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Author(s): Brian Black
Source: Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 79, No. 1 (MARCH 2011), pp.
136-161
Published by: Oxford University Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23020389
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Ambattha and Svetaketu: Literary
Connections Between the
Upanisads and Early
Buddhist Narratives
Brian Black*
'Brian Black, Department of Religious Studies, Lancaster University, UK. Tel: +44 78 5547 9058.
E-mail: b.black@lancaster.ac.uk I would like to thank the following people for reading drafts of
this paper and offering helpful comments: Jonathan Geen, Steven Lindquist, Joy Manne, Sara
McClintock, Michael Nichols, and Douglas Osto. I am indebted to the late Julia Leslie for setting
me the task of writing about the "true brahmin," a project that inadvertently led me to the
Ambattha Sutta. I would also like to thank the British Arts and Humanities Research Board for
providing the funding under which much of the work on this paper was carried out.
Journal of the American Academy of Religion, March 2011, Vol. 79, No. 1, pp. 136-161
doi:10.1093/jaarel/lfq058
Advance Access publication on November 11, 2010
© The
The Author
Author2010.
2010. Published by Oxford University Press, on behalf of the American Academy of
Religion. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 137
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138 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 139
201ivelle argues that the grammatical form of pari-ycar as paricarayamanam refers to serving
food, yet also has sexual connotations (1999: 58).
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140 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 141
his father where he explains that he could not answer any of the king's
questions. Upon hearing this, Uddalaka decides to go to the king to
learn from him. (3) Uddalaka approaches the king, who then delivers a
valuable teaching. In both the BU and CU the king's teaching is the
knowledge of the five fires (pancagnividya) and the two paths of the
dead. In the KsU, however, it is a discourse about the path after death.
Olivelle has also commented on the similar structure of all three ver
sions: "There is a clear structure to these three units, each opening with
the arrival of a person into the presence of another: Svetaketu to Jaivali
[Pravahana] or Citra; Svetaketu to Uddalaka; and Uddalaka to Jaivali
[Pravahana] or Citra" (1999: 53).
4See Black (2009: 25-43) for a discussion of the Ambattha Sutta in relation to the Sonadanda
and Kutadanta Suttas.
5Pokkharasati also appears as a well-known and well-respected brahmin teacher in the Tevijja
Sutta (DN 13.2), the Canki Sutta (Majjhima Nikaya [MN] 95.8ff), the Vasettha Sutta (MN 98.2),
and the Subha Sutta (MN 99.10ff).
^Translations of the Ambattha Sutta are from Walshe (1995).
7The full list of the thirty-two marks appears in the Lakkhana Sutta (DN 30), as well as the
Mahapadana Sutta (DN 14) and the Brahmayu Sutta (MN 91). According to Walshe, the thirty
two marks are "intended to show the relation between action and karmic result" (1995: 610—
611n939).
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142 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
sManne points out that this is a standard greeting in the Buddhist texts (1990: 52). It also
appears later in this sutta when Pokkharasati sits to one side of the Buddha (DN 3.2.16).
This depiction of the brahmins as regarding Buddhists as the lowest social class "born from
Brahma's foot" also appears in the Aggahha Sutta (DN 27.3), when the Buddha is talking to his
brahmin convert Vassettha.
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 143
have seen, the Buddha, with his ability to remember ancestral lineages,
exposes the impurity of Ambattha's family pedigree. Moreover, by
asking this question directly to the young brahmin, he also makes the
accusation that Ambattha and his teachers are aware that their claim to
superiority is false, but are knowingly suppressing the truth.
After this episode, the Buddha, concerned that the brahmins in the
audience are humiliating Ambattha, relates the story of how Ambattha's
ancestor Kanha learned mantras in the south country and married the
king's daughter. He concludes: "So, young men, do not disparage
Ambattha too much for being the son of a slavegirl. That Kanha was a
mighty sage [isz]" (1.23).10 That the Buddha defends Ambattha immedi
ately after accusing him of dishonesty indicates that the Buddha merely
wants to make Ambattha own up to the truth, rather than to embarrass
or punish him.
