisation
influence governmental compliance efforts toward of global-scale decision-making mechanisms.
international agreements (Jacobson & Weiss, 1998). Betsill limits the definition of NGO influence in
The recognition of the legitimacy of NGOs by the terms of international negotiations into two
United Nations has made it easier for it to move dimensions:
within an international scope and this also facilitates  The way NGO diplomats communicate with
the position of NGO Diplomacy in international other actors during the negotiation process,
negotiations. NGO’s diplomacy efforts are reflected and
in its varied activities, ranging from the most subtle,  Behaviour changes from the actors in response
namely care and welfare, to the more provocative to the communications.
ones aiming to achieve change and development
(Ball & Leith, t.t). The recognition of NGO in To analyse the first dimension, identifying the
international relations has contributed to various specific content in the NGO’s communications with
roles related to the establishment of environmental other actors should be carried out, while the second
policies. People are beginning to realise that to come dimension can be analysed by evaluating the
up with an effective global action requires the achievement of the NGO’s objectives and
involvement of stakeholders in policy establishment identifying the response of the other actors
and their international implementation (Gemmill & according to their behaviour changes.

320
Puspitasari, I., Rohma, M., Putri, K. and Cahyaningrum, D.
International Environmental Non-Government Organization (IENGO) Diplomacy in Emerging Countries - The Cases of China, Brazil, and Indonesia.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 320-324
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 International Environmental Non-Government Organization (IENGO) Diplomacy in Emerging Countries - The Cases of China, Brazil, and
2 DISCUSSIONS
2.1 Greenpeace and Brazil’s Soy
Moratorium
With the deforestation issue and the power
concentrated in the domestic government as the
starting points, the role of Greenpeace as an NGO
has emerged. Greenpeace, in collaboration with
local communities in the Amazon, has performed its
investigations since 1998. In 2004, Greenpeace
began documenting the impact of industry
emergence on the destruction of the Amazon
rainforest, especially in the Santarem region,
published in a report entitled Eating Up Amazon.
Initially, Greenpeace took note of the soy export
data to Liverpool in 2005 from the port of Santarém,
Brazil; 340,000 tons, with the other ports in Brazil
not included. Greenpeace then investigated soy
exports and it was determined that it was not only
Liverpool, but also Amsterdam, which had become
the two biggest soy importing cities. Soy is used as
livestock feed and is considered to be cheap with
sufficient nutrition. The increasing level of soy
exporting through Santarém resulted in the
conclusion by Greenpeace that the establishment of
Cargill in Santarém and of farmers in the
surrounding areas was closely related to soy
production and Amazon rainforest deforestation.
Europe is heavily dependent on soy imports for its
livestock production. This makes Europe a soy
importer, bringing in both seeds and the pulp. Brazil
replaced the United States as the world's largest soy
exporter in 2003, and in 2004, Brazil made up 63%
of the European Union countries’ total soy imports
(Dros, 2004). The soy trade chain is global; exported
in the form of soybeans or as livestock feed. Soy and
soy-based products have connected producers,
traders, and crushers in Latin America to the
crushers, food industries, livestock industries,
slaughterhouses and retailers in the United States, as
well as to European consumers (ISTA &
Hadiprayitno, 2010).
On April 6th, 2006, the same day as the
publication of the Eating Up Amazon report, several
groups of people dressed in large chicken costumes
and entered McDonald's in seven major cities in the
UK (Eisenberg, 2006). It was a protest against food
producers; chickens symbolise the livestock which
consumed soy as the result of deforestation.
Greenpeace is targeting the cessation of the
Amazonian deforestation. This demands cooperation
from the companies involved in the food chain to
commit to boycotting soy deforestation products.
Indonesia
One of the voluntary commitments proposed by
Greenpeace was the Soy Moratorium, which is a
mechanism to monitor and evaluate soy plantations
in the Amazon. The Soy Working Group is a
monitoring mechanism that was established as a
result of the Soybean Moratorium.
In its initial campaign, Greenpeace proposed the
idea of establishing a working group consisting of
soy traders, producers, NGOs and the government to
come up with an action plan. Greenpeace’s
advocacy in relation to mobilising the public opinion
is comprehensive as it does not only involve support
from the community and the consumers, but it also
brings in the local producers.
Greenpeace invited a number of companies with
large purchasing power, such as Cargill, ADM,
Bunge, Dreyfus and Amaggi, to attend and negotiate
together about the threat posed to the survival of the
Amazon rainforest (Greenpeace, 2006).
Greenpeace's proposal received support from WWF,
which considers that the circulation of soy farming
businesses can be safe if accompanied by transparent
land use planning, supervision and government
policy support.
The willingness of McDonald’s to cooperate
with Greenpeace constituted a turning point for
Greenpeace’s diplomatic power. By cooperating
with McDonald’s as a representation of large food
companies, it became easier for Greenpeace to gain
support from other food companies. This is proven
by the support of Alpro, ASDA (Wal-Mart), El
Corte Inglés, Lidl, Marks & Spencer, Morrisons,
Ritter-Sport, Sainbury's, Tegut, Tesco and Waitrose.
Alongside this increasing support, Cargill and other
companies, which are members of ABIOVE and
ANEC as soy trading companies, were forced to
evaluate their production system. The willingness of
McDonald’s became an entry point to the
negotiation agenda.
The approval of the Soy Moratorium in July
2006 by ABIOVE and ANEC was unpredictable. In
October 2006, the Soy Working Group was
established to ensure the implementation of the
moratorium consisting of soy companies,
environmental NGOs and civil society groups. Upon
the achievement of the Soy Moratorium agreement
in July 2006 and the establishment of the Soy
Working Group in October 2006, a meeting between
the representatives of the Brazilian Government and
the Soy Working Group was held in April 2007. The
Brazilian government was represented by Dilma
Rousseff, the Chief of Staff, responsible for the
implementation of the National Plan against
Deforestation.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs

2.2 NGO’s Boomerang Pattern
Strategy in Influencing China’s
Position in relation to the
Construction of the Three Gorges
Dam in 2000
A massive petition was held focused on requesting
compensation for the construction of TGD, resulting
in the imprisonment of the petition perpetrators by
the Chinese government. He Kechang, Ran
Chongxin, Jiang Qingshan, and We Dingchun have
been detained by the Chinese government since
March 2001 due to the petition that they led (Friends
of the Earth, 2002). Amnesty International took part
in the demand to free the four Chinese citizens and
to ensure their access to their families, doctors and
lawyers regarding their case.
Attempts to prevent the government from
building the dam was supported by academics and
experts including hydrologists, historians and
environmentalists. Student organisations even
attempted to build a diaspora and international
network.
On the international scale, various protests
emerged. These protests included a coalition of US
wilderness observers and a lawsuit in the United
States district court to block the participation of two
federal agencies in contributing to the planning and
construction of the TGD. (Zhu, t.t). In addition,
more than 60 environmental groups worldwide sent
a letter of protest to the Canadian Prime Minister for
his financial support toward the TGD’s development
(Probe International, 2008).
On March 25th-27th, 1999, Chinese President,
Jiang Zemin paid a visit to Switzerland in
connection with the TGD. A few days prior to his
arrival, Amnesty International, the Berne
Declaration, and several human rights groups held a
march and sent an open letter to the Chinese
president stating their strong opposition to the
involvement of companies, banks and the Swiss
government in the TGD project.
Friends of the Earth managed to convince the
U.S. Export-Import Bank not to fund the TGD
project (Beijing Energy Efficiency Center, n.d).
Friends of the Earth also assisted Chinese anti-dam
groups, allowing them to gain more publicity in
domestic China. This allowed them to obtain
representation in environmental and social projects
and to provide guidance to the government staff on
the potential impact of the dam’s construction. The
same action was performed by the International
Rivers Network. On May 1996, the U.S Export-
Import Bank eventually issued a statement that they
would not provide a warranty to the US companies
wishing to establish contracts in the TGD project.
The success of International Rivers Network in
lobbying the U.S. Export-Import Bank did not affect
the companies that dominated the TGD’s funding,
namely Chinese International Capital Corporations.
Approximately 35 percent of the funds in the
Chinese International Capital Corporations
controlled by the TGD project were owned by
Morgan Stanley. The International Rivers Network
finally decided to walk out of the negotiation
process and declare a boycott of the customer
service of Chinese International Capital
Corporations.
The interaction between the pro-dam and anti-
dam sides resulted in a network that had the
potential to influence the Chinese government's
political policies.
Figure 1: MSG’s Boomerang Pattern Strategy
China joined the WCD membership as an
attempt to follow some of the international
development standards. China's adjustment to the
standards set by WCD in relation to the dam
construction process reflected China's position,
which began to change. China's membership in the
international community was at a crucial point,
given how the state viewed the dam’s development
through an international viewpoint. The government
agreed to make improvements in the calculation of
economic risks based upon the results of an
evaluation conducted by WCD (Allin, 2004).
Moreover, the Chinese government was also willing
to conduct a basic watershed ecosystem survey,
which was initially not a concern of the Chinese
government. Economic risk calculations and a basic

