Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
R. V. PARULEKAR
LITERACY IN INDIA
LITERACY
IN
INDIA
BY
1939
As an official of the Bombay Municipal Corporation,
I wish to make it clear that any opinions expressed
here are personal to myself, have not the sanction of
the Authority I serve, and are not to be taken as
indicating their policy.
-R. V. Parulekar.
COPYRlGHT
THE LATE
Bombay,
April, 1939.
CONTENTS
Preface
Chapter Page
I. Introductory 1
II. Literacy and Its Progress 5
III. Schools and Literacy : British India 15
IV. Schools and Literacy : The Provinces 24
v. Lapse into Illiteracy 42
VI. Wastage 56
VII. Stagnation 64
-
VIII.
IX.
The First Year Class
Age of Admission to Schools
74
84
X. The Single-Teacher School 96
XI. Duration of School Life 104
XII. Need for Rapid Expansion 108
XIII. The Number of Pupils per Teacher 112
XIV. The Part-time System 120
XV. Compulsion and Expansion 133
XVI. The Problem of the Curriculum 136
--
XVII. Literacy and Education 138
XVIII. Adult Education and Literacy 141
XIX. Conclusion 158
Appendices
A. The System of Primary Education in the Dutch
East Indies 164
B. Death-rate among the Literates in India 171
C. A Note on the Attempts at Correlation of the
Census and Educational Statistics made by
some Writers 174
D. Statistical Tables 178
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
The Indian Nation has already made a certain amount
of progress towards self-government through the collective
will of its people. It must, therefore, for its very exist-
ence make a supreme e!l'ort, in the shortest possible time,
to wipe out mass illiteracy which will otherwise endanger
the very form of Government which the people are trying
so hard to develop. Since the advent of the new Provlncial
Governments, the desire to promote the spread of literacy
has become acute; and intense and vigorous efforts are
certain to be made by these Governments to achieve the
goal. At the threshold of this new era, therefore, it is
worthwhile to take a stock of our past and present e!l'orts
to promote literacy and examine how far they have
succeeded.
The making of a poor nation of more than 350 million
souls literate is, no doubt, a colossal task in itself. Apart
from this inherent difficulty, there are others which are
impeding progress. They are: (1) certain prejudices and
obsessions and (2) a consequent feeling of despondency.
The obsessions are mainly due to India's political depend-
ence on Great Britain and the desire arising out of that
to imitate British ideals, methods and practices, irres-
pective of the soil out of which they grew and the circum-
stances in which they could prosper. This has further
led to a sort of conservatism arising out of the official
unwillingness to test the current methods and practices
in the light of the experience of other countries with
economic and social environments similar to those of
India.
This obsession has naturally brought despondency in
its wake. For it requires no genius, either mathematical
or financial, to prove that with her present economic re-
sources and on the basis of the present methods and
practices, to universalise education in India is well nigh
impossible.
2
Another cause of the present gloom is traceable to
the exaggerated emphasis that is being laid on certain
not unavoidable aspects of our educational system, the
so-called 'wastage' and 'stagnation'. Much is again
made of the alleged lapse into illiteracy of those who
leave schools after attaining literacy. These and other
similar ideas have gone deep into the minds of some
officials of the Educational Departments who have drawn
such gloomy pictures of the future prospects of Indian
Education that advocates are not wanting who say that
all efforts at educational expansion should be stopped
forthwith until these (so called) evils are eradicated.
India has thus to start a nation-wide campaign for
achieving mass literacy under auspices which are hardly
encouraging. She has, therefore, to proceed with her
efforts in the face of indifference, if not active opposition,
of those who are wedded to tradition and impatient of
advice.
The purpose of this book is to give a message of hope
to those who will have the privilege of guiding the des-
tinies of future India, that bad as our educational system
has been, it has not been so bad as it is made out to be.
The situation is hopeful if only we cease to be guided by
the ideals of an advanced nation like England and adopt
measures and practices which are more suited to the con-
ditions of our people and the financial resources of our
country. This book, therefore, devotes some pages to a
critical examination of the available statistical and other
data relating to mass education not only of this country,
but of other countries as well. In this connection, atten-
tion may be specifically drawn to the educational system
in the Dutch East Indies. One is impressed not merely
with the success of that system, but more particularly by
the outlook of those who devised it and have been work-
ing it. A brief account of it is given in this book in a
separate Note. (Vide Appendix A.)
The main basis of the system of mass education in
the Dutch East Indies is the three-class school, and nearly
85 per cent. of the children receiving elementary education
3
are In these three-class schools. These schools have been
successful in promoting literacy on an adequate scale and
the administration has nothing but praise for them. It
has been shown in this book <Chapter III) that it Is the
product of the third year class in India that adds to the
number of literates according to the Census standard of
literacy. But the official prejudice against the system is
so great in India that the three-class schools, which
abound in the Provinces of Bengal, United Provinces and
Bihar and Orissa, are condemned wholesale by the ad-
ministrations of these Provinces as institutions which make
no contribution whatever towards the literacy of these
Provinces, a statement which cannot stand critical exami-
nation in the light of the Census data. The social and
economic background of the Dutch East Indies and of
these three Indian Provinces being not very dissimilar, the
only reason for wide divergence In the views can be found
in the outlook of those who are charged with the adminis-
tration of education in these two countries.
