Thayer Consultancy Background Briefing:

ABN # 65 648 097 123

China’s Surrogate Cambodia
Takes on Vietnam
Carlyle A. Thayer
April 16, 2020

We are currently working on a report about the geopolitical discourse and implications
of Cambodia's management of the coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19).
Cambodia as an ally of China is receiving tonnes of Chinese medical aid and financial
assistance in its fight against Covid-19.
Prime Minister Hun Sen himself has used this opportunity to demonstrate trust and
support for China’s leaders -- most notably his controversial decision not to evacuate
any of Cambodian nationals from mainland China when it was the epicentre of COVID-
19 in January and February.
Despite Vietnam’s sending some medical aid, ties seemed to sour as Phnom Penh
complained about Hanoi's unilateral decision to shut down their border on March 18.
In the virtual ASEAN Summit on Tuesday (14 April), Hun Sen delivered a speech in
which he called out "unilateral measures such as a closure of cross-border checkpoints
without prior notice" in reference to Vietnam, the chair of the meeting.
We request your assessment of the following:
Q1. How are the Covid-19-related events and measures affecting Cambodia-Vietnam
relations?
ANSWER: With the exception of Vietnam’s abrupt closure of its border with Cambodia
on 15 March, Vietnam-Cambodia relations appear to be proceeding normally.
A review of media reporting in Quan Doi Nhan Dan (People’s Army newspaper) after
the border was closed contains several articles reporting on the donation of medical
supplies to fight the coronavirus to Cambodian military units by their Vietnamese
counterparts. For example, on 7 April Vietnam’s Ministry of National Defence
presented medical supplies to the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF). On 11 April,
the Long An province Border Guard donated medical supplies and other material to
the Svay Rieng province Gendarmerie. On the same day, the Ho Chi Minh City Military
Command presented medical supplies to RCAF units at the Moc Bai and Xa Mat
international border gates in Tay Ninh province. On 13 April, staff from Vietnam’s Air
Force Officer Training School called on Cambodian cadets to mark Cambodia’s New
Year, Chol Chnam Thmay.
As a result of the 36th Special ASEAN Summit on Coronavirus Disease held by video on
14 April, ASEAN heads of government adopted a seven-point program to counter the
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coronavirus. This should redirect any friction in bilateral relations between Cambodia
and Vietnam towards cooperating together to contain COVID-19.
Q2. Why do you think Vietnam chose to shut the border unilaterally on March 18?
What should be interpreted from this decision of Vietnam's perception of Cambodia
as a neighbour?
ANSWER: According to Cambodia’s Ambassador to Vietnam, Chay Navuth, Vietnam’s
Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent a letter to Cambodia’s Foreign Minister, Prak Sokhonn,
informing him that ‘As of noon on March 15, the government of Vietnam has
suspended the issuance of all visas to all foreigners and will deny entry to travellers
coming from the UK and the 26 Schengen countries. The entry ban, which will be in
effect for 30 days, includes all travellers that have visited to transited to said countries
in the past 14 days.’
Vietnam identified and treated its first coronavirus victims in January. It quickly
became apparent to authorities in Hanoi that overseas travel was the main vector for
COVID-19 to enter Vietnam and thus spread in the community. Vietnam’s decision to
close its border with Cambodia would have been based on two assessments. First, that
Cambodia lacked the means to identify persons infected with coronavirus and that
Cambodia’s public health infrastructure was woefully inadequate to cope with an
outbreak of COVID-19. Second, Vietnam would have been wary if not alarmed by what
appeared to be Cambodia’s caviller approach to COVID-19.
Q3. Why do you think Hun Sen chose to decry Vietnam's action at the ASEAN summit?
What are the implications?
ANSWER: First, from the very beginning, Prime Minister Hun Sen gave China a virtual
free pass on the coronavirus, withholding any criticism as well as any meaningful
domestic restrictions to halt the spread of the virus. This was at a time when some
members of the international community criticized China for acting too slowly and for
lack of transparency in reporting on the lethality of COVID-19. China pushed back and
put pressure on countries not to criticize or undertake actions restricting the
movement of Chinese citizens or disrupting commercial relations. Hen Sen obliged. He
did not evacuate Cambodian students and other residents in Wuhan, for example. In
sum, Hun Sen wanted to demonstrate that Cambodia was a reliable partner to China.
Second, Hun Sen may have been peeved by Vietnam’s unilateral action and its impact
Cambodia’s interests such as border trade, the movement of Cambodians, and
Cambodia’s international reputation.
Thirdly, Hun Sen’s comments at the 36th Special ASEAN Summit, were on the mark. His
comment on the border closure was embedded in a larger criticism of how ASEAMN
member states responded to COVID-19. A glance at the regional picture quickly
reveals that national sovereignty and national responses ruled the day. Each country
adopted different policies on border control and travel restrictions, quarantine, and
other public health control measures. Laos’ Houaphanh province, for example, issued
a notice on 13 March – prior to Vietnam’s closure of its border with Cambodia
– shutting down ten of it fourteen border checkpoints with Vietnam.
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Many of Hun Sen’s proposals are shared by other ASEAN member states and reflected
in the Declaration of the Special ASEAN Summit on Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-
19) adopted on 14 April.

Suggested citation: Carlyle A. Thayer, “China’s Surrogate Cambodia Takes on

Vietnam,” Thayer Consultancy Background Brief, April 16, 2020. All background briefs
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Thayer Consultancy provides political analysis of current regional security issues and
other research support to selected clients. Thayer Consultancy was officially
registered as a small business in Australia in 2002.