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 International Environmental Non-Government Organization (IENGO) Diplomacy in Emerging Countries - The Cases of China, Brazil, and
watershed ecosystem survey were attempts made by
the Chinese government to create a win-win solution
between its economic interests and environmental
sustainability.
2.3 NGO and Conservation in
Indonesia
Cooperation was established between the Indonesian
government through the Directorate General of
Forest Protection and Nature Conservation and The
Nature Conservancy (TNC) through a memorandum
of understanding (MoU), number
4578/IV.Sek/PA/02 on the assignment of TNC
assisting the Komodo National Park in carrying out
conservation and community empowerment around
the Komodo National Park area.
Figure 2: Timeline of TNC in Komodo National Park
The achievement of this collaboration was in the
form of a tourism concession company that was a
Joint Venture of ‘PT. Putri Naga Komodo’ (PNK).
In the Joint Venture, 60% of its funding came from
TNC and 40% came from the Indonesian tourism
company, PT Jaytasha Putrindo Utama (JPU). The
Joint Venture set out to increase the tourism
infrastructure by collecting tourism revenues of
which some was used for Komodo National Park
management. Furthermore, some of the revenue was
used to fund community development programs. The
Joint Venture was summarised in a document called
the Komodo Collaborative Management Initiative
(KCMI) (Fajarudin, 2009).
The World Bank, the Global Environmental
Facility (GEF) and The Nature Conservancy
provided US $10 million over a seven-year period to
cover the initial cost, as well as the operational and
management costs of the national park. During this
period, Komodo National Park generated ecotourism
revenue for management and the district, provincial
and central government revenue was nearly US $8
million. By the end of the seventh year, Komodo
National Park was expected to be financially
Indonesia
independent in order to generate an operating budget
of US $2 million/year.
Tension came from the envious officers of the
Komodo National Park regarding the involvement of
the TNC staff, considered to be new parties in the
area. This was worsened by the TNC personnel
earning a higher income. Problems among the
leaders also caused the performance of TNC to
decline, which eventually caused tension, namely
the worsening relationship between the head of
Komodo National Park and the leader of TNC. This
lead to several of the programs proposed by TNC
not getting approval. In addition, problems with the
TNC’s leader caused delays in funding and delays in
realising activities, which resulted in increased
tension within the community.
This triggered an increasingly complicated
conflict. It caused the government to heavily
highlight the existence of TNC as one of the
stakeholders and the founder of PNK. At the same
time, it highlighted its position as an NGO, which in
accordance with the Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU), meant that it was not allowed to profit from
its operations (Agroindonesia, 2009).
When TNC conducted fish cultivation in Loh
Mbongi, TNC handed over the facility to PT.
Keramba to manage. In accordance with the MoU,
Loh Mbongi was a local asset, so it should be
handed over to the local government (Pos Kupang,
2006). By transforming itself into PT. PNK, TNC
was violating the MoU (Amiwijaya, 2003).
People were marginalised in their own area.
People were oppressed due to the existing
regulations and they felt disadvantaged. They
considered TNC to be responsible for a situation that
harmed the community. Security operations were
carried out by TNC in the Komodo National Park
area. This safeguarding approach was considered to
be a repressive method, since there were many cases
of fisherman being shot dead in the Komodo
National Park area without the incidences being
legally resolved.
In the Komodo National Park Management
Planning, it was explained that zoning must be
approved by the community and the related
authorities (The Directorate General of Marine and
Fisheries Resource Surveillance). However, TNC
was considered to have taken shortcuts when setting
the zoning policy, without consent from the local
community and with a lack of socialisation. The
TNC programs that were socialised are not well-
implemented. It was often delayed in that TNC was
considered to have deceived the community.
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
3 CONCLUSION
Various studies regarding NGOs in Brazil, China
and Indonesia show that as a non-state organisation,
NGO has an influence related to its access to
funding as well as its influence as a transnational
advocacy network. The presence of NGO can
provide benefits in terms of democratisation, but at
the same time, it can also be a threat to the economy
of the local community and also weaken the position
of the state as the primary policy maker. In the case
of Brazil, Greenpeace was even able to change the
state’s policy. In the case of China, the NGO had an
influence, as it established a transnational advocacy
network despite its scope. In the case of Indonesia,
the existence of the NGO colonised the local
community interests and minimised the authority of
the state as a manager.
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http://agroindonesia.co.id/2009/09/14/pemerintah-
sorot-tnc-di-komodo (diakses pada 29 Juli 2014)
Aileen Eisenberg, Greenpeace Defends Amazon
Rainforest Against McDonald’s,
nvdatabase.swarthmore.edu/content/greenpeace-
defends-amazon-rainforest-against-mcdonalds-others-
2006 [diakses pada 25 Maret 2015]
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of NGOs and Civil Society in Global Environment
Governance,” ed. Daniel C. Esty dan Maria H.
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(Yale: Yale Center for Environmental Law and Policy,
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PRACTICE. (London: The Commonwealth
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Komodo. (Flores : PT Putri Naga Komodo, 2009)
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Veto to Proposition” Revista Brasileira de Politica
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 The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic
Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas Movement

Ahmed Al Madani and Muhamad Muttaqien

Department of International Relations, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya, Indonesia
m.muttaqien@fisip.unair.ac.id

Keywords: Iranian Nuclear File, Hamas, Arab Spring, Palestinian Issue.

Abstract: The relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas movement varies according
to the nature of Iranian and Hamas behaviour when dealing with regional events in particular. Sometimes we
can see the relationship between the two sides warm when events occur inside Palestinian territories, and
sometimes we see normal relations between the two parties in the case of temporary stability inside the
Palestinian territories. Sometimes there is a bad relationship between Iran and Hamas, especially when it
comes to regional events in the Middle East. The methodology was based on Iranian-Hamas behaviour toward
the events in the Middle East and has been used to try to predict the future relationship between both sides.
Through the principle of predictability in international relations, this article argues the options related to the
relationship between Iran and Hamas especially with regard to their mutual interest, and the impact of these
options on the way Iran will deal with the Palestinian issues.

