Schmieger Macedonian Language Greece PDF

The Situation of the Macedonian language
in Greece: sociolinguistic analysis
ROLAND SCHMIEGER
Abstract
This article is intended to give a sociolinguistic sketch of the Situation of

the Macedonian language in Greece. After some preliminary notes concern-
ing the subject of the article and the sort ofmaterial used, a survey of the
geographical regions settled by Macedonians in Greece and some statistical
data concerning the ethnic structure of the population ofGreek Macedonia
are given. We give a very short classification of the dialects spoken in the
Greek pari of Macedonia within the family of the Slavic languages and
some historical data about the settlement and the development of the Slav
ethnic element there, including a short outline of the official Greek policy
toward the Macedonian minority and its language. After a description of
the demographic Situation of the Slav population in northern Greece we
give a short characterization ofthe spheres of application of Modern Greek
in comparison with Macedonian. In the next chapter we describe a number
of gradients that determine the Status of Macedonian in several groups of
the population (educational levelt aget sex, degree of urbanization, and
geographic location) andisolate reasonsfor these gradients. In thefollowing
section we show with examplesfrom the real language Situation the effects
of bilingualism and language contact on the use and the character of the
Macedonian language that can be heard today in Greek Macedonia (dis-
placement of Macedonian by Modern Greek, code switching, and interfer-
ence)t explaining the mechanisms at work that lead to the linguistic Situation
described. At the end ofthe article we give a short conclusion, interpreting
the treated observations in afurther linguistic context and underlining the
importance ofmore detailed studies on the subject.
General preliminary notes
This article is intended to give a sociolinguistic sketch of the Situation of

the Macedonian language in Greece. The objective circumstances in the
0165-2516/98/0131-0125 Int'l J. Soc. Lang. 131 (1998), pp. 125-155

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126 R Schmieger
Macedonian-populated regions of Greece and the subjective attitude of
the Macedonians living there toward their own mother tongue make it
comparatively difficult systematically to collect material for a realistic
description. Most of the data for this work were collected from observa-
tions during several dialectological fieldwork expeditions in the area of
Kostur — Καστοριά. The impressions have been completed by travels
through the regions of Lerin — Φλώρινα (including the Greek part of
Prespa — Πρέσπα), Seres — Σέρρες, and Kukus — Κιλκίς. We came
to the conclusion that the tendencies and mechanisms observed in the
Kostur region and described here can be considered representative for
the Situation of Macedonian in northern Greece. However, special atten-
tion should be paid to the gradients shown in section 6.5, concerning the
frequency of Macedonian in the individual geographical areas.
1. The Macedonians in Greece
In the northern part of the Hellenic Republic, in the region of Macedonia,

there exists a native Slav element. This element has been in existence
since the advance of Slav tribes onto the Balkan Peninsula. Nowadays
in Greek Macedonia, Slavs are still living in the following nomoi: Lerin —
Φλώρινα (Νομός Φλωρίνης), Kostur — Καστοριά (Νομός Καστοριάς),
Kozani — Κοζάνη (Νομός Κοζάνης), Voden — Έδεσσα (Νομός
Πέλλης), Ber — Βέροια (Νομός Ημαθίας), Salonika — Solun —
Θεσσαλονίκη (Νομός Θεσσαλονίκης), Kukus — Κιλκίς (Νομός
Κιλκίς), Seres — Σέρρες (Νομός Σερρών), Drama — Δράμα (Νομός
Δράμας), and Kavala — Καβάλα (Νομός Καβάλας).
Finding figures about the numeral presence of the Macedonian popula-
tion in Greece is difficult, s the denial of the existence of ethnic minorities
has been a constant feature of Greek policy in the past decades. As a
result, no statistical data are published or even collected. The only figures
available are based on rather vague estimates from abroad, in particular
by the neighboring states of Macedonia and Bulgaria. They can only be
used with reservations and scrutiny. On the one hand tendentious
accounts motivated by national politics are to be expected. Furthermore
it is doubtful to what extent data, most of which originated a long time
ago, take into account that due to the official Greek policy of nonrecogni-
tion and at times even persecution of minority languages, followed for
many decades, more and more young people of Macedonian descent
neither have a corresponding national self-consciousness nor know their
own "mother tongue." This continuously increasing group of the popula-
tion is becoming more and more dominant. Having received a Greek
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Macedonian in Greece 127
education from childhood on, it must, in synchronous terms, probably
be considered to be ethnically Greek.
Demiraj (1994: 66) quotes Lopasov (1990: 10), presenting a figure of
about 150,000 Macedonians in Greece; the Yugoslav Mala enciklopedija
Prosveta gives a number of about 100,000 (Prosveta 1986, vol. 2: 557).
While conceding difficulties in numerical concretization, Bojic and
Oschlies mention a figure of about 200,000 (1984: 9). Popovski (1981)
presents rather higher figures. Quoting the Carnegie Commission, he
speaks of 329,371 Macedonians in 1913, the total population of Greek
Macedonia being 1,042,029, a percentage of 31.6 percent, compared with
314,354 (30.1%) Turks, 236,775 (22.7%) Greeks, 15,108 Albanians, 44,414
Aromanians, 25,302 Romas, 68,206 Jews, and 8,019 others. He goes on
to quote the Sofija Macedonian Scientific Institute (MaKe^oHCKH HayieH
HHcraryT) with the following data concerning the Situation before World
War II: in total 1,426,607 inhabitants, of which 1,026,872 Greeks (72%),
262,735 Macedonians (18.4%), 168 Turks, and about 160,000 others
(9.6%) (Popovski 1981: 64). In the same study Popovski also presents
the statistics shown in Table l, published by the same Institute (Popovski
1981: 69).
2. Classification of the language
The dialects spoken by this Slav element belong, according to their

features, to the Eastern South Slavic subgroup (jer vocals *& and b not
coinciding in strong position, the reflex of the nasal * failing to rise in
the vocal System, Proto-Slavic */ and *n in general coinciding with */
and *n respectively, conservation of the pronominal element for 3.p.sg.m
-go without transition into -ga, the l.p.pl. ending of verbs being -me and
not -mo9 strongly balkanized typology). Apart from certain peripheral
areas in the far east of Greek Macedonia, which in our opinion must be
considered äs part of the Bulgarian linguistic area (the region around
Table 1. Population statistics
Percentage of the
total population
1896 1920 1941-1942 1941-1942
Macedonians 354,406 307,643 251,753 27.6

Greeks and immigrants 68,510 107,437 629,859 69.2
Turks 195,360 127,815 168 0.0
Others 63,175 41,399 29,102 3.2

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128 R Schmieger
Kavala and in the Rhodope Mountains, äs well äs the eastern part of
Drama nomos), the dialects of the Slav minority in Greece belong to the
Macedonian diasystem (reflex o instead of Proto-Slavic *& in strong
Position, rebuilding of the accent System).1
Within the Macedonian Unguistic area the dialects spoken in the eastern
part of Greek Macedonia are undoubtedly part of the East Macedonian
subgroup, whereas the dialects of the Voden, Kostur, and Lerin areas
constitute a transition between East and West Macedonian (Vidoeski
1960-1961, 1962-1963, 1970, 1983, 1985-1986).
3. Historical aspects
3.1 A considerable Slav element has existed on the territory of modern

Greece since the advance of Slav tribes onto the Balkan Peninsula (sixth-
seventh centuries) (Stojanovski et al. 1988:21-30). Its geographical distri-
bution and its numerical relation toward the Greek and other ethnic
elements have probably varied considerably in the course of history and
will not be treated here.
3.2 During the Turkish reign (fifteenth Century to 1913) an ethnic

differentiation was irrelevant in sociological respects. The classification
criterion between citizens of the Ottoman Empire was adherence or
nonadherence to the Muslim faith. The Christian peoples of the Ottoman-
ruled Balkans kept using their mother tongues, and also several linguae
francae in supraregional and interethnic communication. The linguae
francae most frequently used were Modern Greek and Turkish. The
broad mass of the population did not receive any formal education.
Centers of Christian education were the Christian church and especially
the monasteries. The language used in them was predominantly Greek.
As a result Greek had a position of cultural prestige among the languages
of the Christian Balkan peoples. At the same time, however, there was
also to a certain extent a Slavic literacy, which was cultivated in monaster-
ies and churches.
3.3 After the First Balkan War, which took Macedonia out of the
Ottoman Empire, and the Second Balkan War, during which the existing
or newly founded Balkan states fought for the division of Macedonia,
the southern and by far biggest part feil to Greece. The Situation has
remained unchanged up to today, excluding the temporary Bulgarian
occupation of some parts of northern Greece during World War II.