The view prevailing In Ind'a today is that no child
can be literate unless he completes the 4th year class
of the primary school. In an attempt to find out the
validity of this view, an independent statistical inquiry
was undertaken which showed that, as in the Dutch East
Indies, in India also a child acquires Census literacy if he
is able to complete the 3rd year class of a primary school
and that he retains it in his after-school life. (Vide
Chapter V.) The Indian official view about the minimum
four-class system necessary for acquiring literacy has
tended to create exaggerated notions of the wastage pro-
blem and has been mainly responsible for the undue
pessimism about India's capacity to finance schemes ot
universal primary education.
Another problem which has been largely responsible
tor the growing despondency about the future ot mass
education in India is the fear of alleged relapse into illi-
teracy. Wastage relates to children who leave school
before attaining literacy ; while relapse relates to those who
lose literacy after acquiring it at school. These two factors
are quite independent of each other; and yet they are
4
invariably mixed up, making the picture look darker and
creating a confusion which has led many to denounce the
Indian system in terms which it does not deserve.
The writer has tried to prove that a minimum course
of three years of schooling is sufficient to give the Indian
pupil literacy as assessed by the Census standard; and for
proof, the writer has relied on statistical data collected
by Government. His conclusion is supported not only by
the practice followed in the Dutch East Indies, but also in
the French Indo-China. The literacy statistics of Burma
(vide p. 39) again point to the same conclusion, viz.,
that schools with a course shorter than one of four years
are very useful to a country whose immediate aim
is the liquidation of mass illiteracy. The discouragement
of private indigenous schools which imparted such small-
range education has been fatal to this ideal, whatever its
other achievements may have been. Literacy in India as
judged by the Census standard will mainly depend upon
the number of pupils who are able to complete the 3rd
year class; those who complete the 4th, 5th or a higher
class may be better educated, but their number has n<>
relation to the figure of new literates recorded in the Census
Reports. Therefore in devising any schemes for the pro-
motion of literacy in India this important fact should
never be lost sight of.
CHAPTER II
LITERACY AND ITS PROGRESS
The Indian Census definition of 'literacy' is the ability
to write a Jetter to a friend and to read the answer to it.I
This definition was first adopted at the Census of 1911.
In 1901 the population was divided into two classes,
'Literate' and 'Illiterate'. In that Census no orders as to the
degree of proficiency in reading and writing required to
satisfy the test of literacy were issued by the Government
of India, but the instruction to the enumerators was:
"Enter in this column against all persons of whatever age,
whether they can or cannot both read and write any
Janguage".2 In some provinces a local test was prescribed.
For instance, in the Central Provinces the test laid down
was the passing of the Upper Primary School Examination
or an equivalent qual;fication. In Madras those only
were to be recorded as literate who were able to write a
Jetter to a friend and read his reply. Elsewhere the test
seems to have differed, not only from province to
province, but also from district to district. In some
parts, persons were entered as literate "who could do
little more than write their own name and spell
out a few printed words ".3
Prior to 1901, the population was divided in respect of
4
education' into three categories, viz., 'Learning', 'Literate'
and 'Illiterate'. All those who were under instruction,
either at home or at school or college, were entered as
'Learning •; 'Literates • were those who were able both to
read and write any language, but who were not under
instruction; while 'Illiterates' were those who were neither
under instruction nor knew how to read and write.
From 1911 onwards the literacy statistics are strictly
comparable. There is, however, one thing to be noted. In
1881 3.5
1891 4.6
1901 5.3
1911 5.9
1921 7.3
1931 8.0
l 1'he figur~s are fe-r all persons of all ages and they relate to the whole
of the Indio.n Empire (including Burm.a).
12
'classes' were educated they would carry down the 'cul-
ture • to the 'masses' by the natural process of 'filtration'.
The 'filtration theory' now stands exploded. Left to
themselves the classes are not disposed to impart their
knowledge and culture to the masses. This was realised
long ago in England and other countries, and as a result
the states undertook the task of educating the masses.
Compulsory education laws were enacted and enforced,
and the states concerned spent money freely and liberally
over schemes of mass education. The process was so quick
and so effective that within a generation the masses were
educated to the prescribed minimum standard of educa-
tion. Then began the process of assimilation and conso-
lidation and the prescription of · higher standards of
minimum education for the masses.
In India, however, till about the beginning of the
second decade of the present century, the idea of mass
education was never before the mind of the Government.
The credit of first launching the idea of mass education in
India goes to the late Mr. G. K. Gokhale who, in his strik-
ing speeches in the then Central Legislative Council in
the years 1910-1911, roused the conscience of the Govern-
ment and the people to the need of a wide campaign of
mass education and consequent promotion of mass literacy.