1 INTRODUCTION willing to help the Palestinian people achieve the goal

The Islamic Republic of Iran has helped the
Palestinian Hamas movement since the establishment
of Hamas in Palestinian territories. There was a
political vision shared by the two sides on issues
related to the Palestinian regional and international
situation, but with the beginning of the Arab Spring
revolutions, especially in the Syrian Arab Republic,
the relationship between Iran and Hamas began to be
affected by political positions not agreed upon by the
two parties. This led to the emergence of fundamental
differences between Iran and Hamas at the regional
and Arab levels, which in turn alerted the Palestinian
Hamas movement to the nature of Iranian behaviour
in the region of the Middle East and why Iran is
interested in the Palestinian cause.
The emergence of the axis of resistance as the axis
of the Shiite community raised the alarm of the
Palestinian Hamas movement, in addition to the
presence of another axis - the axis of moderation,
namely Arab-style Sunni’s led by Saudi Arabia,
Egypt and Jordan. This also had an impact on the
Palestinian Hamas movement, through attempts by
the countries of the axis of Arab moderation to attract
movement. Hamas is trying to balance all parties
of establishing a Palestinian state.
There are specific determinants for both the
Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas
movement. Both parties are trying to achieve their
objectives based on these determinants and are trying
to find the parameters agreed upon by the two parties
to achieve their common objectives, whether locally,
regionally or internationally. Iranian and Hamas
behavior toward the common determinants and the
work to achieve them is complex; therefore the article
has presented a clear explanation for the common
interests and their impact on the Palestinian issue
(Thomson, 2017).
2 DETERMINANTS OF THE
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE
PALESTINIAN HAMAS
MOVEMENT
Based on the ideological determinants, the political
determinants of Hamas are defined at the external
level and can be summarized in several points:
 The Israeli occupation is the only enemy of the
Palestinian people and its resistance forces,