Nevertheless, the Buddha is not finished questioning Ambattha's
views about class, and he resumes his challenge by posing a series of
questions to Ambattha about how to distinguish the class status of the
offspring of a khattiya (Skt., ksatriya) and a brahmin in a number of
hypothetical situations. The major point of this section is to establish
that the brahmins are actually more relaxed, and thus less pure, about
which mixed unions they recognize. Uma Chakravarti has also
remarked on this passage: "[T]he child of a union between a khattiya
and a brahmana was allowed to participate in all the activities of the
Brahmanas. This would include participation in making offerings to the
gods and having access to brahmana women. However, khattiyas would
not permit the child of such a union to participate in the abhiseka
(consecration) ceremony of the khattiyas. The Buddha argued from this
that khattiyas were higher (settha) and the Brahmanas inferior (hina)
to them" (1996: 110-111).
After interrogating Ambattha, the Buddha invites the young
brahmin to ask him questions. However, rather than question him verb
ally, Ambattha is more interested in looking for the Buddha's thirty
two marks.11 Initially, he sees all of them except the sheathed genitals
10Walshe considers the possibility that Kanha could be identified with Krsna of the Brahmanical
tradition (1995: 549n52).
"Although they do not appear in any extant Vedic text, in the Buddhist literature, the thirty
two marks are strongly associated with the brahmins. The Ambattha Sutta claims that the thirty
two marks constitute part of Ambattha's education (DN 3 1.3) and are found in the brahmins'
mantras. Similarly, in the Buddhist hagiographies, it is a brahmin who establishes the thirty-two
marks of a Buddha. In the Mahapadana Sutta, for example, it is the brahmin "fortune tellers"
(nemitta) who examine the body of Prince Vippasi to determine that he has the thirty-two marks
of a great man (mahapurisa) (DN 14.1.31).
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144 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
and the large tongue.12 The Buddha, realizing that Ambattha is looking
for these two marks, uses his "psychic power" (iddhabhisamkhara; DN
3.2.12) to show the young brahmin his sheathed genitals.13 At this
point, with one more mark for Ambattha to determine, the Buddha
reveals his elongated tongue by displaying his ability to lick both ears
and his forehead.
After this incident, Ambattha asks to go. He then mounts his
chariot and returns to Pokkharasati, who is waiting for him with a
number of other brahmins in the park. The young brahmin salutes his
teacher and sits down on one side of him, reporting that the Buddha
indeed has thirty-two marks and recounting all that has transpired. His
teacher reacts angrily, saying: "Well, you're a fine little scholar, a fine
wise man, a fine expert in the three Vedas! Anyone going about his
business like that ought when he dies, at the breaking-up of the body,
to go to the downfall, to the evil path, to ruin, to hell!" (DN 3.2.15).
Indeed, Pokkharasati is so angry that after yelling at Ambattha, he kicks
him.
After hearing Ambattha's report of his visit with the Buddha,
Pokkharasati decides he wants to see the Buddha for himself. First, he
has food prepared in his home, anticipating that he will later invite the
Buddha for a meal. He then mounts his chariot and rides to where the
Buddha is staying. When he arrives, Pokkharasati exchanges courtesies
with the Buddha and sits to one side of him, asking him a number of
questions about his conversation with Ambattha. Upon hearing the
Buddha's account, Pokkharasati apologizes for the behavior of his
student and asks the Buddha to pardon him. Then, Pokkharasati looks
for the thirty-two marks, only able to observe the final two when the
Buddha reveals them in the same way he did for Ambattha.
At this point Pokkharasati invites the Buddha for a meal that he
later personally serves to him. After Pokkharasati feeds him, the
Buddha offers a teaching on generosity, morality and heaven, the pro
blems of the sense organs, and the benefits of renunciation. And then
"when the Lord knew that Pokkharasati's mind was ready, pliable, free
of hinderances, joyful and calm" he delivers a sermon on the four noble
truths. After hearing this Pokkharasati comes to the realization that:
"Whatever things have an origin must come to cessation" (DN 3.2.21).
Then Pokkharasati declares himself a lay-follower, saying that he will go
12As Walshe points out, it is difficult to know how Ambattha would have determined the
Buddha's perfect sense of taste (1995: 611n948).
13For more on the Buddha's use of supernatural powers, see Sara McClintock's paper in this
issue.