Although his efforts were not immediately rewarded, they
were not without their effect. By 1920 or thereabout, the
various Indian Provinces Passed or were preparing to
enact laws of compulsory education with a view to acceler-
ating the pace of mass education. At present there is
hardly a province in India which has not put on its
Statute Book some kind of measure for compulsory edu-
cation. And yet we are practically where we were so far
as mass literacy is concerned. The percentage of literacy
in India in 1921 was about 7; in 1931 it was s.
Many and varied are the causes which are responsible
for this extremely sad state of mass education as revealed
by the very low percentage of literacy. Of them
financi~l difficulty is, no doubt, the most formidable one.
More ilterates means more children in schools which in
its turn requires more money to be spent on them. It is
13
not, however, proposed to discuss here this financial aspect
of the question. It will serve no useful purpose to present
schemes and make suggestions involving vast additional
expenditure which the provincial governments are not in
a position to undertake at least in the near future. Besides,
the anxiety of these government,; to spend as much more
on education as possible, is so keen that they hardly re-
quire to be told to be more liberal in educational expen-
diture.
It is, however, intended to analyse critically the pre-
sent internal organisation of the Primary School System
with a view to ascertaining its defects which prevent the
system from yielding a larger output of literates.
To understand the situation correctly it is necessary
to ascertain the number of new literates added to the
population during the decade 1921-31. This number will
represent the output of literates from the primary schools
during the decade. For it is well known that there are
hardly any extra-school agencies which produce literates
in India; and if there be some, their contribution is in-
significant. The next step will be to ascertain- what
section of pupils attending the primary schools during the
decade covers this number of new literates added to the
population during that decade. The system of primary
education in India throughout the provinces is, on the
whole, more or less uniform in its internal organisation.
This being so, it would be reasonably expected that the
Census literacy standard would be attained by those pupils
who could attend a minimum course culminating in the
completion of a particular class of the primary school
course.
From the Annual Educational Reports for British
India as well as for the Provinces, it is possible to find out
the number of pupils on the rolls of each of the
primary classes during the decade. A certain proportion
of this number will represent pupils who may be taken to
have completed the course of that particular class. If
the number of pupils completing the course of a particular
14
primary class during the decade is found to be approxi-
mately equal to the number of new literates added to the
population during the decade, then it can be reasonably
assumed that the completion of that particular class is
the minimum requirement for attaining literacy as judged
by the Census standard.
If a numerical measure of the success of the primary
schools in point of their capacity to produce new literates
is thus obtained, it would be possible to find out why more
pupils do not reach that stage and what measures it would
be necessary to adopt to make them reach that stage, so
that the rate of progress of literacy may be accelerated.
CHAPTER III
SCHOOLS AND LITERACY: BRITISH INDIA
1. British India
(including Burma) 2443 2470 2715
3. British India
. (excluding Burma) 2322 2338 2568
16
Literates (in lakhs)
Hlll 1921 1931
1. British India
{including Burma) 153 185 225
2. Burma 27 37 46
3. British India '
(excluding Burma) . . . 11
126 148 179
Percentag:e of Literacy
I (all ages)
1!)~1 1931
l~IL
I
1. British India
(including Burma) I 6.2 7.6 8.2
2. Burma ...
... 1
(excluding Burma)
···]' 5.4 6.3 6.9
5th year 42 22
4th year 73 43
68
3rd year 109 62
2nd year 150 89
23
A glance at the above table shows that the only figure
<Of promoted pupils which is nearest to the figure of new
literates deduced from the Census statistics is-the one
(62 lakhs) representing pupils who had completed the
3rd year class. Other assumptions, viz., the completion of
the 5th year class or the 4th year class being necessary
for the acquisition of Census literacy, are not borne out by
the above investigation.
The method adopted above is on the lines of
those adopted by other writers for correlating the
Literacy and Educational statistics. The calculations are
·Only indicative. They need not be taken to interpret the
situation too literally. They indicate that the Census
literacy is attained not only by persons who have com-
pleted the 4th and 5th year classes, but also by a large
number of those who have not gone up beyond the 3rd
.year class in schools. This will be clear from the fact that
in the above calculations the number of persons who have
completed the 3rd year class but not the 4th year
class is more or less the same as that required to make
.up the Census figure of new literates in addition to that
·of persons who have completed the 4th year class. It
may, therefore, be reasonably assumed that the completion
of the 3rd year class is the minimum necessary for the
acquisition of literacy as required by the Census standard.