325
Al Madani, A. and Muttaqien, M.
The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas Movement.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 325-331
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
including Hamas. Its hostility stems from the
fact that it occupies Palestinian territories and
violates the rights of the Palestinian people.
The movement therefore has no problem in
dealing with any regional or international party.
Israel has occupied Palestinian territories and
destroyed Palestinian life, causing the
displacement of refugees. Hamas are
welcoming any support or help to end the
occupation and to achieve the concept of the
Palestinian state.
 The Palestinian Hamas movement has
committed itself to a policy of non-interference
in the internal affairs of countries under any
circumstances, especially in light of the Arab
revolutions that began in 2011.
 The Palestinian Hamas movement has built its
relations at both the public and official levels,
in a way that maintains its relationship with the
state and its institutions. It has established
relations at the grassroots level in recognition
of the importance of popular relations.
 The Palestinian Hamas movement operates
only in the occupied territories and is directly
present against the occupation of the land of
Palestine. Hamas does not exercise military
action against any state or territory of any state.
This policy has led to the awareness of all
regional and international parties that
resistance action against the occupation is not
an act of futility or an abstract desire to fight.
Rather, it is the performance of a national
struggle against an occupier to achieve the
political goal of establishing a Palestinian state
with Jerusalem as its capital.
 The Palestinian Hamas movement welcomes
any assistance or support in the face of Israeli
occupation from any Arab, Islamic or foreign
country provided that it does not intervene in
internal Palestinian affairs and that the support
is unconditional.
 The Palestinian Hamas movement balances its
foreign policy in relations with all countries,
whether they are Arab, Islamic or international,
so as to balance with all members of the
international community and to deliver the idea
of legitimate resistance against the Israeli
occupation to the whole world.
 At the Arab and Islamic levels, the Palestinian
Hamas movement is trying to unify the Arab
and Islamic ranks to confront the Israeli
occupation by supporting the Palestinian
people and by resisting the Israeli occupation in
all forms of peaceful resistance, both popular
326
and even armed, as well as boycotting Israeli
goods at the Arab and Islamic levels.
3 DETERMINANTS OF THE
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE
ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN
3.1 Religious and Geographical
Determinants
The Islamic revolution in Iran was based on the
religious authority in place. Religion has a prominent
role in guiding foreign policy as well as a strong role
in the social and cultural structure of Iranian society.
Khomeini considers that the best government is an
Islamic government. This credit is due to several
basic considerations identified in his book, entitled
‘Islamic government’. Regarding the application of
the provisions of Islam at all areas and levels, the
second consideration concerns the unification of
Muslims and their liberation from colonialism. On
this meaning, Khomeini has said that ‘we do not have
the means to unify the Islamic nation and to liberate
its lands from the hands of the colonists, except
through the establishment of our Islamic government’
(Khomeini, 1970).
The Iranian revolution has made political actions
linked to the attitudes of the clergy, who doubt this
dependence as a source of religious authority
deprived of any role in the political power of the
country. Pre-revolutionary clerics were reluctant and
inclined to distance themselves from political action.
Khomeini's book, ‘Wilayat al Faqih’, encouraged the
clerics to present Islam to the people in its true form
and to link Islam to all forms of life, including
political life. The slogan of the separation of religion
from politics and the demands of Islamic scholars not
to interfere in political and social affairs was spread
by colonialism (Zuwairi, 2015).
There are many voices in Iran that believe that the
Wilayat al Faqih must be given absolute authority, up
to the point of granting legitimacy to the entire
system, which is derived from a singular leader.
Moussa Ardebili stated that we must mention that the
government, the Shura Council and the government
officials are all, in fact, under the authority of the
Wilayat al Faqih. From him comes all orders and no
one shall do any action contrary to his will (ALsayed,
2016).
According to the Iranian constitution, the supreme
leader of Iran is the supreme leader of the country,
and above his post is the head of the country itself.
 The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas Movement
Some have even likened the president of Iran to the
prime minister or an actual president. This is in
accordance with the theory of "Wali al-Faqih",
adopted by Iran by Khomeini after his revolution,
which ended the regime of the Shah in 1979. He
devised a system of government not seen in the world
before, declaring clearly and through the constitution
that it aims to apply this system to all countries. Said
countries will be controlled under the name of
"Islamic Jihad" and the "Unification of the Nation"
(Amoun, 2016).
The geographical location of the Islamic Republic
of Iran is important, both politically and economically
in nature, as it links East Asia and West Asia, with
borders overlooking the Arabian Gulf as well as its
proximity to Arab countries including Iraq, Syria,
Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.
There are two major geographic regions that are
the focus of Iranian interest; the first is the Caucasus
and the Caspian Sea, Central Asia, located in northern
Iran and the second consists of the Gulf States,
located to the south. The importance of these areas for
Iran is because of the cultural heritage that they
possess, which is represented in the Shiite doctrine,
and in the economic wealth that is found in the
reserves of oil and natural gas (Awaid, 2014).
3.2 Economic Determinant
Economic self-sufficiency means that the state has
reached a stage where it does not have to extend a
request for help to rich countries in order to obtain
financial or in-kind assistance such as weapons,
aircraft etc. Thus therein is the ability of the political
system to withstand, through local production and
self-sufficiency, to produce political power in the
international community by making independent
decisions without any effect regionally or
internationally. The imbalance in this leads the state
to a cage of dependence abroad, pushing it to making
political and security concessions, which threatens
the existence of the state and independent
sovereignty.
This is what Iran is aware of. Energy is an
important element in calculating the power of the
state at the internal and external levels. It must work
seriously to provide the potential energy for life and
economic development, and to find other sources of
petroleum energy. Iran's development of a nuclear
program is one manifestation of this realization. Iran
has been able to achieve some scientific achievements
in this regard. It successfully enriched uranium using
centrifuges.
The Iranian nuclear file is one of the most
important priorities of the Islamic Republic of Iran at
the internal and external levels, especially with regard
to the axis of resistance. With the increase of the
Islamic Republic of Iran, the result is that it is seeking
to increase Iran's political power in the regional arena.
This gives strong impetus to the Palestinian Hamas
movement in the face of the Israeli occupation.
Mahmoud al-Zahar, the Hamas leader closest to Iran,
said that his movement was stronger than during the
recent Israeli war on the Gaza Strip in the summer of
2014. Zahar added that the Palestinian people would
not be broken and that they would continue to resist
the Zionist occupation until the liberation of all of
Palestine. Zahar leads the wing, whose relationship
with Iran has not dissipated even at the height of the
confusion over Hamas' position on the Syrian war,
when the movement announced a stand against Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, Iran's ally. Its offices were
closed in Damascus and moved to Qatar (Middle East
Online, 2015).
3.3 Security and Political Determinants
Iran has adopted a revolutionary foreign policy since
1979, when the ruling class at the time had a vision of
the outside world reflected in its foreign policy. This
vision was carried out with a view of international
isolation and a negative view of Iran. However, by the
end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, Iran
seemed to be more realistic in its foreign policy,
especially with the rise in real trends. As a result, Iran
sought to restructure its regional and international
relations while retaining its strategic powers. It
moved from the revolutionary role of Khomeini to a
more balanced role in international relations as the
pillar of internal revolutionary support, focusing on
peaceful diplomacy and balance in its foreign
relations. Solid and soft power, away from
sensitivities, in order to rebuild what was destroyed
by the Iraq-Iran war. Nevertheless, neighbouring
countries have continued to meet every Iranian policy
with a look of extreme suspicion and caution.
This turbulent environment has made Iran acquire
the idea of targeting it militarily in the context of what
Washington calls the axis of evil. Iran is still in its
regional and international relations with deep
mistrust. Fifteen neighbours face a tension that makes
Iran and its regional and international actors be in
permanent doubt. This will certainly be reflected in
the effectiveness of Iran's foreign policy, which is
considered to be a relative failure of its overall policy.
Iran continues to feel that it is targeted from both near
and far. This is reflected in its vision of the world,
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
which prevents a positive and constructive
interaction, which has negative repercussions on its
foreign policy system. The isolation and the threat
against Tehran has made Iran's political thinking
based on the potential of a plot, which is perhaps the
driving force behind the attempt to acquire nuclear
weapons (Estuer, 2016).
On the basis of this, the foreign policy of the
Islamic Republic of Iran was built through several
factors in the Middle East. The problem here is that
the Islamic Republic of Iran is not the only player in
the Middle East where other major countries exist
with their military bases, be they American or
Russian. It complicates the understanding of Iranian
foreign policy, but as we explained earlier, the
ideological determinant is the basis of Iran's political
system, leading to the creation of Iran's foreign policy
based on the same foundation.
3.4 The Future Roadmap for Iran-
Hamas Relations
According to the regional events that took place in the
Middle East, whether in Egypt, Syria or Yemen, the
positions of the Palestinian Hamas movement and the
Islamic Republic of Iran were not completely
identical. This indicates the independence of the
Hamas decision from any foreign intervention, even
if it is an ally and headed by the Islamic Republic of
Iran. This is problematic as we mentioned earlier,
regarding the Iranian reaction to the decisions of the
Palestinian Hamas movement.
Hassan Ahmadian, an Iranian scholar, predicted
that Hamas’s options for dealing with regional events
would be very limited. The Hamas leadership learned
that the rhetoric and philosophy of the resistance did
not conform to the priorities of the Gulf States - Saudi
Arabia and the United Arab Emirates - in the region.
It is clear that Iran has continued its rhetoric and
policies in support of the movements that adopt
armed resistance. Hence, Iran's options are limited in
its relations with Hamas (Ahmadian, 2015).
The Iranian researcher predicted that the options
of Hamas place them between the return of Hamas to
the incubator of regional resistance and to the axis of
resistance led by the Islamic Republic in Iran. The
second option is the continuation of Hamas in betting
on the replacement of Iran and its allies with other
players in the Gulf. According to the Iranian
researcher, the first option is the return of Hamas to
the axis of resistance, where he stressed that there are
indications of the weighting of this option by some
leaders of Hamas. Hamas's anti-Syrian rhetoric has
328
declined, and Hamas has rejected US military
interventions against the Syrian regime.
If Hamas is likely to deal with regional changes,
then it will have to raise the sectarian dimension that
entered its speech after the Arab Spring and to return
to emphasizing the initial discourse in resisting the
Israeli occupation. It is clear that such an option
would exclude some of the leaders who have
committed the great strategic error that brought