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 145
forth along with his son, wife, ministers, and councilors. He promises
that at any time in future Gotama can visit his household and be served
food.
One of the most persistent themes throughout this story is the cri
tique of brahmins. The young Ambattha is rude, but is later humbled
when the Buddha defeats him in a debate that exposes his false claims
to superiority. In contrast, Pokkharasati treats the Buddha with respect
by inviting him to be his guest and serving him a meal. In addition to
presenting a distinction between a student and teacher, the Ambattha
Sutta pokes fun at the brahmins in its depiction of how Pokkharasati
and Ambattha interact with each other. In a scene that seems to be a
Buddhist parody of the Brahmanical teacher/student relationship,
Pokkharasati admonishes Ambattha and then kicks him when the
young brahmin has returned from his encounter with the Buddha.
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146 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
appears in the BU and CU does not have a similar prelude, the KsU
also provides an explanation as to why the young brahmin approaches
the king, recounting that Citra Gangyayani chose [Uddalaka] Aruni to
be his officiating priest at a sacrifice, but that Aruni sent his son in his
place (KsU 1.1).
Despite these differences, the structures of the stories are the same.
The Svetaketu story and the Ambattha Sutta both contain the same
three basic narrative units, each opening with the arrival of a person
into the presence of another: brahmin student to non-brahmin;
brahmin student to brahmin teacher; and brahmin teacher to non
brahmin. Additionally, both stories share the same stock characters,
highlighting similar dynamics in the interactions among them. Let us
look more closely at the similarities among the three characters in each
story.
Svetaketu and Ambattha are both depicted as young brahmin stu
dents who are "unfinished" in their education, indicating that both
stories assume that proper etiquette is part of the training of a
student.14 Like Svetaketu, Ambattha is big-headed, and his arrogance
keeps him from respecting the Buddha and learning the coveted teach
ing of the four noble truths. Accordingly, we can see that Olivelle's
characterization of Svetaketu as a "spoiled brat" can easily be applied to
Ambattha. However, while Ambattha's pride is similar to Svetaketu's in
that it is the arrogance of a young brahmin who has not completed his
studies, Ambattha's pride is also the pride of all brahmins. The Buddha
does not blame Ambattha for his ignorance, but rather claims that his
teacher has let him down (DN 3.2.5-3.2.6).
Another similarity between the two young brahmins is that neither
of them can answer the questions of the non-brahmin. However,
whereas Svetaketu cannot answer the king's questions because he does
not know the answers, Ambattha does know but does not want to
admit the answer to the Buddha. After the Buddha asks him a third
time, Ambattha finally admits to knowing the true account of his
"indeed, the Ambattha Sutta depicts Ambattha much the same way that the Upanisads present
a number of brahmin students who have an incomplete education. For example, in the CU (7.1.1)
Narada claims to have received all the Vedic learning, but to be incomplete in his knowledge
because he does not know about atman. Additionally, the CU (6.1.1-7) features a different story
with Svetaketu where the young brahmin returns from his traditional Vedic education unable to
answer his father's questions. In both of these cases from the Upanisads, Vedic knowledge is
presented as incomplete because it does not take into account the new teachings that the
Upanisads promote, especially teachings about atman. The Ambattha Sutta employs a similar
formulaic description to foreshadow Ambattha's lack of knowledge and training that is displayed
when he is in the presence of the Buddha.
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 147
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148 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
l5For example, in the CU (5.11-5.24), Asvapati offers to pay Uddalaka Aruni and a number of
other brahmin householders the same amount for receiving a teaching from him as he is paying
the ritual priests for actually performing a sacrifice. For further examples and discussion, see Black
(2007: 105-114).
16As Walshe points out, if Pokkharasati had wanted to become a bhikkhu he might have had to
gain permission from his wife and/or followers: "[Tjhere is of course a big difference between
becoming a lay-follower and joining the Sangha" (1995: 549-550nl66). For a further discussion
about the conflicting attitudes toward brahmins in the Nikayas, see Black (2009).
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 149
17See Black (2009) for a discussion and modification of Manne's classification of encounters
between Buddhists and brahmins as debates.