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In the period between the World Wars the official policy still showed
some hesitation in how to treat the Slav population in Macedonia. With
the Sevres Treaty Greece committed itself to protecting the non-Greek
minorities, among other things granting the free use of the mother tongue
and financing and guaranteeing the free development of minority schools.
In 1924 the Greek and Bulgarian governments signed the so-called
"Mollov-Kafandaris Protocol," in which the Greek side recognized the
Slav population of Greece s a "Bulgarian minority." In 1925 a first
reader for teaching at schools with the title Abecedar was published in
Athens. The Abecedar is based on the Bitola and Lerin dialect and is
written in Latin characters with diacritical signs (Andonovski 1985: ix-x).
In 1926, however, after the coup d'etat of General Pangalos, a
Greek-Yugoslav agreement was signed, in which the Slav population of
Greece was recognized s a "Serbian minority." Shortly after that, after
another coup d'etat, this agreement was declared invalid (Vasiljevic 1986:
572-573). From that time on Greece has followed a consequent policy
of nonrecognition of ethnic minorities. The Macedonians are called
"Slavophonic Greeks" (σλαβόφωνοι Έλληνες) with pure "Greek mental-
ity" (ελληνική νοοτροπία). Again and again there have been attempts to
prove that the Macedonian dialects are a sort of "mixed language"
(Georgiadis 1948), or even genetically Greek (Tsioulkas 1907; this work
was indeed republished in Athens in 1991), with the help of grotesque
etymological constructions and in apparent ignorance of the existence of
the Indo-European proto-relationship.
This line is still being followed today. It is also reflected in the ongoing
quarrel over name, state Symbols, and single articles of the constitution
of the Republic of Macedonia.
4. Demographic characterization of the population
4.1 Few major towns exist in the part of Macedonia belonging to

Greece. For a long time they have been centers of trade and Services.
This is especially true for the largest city of Macedonia, Solun. It already
had a predominantly non-Slav population by the end of the Turkish
reign. The predominant ethnic groups were Jews, Turks, Greeks, and
Armenians. Unlike Solun, the province towns originally had a more
numerous Slav population, though there had always been a considerable
Greek element too. The latter is becoming more and more dominant, the
effect being intensified by internal Greek migration, rising educational
Standards, and increasing influence of the regional (Solun) or national
(Athens) centers with the assimilation pressure arising from this fact.

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130 R Schmieger
In recent times, with a strong rural exodus visible in Greece, the towns,
especially Solun, prove attractive, especially for the young generation.
The great variety of existing Professional possibilities and the possibilities
for commercial activity, favored by a well-developed transportation and
Communications infrastructure, offer perspectives of social development
previously unknown to the descendants of rural populations.
4.2 In contrast to urban society, the rural areas of Greek Macedonia

have traditionally been settled by Slavs. There is a continuous shift of
population percentages in favor of the Greek element, which began after
the incorporation of Macedonia into the Greek state in 1912-1913.
Especially important in this context was the systematic settling of Greek
refugees who had been forced to leave Turkey following the population
exchange arranged after the Greek-Turkish War of 1920-1922, äs well
äs the flight or expulsion of Slavs, who had been overproportionally
involved on the communist side in the Civil War of 1945-1949. From
that time on the remaining Macedonian population has been subject to
a permanent and massive pressure to assimilate, which takes the form of
negation and nonsupport, and at times even persecution, of the
Macedonian language and the Slav-Macedonian self-consciousness.
Compared with Greece äs a whole, rural Macedonia is an economically
underdeveloped region. The population consists predominantly of poor
peasants who settle the often bare, hilly, and mountainous countryside.
The gradient town-province is especially pronounced. It is only during
the last two decades (to a great extent due to EG/EU membership and
to the possibilities of subsidizing and the programs of supporting peri-
pheral areas of the Community resulting from this membership) that a
clear increase in the Standard of living can be observed. In spite of this,
the migration of young people from these areas toward the province
towns and in particular toward Solun and Athens remains very strong.
This is also due to the increasing need for education, which can only be
satisfied in the urban sphere under the existing conditions. This is true
especially for academic education, which is gaining more and more in
importance.
5. Spheres of language application
5.1 The dominant language in all spheres of public life is Modern

Greek. It is the official language and the only language admitted for
public use in the Hellenic Republic. In all public offices and institutions,
in the army, on radio and television, in the press, and in church the

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Greek language is exclusively used. This universal dominance of Modern
Greek, in particular its exclusive use in education, and its position of
cultural prestige stemming from this, leads to a more and more intensive
Penetration of Modern Greek into the communication behavior of the
non-Greek population, including the private sphere. This tendency gains
additional support by internal migration and the ethnic mixing resulting
from it, s well s by supraregional contacts with non-Slav regions of
the country, which are becoming more and more intensive due to increas-
ing geographic mobility.
5.2 In contrast, the Macedonian language is becoming more and more

displaced. Originally a language dominating regionally and supraregio-
nally (and generally also known, for example, by the far less numerous
Aromanians in the Slav regions), it is now being reduced to usage in
small (village) or even the smallest (family life) social units and in certain
age groups, whereas Modern Greek is taking on a more and more
important position s an authoritative communication language in the
whole social framework.
The attitude of the Macedonians in Greece toward their ethnic identity
and their mother tongue is ambiguous. On the one hand they call them-
selves Makedonci 'Macedonians' and their language makedoncki
'Macedonian', but the language is also often called dopcki (cf. M.Gr.
ντόπιος < εντόπιος 'local') and n ski Our (language)', at times also
bulgarcki 'Bulgarian', corresponding to the contemptuous name used by
ethnic Greeks in referring to the Slav population group and its language.
On the other hand for Macedonians in Greece it is natural that they are
Gfci 'Greeks' s well. There is no feeling of incompatibility of the two
notions. In this context the Statement we heard from the mouth of an
elderly inhabitant of the village of Nestram — Νβστόριο in Kostur
nomos is significant Nfa tuua esme Makedonci. I Gfci. T mu zat planinta
ese samu Gfci. Ne se Makedonci. 'We here are Macedonians. And Greeks.
Over there, behind the mountain, there are only Greeks. They are not
Macedonian.' This example graphically illustrates the complete confusion
and nondistinction between the notions of citizenship, ethnic identity,
and mother tongue. It is caused by an educational System whose orienta-
tion is toward the doctrine of a nation state and which either ignores
Slav elements or stigmatizes them s remains of a temporarily and region-
ally undefined Slavization of the native Greek population living there
since ancient times. It is in that sense that we have to understand the
frequent practice of calling the Slav population εκσλαβισμένοι Έλληνες
'slavicized Greeks'.

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132 K Schmieger
6. Determining factors for the Status of Macedonian
Below we will present a number of gradients for the distribution of

importance, use, and knowledge of the Macedonian language in Greece,
and we shall isolate certain causal factors that cause, or at least favor,
the demonstrated shift of sociolinguistic dominance from Macedonian
toward Modern Greek. It must be noted in this context that individual
gradients partially necessitate each other or show parallele due to common
causal factors.
6. l. Educational level
The educational level of the individual Speakers has considerable influence

on the importance and the distribution of dominance of the two codes
(Macedonian and Modern Greek) in daily communication. Observations
show that the importance of the inherited Macedonian idiom is still
relatively high among the peasant population with a low educational
level, while the dominance of Modern Greek keeps growing with an
increasing degree of school and university education. This is due to
several factors.
a. In the first place we have to stress the fact that both school and
university education can only be obtained in Modern Greek. There is no
teaching in the mother tongue of the Macedonian population. Abstract
knowledge, which exceeds the life sphere of the provincial peasant popula-
tion and the knowledge obtained in the parent's home, is only accessible
through formal education. The corresponding vocabulary is thus from
the very beginning learned in Modern Greek. The native Macedonian
code does not have equivalents, because, in terms of its linguistic material,
it corresponds to the needs of a traditional rural society and does not
offer linguistic material for expressing more complicated connections,
more abstract phenomena, and specific categories of contemporary life.
In the neighboring states with a Slavic Standard language (Macedonia,
Bulgaria) the expansion of the number of abstract notions is accompanied
by a gradual enrichment of the linguistic material necessary for expressing
those notions. It can use a literary tradition, äs well äs other Slavic
cultural languages (e.g. Serbo-Croatian and Old Church Slavonic for
Macedonian, Russian and Old Church Slavonic for Bulgarian) to provide
loanwords or loan translations, äs well äs Latin or Western European
linguistic material (from Romance or Germanic languages). In Greece,
however, at least for the broader population classes, Slavic cultural