CHAPTER IV
SCHOOLS AND LITERACY: THE PROVINCES
In the preceding chapter it has been shown that in
British India as a whole the Census standard of literacy
is acquired by a pupil if he is able to complete the course
of the third year primary class. The calculations made
were based mainly on the percentages of pupils promoted
to pupils 'on roll'. The systems of Primary Education in
the various Indian Provinces differ from one another In
certain respects. The number of classes in primary schools
and the length of the primary course vary from Province
to Province. The following table shows the number of
classes in primary schools in different Provinces during
the decade 1922-31' :
Number of Classes in Primary Schools by Provinces
Lower Elementary Higher Elementary
Province
Schools Schools
I
:Madras 5 8 (5 + 3)
Bombay 5* 8 (5 + 3)
I
Bengal 3* 5 (3 + 2)
U.P. 3* 5 (3 + 2)
B. & 0. 3 5 (3 + 2)
Punjab ... 4
C.P. ... 4
Assam 2 4 (2 + 2)
Burma
1
2*
BOMBAY.
It is seen from Statement C that, taking the
completion of the 4th year class as necessary for the
acquisition of Census literacy, only 6,66,000 persons would
have attained literacy. In order to account for the
difference of 1,09,000 (7,75,000- 6,66,000) between the new
literates given by the Census figures and those from the
4th year class, some of those who have completed the
3rd year class, but not the 4th year class, have to be
included among the Census literates. The number of
pupils who have completed the 3rd year but not the
4th year class during the decade comes to 1,66,000
(8,32,000- 6,66,000). It is thus seen that not only all pupils
who complete the 4th year class, but 66 per cent. of those
who complete the 3rd year class but not the 4th year
class, have · attained literacy as required by the Census
standard.
The contention that in Bombay a certain proportion
of the literates recorded in the Census had gone up only
to the 3rd year class is further supported by another set
of figures. The 1921 Bombay Census Report shows 79,000
literate persons between the ages 5-10. These very young
30
literates almost without exception must be children
attending primary schools at the time of the Census. The
D. p. I.'s Report for the year 1920-21 gives figures of pupils
in the age-group 5-10 reading in several school classes
about two months after the Census date. The figures are
as follows:
lst Year I 2nd Year 3rd Year -lth Xear 5th ~ear
Class Class Class Class Class
(Infants Std.) (I Std.) (II Std.) (III Std.) and above
MADRAS.
From the Statement on page 27 It is seen that the
Madras figures show a close correlation between the Census
and Educational statistics of literacy on the assumption
that the completion of the 3rd year class gives literacy
within the meaning of the Census definition. The respec-
tive figures stand in the proportion of 16: 17, on the
assumption that the average percentage of pupils found
fit for promotion to the higher class Is the same as that
obtained in Bombay, i.e., 57. If this percentage is lower
in Madras. then even some of the 2nd year class pupils
would be found among the Census literates. If it is higher.
the class giving literacy will be somewhere between the
3rd and 4th year classes. In the Census year 1931, there
were 2,53,000 literates of ages 5 to 10 in Madras. The total
number of pupils in the same age-group and reading In
the 3rd year class and above was 2,23,000. In order to
cover all literates of 5-10 given in the Census Report not only
all pupils reading in the 3rd year class must have been
taken as literates, but nearly 10 per cent. of those in the
2nd year class.
BENGAL.
Bengal presents a typical case in most respects. A
glance at the Bengal figures given on page 26 shows that
the question of taking the 4th year class pupils for pur-
poses of determining the minimum class that gives literacy
need not be considered at all. For, while the Census
figures reveal that the number of new literates added In
the decade was 14,93,000, the total number of pupils In the
32
4th year class during the decade (1922-31) was only 10,63,000.
It is, therefore, necessary to take the 3rd year class figures
to find out a correlation between the Census and Educational
figures. Assuming that 57 per cent. of the total pupils ln
the 3rd year class are fit for promotion, the number of such
pupils would come to 13 lakhs, while the number of new
literates is 15 lakhs. The correlation, although not un-
satisfactory, is not quite good. Two conclusions follow from
this. Either Bengal has a higher percentage of 3rd year
class pupils promoted to the higher class than in Bombay
or the Census enumerators have taken as literates
not only those completing the 3rd year class, but even
many who have completed the 2nd year class only. Which
of the two conclusions is nearer the truth cannot be
definitely ascertained in the absence of the knowledge of
the precise percentage of pupils promoted from the 3rd year
to the 4th year class in Bengal.
This feature revealed by the Bengal figures, viz., that
literacy is attained in the 3rd year class is not fortuitous.
It is due, probably, to the fact that in Bengal, unlike
Bombay and Madras, the primary school system is divided
into two stages-{}ne, lower, comprising the first three
classes and the other, upper, comprising the next two
classes. There is a large number of lower primary schools
In that Province teaching the first three classes only.
Nearly 50 per cent. of the pupils reading in the 3rd year
class leave school for good.
This fact, viz., that in a large number of schools a
three-year course is looked upon as acomplete unit of
education, would appear to influence the teaching in these
schools to such an extent that large numbers of pupils
who leave them without ever attending a further course,
do really complete the 3rd year class, acquire literacy
as prescribed by the Census standard and figure so in -the
Census Records.
This particular organization of the primary system
seems to have been responsible for the phenomenon that
from 1911 ~o 1931 Bengal has recorded the highest per-
centage of llteracy among all the major Provinces of India.