Hamas into the regional equations that were
indispensable, a mistake that played down Hamas
both at home and abroad. Tehran will accept this
return and will understand that Hamas is distancing
itself from the Syrian crisis and its neutrality towards
its players, and will continue to support Hamas.
The second option is the continuation of Hamas in
betting on replacing Iran and its allies with other
players in the Gulf. It is clear that these countries do
not adopt the philosophy of the particular resistance
rhetoric or policy that is aligned to the Palestinian
cause. If this option is weighted, then Hamas will
have to move gradually away from the resistance and
enter the cycle of negotiations that Fatah has entered
before and end its control over the Palestinian
decisions.
Hamas will increase the strength and voice of the
other resistance movements that will grow at the
expense of Hamas and steal the leadership position of
Hamas in the Palestinian resistance, just as happened
to the Fatah movement after offering the option of
resistance.
Hamas is expected to split into its respective
military and political wings. In this case, the gap will
be between Iran and its allies on the one hand and
Hamas on the other. Hamas will lose its unconditional
Iranian support, according to Mahmoud al-Zahar, and
in order to receive conditional support, it would lose
its independence and drag it into Fatah movement.
The third option is to continue with the oscillation
between the two options. In this case, the regional and
internal pressure on Hamas will increase, and the
disgruntled public tone of Hamas' lack of resources to
manage the sector will grow.
The researcher believes that the first option could
be a future road map for the relationship between the
Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas
movement by focusing on the Palestinian issue
without entering into regional problems. Iranian
support must be without political conditions for
Hamas. On the other hand, Hamas is trying to activate
the relationship with the Gulf States without going
into the political problems between the Gulf States
and Iran.
 The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas Movement
In a report issued by the Zaytouna Center for
Political Studies in 2014 on the future of the
relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and
the Palestinian Hamas movement (Farhana, 2014),
the report touched on points of disagreement and
agreement at the regional level between the two sides
through several key points. The most prominent areas
of agreement and cooperation between Iran and
Hamas, according to the Zaytuna Centre report were:
 The position of the Israeli occupation, the
complete liberation of Palestine and the
recognition of "Israel".
 For Iran, Hamas is a Sunni lever and a
counterbalance to Tehran in regional
geopolitics. Palestine has a central Arab and
Islamic status, thus strengthening Iran's
regional standing in the region.
 Iran's relationship with Hamas softens the
sectarian colour of Iran's regional role,
according to a wide spectrum of stakeholders
and audiences in the region. On the other hand,
Tehran is an important regional support base
for Hamas, especially in terms of logistical
support for the resistance.
 The intersection of the relationship between
Tehran, Damascus, Hamas, Hezbollah and
Islamic Jihad has, for years, been an impetus
for the resistance program and created a
regional backing for its course.
4 AREAS OF DISAGREEMENT
BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES
 The difference in sectarian colour, and their
inability to overcome it, in light of the
atmosphere of the existing sectarian
mobilization, and their inability to develop the
relationship in a similar alliance because of it.
 The sensitivity of the region, its peoples and
their political systems to the Iranian role and its
project in the region, as Hamas finds its
strategic (especially popular) backbone in the
same regional space.
 The independence of Hamas and its rejection of
the territorial subordination of any parties; in
return, there is a desire for the hegemony
inherent in a number of decision makers in Iran.
 Hamas’s sensitivity to its involvement in
regional alliances, contrasting with its strategic
vision. There is also Tehran's desire to develop
the relationship into something similar to
building a homogenous bloc in a highly
coordinated policy.
5 POSSIBLE FUTURE
RELATIONSHIP OPTIONS
Based on the political reading of the map of the
relationship between Hamas and Iran and its
intersections and contradictions, and by trying to
draw their support in the current regional scene, the
future of the relationship can be estimated as follows:
 The first option:
Relaunching the relationship, including the
return of financial and logistical support to
Hamas by Tehran.
 The second option:
Blocking of communication between the
parties, and the arrival of the relationship
between them to a state of total estrangement.
 Third option:
The communication between the two parties
stay on the level of "normal" relationship such
as relations with some countries in the region.
According to the report, the Zaytouna Centre has
stated the future relationship between Iran and
Hamas, in view of the need of the parties related to
one another, and needing to agree on a package of
common interests due to the similar geopolitical
location of each in the current regional scene. In view
of the contradictions that still exist because of the
Syrian crisis and others, as well as because Tehran is
under the microscope of the West in the course of
talks on the Iranian nuclear file, it is expected that the
relationship between the parties will be between
options 1 and 3 and any associated influencing factors
(Farhana, 2014).
According to the Future Centre for Advanced
Research and Studies, the possibility of re-launching
the relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran
and the Palestinian Hamas movement is very strong,
especially with indications of the return of Iranian-
Hamas relations (Future for Advanced Research and
Studies, 2017).
 There is an internal political trend led by Ismail
Haniyeh and Mahmoud al-Zahar, which is
likely to return to relations with Iran, through
the need to build more realistic and realistic
relations with central regional powers,
including Iran. Hamas must diversify tools at
the regional level while not placing all of its
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ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
bets on the only ally in the current complex
regional environment.
 Visiting a delegation from Hamas to Iran over
the past years, whether in 2012 or 2016,
especially with the assumptions from
Mohamed Morsi’s presidency of the Republic
in Egypt. The visits show that Hamas was keen
to take advantage of the event to move relations
forward with Iran through the presence of a
new ally of Hamas, Mohamed Mursi, which
has strained the relationship between Hamas
and Iran, but that did not have a significant
negative impact.
Iran is trying to focus once again on the
Palestinian issue through its relations with Hamas.
Iran’s aim is to restore its role in the Palestinian cause,
especially since the other regional actors are playing
an increasing part, and ensuring that they have a
pressure card that they can use when it is necessary to
serve their regional interests. Iran wants to strengthen
its current and future relations with a big Sunni
movement such as Hamas to improve its relations
with Arab and Gulf countries and to reduce the Sunni
and Arab rejection of Iranian interference in the
internal affairs of Arab countries such as Syria, Iraq
and Yemen.
Iran is trying to use Palestinian movements again
as a political card against both Israel and the United
States, especially since Israel is increasingly
highlighting Iran's nuclear file so that more sanctions
should be imposed on Iran. That is why Tehran
believes it is important to have effective leverage that
can be used against Israel to deter it from hostile
movements against Iran.
Iran wants to diversify its network of relations
within the Palestinian territories. Through the
establishment of a new movement in the Palestinian
territories to be the reference of this new movement
through the Shiite doctrine, the movement of Saberin
in the Gaza Strip and the Iranian goal of this
movement is to alert the Palestinian Hamas
movement in the sense that Iran found itself an
Iranian follower within the Palestinian territories (the
movement of Saberin) and working to establish a
public base for this new movement. If Hamas
movement rejects the Iranian approach in dealing
with regional issues, there is another Palestinian party
that agrees with this Iranian path.
Tehran is trying to strengthen its relations with
Hamas to achieve Iranian goals at the regional level,
through the resumption of Iranian aid to Hamas in the
financial and military levels. The Iranian regime is
trying to tilt the balance in favour of a supportive
330
political movement within Hamas. The influential
trend includes high-level political and military
leaders who favor building unique relations with Iran.
The Iranian offer is due to Iran's fears that the
opposing current is working to find other options,
such as having stronger ties with the Arab and Gulf
states at the expense of relations with Iran.
6 CONCLUSIONS
There are regional determinants of the relationship
between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the
Palestinian Hamas movement. These regional
determinants have a significant impact on the nature
of the relationship between Iran and Hamas,
particularly with regard to the Syrian and Yemeni
files
The Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to incite the
Palestinian Hamas movement into the regional files.
This is what Hamas rejected, which negatively
affected the axis of resistance by reducing Iran's
political, military and financial support to the
Palestinian Hamas movement.
The relationship between the Islamic Republic of
Iran and the international community, especially the
United States of America, regarding Iran's nuclear file
has an impact on the Palestinian Hamas movement,
as the international determinants of the relationship
between Hamas and Iran are determined by the nature
of international engagement with Iran's nuclear file.
The options of dealing with the Islamic Republic
of Iran and the international community are complex
and difficult given the nature of Iran's behaviour,
which is inconsistent with Iranian statements, leading
to international and US economic sanctions on Iran
and its allies, including the Palestinian Hamas
movement.
On the regional level, the relationship between the
Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas
movement will be based on the mutual interests
between the two parties through the independence of
Hamas’s political decision stemming from the
Palestinian national interest, by focusing on the
Palestinian issue and through non-interference in the
internal affairs of other countries. This contrasts with
the behaviour of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as it
interferes with Iraq, Syria, Yemen and the Gulf
region.
At the international level, the options to deal with
Iran's nuclear file are stymied by Iran's unclear
behaviour. One of the most important options is the
military option between the resistance alliance and
the US and its allies in the Middle East. This will put
 The Future Roadmap for the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Palestinian Hamas Movement
the Palestinian Hamas movement within the axis of
resistance. Military action against Iran will be the
Palestinian Hamas movement on the side of the
Islamic Republic of Iran against the United States and
Israel.
Here is something new. Here in the Middle East,
Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and the rest of the Arab
and Islamic countries will stand with any military
confrontation between the United States of America
and the Islamic Republic of Iran through the principle
of clear Iranian interference in internal Arab affairs,
which will impose on Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the
UAE Bahrain and a group of other Arab parties the
obligation to stand against the Islamic Republic of
Iran in any possible war between the US and Iran.
The sectarian mobilization of the Islamic
Republic of Iran is negatively affecting the
relationship with a Sunni movement, the Palestinian
Hamas movement. All of the Islamic Republic's allies
are Shiites in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon or Yemen, which
is contrary to the Sunni principles of the Palestinian
Hamas movement. Therefore, the Palestinian Hamas
movement is aware of this sectarianism and tries to
distance itself from it as much as possible. However,
the Palestinian Hamas movement is accused by Arab
countries of a Sunni nature of standing with Iran, with
a Shiite nature. This accusation affects the position of
Hamas and the Palestinian cause in general.
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 The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa:
History and Critical Thinking