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languages have not been accessible, especially during the last 50 years,
because of the political polarity in Europe. Latin linguistic material,
frequently found in the neighboring Slav countries in the shape of loan-
words, is foreign to the Macedonians of Greece, for in Greece loans from
antiquity (in isolated words s well s in phraseological units) draw
nearly exclusively on Ancient Greek, whereas Latin has no importance
s a prestige language of education.
While ( s we have seen) borrowing from Slavic or Western European
cultural languages is virtually out of the question, Modern Greek offers
a freely available resource of linguistic material for expressing abstract
and permanently new notional categories to the Macedonians in Greece.
They participate immediately in the language evolution that involves the
whole of Greek society. In the case of an abstract notion like "govern-
ment," for example, instead of words like Mac. ejiada (cf. S.-Cr. vlada)
or Bulg. npaeumeAcmeo (cf. RUSS. npaeumeAbcmeo), which are incompre-
hensible to the Macedonians in Greece, the word k'ivernisi (cf. M. Gr.
κυβέρνηση) is used and heard daily. For expressing the notion "television"
we do not meet the Greco-Latin neologism meAeeusuja, resp. meAeeusua,
which is common in the South Slavic Standard languages, but tileorasi
(cf. M. Gr. τηλεόραση), the latter being much closer for these Speakers.
The fact that in the neighboring states the daily exclusive use of the
respective Slavic language leads to a higher productivity of the lexical-
derivation mechanisms than is the case among the Macedonians in
Greece, with their strongly reduced use of their Macedonian mother
tongue, should not be neglected.
b. The first alphabet taught is the Greek alphabet; the Latin alphabet
is added in the grammar-school teaching of foreign languages (mostly
English). The Cyrillic alphabet is not taught.
Reading printed material is therefore only possible in Modern Greek
(or, depending on knowledge, also in Western European languages). The
higher the educational level of the individual, the more intensive the
contact with printed matter and therefore the daily contact with
Modern Greek.
Books and periodicals from the neighboring states with a Slavic official
language, if they are available at all (such editions are not obtainable on
the Greek market), are not accessible because of ignorance of the Cyrillic
alphabet. Moreover, the whole sphere of abstract and modern expressions
is unknown and cannot be understood easily on the basis of the native
dialect. It is sufficient to refer to the numerous Paleoslavonicisms,
Russisms, Serbisms, and loan elements from non-Slavic languages. These
resources are not available to Macedonians in Greece.

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134 R Schmieger
This is also true with regard to radio and television from the neighbor-
ing countries. Although they are received in broad areas of Greek
Macedonia, linguistic comprehension is difficult for the reasons men-
tioned above. Furthermore, Macedonian television often broadcasts for-
eign films that are not dubbed, but are subtitled in Macedonian. Due to
ignorance of the Cyrillic alphabet, they are not understood.
Further, all mass media are oriented to topical interests in the respective
state. Consequently, broadcasts of the Macedonian or the Bulgarian
radio or printed matter from these states arouse little interest, äs they
preferentially cover problems and events of their native countries, which
do not concern Greek citizens, whereas, vice versa, questions of interest
to the latter are not treated.
c. These factors concern the effects of the level of education on the

thematic ränge of communication, äs well äs media accessibility on the
basis of the knowledge provided by the Greek educational System. In
addition, Modern Greek has a pronounced educational prestige, due to
the easier access to Information and cultural resources in Modern Greek
than in Macedonian described earlier, äs well äs to a notion of the
superiority of Modern Greek and the inferiority or even nonexistence2
Nof Macedonian, created during the whole school and nonschool
education.
In summary, to explain the educational gradient in the Status of the
Macedonian language, we have to mention the following factors:
a. thematic ränge of communication, frequency of abstract and
modern notions;
b. accessibility of non-Greek media and printed matter and intensity
of its use;
c. educational prestige of Modern Greek.
6.2. Age
As mentioned above, the Macedonian code is still deeply rooted in the

older generation, whereas it is continuously losing importance among
younger people.
a. Most of the representatives of the older generation either lack formal

education or enjoyed only fragmentary education. A considerable percen-
tage cannot read or write. The education of this generation was obtained
predominantly at home and consequently in their Macedonian mother
tongue. The reasons vary. On the one band, in former decades there were

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fewer schools, and educational opportunities were more limited than in
our day. On the other band, in the past the conservative rural population
placed less importance on formal education for their children than nowa-
days. Children used to be indispensable members of the workforce in the
household and in agriculture. Moreover, s far s there was a formal
education at all, it was interrupted by wars (World War II, immediately
followed by the civil war) and by the deficit of teaching staff resulting
from war. Continuity in teaching was also affected strongly. In contrast,
later generations had greater access to a comprehensive school System
with nine years of obligatory school attendance. The tendency toward
an increased interest in continuing education (in apprenticeship for pro-
fessions, in vocational schools, or in universities) is also feit in the
provincial regions.
The linguistic contact of the older generation with Modern Greek is
commonly limited to radio and television. But in many cases this group
uses these media less than younger people. This is a result of the often
very humble economic conditions of the old rural population, which do
not allow the purchase of radios or TV sets. On the other band it is a
result of specific interests, which do not necessarily coincide with the
topics covered by modern mass media. In rare cases a lack of knowledge
of Modern Greek makes it impossible to comprehend broadcasts. For
example, in the village of Snicene — Καστανόφυτο in the Kostur district
we met a woman about 80 years old who declared she did not watch TV
because she did not understand Modern Greek. This is, however, an
extremely rare exception. In contrast, the importance of mass media
(radio and TV s well s press) is permanently increasing among the
younger generations. The desire to participate in national and even
international developments is a determinating element.
The effects of the educational level on the Status of the Macedonian
code in the respective population group has been treated in section 6.1.
b. In the rural sphere the mobility of the older generation is in general

limited to their village and the surrounding fields and orchards, sometimes
including immediately neighboring villages. Contacts are thus maintained
within a circle of the population with a similar social structure, which is
also mostly ethnic Macedonian. Contacts with the ethnic Greek popula-
tion are rare and in general very superficial. The knowledge of Modern
Greek is therefore relatively unimportant and consequently weakly
developed.
The younger generations have a far higher degree of mobility. Owning
a car or at least a moped is considered normal. Most of them keep their
house in the village but practice a profession in the regional small town

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136 R. Schmieger
(mostly the capital of the nomos). As we will show in seetion 6.4, the
dominance of Modem Greek in towns is several times higher than in
rural areas. This generation has to be able to use Modern Greek freely
and easily for moving within their supraregional mobility radius.
c. Differences between generations with regard to the ränge of the

extralinguistic contents concerning and interesting them have to be added.
The old generation in the province continues its traditional rural life
within the old village social structures. The limited linguistic material for
expressing the notions inherent to this sort of life corresponds to the
inherited relatively narrow social surroundings and to the small mobility
radius. The needs of communication in all spheres concerning this genera-
tion are satisfied. Due to these factors the communication of this social
group at home and within the village is carried on predominantly or even
exclusively in Macedonian, the limited extent of the available linguistic
material not being an obstacle.
In comparison with the traditional small peasant work predominant
in the old generation, trade and Service professions are nowadays increas-
ingly preferred. Their character entails more frequent social contacts,
also on a regional and supraregional level. At best, the linguistic material
of the Macedonian code covers the notional world of these professions
in the sphere of trade (äs far äs traditional types of goods are concerned),
whereas the modern service and administrative sphere lacks an adequate
vocabulary. The difficulties in managing a more and more abstract
thematic ränge in the native idiom have already been described in
seetion 6. La.
In summary, we can explain the age gradient of the importance of the
Macedonian language with the following factors:
a. average educational level;
b. mobility;
c. thematic ränge of communication, frequency of abstract and
modern notions.
6.3. Sex
While determining the Status of Macedonian in Greece we noted another

important gradient: the sex of the Speakers. In general, women use the
Macedonian code more frequently in daily communication and conse-
quently have a more solid speaker's competence, whereas men show a
much stronger tendency to prefer Modern Greek in all spheres of life,