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150 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
18Another potential marker that this is a debate sutta is that both Ambattha and Pokkharasati
are depicted riding chariots, which, according to Manne, constitutes a challenge (1990: 53).
However, the fact that Pokkharasati also drives a chariot when approaching the Buddha in a visit
that clearly does not pose a challenge suggests that the Ambattha Sutta did not take riding chariots
as necessarily indicating a provocation. Rather, in the case of the Ambattha Sutta, reference to
chariots is more likely a symbol of the decadence of the brahmins, as indicated later in this sutta
when the Buddha accuses Ambattha and his teacher of indulging in luxurious pleasures such as
riding in chariots drawn by mares with braided tails (DN 3.2.10). Bodewitz has captured the sense
in which chariots were considered decadent by characterizing them as the "motor-cars" of the
Vedic elite (1974: 90nl7).
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 151
19As Collins points out, however, both Sanskrit and Pali literature had "long and established"
traditions of etymologies and word derivation (1993: 316). Thus, like the Buddha's use of
etymologies in the Agganiia Sutta, it may not be possible to know for sure if the Buddha's
etymology in the Ambattha Sutta is meant to parody Brahmanical claims to knowledge.
Nonetheless, given that the Buddha also uses other arguments that are more characteristic of
Brahmanical modes of thinking than Buddhist ones, I take this instance of an etymology as the
Buddha adopting a Brahmanical debating technique.
20According to the Vedic tradition, Sanatkumara is one of the five mindborn sons of Brahma.
However, in the CU (7.1.1-7.1.3), he is depicted as the brahmin teacher whom Narada approaches
to learn about the self (atman). The CU also refers to Lord Sanatkumara as instructing men in the
way to cross beyond death (7.26.2). Samankumara means "ever virgin" or "ever young" (Walshe
1995: 580n516).
21This verse is also attributed to Brahma Sanankumara in the Agganna Sutta (DN 27.32).
Interestingly, in this sutta the Buddha is also addressing a brahmin audience. Additionally, this
verse appears in the Samyutta Nikaya (1.153; 2.284).
22Translation van Buitenen (1975), slightly modified.
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152 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
23The Buddha mentions the names of these same ten brahmins in the Tevijja Sutta in his
discussion with Vasettha. Also, this list appears in the Canki Sutta (MN 95.13), the
Donabrahmana Sutta (Anguttara Nikaya 5.20), and in the Mahavagga (6.23.42).
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 153
24Making a similar point regarding the Agganna Sutta, Collins states: "There can be no way of
proving that all, most or any audiences for individual Buddhist texts would have interpreted them
in the light of others: we must argue from internal evidence. I think that the references to
Brahmanical ideas and texts for whose presence Gombrich argues, and those to the Vinaya I
adduce here, suggest that the AS [Agganna Sutta] was composed in and for an educated milieu
familiar with both styles of thought, one which could smile at its wit, and appreciate its serious
intention" (1993: 317-318).
25Tsuchida has made a similar observation: "To be sure, some monks of brahmin background
must have participated as members of the early sarigha in the composition and redaction of
canonical texts, however, perhaps only a small number of them, as laymen, had received an
orthodox Vedic education" (1991: 66). See also Gokhale (1994: 25-42).
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154 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
declare their allegiance to the Buddha and feed those monks and nuns
who beg for alms. As Gokhale suggests:
If we assume that brahmins were a target audience for this sutta, then
perhaps it is not so surprising to see the pro-Buddhist message framed
within the familiar Svetaketu story. This was already a well-known tale
about the benefits of properly respecting the king. The Buddhist version
uses the same scenario and extends the message to how to treat a Buddhist.
26The Buddha also uses this threat in the Culasaccaka Sutta (MN 35.13-35.14) in a debate with
the Jain Saccaka. See also a reference to head shattering in the Kutadanta Sutta (DN 5.21).
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 155
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156 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 157
the Yavakri story, the Ambattha Sutta is—as I demonstrated in the pre
vious section—primarily a story about debate.29 The attempt to read
this sutta as a tale of crime and punishment appears to me to be quite
forced.