3$
For there do not seem to be any other features, either of
the course of primary education or of its organization,
of the birth-rate or death-rate, to account for this
continuous lead of Bengal over the other Provinces.
UNITED PROVINCES.
In this Province, as in the case of Bengal, the question
of the completion of the 4th year class being necessary for
the acquisition of literacy does not arise. The total number
of pupils reading in the 4th year class as shown on the rolls
during the decade 1922-31 was 9,80,000; while the estimated
number of new literates produced during the decade in
the Province was 10,09,000. It is seen from the Statement
on page 27 that applying the Bombay percentage of pro-
motions to the 3rd year class, the number of promoted
pupils from that class is 7,72,000, which, as is seen, is rather
too low to establish a reasonable correlation with the
estimated figure of literates (10,09,000) from the Census
data.
The phenomenon is thus analogous to that of Bengal,
and as in Bengal it may be due to two causes: (1) the
percentage of promoted pupils from the 3rd year class
may be far greater in U. P. than in Bombay or (2) the
Census literacy standard is attained by many pupils who
complete the 2nd year class. There is reason to believe
that the first of these causes is the more plausible of the
two.
Mr. S. N. Chaturvedi, in his admirable book-An
Educational Survey of a District (Etawah in U. P.J-gives
the examination results of boys' schools in Etawah
for 1928.' The total number covered by the enquiry
was about 20,000. In the 3rd year class, out of 2,593
pupils on roll, 2,142 passed, giving a percentage of 82 while
the percentage for the same year for the whole of the
Bombay Presidency was 63. If it is assumed that the
Etawah District represents a fair sample for the whole of
U. P. and further, that the percentage for 1928 is approxi-
mately the same for the decade 1922-31, it will be seen
lp.l76.
2
34
that the number of promotions from the 3rd year class
is far larger and approximates the estimated number of
literates from the Census data. The number of pupils !n
the 3rd year class in U. P. during the decade was 13,54,000,
82 per cent. of this is 11,10,000; while the Census figures give
the number of new literates as 10,09,000. The correlation
is good. Anyhow, as in Bengal, so in U. P., it can safely
be said that the Census literacy is attained by pupils
completing the 3rd year class; and the remarks about
the three-year class schools and their utility in the matter
of promoting literacy made in regard to Bengal apply
mutatis mutandis to U. P.
TRAVANCORE.
Tra van core and Cochin lead all the Provinces and
States of India in regard to literacy. In 1931 the literacy
percentage in Travancore was 24. The literates in 1921
were 9,67,000 and in 1931, 12,18,000. Thus the increase .
was 2,51,000. Applying a death-rate of 23 per cent. for the
decade the deaths among the literates in the decade would
number 2,22,000. Therefore, the number of new literates
·living in 1931 would be 2,51,000 plus 2,22,000, i.e., 4,73,000,
and of all the new literates produced during the decade,
!ncluding those that died in the decade, would be 4,98,000.
1 PP· ll0-61. 2 Ibid., p. Cl.
38
The total number of pupils on rolls in the 4th year
-class during the decade 1922-31 was 6,03,000. 1 Applying
the standard percentage of 58 adopted up to now for
promoted pupils, it is seen that 3,50,000 would be found
fit for promotion. The figure 3,50,000 is much less than
4,98,000, and hence one has to look to the 3rd year class
for the test of literacy. The total number of pupils on
the rolls of the 3rd year class is not available. It is,
however, possible to make a rough estimate of the number.
The Report' gives the proportion of pupils in the 4th
year class to the pupils in the 3rd year class as being
14.6 to 21.1. On this basis, the total number of pupils on
the roll of the 3rd year class during the decade 1922-31
in Travancore would be 8,70,000 in round figures. Applying
the Bombay percentage of promoted pupils, i.e., 57, it is
seen that from the 3rd year class the literates produced
would be 4,96,000. If the Bombay percentages of promoted
pupils were to hold good in Travancore during the decade
1922-31, the Census literacy may be assumed to have been
ettained by those who hav.e completed the 3rd year class.
While considering the cases of Bengal and U. P. it
was observed that the existence of the three-year class
school on a very large scale in those provinces has given
them a cheaper and quicker agency for producing
literates. Travancore has been at the forefront in
literacy in India almost from the time of the first Census. It
is interesting to enquire, therefore, whether Travancore
had ever employed this cheaper and quicker agency of
producing literates. Today, Travancore, no doubt, has a
four-year system of primary education; Till 1895, however,
Travancore had a lower primary course of two classes. From
1895 the two-year lower primary stage was raised to a
three-year one (by inclusion of the Infants' class at the
bottom). From 1902, the primary school had a two-class
lower primary stage and a four-year upper one. The last
reshuffling was done in 1909 when the primary school was
1
Report of the Travancore Eduoa.tion Re!orDU Committee (U33), p. 77.
'Ibid., p. 79.
39
divided into two grades-the lower grade of four classes and
higher one of seven classes. This historical sketch of the
primary school system in Travancore shows that till 1909,
there was a class of lower primary school which taught
only two or three classes and which must have been the
most comrrwn type of school for the education of the
masses in that State.