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which is accompanied by a gradual loss of linguistic competence in
Macedonian. There are several reasons for this phenomenon.
a. On the one band, the average educational level of men (especially in

the older generation) is higher than that of women. This is due primarily
to the fact that, especially in the past due to the patriarchal structures in
rural society, formal education was more accepted for boys, whereas the
place of girls and women was considered to be in the household. The
importance of this sex-specific difference is rapidly decreasing in the
younger generation, at least s far s primary school education (elemen-
tary school — δημόσιο σχολείο, and grammar school — γυμνάσιο), is
concerned. In this sphere we can today assume a nearly completely
effective obligatory school attendance. Secondary school education (high
school — λύκειο) is also very frequent for both sexes. Differences between
the sexes may still exist in the frequency of academic education, and in
the spheres of Professional education some sex-specific preferences for
several groups of professions surely exist.
The implications of the educational level have already been treated in
section 6.1.
b. The average mobility of men is much higher than that of women. In

the older generation this diiference is most pronounced, where due to the
traditional patriarchal way of life women hardly move out of the house-
hold and the closer neighborhood. Contacts outside the village are the
Job of the men, such s going to market in the local urban center or
making contacts with official authorities. Moreover, nearly the complete
male population leaves the native village for a period, due to the compul-
sory military Service. In Greece conscripts are usually stationed far from
their home towns.
In the younger generations there is an increase of general mobility (cf.
6.2.b), with the male population again being more mobile on average.
This is due to the fact that on the one band there is still a considerable
percentage of women who do not work and are thus strongly bound to
the domestic sphere (observed with the older generation); on the other
band most of the women who do work concentrate on specific professions
like salesperson, typist, or bank clerk, which are also characterized by a
relatively low degree of mobility. In these cases mobility is often limited
to the journey from home to work. Contrary to this, men have above-
average representation in mobile handicraft and trade professions, which
demand a higher degree of mobility. Further, due to the very centralized
administration System of Greece, a number of matters that have to be
regulated with official authorities, which are often handled in Athens or

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
138 R Schmieger
at least in Solun, are usually dealt with by men because of traditional
role behavior.
c. A difference in the thematic spectrum of communication and, due to

this, in the demands on the capacity of the available linguistic material
of the possible codes is also in a causal connection with these differences
in the average educational level and mobility. These sex-dependent diifer-
ences are naturally most present among the older generation, whereas in
younger age groups they keep losing importance, although they still exist
(because of the decreasing tendency of role-specific differences shown in
sections a and b above). The manner in which the thematic r nge of
communication influences the Status of Macedonian has been treated in
sections 6.1.a and 6.2.c.
In summary, the following factors are responsible for sex-dependent
differences in knowledge and frequency of using the Macedonian
language:
a. average educational level;
b. mobility;
c. thematic r nge of communication, frequency of abstract and
modern notions.
6.4. Degree ofurbanization
It is a striking fact that Macedonian is still quite broadly represented in

the rural sphere. In contrast, it has nowadays nearly disappeared in the
urban sphere. This is due to several factors.
a. Even under Turkish reign the Slav inhabitants of the modern Greek
part of Macedonia were mostly rural settlers, whereas the towns (especi-
ally the bigger ones, most of all Solun) used to have a much higher
percentage of other ethnic groups (Turks, Jews of Spanish origin,
Greeks).
After the Greek-Turkish War (1920-1922) the composition of the
Population changed to a large extent in favor of the Greek ethnic element.
In the context of the population exchange arranged by the Lausanne
Peace Treaty (1923) about 1.5 million Greeks (Brockhaus 1979: 13) were
purposely settled in Greek Macedonia and Thrace and partially took the
place of the Slav population, which had been expelled at the end of and
after the Second Balkan War. These emigrants from Turkey (most of
whom came from urban centers such s Κωνσταντινούπολη — Istanbul,
Σμύρνη — Izmir, Τραπεζούντα — Trabzon, and Αϊντίνι — Aydin)

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
settled predominantly in urban spheres, whereas the rural areas were less
affected by this migration.
As a result of the present large-scale rural exodus, towns have become
points of attraction for population groups from large areas. The towns
of Greek Macedonia are therefore currently undergoing a strong mixing
of Slav and non-Slav ethnic elements, a phenomenon not very pronounced
in the rural surroundings. Compared with the rural areas, interethnic
(and in big cities also international) contact is very dense in the towns.
As a code for interethnic communication Modern Greek is preferred,
which is prescribed anyway for official use, privileged in the educational
System, and familiär to members of all ethnic communities. The
Macedonian code and other local minority languages such äs Albanian
or Aromanian are unable to provide an alternative. On the one hand the
noncodified local form of Macedonian with its limited linguistic material
cannot satisfy the demands of a multiplex, dynamic urban life it does
not originale from (cf. section 6.La); on the other side, ethnic Greeks
(especially those whose origin is not Macedonia) do not have an active
or passive command of the Macedonian language.
The numerous ethnic Greek traders near the border and near railway
stations and bus stations in Solun are an exception. They mostly use äs
a nonoriginal code a mixed language of Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian
because of their clients from the neighboring Republic of Macedonia and
from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. However, this code is used
only in communication with these visitors from the neighboring states,
whereas communication with the Slavs of northern Greece is spontane-
ously in Modern Greek.
b. Another factor is the complexity of urban Professional life compared

with rural areas. It entails a broader thematic ränge in daily communica-
tion and a rieh social stratification of linguistic styles. These nuanced
demands cannot be satisfied by the Macedonian code, which originated
in rural life and lacks resources of linguistic enrichment (cf. section 6. La).
c. Further, the average educational level of the urban population is

higher than that of the rural population. This is due to the broader and
more differentiated educational possibilities available and to the profes-
sional structure of this social environment. Most of the professions char-
acteristic for town and city dwellers (mostly in the production, trade, or
Service sectors) demand a higher degree of education than that needed
for the agricultural work still dominant in the rural areas. Concerning
the influence of educational level on the importance of both linguistic
codes, see section 6.1.

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
140 R Schmieger
Due to the factors described above Macedonian is handicapped in
comparison to Modern Greek predominantly in the urban, less in the
rural areas. They can be sununarized äs follows:
a. density of interethnic (and international) contact;
b. thematic ränge of communication, frequency of abstract and
modern notions;
c. average educational level.
6.5. Geographical gradient
Our (incomplete and certainly not sufficiently representative) observa-

tions indicate that beside the parameters described so far, the geographic
location of the different regions of northern Greece has an influence on
the Status of Macedonian äs well. We gained the impression that
Macedonian is most frequent (in both qualitative and in quantitative
terms) in the northwestern part of Greek Macedonia (in the Prespa,
Lerin, and Kostur areas), becoming less frequent the further south and
east we go. This phenomenon is the result of the influence of several
factors:
a. The influence of the neighboring states with Slavic Standard languages
(Macedonia, Bulgaria) grows the further north one goes. The reception
of radio and TV emissions is very good in the vicinity of the border, and
the frequency of direct human contacts is naturally higher than in the
interior. In this context regional border traffic in both directions is of
special importance. In addition, äs a result of former real estate bound-
aries from before the establishment of the current frontiers and due to
marriages between neighboring villages, a lot of family connections exist
across the border, resulting in numerous visits.
These family connections across the border are also a result of the
Civil War, due to which families were torn apart and were forced to flee
abroad. Most of the Civil War refugees of Slav origin later settled in the
two immediately neighboring states of Greece (former Yugoslavia, pre-
dominantly Macedonia, äs well äs Bulgaria). This phenomenon affects
the whole Greek part of Macedonia, not only the border areas. In these
cases the frequency of visits is limited unilaterally to visits of family
members who now live in Greece. Those living in the neighboring states
are unable to visit, äs Greece refuses entry to Civil War refugees of Slav
origin according to valid law and praxis.
b. Within this south-north gradient there is a further east-west gradient.
In our opinion this can be explained by the fact that until the political