Devita Prinanda1
1
Department of International Relations, University of Muhammadiyah Malang, Malang, Indonesia
devita.prinanda@umm.ac.id, devita.prinanda@gmail.com

Keywords: post-truth, politics, media, history, Africa

Abstract: The revival of Post-Truth terminology in 2016 marked the new phase of international politics. The election
of Donald Trump as President of the United States (US) and the British Exit (Brexit) from the European
Union events have turned into Post-Truth events. Although the terminology has thrived in society recently,
history has demonstrated that the Post-Truth era has been taking place since post-colonialism in Africa.
African leaders have utilised their power to construct the truth, notably at the national level. They were
acting on behalf of independence to spread partial truths through state-owned media. However, the
continuation of post-truth dynamics in Africa has developed variously and impacted on both national and
international politics. This paper elaborates on the dynamics of the post-truth era historically and explains
the implications and challenges in a critical way. The results found that the post-truth era in Africa had
various contexts for each region. The factors that gave rise to the diffusion of fake news included authority
over the media, rumours during the election and post- electoral crises, political and economic instability and
the national interest in international politics. The countermeasures in each state were different. The African
government has restrained the spread of fake news through legal frameworks, regulation, fake news
reporting services and even so far as internet disconnection or internet shut-down.

1 INTRODUCTION others. Currently, fake news is becoming widespread

The post-truth era is an epoch when the boundary
between truth and lies became blurred. The current
generation increases their self-capabilities by lying.
People tend to rule out the truth to hide self-
deficiencies and guilty feelings (Modreanu, 2017).
Ralph Keyes, in The Post Truth Era, explained that
youths tend to lie to improve their sense of self-
ability or to cover up mistakes in order to become
famous (Keyes, 2004).
Post-truth can be studied in political
communication and other derivative studies such as
journalism and communication technology. In the
perspective of journalism, Post-truth politics
engender fake news as the primary object (Hannan,
2018). Fake news can be overspread virally in quick
time by creating a sense of false reality or
propaganda. In this case, the communicators,
categorised as the government, political parties,
individuals and political institutions, play a role in
propagating the alternative facts that contribute to
mass consumption. At a further level, a society who
consumes false news has the potency to transmit it to
and is used to drop or disparage individuals, parties,
or institutions. Fake news also causes a debate
between objective fact and subjectivity.
Studying post-truth politics in term of the media
as a form of communication technology (not media
as a content) creates an understanding of how the
development of communication technology creates
an easiness in fake news propagation. The flow of
information and communication is spread at large
through the internet. Unfortunately, it is hard to
identify and verify the information. With the
emergence of social media, the fake accounts
become an alternative to hoax dissemination (Al-
Rodhan, 2017).
Deception over facts is not a new phenomenon.
In the post-colonialism era, African leaders are
accustomed to manipulation. Manipulations were
habitually propagated by African leaders to gain
mass support. Government-owned national media is
the legacy of colonialism. Therefore, African
Government manipulated facts and spread false truth
through mass media easily. They acted on behalf of
anti-colonialism and violence in order to construct