BURMA.
The problem of literacy in Burma is somewhat unique.
Burma until 1937 was a part of British India and, although
It is now separated, the study of its literacy statistics Is
highly interesting 1rom many points of view. The system
of primary education promulgated by the Government of
Burma is just as it is in Bombay. Burma stands head and
shoulders above all the other Indian Provinces In point
of literacy. · In. 1931 the percentage was 31.3, as
compared to a maximum of 10 of any Indian Province. 1
•
Class I 5241 51
Class II 2230 2i
Class III 1675 16
Class IV 1206 12
10,352 100
Class I 5241 57
Class II 2230 24
Class III 1675 19
--------- ---
9146 100
63
In an unwasteful system of education there ought to·
have been 33.3 per cent. children in the 3rd year class, but
the figure is 19. The wastage, therefore, here comes to
about 43 per cent. In basing the calculations on the
figures of any one year, the possibility of any complications
that may creep in on account of 'repeaters' is eliminated.
So also the diminution of numbers from class to class due
to. natural causes is excluded.
In the above calculations the present system of
Indian education has been compared to an ideal one; but
no system can attain the ideal. A reasonable elimination
of numbers from class to class is natural owing to reasons
such as death, sickness, mental incapacity, etc. If
90% of the pupils in each class go up to the next class, it
can safely be said that the system is a sound one. If the
present system is compared with a system where 90%
promotions are secured, the wastage in a four-class system
would be 43% and in a three-class system 37%.
The first method gives wastage at 41 per cent., while
the second places it at 43 per cent. In any case wastage
in Indian primary schools from the point of view of
acquisition of the Census standard of literacy need not be
taken as being above 50 per cent. It is somewhere nearer 40
than 50. And yet when the question of wastage is discussed
ln official reports, its percentage is often put down at a
figure which is about 80. Bad as the system is, it is submit-
ted that it is not as bad as it is made out to be. The situa-
tion is not hopeless. It is amenable to improvement.
Although there may be difference of opinion as regards
a quantitative measurement of wastage in the primary
schools in India, there is no doubt that the wastage exists
on a considerable scale. And unless it is either minimised
or eliminated, the output of literates through the agency
of primary schools will always remain smaller than what it
ought to be.
CHAPTER VII
STAGNATION
The problem of 'wastage' is most intimately connected
with what is called 'stagnation' which means "the
retention in a lower class of a child for a period of more
than one year"·' Of all the causes that lead to wastage
the most potent is the inability of a pupil to secure
promotion to a higher class after attending the class
for one year. What is the numerical measure of this
stagnation? The following table contains the relevant
information for the Bombay Presidency for the ten
years 1922 to 1931. Similar figures for other Provinces
are not available.
BOMBAY PRESIDENCY (including Sind)
1922 to 1931
I 100 31
II 100 47
!--:: -~- : --
III
IV
Average
I .. .I 80
II 70
III 53
IV 50
(Average for 4 classes, 67)
Bombay 1927 54
Bombay 1937 50
Baroda 1924 69
U. P. (Etawah Dt.) 1928 66
Percentages
Age
1912 1 1917 1 1922 1 1927 1 1932
Below 5
5 - 6
5
21
5
20
4
17
4
17 I 3
22
6 - 7
Above 7
24
50
24
51
24
55
25
54
I 27
48
I I
From the above table it Is seen that although there Is
marked improvement in the position so far as children
under 5 are concerned, there Is no such change in the next
85
age-group, viz., between 5 and 6. One out of every four
-children in the 1st year class is below 6, which is the
minimum age fixed for admission to school under the
·Compulsory Education Acts.
The question may be raised as to why admission to
.school below a certain age-limit should be restricted. Is it
not harsh to say ' no ' to a child, if he comes to school by
himself when he is, say, 4 years old ? The parents want
him to go to school. Why should he not be allowed ?
Some even assert that a rate-payer has a right to get his
-child admitted to school irrespective of his age.
One comprehensive answer can be given to these
questions : "Modern education is 'mass education'. The
spread of democracy over the world has made impossible
the individual instructions of pupils ".1 There was a time
when education wa.s meant only for those who sought it.
Now it is to be given to all whether they want it or not.
Renee came the idea of compulsion. In the old order of
things the numbers to be educated were small. Moreover,
tuition fees defrayed a substantial share of the expenditure.