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
change in the Eastern Block the Greek border with Bulgaria was to a
large extent uncrossable. Human contacts were therefore extremely
difficult to maintain during the 50 years from World War II until the fall
of the Iron Curtain. In contrast, the Republic of Macedonia of today,
äs part of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, had a
very open border, which could be crossed in both directions, so that the
contacts described under section a above could develop a far more
intensive effect than could those with Bulgaria.
c. In addition, after the Balkan Wars actions against the Slav population
group were much more radical in the eastern part of Greek Macedonia
than in the more western regions, because the Slav liberation movement
was especially active in the Solun and Kukus regions. The consequences
were mass expulsions and the extermination of whole villages.
d. Later on another important fact for the development of an east-west

gradient was the strong radiation of the metropole of Solun in the eastern
part of Greek Macedonia, with its very dominant Greek ethnic element
and its linguistic dominance of Modern Greek (cf. section 6.4) further
displacing the already weak presence of Macedonian in this part of
the country.
Consequently, the south-north and east-west gradients can be
explained by the following four factors:
a. proximity to the border with countries with Slavic Standard
languages;
b. openness of that border in the recent past;
c. extent of expulsion and extermination of the Slav population after
the Balkan Wars;
d. radiation of the metropole of Solun.
7. Effects of bilingualism and language contact
As described above, the Situation of the Macedonians in northern Greece

fits Fishman's definition (Fishman 1971: 74) of bilingualism without
diglossia. Greek society äs a whole in general employs only the Modern
Greek language and is consequently monoglot, whereas the Macedonians
in the northern parts of the country are also competent in the Macedonian
code to a higher or lower degree, which makes them bilingual in an
individual and collective sense.
The monoglossia of the national society on the one band, and the
individual and collective bilingualism on the other constitute the ground

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
142 R Schmieger
for language contacts.3 The phenomena of bilingualism and language
contact affect the language behavior of the Slavs in northern Greece in
different ways. This will be illustrated below. The examples were collected
during fieldwork in the village of Nestram in the Kostur district, but in
our opinion they can be considered representative for the Situation of
the Macedonian language in Greece.
7.1. Displacement of Macedonian by Modern Greek
As already shown, today the Macedonian language finds itself in a

handicapped sociolinguistic position in regard to Modern Greek. The
social spheres in which it is used represent only a small sector of the
more and more varied spectrum of differing forms of human coexistence.
This restriction to certain spheres of life is accompanied by a restriction
to certain social groups. Most pronounced is the stratification with refer-
ence to age (cf. section 6.2).
To describe in a simplified manner the age-dependent displacement of
Macedonian in favor of Modern Greek the following four categories
were drawn up:4
a. persons over 65 years old;
b. persons from 50 to 65 years old;
c. persons from 35 to 50 years old;
d. persons less than 35 years old.
The importance of the Macedonian language in these groups is äs
follows:
a. Primary code Macedonian, secondary code Modern Greek (very rarely

absent). Communication normally takes place completely in
Macedonian.
b. Primary and secondary code individually different. Frequently

Modern Greek is already the primary code. The knowledge of
Macedonian is usually still intact, but spontaneous communication with
fellow-villagers is mostly in Modern Greek. When Macedonian is used,
the code is enlarged by linguistically adapted borrowings from Modern
Greek (cf. section 7.3) where there is a lack of adequate expressions. If
more specific topics are treated, where the Macedonian code is considered
insufficient, a spontaneous code switching to Modern Greek takes place
during the communication act.
c. Primary code definitely Modern Greek. The knowledge of the

Macedonian secondary code is already very fragmentary among many

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
repr sentatives of this group, partially only passive. Among this group
Macedonian often has a negative social connotation; it is considered to
be a symbol of an outdated and primitive rural style of life of "the old."
It is interesting that this generation sometimes uses the pejorative term
βουλγαρικά 'Bulgarian' adapted from the ethnic Greeks to describe the
native Macedonian idiom, a fact hardly ever met among eider generations.
d. Primary code Modem Greek. Only a rudimentary linguistic compe-

tence in Macedonian remains, usually limited to the knowledge of several
isolated lexical units (often even with an incorrect or unclear understand-
ing of their meaning). Linguistic competence no longer includes the
grammar System. Further, the Macedonian code is refused s something
unknown, foreign, ridiculous and inferior and is seen s a rudiment of
the primitive rural style of life of the older generation, inherited from the
past. Often, especially in the recent past, ideological motives are added.
In view of the lasting tensions between the Republic of Macedonia
(already evident in Yugoslav times) and Greece, the Macedonian language
is often refused vehemently s an element considered to be aggressive,
and the thesis of a violent Infiltration of this language in the past
(εκσλαβισμένοι Έλληνες 'slavicized Greeks') is becoming more and more
accepted.
7.2. Code switching
As we have described earlier, the use of the Macedonian language is

more and more restricted to limited social spheres. The remaining spheres
are covered by Modern Greek. Consequently a process of code switching,
caused by the Situation, takes place in the language behavior of the
Speakers. This is especially characteristic for those social groups in which
Macedonian already has a weakened Status (cf. above).
a. Total code switching. The total transition from the Macedonian to

the Modern Greek code during the communication act takes place
i. When the group of Speakers, originally communicating in

Macedonian, is joined by other persons who are incapable of communi-
cating in the code (because they belong to other ethnic groups or s a
consequence of the restriction of Macedonian treated in section 7.1) or
if such persons are addressed:
(1) A:5 Pusep-napmumo Kora ce npasu?
'When is the River Party?'

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
144 R Schmieger
B:6 K tu yudina se pr j. K tu yudina se pr j.
'It's every year. It's every year.'
B: (addressing C:) Pote jinete, re, poses tu mina ixame?
'Just teil me, when is it, which date was it?'
C:7 Aekaeft .
The seventeenth.'
B: Δέη itane.
'It was not that one.'
(again addressing A:) , k se veli, na devet vyust se pr j.
'Mmm, how is it called, it is the ninth of August.'
ii. When topics are discussed that are beyond the capacity of the
Macedonian code or of the speaker's linguistic competence, such s
politics, economy, finances, culture, administration, and Services:
(2) B: T ka im pr ve Turciti. Ni zvee puhivina tin G'ipro.
'That is what the Turks are doing. They took half of Cyprus
away from us.'
A: Ha Kunap Fpijume UM ΓΗ sameopmie IJaMuume na Typijume,
a Typiiume He ru cpyinvme ijpKBume.
'In Cyprus the Greeks locked the mosques of the Turks, but
the Turks did not destroy the churches.'
B: Νέ, end ksi, έςί jini e*k'i pera tet'ja periptusi. Δέη amfiv lo.
Dobro. Memononrenes periptos έχηη jini, al stin Durk'ia
mέsa k' i Turk'i k n det'ja pr mata. Tu kr tus 5 a6i, oli.
'Yes, okay, such a thing has happened. I don't doubt it. There
have been isolated cases, but in Turkey the Turks themselves
also do things like that. Which means the state, everybody.'
Replying to the questioner's objection, there is an immediate switch into
the Modern Greek code: Ναι, εντάξει, έχει γίνει εκεί πέρα τέτοια
περίπτωση. Δεν αμφιβάλλω. Μεμονωμένες περιπτώσεις έχουν γίνει, αλλά
στην Τουρκία μέσα κ οι Τοόρχοι κάνουν τέτοια πράματα (translation given
in the example).
(3) B: Nito t ka im naprav^no, 8ila5i, ηέ im udrtno, ηέ im ζνέίο
p re, 5en vrizo, leo, 5en vrizo ton n0ropo. Ροζ tejete?
'I've neither done anything, neither have I hit, Fve not taken
money, I don't insult, I teil you, I don't insult the man. How
is it called?'
Code switching into Modern Greek takes place within the very communi-
cation act: Το κράτος δηλαδή, όλοι. Δεν βρίζω, λέω, δεν βρίζω τον
άνθρωπο. Πώς λέγεται; (translation given in the example). It is evidently

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
motivated by the fact that the Speaker is surer in the Modern Greek code
and believes he can express bis thoughts with more delicate nuances. This
is even expressed explicitly: Ροζ lejetel (M. Gr. Πώς λέγεται;) 'How is
it called?'
b. Partial code switching. In the following cases isolated Greek lexemes
or syntagmes, in rarer cases even whole sentences are integrated into a
communication act taking place primarily in Macedonian:
i. If there are no equivalent expressions available in the Macedonian
code for expressing the notions concerned, or if they are beyond the
speaker's linguistic competence, but communication in general is still
possible in Macedonian:
(4) B: Ne, ne e n jdum t s su s kum, oku e n m, za e zemum. Su da
zn m koja za esti? S kum da terj sume. Da terj sumu i tro
plevmatik , su umut.
'No, I haven't found the one I like, if I find her, Γ11 marry her.
How should I know which one it is? I want us to fit together.
That we also fit a little intellectually, with the intellect.'
The Speaker was not able to express the abstract notions 'fit together'
and 'intellectually' in an adequate way in the Macedonian code and
resorted to the corresponding Greek lexemes ταιριάζω and πνευματικός
(on the degree of adaptation of such borrowed elements to the grammar
System of the receiving code cf. section 7.3).
(5) B: Enos ustan e tuua d Olan8ia dv'e, ime dujdenu tuua, mu se
rasipa aftuk'into. Ustan e na vuobet, mu napr j da jade,
n jdum t mu ena d*ete su imase aftuk'in'Hi, ime j z dvo kalo ja
su i kl vas na batariata, i t ka i strefame na druyata bataria.
Once two people from the Netherlands stayed here, they had
come here, their car was broken. They stayed for lunch, I made
them something to eat, I found a boy there who had a car, I
had two cables that you put to the battery, and in that way we
pulled them to the other battery.'
In this case, too, there were no elements of the Macedonian code available
to the Speaker for expressing the notions 'car', 'cable', and 'battery'. The
gap was filled by borrowing the Modern Greek lexemes αυτοκίνητο,
καλώδιο, and μπαταρία. The geographical and political notion
'Netherlands' can only be expressed through the Modern Greek Ολλανδία.
ii. If during the communication act, due to linguistic inertia, the Speaker
spontaneously only remembers certain lexemes or syntagmes in Modern