When we take the Buddha's encounter with Ambattha as a debating
episode, then we can see that the head-shattering threat as it appears in
the Ambattha Sutta has a direct parallel in a scene from the BU, in
which Yajnavalkya debates against eight challengers in King Janaka's
court (BU 3). In this episode, Yajnavalkya threatens his final opponent,
Sakalya, that if he does not answer a direct question, then his head will
shatter.30 Climactically, this scene ends with Sakalya's death. While it
may be too strong to claim that he kills Sakalya, by forcing him to
answer a direct question, Yajnavalkya does have a degree of agency in
bringing about his opponent's death. That his other opponents seem to
recognize Yajnavalkya's role in forcing the circumstances under which
Sakalya dies is suggested by the fact that none of them dare to oppose
him further when he invites more challenges after this fatal encounter.
The debate between the Buddha and Ambattha is, of course,
without casualties, yet the Buddha and Yajnavalkya are comparable not
only because they both use the threat of head shattering, but also
because they both use this threat in the same way: to force their
opponents to answer a direct question. A crucial difference, of course, is
that whereas Yajnavalkya accuses Sakalya of not knowing the answer,
Ambattha knows the answer to the Buddha's question all too well.
The similarities between the situations that face Ambattha and
Sakalya become more pronounced when looked at within the context of
the similarities between the Ambattha Sutta and the Svetaketu story, as
well as other narrative elements that the Buddhist suttas share with the
Upanisads. By wielding the well-known Brahmanical threat of head
shattering, the Buddha is cast in a similar light as great brahmin tea
chers such as Yajnavalkya and Uddalaka Aruni, both of whom are
specifically associated with this threat in the Brahmanas and Upanisads.
As Manne observes: "[The Buddhists] may have needed to present their
religious leader the way that the brahman sages were represented: as a
champion of debate in order to enhance his credibility" (1990: 70). This
point is especially relevant if we assume that the brahmins were part of
29Nonetheless, the shared detail of the celestial being wielding a hammer indicates that the
composers of the Ambattha Sutta might have been drawing from the JB as well. This further
suggests that Buddhist composers had at least a general—if not an extremely detailed—familiarity
with Brahmanical sources.
30See Steven Lindquist's paper in this issue for an extended discussion of this scene.
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158 Journal of the American Academy of Religion
CONCLUSION
The similarities that the Ambattha Sutta has with the Svetaketu
story, as well as other narratives in the Upanisads, suggest a connection
between the Brahmanical and Buddhist narrative traditions. Indeed,
there are other examples in the Pali Canon where an episode featuring
the Buddha shares a similar literary paradigm with a tale from the
Upanisads.31 As I have suggested, the Svetaketu story would have been
particularly useful to the Buddhists because it already addresses
relations between brahmins and non-brahmins. The Ambattha Sutta
shifts this focus from how brahmins should treat the king, to how brah
mins should treat the Buddha. In this way, what makes the Ambattha
Sutta innovative is that it uses an already familiar story to attract
brahmin support for Buddhism.
At the end of his article about the young Svetaketu, Olivelle
remarks: "The Upanisads have been generally studied for their philoso
phical insights. A study such as this, hopefully, will encourage us to
read these wonderful documents also as works of literature" (1999: 65).
Olivelle's observations could also be said about how scholars have
treated the relationship between the Upanisads and early Buddhist
texts. Many have argued, for example, that the Buddhist concept of no
self (anatmanlanatta) was a rejection of or reaction to the Upanishadic
31The Samannaphala Sutta (DN 2) contains a scene with the same structure as one of the
brahmodyas in the BU (4.1). See Deussen [1897] (2004: 475), Goto (2005: 72n4), and Black (2007:
70-74).
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 159
notion of permanent self (atman) (see, e.g., Collins 1982; Gethin 1998;
Hamilton 2000). However, less scholarly attention has been paid to the
literary connections between the Brahmanical and Buddhist traditions,
particularly the similar use of narrative and dialogue to frame their
teachings. Indeed, I would suggest that this is one of the most signifi
cant common features between the Upanisads and early Buddhist texts.
Whereas the Buddhists rejected many of the core teachings of the
Upanisads, they adopted comparable modes of expression, not only
introducing their discourses with narratives and dialogues, but also
using some of the same stories, scenarios, and motifs.
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Black: Ambattha and Svetaketu 161
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