Again, most schools were then private schools and as the
people sent their children of their own free will, they
willingly bore a share of the expenditure. In the new order
-of things, on the other hand, children are actually com-
pelled to go to school. The numbers are swelling and in
India they have still to swell four times. Compulsion has
necessitated the abolition of fees, because it is believed that
it is not fair that you should compel a parent to send his
child to school and at the same time ask him to pay for the
schooling. The State share of expenditure is rapidly
increasing. The sheer weight of numbers is forcing upon
the State the necessity of maintaining larger classes. The
teacher ha.s no time to look after the wants of each child
.separately and individually. He has to teach the class as a
whole often consisting of 40 to 50 children and sometimes
an equal number spread over four or five classes. Under these
·conditions of schooling, which the State is forced to adopt
1 Philippines Educational Survey, p. 215.
86
owing to limitations of its finance, it is imperative that the
age of a child admitted to the 1st year class should be
such as would enable him to profit by tl}e kind of instruc-
tion imparted in the schools maintained at the expense of
the State. If the physical and mental development of the
child has not rendered him fit to receive the instruction
imparted to the class as a whole, his presence in the school
will be of no profit to him, but it will hamper the progress
of others. A modern State catering for mass education can
hardly afford to maintain schools where very young
children requiring individual care and attention can be
profitably instructed.
India has adopted the lower age-limit of compulsion
at 6. Whether that should be so will be discussed later. In
the meanwhile, it is necessary that a rigid ban should be
placed on the admission of children below that age to
schools maintained free by the State. Such children can
very well go to fee-paying schools if they can afford to pay
for their education. But schools financed wholly from
public funds must be reserved for only those who can profit
by the methods and conditions of instruction which the
State can afford to maintain in such schools from time to
time. In spite of this imperative necessity of restricting
admission to pupils above a particular age, it is seen that
25 per cent. of the children in the 1st year class are below
that age. It is not known what proportion of ehem is in
private schools, but it can be presumed that most of them
are in schools maintained by the State or mostly with the
help of the State. Admission of immature pupils leads to
waste and the extent of such waste cannot be small where
the number of pupils below the age of 6 comes to 25 per cent.
of the total number of pupils in the 1st year class. Besides,
there is also another economic aspect of the question. The
25 per cent. of pupils below 6 who are today attending
primary schools in India, are not only absorbing 25 per cent.
of the State's expenditure on the 1st year class with less
profit to themselves and thus causing great waste, but they
are keeping out of school an equal number of pupils of
ages 6 and above. If they are kept waiting for a year or
so, it will be possible to make room for an equal number of
87
children of 6 and above. Such children have a greater
claim on public funds, and the money spent on them would
yield better results.
In most countries where compulsory education is
enforced, children are not admitted to the State schools
until they attain the prescribed age. In Japan, for instance,
where the lower age-limit is 6, to prevent over-enthusiastic
parents from making their children commence education at
too early an age, a strict rule rigidly enforced is laid down
that no child who is under 6 years of age is to be
admitted to a public elementary school. Again, in coun-
tries where compulsory education has not yet been intro-
duced owing to financial difficulties, such a rule has also
been adopted for the better utilization of educational funds.
For instance, in the Philippines a child is not admitted to
a State school unless he is 7 years old and the rule is
:;trictly enforced.
Britain's long and intimate contact with India has been
responsible for transplanting to the Indian soil certaL'l
educational ideas suited perhaps to the conditions in
England, but entirely unsuited to the conditions prevailing
in this country. The British admitted children below the
prescribed age-limit (5) to schools because they could afford
it. Later on, however, the British had to give option to
the Local Authorities to refuse admissions below 6.1 Yet
young children do attend schools to some extent 2 and the
British nation has to make special provision for such very
young children to be taught under conditions of schooling
where they can profitably be looked after. This again they
could do because they could command the necessary funds.
In India, the British administrators permitted very young
children to attend schools perhaps because they thought it
was a good thing after the British fashion. They even
styled the lowest class as • Infants • after the British practice
and further divided it into • Junior Infants' and 'Senior
4 2.74
5 1.93
6 1.45
7 1.15
8 0.94
9 0.83
10 0.79
11 0.81
12 0.84
I 1.5
II 1.26
III 1.36
IV 1.35
1909 3,17,000
1912 6,23,000 1.4
1924 11,07,000
1935 17,87,000 2.8
1912 28,00,000
1922 66,00,000
1931 1,17,00,000 (about 3)
1 Vol. I, p. 106.
CHAPTER XIV
THE PART-TIME SYSTEM
An indirect method of securing the necessary increase in
the average number of pupils per teacher is the system of
part-time instruction. This may take various forms. The
Shift System or the Double Shift System, as it is some-
times called, is one form of part-time instruction. In
remote villages where the number of pupils is small, the
school may be held on two or three days in the week, the
teacher going to another village during the rest of the
week. The object of such part-time instruction should be
to entrust each teacher with 50 to 60 pupils.l
It is well known that in Soviet Russia remarkable
progress has been made in reducing illiteracy both through
the instruction of adults and of school children. So far as
the schools are concerned, the tremendous rush of pupils
to schools forced the authorities to adopt various mea-
sures to get over the difficulties and one of the measures
was to hold the schools by shifts.