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
146 R Schmieger
Greek, and not in Macedonian. This is often the case with expressions
that are especially common in Modern Greek or topical at that time
(because of the connection to current events or tendencies in Greek
society) and for certain fixed phraseological expressions:
(6) B: N pre kurfil citi grtde ozduol ut pinzerete da cue oku
zbuorvime takvi'a.
Ίη the past the police stopped beneath the Windows to listen
whether we speak like that.'
The expression kurfilak (cf. M. Gr. χωροφύλακας 'gendarme') is a fix
component of Greek society, so that the Speaker does not search for an
equivalent in the Macedonian code.
(7) B: S'etne celi fti tm berio o ti'a tuua topik'ete pisee: ...
'After that all the local newspapers kept writing all the time:...'
The syntagme αυτή την περίοδο 'that time' is very common in its Modern
Greek version s a fixed expression, and it is being assumed that it is
well known to all communication partners.
The partial code switching described here is already a flowing transition
to interference. The latter example in particular enters deeply into the
immediate mutual influencing of codes, s seen by the prono n celi
'whole, all'. While the lexeme itself is Slavic, it has the Modern Greek
endings of fsg (-η) and is integrated gramatically into the following
Modern Greek syntagme αυτή την περίοδο 'that time'. This example thus
leads us to the next and last efFect of bilingualism and language contact
treated here, to interference.
7.3. Interference
The interference phenomena among the Macedonians in Greece are

limited mainly to influences of the Modern Greek code on Macedonian,
corresponding to its weak Status. We have not observed opposite cases
at all, and, s far s they do exist (which should not be excluded), they
must be considered s extremely rare. So, for lack of relevant material
and in consideration of their minor importance for language contact in
Greek Macedonia, we shall not cover a possible Macedonian influence
on Modern Greek.
While code switching is widespread, especially among those Speakers
who have a limited linguistic competence in the Macedonian code, and
could therefore be considered s an accompanying effect of language
death, interference can be observed quite frequently even among Speakers'

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
groups in which Macedonian still has a solid Status. Today at least some
interference phenomena systematically occurring in a synchronous plan
can already be considered s immanent features of the local Macedonian
code. Nevertheless, a strong increase of interference among the Speakers'
groups with a strong dominance of Modern Greek and with unstable
linguistic competence in Macedonian can clearly be observed. The inter-
ference phenomena occurring today affect lexis and phonology most
ofall.
a. According to our observations, lexical interferences consist mainly

of borrowed lexemes. We have met no loan translations, but we do not
exclude the possibility of their existence. However, we consider the fact
that the latter are at least much rarer than direct loanwords s significant.
In our opinion this has to be explained by the weakened Status of
Macedonian and especially by its Isolation from resources of linguistic
enrichment in a broader Slavic linguistic area. This has led to a degenera-
tion of productive derivational models and to a considerable reduction
of the ability to build loan translations.
The loanwords diifer from each other with regard to their degree of
adaptation (phonological, prosodical, and morphological) to the System
of the receiving code. As most of the phonemes of Modern Greek exist
in Macedonian s well, phonological adaptation ( s far s it takes place)
is limited to the Substitution of the Modern Greek fricatives /γ/, /δ/, /θ/
(and partially /χ/ with its allophones [x] and [9] in those Macedonian
dialects that have lost this phoneme). In the framework of prosodical
adaptation, Greek lexemes, whose accent can be anywhere within the last
three syllables of every word, are adapted to the more restrictive System
of the respective Macedonian dialects. Morphological adaptation consists
in adapting Modern Greek words with endings that are not common to
Macedonian to the Slavic grammar System to such an extent that a
flexion by the rules of that System becomes possible.
In this context it must be noted that the totally adapted form of
borrowing (Substitution) is clearly dominant in those social groups in
which Macedonian still has a stable Status, whereas those groups in which
Modern Greek is predominant show a strong tendency toward non-
adapted borrowings (importation) (Haugen 1956: 50; Filipovic 1986: 41).
Here again some examples from Nestram:
Phonologically adapted forms (with transphonemization) (Filipovic 1986:

41; Weinreich 1977 [1963]: 45-48): kurfilak 'policeman' (cf.
χωροφύλακας), draxmia 'drachma' (cf. δραχμή)* v pca 'to paint eggs'
(cf. βαψ-, aorist stem).9

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
148 K Schmieger
Phonologically nonadapted forms: Veliyr di 'Beigrade' (cf. Βελιγράδι),
Framu 'Grammos Mountain' (cf. Γράμμο, acc.), sttuyu 'club, society' (cf.
σύλλογο, acc.), ikastirjo 'court of law' (cf. δικαστήριο), perio o 'period'
(cf. περίοδο, acc.), Veljiba 'Belgian woman' (cf. Βελγίδα), spudasvi 'study'
(cf. σπουδασ-, aorist stem), δίίαδί'δο, for' (cf. δηλαδή), recinola o 'rhizinus
oiT (cf. ρετσινόλαδο), Αθίηα 'Athens' (cf. Αθήνα), Oeatro 'theater' (cf.
θέατρο), ςίίόηα 'coat' (cf. χιτώνα, acc.), urfistra Orchestra' (cf. ορχήστρα),
draxmia 'drachma' (cf. δραχμή).™
Prosodically adapted forms (the accent System in Nestram is in principle

paroxytonic): zvegar 'pair of oxen for plowing' (cf. ζευγάρι), fustan 4dress'
(cf. φουστάνι), f sul cbeans' (cf. φασόλι), komat 'piece' (cf. κομμάτι), molif
'penciT (cf. μολύβι), kromit Onion' (cf. κρομμύδι).
Prosodically nonadapted forms: periodo 'period' (cf. περίοδο, acc.), tile-

fono Telephone' (cf. τηλέφωνο), Oeatro 'theater' (cf. θέατρο), jefira ebridge'
(cf. γέφυρα), komotrila Temale hairdresser' (cf. κομμώτρια), recinolabo
'rhizinus o ' (cf. ρετσινόλαδο), atfok'inito ecar' (cf. αυτοκίνητο), Καηαδά
'Canada' (cf. Καναδά, acc.), kumunistis 'communist' (cf. κομμουνιοτής),
topik'e 'local newspapers' (cf. τοπικές [εφημερίδες]), ipoloxayos 'first lieu-
tenant' (cf. υπολοχαγός), δίmotik 4folk songs' (cf. δημοτικά [τραγούδια}).
Morphologically adapted forms (with transmorphemization) (Filipovic

1986: 119; Weinreich 1977 [1963]: 66-69): k'misvi 'leave, start' (cf.
ξεκινησ-, aorist stem), topik'e 'local newspapers' (cf. τοπικές
[εφημερίδες])?1 draxmia 'drachma' (cf. δραχμή), recine 'retsinas' (cf.
ρετσίνα)?2 siluyu ficlub, society' (cf. σύλλογο, acc.), ja rt eyoghurt' (cf.
γιαούρτι), piskup 'bishop' (cf. επίσκοπος), periferjeto ethe surroundings'
(cf. περιφέρεια, here with the Macedonian definite article), grafjarin 'clerk'
(cf. γραφιάς).
Morphologically nonadapted forms: Suvjetiki Enusi 'Soviet Union' (cf.