332
Prinanda, D.
The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa: - History and Critical Thinking.
In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs (ICoCSPA 2018) - Empowerment vs Impairment in the Global Digital Age, pages 332-338
ISBN: 978-989-758-393-3
Copyright © 2019 by SCITEPRESS – Science and Technology Publications, Lda. All rights reserved
 The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa: - History and Critical Thinking
society stating how imperialists have committed
cruelty. On the other hand, private media - which did
not support the partial facts by the government -
were suppressed by the ruling party (Gumede,
2017).
In fact, some regions in Africa are still suffering
political conflicts ranging from post- election
quarrels up to the worst civil war. Political conflict
is the primary target of social media in order to
disseminate information to construct interest from
the conflicting parties. In this case, society has
questioned the truth about the scattered information.
This paper will elaborate on the dynamics of the
post-truth politics that occur in the African
continent. The choice of Africa as the main object of
this study is because the post-truth era in Africa had
a high level of complexity rendered by political and
economic stability. This paper provides shreds of
evidence based on historical facts to analyse how the
post-truth era has been occurring since post-
colonialism up until recent times. The discussion has
continued with critical thinking on how the African
government can resolve this phenomenon.
2 THE DYNAMICS OF THE
POST-TRUTH ERA IN AFRICA
2.1 The History of Media Development
in Africa
This sub-section will describe the history of the
media’s development in Africa. History has proven
that the media had a significant role in
disseminating post-truth in the African continent.
Dynamically, every region in Africa has a similar
history focused on media development.
In North Africa, France was the initiator of the
establishment of the media. In the 19th century,
French-published newspapers sought to create an
attractive society due to their occupation. Almost all
printed media in North Africa was owned by the
French and only some of them were owned by
indigenous people. The first Moroccan newspaper
was "African Liberal" in 1820 and the first
newspaper in Algeria was established in 1830.
At the beginning of the 20th century, Muslims
and nationalists rose up in North Africa. The revival
of Muslim and nationalists evoked content focused
on independence, reformation, and democracy in the
newspapers. At the time, France banned a media
reformation by nationalists. This century was a
historical turning point of the nationalist press.
The nationalist press disseminated anti-
colonialism as the main content of the newspaper. A
newspaper in Tunisia announced to society the
ruthlessness of French colonialism. In Algeria, the
nationalist newspaper named "Moudjahid" was the
first newspaper that supported independence. In
Morocco, the highlighted topics in the newspapers
were about anti-colonialism. In the 20th century,
some states gained independence which rendered a
turning point in the media. Before independence,
journalist’s activities were done secretly because of
the colonialists, but after independence, they ended
their concealment and began to publish
independence articles.
After independence in North Africa, media
became under the state’s ownership. The state had a
centralised media management system that it could
use to spread ideology. States also controlled radio
and television. They used the media as an instrument
to construct society under the new regime.
When the reformation happened at the end of the
20th century, journalists fought for the freedom of
the media. In this period, the emergence of private
media was inevitable. In Morocco, the mass media
issued different opinions on politics. Private media
in Morocco sometimes informed the public of the
different points of view compared to the state's
media. In Tunisia, the freedom of the media had an
impact on their government. The government was
criticised by the citizens who were affected by the
state limitations in national and international
policies. Therefore, the journalists who revolted
against the government were threatened and
imprisoned in this era (Zaghlami, 2010).
It also happened in Kenya; Jomo Kenyatta and
Daniel Arap Moi were the leaders of the first and
second regime. They controlled the media by
determining which news could be spread to society.
The fourth president of Kenya, Uhuru Kenyatta,
dominated the newspapers, television and radio.
After the liberalisation era, there were several
private media platforms in Kenya. However, the
government restricted the advertisement of private
media. This limitation was the main technique of the
African government against the private media which
had criticised the government (Ogola, 2018).
Globalisation formed friction in the media’s
development. Currently, every individual can be a
journalist who disseminates their news through
social media accounts or blogs. In Africa, the use of
social media is utilised to express different political
opinions. A study explained that the potential use of
social media n Africa concerning politics exceeds
the potential of the US and the United Kingdom
333
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
(UK) on the same topic (Portland, 2017). Social
media facilitated rumour and fake news without
knowing the truth behind the information. It is hard
to find the people behind the social media accounts
and to verify the validity of the information.
The next section of this paper explains how post-
truth phenomenon took place in Africa. It examines
post-truth in every region ranging from South Africa
to North Africa. The purpose of this examination is
to understand the dynamics of the post-truth era in
the African continent and to analyse how the media
history of post-colonialism can lead to the
emergence of post-truth in Africa.
2.2 Post-Truth Politics in Africa
The history of media development in Africa led to
the establishment of post-truth politics. State control
over the media gave rise to the creation of partial
facts, history manipulation, and social construction.
Mostly, African leaders concealed their corruption,
failures and other mistakes through wrongful
information disseminated by the media. Otherwise,
they used alternative facts to topple down their
political opponents. The African government took
advantage of the failings of society in consuming
information through the news. Citizens easily trusted
what their leader said without knowing the
propaganda behind the news (Gumede, 2017).
Other factors such as political instability and the
transformation of traditional media into social media
created a new step for disseminating alternative
facts. In this sub-chapter is described qualitatively
how representative cases from the regions in Africa
where information was outspread became
questionable. The author acquired the data from
journals, news, books and articles regarding what
happened in Africa in the context of post-truth.
Jacob Zuma is the fourth president of South
Africa. He used the media to explicate African
economic problems rendered by the inequity created
by the West. Zuma alleged that the failure of the
African economic transformation was due to
Western imperialism. He also claimed that the West
Country had constructed economy racially so then
South Africa was required to clear up racists from
within the economic aspect. Morover, he stated that
South Africa was a victim of white monopoly
capital. Zuma revealed the statements by using
national media. However, Zuma’s declarations were
used to cover his failures in leading South Africa.
Economic transformation was exploited to enrich his
family and other elite politics (even though they
were black elite) (Gumede, 2017).
334
White monopoly capital was spread as a
fabricated issue by President Zuma through social
media. He used fake accounts so then society would
find it hard to find out the origin of the news. By
using social media, there were widespread issues
regarding salvaging government rottenness. The
impact of the fabricated issue was that South
Africans campaigned against white monopoly
capital.
In the other hand, there was debate among
society about white monopoly capital. Activists
criticized Zuma's leadership and the campaign.
However, Zuma succeeded in creating confusion in
society about the truth of white monopoly capital.
Some citizens believed the menace of colonialism in
terms of the economy (Wasserman, 2017).
Similar phenomenon happened in Zimbabwe.
President Mugabe blamed British Colonialism for
the failure of his government. Mugabe disseminated
information about Britain’s tyranny to cover up the
corruption, thus ensuring his regime. Apart from
corruption, Mugabe’s government had poor public
services. He needed to divert political issues away
from societal accusations (Gumede, 2017).
There was also several fake items of news
propagated in Namibia. President Hage Geingob was
poorly reported through the media. First, he was
reported to have met with North Korean President,
Kim Jong Un in China (Mare, 2018). Second, there
were issues before the Swapo Party Congress that
brought Geingob down in relation to fighting for the
secretary general position. In these cases, the partial
truth was propagated by his political opponents from
his cabinet. One of the rumours circulating ahead of
the Swapo Party Congress was the triumph of the
Minister of Youth, Sports, and National Services,
Jerry Ekandjo, over Geingob. This rumour was
disseminated, even though the election had not yet
been implemented at the time (Confidente, 2017).
Shifting from South Africa, Ethiopia had a
different post-truth phenomenon. The South African
government had mostly salvaged themselves by
using propaganda and alternative facts, but it was
contrary to what happened in Ethiopia. In Ethiopia,
the government became a victim of fake news
attacks. There was news about aggression toward the
diaspora when they were celebrating through a
ceremony. After attacking the issue, activists in
Ethiopia protested against what their government did
to the diaspora. The impact of the protests by
activists impacted on the piracy of the government
website. The government deactivated the internet
connection in some areas. In fact, the aggression
issue was not confirmed as the truth, and foreign
 The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa: - History and Critical Thinking
journalists confirmed it. However, the actual news
was questionable because the issue was politically
constructed and addressed the tyrannical
government.
Another item of false news in Ethiopia was the
termination of diplomatic relations between Ehtiopia
and South Sudan. The news was detrimental to the
political stability of both countries. Lately, the issues
were confirmed to have been incorrect (Yilma,
2017).
In West Africa, the Ivory Coast experienced
post-truth politics during the election in 2010. After
there had been no election for ten years, the election
turned into a civil war in 2011. The election
pronounced Alassane Outtara as the winner. On the
other hand, Laurent Gbagbo also claimed victory.
Gbagbo’s supporters protested the election result.
They closed down the media and prohibited the
news spread about the election’s result. Journalists
hid themselves and there were no newspapers.
Because there was no verified information from the
national media, false news spread quickly, and the
internet was the leading source of alternative
information that could be absorbed by society.
Social media became an alternative to communicate
and was used to propagate issue. The predominant
problem of using the media as an alternative to get
information about politics consisted of the
undetected accounts of news spreaders. Whether the
news spreaders were from citizen, diaspora, or
foreigners, debate about the unverified information
generated into debates and disputes that raised
hatred among both sides of political supporters.
Civil war in the Ivory Coast was inevitable
compounded by fake news (Schreiner, 2018).
Civil war in the Ivory Coast demonstrated that
rumours and false information could escalate
conflict intensity. Transformation from traditional
media to social media set the dilemma within the
context of society because of the unverified sources
of information. Conflicting political parties
propagated issue through social media and created
mass opinions that caused misunderstandings.
Muhammadu Buhari, the fifteenth president of
Nigeria, was poorly accused through news
dissemination. An issue spread about the closure and
relocation of Aso Rock Villa Church. The closure of
the church was alleged to Buhari because the church
did not represent Buhari’s religion. In fact, Buhari
claimed that the church was not closed to society.
Muhammadu Buhari was also reported as being sick
and having medication treatment abroad. In fact,
Buhari went to the UK for a state visit (Adoyo,
2016).
Fake news not only attacked political actors but
also business institutions. False news was used by
society and business opponents to drop other
companies. The Guardian reported that the Kia
Automobile company ended his company’s presence
in Nigeria because of the state’s poor economic.
This news was classified as false news.
Another alternative fact by The Guardian was
attacking an airline from Rwanda named Rwand Air.
The Guardian reported about fake visas that incurred
losses of about eight billion for Rwand Air. The fake
visas were reported for the Lagos-Dubai Route. The
report was subsequently confirmed by Rwand Air as
false news (Adeleke, 2016). Fake news in the
economic and political sphere turns into a dilemma,
whether or not the confirmation from the company
or political actor honestly justifies and clarifies the
news or they retrieve their true image.
Issues of religion and politics are sensitive. If
there is a trigger issue, then it can spread
extensively. In Angola, there was news about the
state being the only state that banned Muslims.