Σοβιετική Ένωση), kumunistis 'communist' (cf. κομμουνιστής), ipolo-
xayos 'first lieutenant' (cf. υπολοχαγός), Aani 'Danish people' (cf. Δανοί),
ylendi 'feast, party' (cf. γλέντι), fitite 'students' (φοιτητές, in Katharevousa
φοιτηταΐ), Mak'idoncko zitima 'Macedonian Question' (cf. Μακεδόνικο
ζήτημα)."
b. Phonetic and phonological interference occurs by borrowing Modern

Greek lexemes with phonemes that are not common to the Macedonian
sound System. These are the phonemes /γ/, /δ/, /θ/, in several Macedonian
dialects also /x/ (with the allophones [x] and [ς]). These phenomena have

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
already been treated in section a under the aspect of lexical borrowing.
The Macedonian dialects do not know the phoneme /j/ before /e/ and /i/
either. The latter is also being introduced by Modern Greek lexemes:
Jermania 'Germany' (cf. Γερμανία), jefira 'bridge' (cf. γέφυρα), oSi svi
'lead' (cf. οδηγησ-, aorist stem).
However, besides these phonological infiltrations, which enter the
linguistic System through individual lexemes and are bound to them, we
have observed Modern Greek influence in Slavic lexemes, too.
Among these is the frequent transition of theme phonemes /d/ and /g/
into their fricative correspondents [δ] and [γ] in initial position before a
vowel and in intervocalic and in postvocalic position before liquids. This
transition does not occur regularly, however, so it still has a phonetic,
not a phonological character. In this manner we meet the following
parallel forms: gudina ~ yudina 'year', g^ore ~ ywore 'above', gu ~ yu
e
him', g^liema ~ yullema 'big', k?oga ~ k*oya 'when', slega ~ sleya
e
now', mnogu ~ mnoyu emany, much', igra ~ iyra 'he/she/it plays', cfoma
~ uoma 4at home, home', 'ada ~ il' ba 'thousand', utidum ~ utldum
Ί have gone', grlede ~ grle e 'they are coming', vicfome ~ viduome fiwe
have seen', klacfome ~ klaSuome 'we have put', n dru ~ na ru Outside'.
In fact, this transition can also be observed in Macedonian dialects
outside Greece, but it cannot be excluded that the existence of the fricative
phonemes /δ/ and /γ/ and at the same time the weak Status of the
corresponding plosives /d/ and /g/ in Modern Greek favor such a process.
While fricatization of the phonemes /d/ and /g/ can be met in all social
groups of the Macedonian population in northern Greece, we observed
two other phenomena only among those Speakers' groups in which
Macedonian already has a weakened position. We can therefore claim
that these phenomena are connected with the gradual restriction of
Macedonian and the increasing dominance of Modern Greek.
One tendency consists of the transition of the hard Slavic /l/ into a
medium "Central European" /!/, s is also predominant in Modern
Greek: kla&eni instead ofkladleni 'put', grlo instead of gflo 'throaC,fasul
instead offasuf 'beans', slelu instead of sielu fivillage'. As this tendency
occurs exclusively among younger Speakers with whom Modern Greek
is clearly dominant and who show a deficit in linguistical competence in
Macedonian, it seems reasonable to speak of a penetration of the Modern
Greek "medium" realization of the phoneme /!/ into the Macedonian
System.
The other phenomenon is the tendency of palatalizing the alveolar
consonants /s/, /z/, /c/ through /s'/, /z'/, /c'/ towards /s/, /z/, /c/ on the
one band, and the tendency of palatalizing the dentals /s/, /z/, /c/ toward
/s/, /z/, /c/ on the other hand, where both series meet each other and

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
150 K Schmieger
their phonological differences are neutralized: bles'e and blese instead of
blese 'he/she/it was', v*ez'e and vleze instead of vleze eeyebrows'5 t'ui'i
and cuzi instead of cuzi 'foreign', uoci and uoci instead of uoci 'eyes'; on
the other side, skop instead of skop fiexpensive'5 zombi instead of zombi
'teeth', dlece instead of (Pece 'children'. The fact that the so-called "den-
tals" /s/, /z/, /c/, /3/ (<σ, ς>, <ζ>, <τσ>, <τζ>) in Modern Greek
are de facto realized with a clear palatalization by most of the Speakers,
which means [s], [z], [c], [3], is interesting in this context. Because of this
we presume that the transition of the Macedonian dentals /s/, /z/, /c/
into /s/, /z/, /c/ is motivated by the Modern Greek pronunciation. At the
same time the phonological System of Modern Greek does not know a
series of alveolar consonants like /s/, /z/, /c/. In this sense the transition
of /§/, /z/, /c/ into /s/, /z/, /c/ can be interpreted s a phenomenon of
interference with Modern Greek. This supposition is clearly supported
by the fact that the tendency described occurs only in those generations
whose primary code is Modern Greek and whose linguistic competence
in Macedonian is limited.
c. Phenomena of interference that occur regularly in all Speakers' groups

can be observed in the field of morphology in particular. In a synchronous
plan they must be considered s already incorporated into the System of
the respective Macedonian dialects.
This can be said, for example, of the fact that the verbal System of the
extreme western dialects (Kostur and partially Lerin) has been reorga-
nized by analogy with Modern Greek in such a manner that the Slavic
resultative (perfective) verbal forms built with the "7-participle" of the
type cym KynuA, 6ee KynuA, ke cym KynuA, ke 6ee KynuA (in Standard
Macedonian) have disappeared and been replaced by forms of the type
im kupeno, ime kupeno, za im kupeno, za ime kupeno (corresponding to
Standard Macedonian UM M Kyneno, umae Kyneno, ke UM M Kyneno, ke
UMae Kyneno, analogous with Modern Greek έχω αγοράσει, είχα αγοράσει,
θα έχω αγοράσει, θα είχα αγοράσει). They have no narrative meaning; the
category "narrative" is not represented in these dialects. In the same way
the potentialis is not expressed according to the old Slavic model 6u
KynuA, but is replaced by the "MHHaTO-H,zmo BpeMe" za kupe Ί would
buy' (corresponding to Standard Macedonian ke Kynee, analogous with
Modern Greek θα αγόραζα). The Slavic "/-form," which has no analogue
in Modern Greek, has thus disappeared.
Similarly, the same dialects nowadays no longer have a reflexive posses-
sive pronoun *svojb, but replace it with nonreflexive possessive pronouns
in the respective person and number of the corresponding noun: Tuoj
vfeva na femnata kosca14 Ήβ is entering bis (own) house' (analogous

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
with Modern Greek Αυτός μπαίνει στο σπίτι τον), or T* j mu dade na
tatka mu p re eHe gave money to bis (own) father' (analogous with
Modern Greek Αυτός έδωσε λεφτά, στον πατέρα του).
In contrast, we have registered no clearly recognizable current phen-
omena of interference in the field of morphology. The only possible
Infiltration consists of the ending of l.p.pl.pres. of the verbs of the a-
conjugation, s found in Nestram. However, s far s we know, this
phenomenon is narrowly limited regionally. Beside the historically devel-
oped variant -ame we found the variety -ume: vikame ~ vikume 'we call',
zevame ~ zevume 'we take', rabuotame ~ rabuotume 'we work', st vame
~ st vume 'we put'. In the younger generation this ending has also
shifted to the /-conjugation: da fecume instead of da fecime 'let's say',
pul'ume instead of pulime 'we see'. Theoretically this tendency could be
caused or stimulated by the Modern Greek ending of l.p.pl.pres. -ουμε
and could have penetrated the Macedonian System by way of Modern
Greek loanwords. But taking into consideration the fact that in
l.p.sg.pres. of the α-conjugation a variant -um occurs beside the old
ending -am, we suppose that this is a case of an internal Macedonian
tendency of labializing the vowel /a/ in front of the labial sonant /m/. In
this case, the ending -ume in l.p.pl.pres. would have passed over to the
/-conjugation by morphonological equalization. However, we do not
exclude the possibility that this morphonological equalization might have
been favored by the existence of an identical ending in Modern Greek,
especially since it occurs in the speech of Speakers with a strong domi-
nance of Modern Greek.
d. In the field of syntax of clause connections we can generally note

that Macedonian and Modern Greek, both being Balkan languages, are
to a large extent based on identical Systems. Differences occur mainly in
the field of hypotaxis. However, s the language of the Macedonians in
Greece is a rural idiom without Slavic Dachsprache, hypotaxis is naturally
very weakly developed. Communication mainly takes place in main
clauses. The few dependent clauses that occur are relative (introduced
constantly by su < *cbto) and temporal clauses (with the conjunction ka
'when'). Other modal references are also expressed sporadically, but in
most cases the corresponding Modern Greek conjunctions are used, for
example eno 'while, whereas' (cf. ενώ, temporal and adversative), af
'after; since, because' (cf. αφού, temporal and causal). We did not
encounter declarative dependent clauses; direct speech was always used.
These Modern Greek infiltrations should be classified s a part of lexis
rather than of syntax, since the System itself is not affected by the
interference in this case.