Several mosques were closed and destroyed by the
government. Islam was considered to be a form of
worship, and not a religion. Islam was still growing
in Angola. Only mosques which did not have a
permit were torn down. Some mosques were re-
opened. The government also tore down many
churches that were without permits. Muslims were a
minority in Angola who did not have any
recognition from the government. Besides, anti-
Muslim movements were also not recognised at the
same time.
The issue of banning Muslims by Angola was
spread during the election in the US. By
disseminating the news of banning Muslims, Angola
was considered to be a supporter of one of the
presidential candidates, Donald Trump. Trump
assumed Muslims to be a threat to the States. In this
case, Angola was regarded as continuing Trump’s
policy of banning Muslims (BBC, 2016).
Switching from Angola to South Sudan. The
insurgency in South Sudan could be exacerbated by
fake news among the government supporters
(Dinka) and in the rebellion (Nuer). If there was
news about the violence done by one group, then
another group would directly respond critically and
show revenge. It got worse if there was the
distribution of photos that contained an assassination
from one group, and the war became horrible. The
news about violence and assassinations was not
accurately verified. The photos that were distributed
were edited photos. Rumour spreaders usually added
an accurate media logo to the obsolete photo and
335
ICoCSPA 2018 - 4th International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs
edited it to make it look like it was a recent
photograph. Conflicting groups easily believed the
news and condemned the opponent. False
information prompted war to enter its worst phase.
Because of the high trust from society in the news, if
someone confirmed it to be false news, then they
would be coveted as being a creator of fake news
(McCarthy, 2017).
In Egypt, there was fake news during the
election. Fake news generally described the
government’s crackdown on dissidents (Egyptian
Streets, 2018). Although the election was potentially
won by the existing leader (because there were
almost no opponents), fake news remained scattered.
It caused the president to become furious toward
both national and international media (Islam, 2018).
The government also targeted the reduction of false
information exploited by extremists.
Egypt also experienced being reported on by the
international media related to the approval of the
displacement of the capital of Jerusalem. The news
revealed that Egyptian intelligence along with the
US’s media promoted a plan to move the Israeli
Capital to Jerusalem. However, the Egyptian State
Information Service denied the news and considered
the news to be a false story (El-Sayed, 2018).
In the next sub-chapter, the author elaborates on
the efforts of the African Government in responding
to post-truth politics. The explanation of the
government’s efforts to overcome the phenomenon
of partial truth or false news will be explained in
detail. Some examples from representative states
will be mentioned to make for a more
comprehensive understanding.
2.3 African Response to Quell the Post-
Truth Politics
The sustainability of post truth is related to the
emergence of anti-media and anti-post truth. As an
effort to overcome the post-truth phenomenon, it
often focuses on oppressing the media and the
internet, as both of them act as information
providers, such as through media closure, arresting
journalists, internet shutdown and other restrictive
actions. Policy, law and other forms of regulation
are also categorised as efforts from the governments
of African countries in facing the existence of post-
truth dynamics.
The government of Ethiopia tried to reduce the
occurrence of fake news by restricting websites and
cyber tool usage. However, cyber tool usage was
viewed as a short-term countermeasure since there
were no clear procedures on website restriction.
336
It also restricted internet usage by using spyware.
This action proved to bring in disadvantageous
effects, since it cost a lot out of the government
budget. Hence, as Ethiopia was considered to be a
diplomatic representative in Africa, it would be
difficult if there was an internet restriction in the
area (Yilma, 2017).
Internet shutdown was one of the African
government‘s effort to reduce rumours. In several
countries such as Cameroon, Ethiopia and the
Republic Democratic Congo, the government issued
a kill switch or internet shutdown during election
and post-electoral crises (Lees, 2018). In the last
three years, 11 countries in Africa had implemented
an internet shutdown. Even though this effort on
some level was able to prevent rumours, it also
potentially created unnecessary damage in several
sectors, especially in the economic enterprises sector
(Mare, 2018).
Several countries decided to close down private
media with the conviction of distributing fake news.
In Tanzania, four media platforms were dismissed
for allegedly spreading false information (Lees,
2018). In Egypt, the government blocked several
media outlets such as Mada Masr, Daily News
Egypt, Human Rights Watch, and the BBC
(Egyptian Streets, 2018).
Moreover, the increase of media restrictions in
Egypt occurred at an alarming level. Egypt also
arrested several journalists who created a particular
image of the Egyptian government under Abdul
Fatha As- Sisi’s. Under Sisi’s leadership, the regime
was considered to be opposing the freedom of the
press (Islam, 2018).
Another action used to verify and crosscheck
news circulation was exercised by using tools for
filtering and figuring information. In Africa, "Africa
Check" was commonly used as a news checking tool
that provided web–based services for those who
wanted to crosscheck news validity. Africa Check
also provides training on how people should filter
news (Africa Check, 2018). "African Check" also
collaborated with the media to validate news
circulation. This method was good for African
society in the terms of gaining accurate news.
However, since this organisation was independent
and funded by philanthropists, some people argued
that fact checking was another way to spread fake
news.
Meanwhile, Kenya has been ranked as the
society with the highest rate of news consumption.
Based on a research study which was conducted
through a survey of 2000 citizens in Kenya, it
showed that 67% of Kenyans prefer to read detailed
 The Dynamics of the Post-Truth Era in Africa: - History and Critical Thinking
information and 78% of them believed it to be
accurate news. Kenyan citizens were inclined to
seek and compare news to verify it. Generally, the
news which was disseminated frequently was
considered to be the best indicator of news validity
in Kenya. Thus, when a contrasting item of news
appeared, it was hardly believed by society. This
phenomenon shaped how the Kenyan people
consumed the media.
Another impact of the high level of activity by
the Kenyan people was that it affected the election
results. Getting closer to the election, the level of
media consumption in Kenya had risen. Youths
became the group who had the highest level of news
consumption in the context of political news. A
research study resulted in determining that 88% of
youths had consumed news. This condition was able
to reduce the absence of voters from the youth age
group. In this context, post-truth became a new
politic reality that should be faced by all of us, and
we should save democracy which could be damaged
because of this discourse (Portland, 2017).
An effort to save democracy in the dissemination
of information during the election in Kenya was the
establishment of the National Cohesion and
Integration Commission (NCIC). This institution
worked by identifying reports from the public and
social media which had hate speech content (NCIC,
2018).
Egypt also worked in helping society to report
and verify circulated information. The Egyptian
Government released a hotline to help people report
fake news through WhatsApp and a message
service. The Egyptian government also designed a
new social media platform to replace Facebook
(Egyptian Streets, 2018).
Apart from the above efforts to resolve fake
news problem, Egypt also had a judicial platform
named anti-cybercrime which passed through
parliament for further discussion (El-Sayed, 2018).
3 CONCLUSION
Regulation regarding the dissemination of fake news
mostly targeted only the media and journalists.
Journalists often distributed false news under
government instructions (which also frequently
happened in African countries). But, government
regulations had not yet succeeded in regulating
citizen journalists where rumours were distributed
through accounts maintained by individuals or
informal groups. Democracy in Africa was prone to
conflict, especially during elections. Thus, fake news
distribution could trigger increased conflict. Besides,
history also described how the media was often
occupied by the government post-colonialism.
African leaders tended to exploit the media to create
news which supported them.
It is essential for the international society,
especially in developing countries, to introduce and
apply a better curriculum in the digital era,
especially related to digital information. The
importance of this curriculum is laid in how society
consumes, understands, classifies, believes and
distributes valid information. A digital literacy
program will help society to consume news content
wisely and to better understand the position of
digital media in society.
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Hidayat, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Hudaya, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
AUTHOR I NDEX
Ilmi, B. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223
Ilmiah, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Indriani, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Isnaini, S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96
Julius, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Kagungan, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
Karnaji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
Khalilova, U. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Kinasih, S. . . . . . . . . . . . 96, 128
Kurniasari, M. . . . . . . . . . . . 230
Lestari, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Mahmood, Q. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Masruroh, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . 214
Mas’udah, S. . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
Mastur, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
Mayarni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Mihardja, E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265
Moch. Yunus . . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Muttaqien, M. . . . . . . . . . . . 325
Nathania, J. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Oetomo, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Olivia, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
Panji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230
Parangu, R. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Paripurna, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . 237
Prasetyo, B. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Prasetyo, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
Priambodo, B. . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Prinanda, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332
Puspitasari, D. . . . . . . . . . . . 124
Puspitasari, I. . . . . . . . . . . . . 320
Putra Sedana, I. . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Putri, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . 265, 307
Putri, G. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .247
Putri, K. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .320
Putri, R. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
Qibtiyah, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205
Rahayu, T. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255
Rahman, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Rakhim S, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Rangsikul, R. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Rizal, E. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Rohma, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320
Romadhon, M. . . . . . . . . . . . 313
Rosalia, F. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
RR, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Rustinsyah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Sadaedema, V. . . . . . . . . . . . 173
Sa’adah, K. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284
Saud, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
Sjoraida, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271
Sompa, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
Suaedi, F. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Sudemen, I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Sundari, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Susanti, E. . . . . . . . . . . 124, 182
Susanto, J. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295
Susanto, S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289
Suvianita, K. . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Suwito, K. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Tanuatmaja, B. . . . . . . . . . . .243
Taufany, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Terisno, P. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281
Virga, R. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219
Wahyudi, I. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
Wihartono . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Wijayanti, M. . . . . . . . . . . . . 200
Wuryanta, A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Yasmine, S. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
Yulianti, D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
Yuwinanto, H. . . . . . . . . . . . 214
339
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