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
152 R. Schmieger
The loss of the reflexive possessive pronoun *svojb and its replacement
by the nonreflexive form of the possessive pronoun of the respective
person and number of the reference noun also belong to the field of
syntax. They have already been described in section c: Tuoj vfeva na
femnata kosca 'He is entering bis (own) house' (analogous with Modern
Greek Αυτός μπαίνει στο σπίτι τον), or Tuoj mu dade na tatka mu pare
'He gave money to his (own) father' (analogous with Modern Greek
Αυτός έδωσε λεφτά στον πατέρα του).
e. In the field of semantics we observed only one systematical peculiar-

ity, which is, however, limited to the Kostur region and perhaps a part
of the Lerin region. The meanings of the prepositions *vz(n) 'in' and
*na 'at, on' are there covered by one single preposition na, whereas the
preposition *vz(n) has no etymological continuation. This corresponds
to the Situation in Modern Greek, where exactly these meanings are
expressed by σε. Moreover, the same preposition (not only in the dialects
mentioned) also expresses dative ( s in Modern Greek) and possessive
reference. The following examples are therefore fully equivalent:
(8) Na planinta uode.
Στα βουνά πηγαίνουν.
They go onto the mountain.'
(9) Tuos b'ese na planinta.
Αυτό ήταν στο βουνό.
That was on the mountain.'
(10) Tuoj vPeva na temnata kosca.
Αυτός μπαίνει στο σπίτι του.
'He is entering his (own) house.'
(11) Duojde d Buly rja i na Suolun s^ya esti.
Ήρθε απ'τη Βουλγαρία και τώρα είναι στη Θεσσαλονίκη.
'He came from Bulgaria and is now in Solun.'
(12) Tuoj mu dade na tatka mu pare.
Αυτός έδωσε λεφτά στον πατέρα του.
'He gave money to his (own) father.'
Only the possessive construction, for which Modern Greek uses the
conserved genitive (or in dialects also a prepositional construction with
από 'from'), is different from Modern Greek:
(13) aftuk'intu na kurfil citi
το αυτοκίνητο των χωροφυλάκων
το αυτοκίνητο απ'τους χωροφύλακες
'the policemen's car'

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
8. Conclusion
In this article we have given an outline of the sociolinguistic Situation of

Macedonian in Greece. The Situation is characterized by individual and
collective bilingualism in conditions of national monoglossia. This
monoglossia, in combination with an increasing general educational level
and increasing mobility of the population, leads to a growing dominance
of Modern Greek in all spheres of life and at the same time to a restriction
of the fields of application and a decrease of the linguistic competence
of the Macedonian population in their original mother tongue. This effect
is intensified by more or less drastic (with oscillations) measures of
glottophagia. In the case of the Macedonians in Greece we are witnesses
to a language shift, accompanied by a gradual language death of the
inferior code.
As we have shown, the linguistic development in the area under obser-
vation is moving toward a displacement of the Macedonian code in favor
of the Modern Greek code. In the course of this process we observe (äs
a transitional stage toward complete disappearance) code switching and
phenomena of interference in the language System of Macedonian. The
latter consist mainly of lexical borrowings (which are classified internally
depending on their degree of adaptation to the Slavic grammar System),
and, to a somewhat smaller degree, of infiltrations into the phonological
and phonetic System, whereas mo hology and syntax (at least in a
synchronous plan) remain nearly untouched.
On the basis of the observations described here we come to the conclu-
sion that the Situation of Macedonian in Greece offers a very vivid
example of a developing process of language shift and language death
and allows us to follow exactly the mechanisms at work in this process.
We also think it would be worthwhile to observe the Situation during a
longer period of time and with a higher degree of geographical coverage
than we were able to offer here.
Sofija, Bulgaria
Notes
We will not comment on the position of Bulgarian linguistic science, which denies the
linguistically independent character of Macedonian in correlation to Bulgarian, nor the
question of defining the borderline between the Macedonian and the Bulgarian linguis-
tic areas, because these questions are irrelevant for the phenomena being investigated
here.

Angemeldet | 141.35.29.111
154 R. Schmieger
2. In this context it should be noted that works of such an inferior scientific value äs
Tsiolkas (1907), who identifies Macedonian äs a Greek dialect, are being republished
inourdays(1991).
3. In this context we are examining only the language contact of Macedonian with
Modern Greek, but not with other local minority languages such äs Aromanian or
Albanian. According to our observations, incidents of language contact with these
codes are nowadays irrelevant for the Macedonian language treated here. We do not
exclude the possibility that there may be an influence in the opposite direction and,
especially in the case of Aromanian, consider it quite probable.
4. We must, however, remain aware of the fact that the parameters described in section 6
are also eifective.
5. A is a member of the team doing the interview who speaks in Standard Macedonian.
6. B is a 40-year old inhabitant of the village of Nestram in Kostur district, whose parents
used to speak Macedonian with each other in the domestic sphere. He himself usually
speaks Modern Greek and uses Macedonian only äs a reaction to other Speakers.
7. C, about 15 years old, is a village mate who does not know Macedonian.
8. / / is transphonemized into /d/, /x/ remains nonadapted. (The Nestram dialect has no
phoneme /x/.)
9. With transition -ps- < -pc-, which is characteristic for the dialect.
10. / / is transphonemized into /d/, /x/ remains nonadapted.
11. With the plural ending -e of the Macedonian feminine ending in -a in the dialect.
12. With the plural ending -e of the Macedonian feminine ending in -a in the dialect.
13. This case is especially interesting, because the adjective is part of the Macedonian code,
whereas the noun is a component of the Modern Greek code that has not been adapted.
14. Mmen/femna/femno (< *temb) is nowadays the unified possessive pronoun for posses-
sors in all genders of 3.p.sg. and 3.p.pl.
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The Situation of the Macedonian language

in Greece: sociolinguistic analysis

This article is intended to give a sociolinguistic sketch of the Situation of

General preliminary notes

This article is intended to give a sociolinguistic sketch of the Situation of

0165-2516/98/0131-0125 Int'l J. Soc. Lang. 131 (1998), pp. 125-155

1. The Macedonians in Greece

In the northern part of the Hellenic Republic, in the region of Macedonia,

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2. Classification of the language

The dialects spoken by this Slav element belong, according to their

Table 1. Population statistics

Macedonians 354,406 307,643 251,753 27.6

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3.1 A considerable Slav element has existed on the territory of modern

3.2 During the Turkish reign (fifteenth Century to 1913) an ethnic

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4. Demographic characterization of the population

4.1 Few major towns exist in the part of Macedonia belonging to

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4.2 In contrast to urban society, the rural areas of Greek Macedonia

5. Spheres of language application

5.1 The dominant language in all spheres of public life is Modern

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5.2 In contrast, the Macedonian language is becoming more and more

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Below we will present a number of gradients for the distribution of

The educational level of the individual Speakers has considerable influence

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c. These factors concern the effects of the level of education on the

As mentioned above, the Macedonian code is still deeply rooted in the

a. Most of the representatives of the older generation either lack formal

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b. In the rural sphere the mobility of the older generation is in general

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c. Differences between generations with regard to the ränge of the

While determining the Status of Macedonian in Greece we noted another

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a. On the one band, the average educational level of men (especially in

b. The average mobility of men is much higher than that of women. In

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c. A difference in the thematic spectrum of communication and, due to

6.4. Degree ofurbanization

It is a striking fact that Macedonian is still quite broadly represented in

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b. Another factor is the complexity of urban Professional life compared

c. Further, the average educational level of the urban population is

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6.5. Geographical gradient

Our (incomplete and certainly not sufficiently representative) observa-

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d. Later on another important fact for the development of an east-west

7. Effects of bilingualism and language contact

As described above, the Situation of the Macedonians in northern Greece

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7.1. Displacement of Macedonian by Modern Greek

As already shown, today the Macedonian language finds itself in a

a. Primary code Macedonian, secondary code Modern Greek (very rarely

b. Primary and secondary code individually different. Frequently

c. Primary code definitely Modern Greek. The knowledge of the

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d. Primary code Modem Greek. Only a rudimentary linguistic compe-