"But there is still a great disparity between the
comparative poverty of Russia and the great task
of popular enlightenment which the country has
set out to achieve within the next few years : the
elimination of illiteracy and the introduction of universal
compulsory primary education. As a result of this dis-
parity, 30 per cent. of the children of school age in the
Soviet Union receive no education at all, while the remain-
ing 70 per cent. are taught in schools which are usually
over-crowded, some of them working in two or even three
shifts."2
1 In ?tla.ss Education in India. by R. V. Parulekar a fairly exhaustive
account of this system a.g practised in the various countries of tb&
world at certain stagrs of their eduoationa.l development bas been
given. Here the discussion will be confined to the av1tem as it is
actually pro.ctised today in India and abroad. ·
2 Soviet Russia by W. H. Chaml..crla~n (Duckworth), London, 1930, p. 280.
121
China Is a country which has to tackle the problem
~f mass education on a magnitude equal to that of India.
The latest available information shows that China has
:resorted to some short-cut devices of schooling, the Shift
.System being one of them.
"During recent years, several things have been done
by Government in regard to elementary education. In
the first place, plan for compulsory education was adopted.
Many people clearly recognised that in the present con-
<lition it would be difficult to carry out at once compulsory
·education for every child of school age. But it was neces-
sary to extend compulsory education as widely as possible
and one year short course compulsory education was
adopted for children of the age from 10 to 16, who missed
the primary schools. Short course primary schools were
~stablished with shorter period than regular primary
schools, with curriculum also comparatively simpler. In
the common primary schools (first four classes) it was
also proposed to have the same school work two shifts a
day."l
In the Dutch East Indies. in the three-class village
school, the hours are divided in such a way that the first
half of the day is assigned to the first class and the second
half to the second class and the third together, one school
master-sometimes aided by an assistant---does the whole
teaching.• This has enabled the country to secure an
average of 50 pupils per teacher in the common schools.
The following account deallng with the Double Shift
System in Ceylon is of interest : "The system of
' double schools ' provides a practical solution to
the difficulty experienced in most countries of
having to extend educational facilities without incurring
"'apital or current expenditure".
"Double schools in Ceylon have now passed the
trial stage and have become a permanent feature
Year
I "' umbor for
whom accommoda.·
Number of
students on the
Average
attendance
tion was provide(.] Registers (in lakhs)
(in la.khs) (in lakhs)
1871 20 16 12
(100) (90) (60)
1881 44 40 29
(100) (90) (66)
1896 59 53 43
(100) (90) (70)
1
Report of the World Education Confcrent'e at Edinburgh (1925),
Vol. If, p. 639.
CHAPTER XVIII
ADULT EDUCATION AND LITERACY
In a country like India where the general percentage
of literacy is only 8, the necessity of adult education for
the promotion of literacy requires no special pleading or
justification. For, as Sir George Anderson has observed :
"In present-day conditions, failure to promote education
for adults must inevitably result in failure to remove
illiteracy ".1
Such statistics as are available (and they are not very
reliable either) show that there were about 3% lakhs of
adults under instruction in the whole of India in 1927 and
their number dwindled in 1932 to 1\12 lakhs. The State
Departments of Education appear to have been completely
oblivious of the problem of adult education prior to the
twenties of the present century ; and it is only thereafter
that one sees a mention of the topic in the Annual and
Quinquennial Reports.
It is very heartening, however, to see that with the
advent of autonomy in Provincial Governments a wave of
enthusiasm for the spread of literacy among the adults
should pass over the country. For the first time in the
history of education in India, Provincial Governments
are showing keen interest in this work. In the Province
of Bombay, the Government have appointed an Adult
Education Board for starting, consolidating and aiding
adult education and have also earmarked funds for the
purpose.
'Adults • and 'Adult Education' have been defined by
the Adult Education Committee appointed by the Bombay
Government as follows : "We mean by 'Adult' (in
its relation to Adult Education) all those above
the age of 14, whose formal education either has
not started or has ended; and by 'Adult Education'
---·--------------
1 Progress of Education in India, 1927-32, p. 259.
142
we mean (1) the education of the illiterate at all stages;
and (2) the further education of literates at any stage
and in any direction. The latter type of education may
be life-long and is not primarily directed to material ends.
We are dividing Adult Education work into two parts;
(1) that which centres round literacy, including the pre-
paratory ground-work and the subsequent follow-up work,
both in rural and urban areas; and (2) Adult Education
as it is commonly understood in the West-that education
which the adult seeks for himself or herself in the civilized
community for supplementing an imperfect education and
for extending and enriching. the possibilities of life ".1
So far as India is concerned adult education must for
the present be mainly confined to the spread of literacy.
When that object is achieved, the other forms of adult
education as practised in advanced countries of the world
could as well claim the attention of the State and of the
people. This does not, however, mean that other forms of
adult education should be altogether ignored. It' is desirable
in the wider interests of the country, to encourage these
activities wherever they are in operation so that when
time is ripe for their wide-spread adoption, the country
may not begin them as entirely fresh activities.
The problem of adult education in India resolves itself
into two types; (1) of semi-literates and (2) of illiterates.
Semi-literates are those above the age of 14 who have
been in school for some time, but who have left school
before attaining literacy.
The approximate number of such semi-literates for
the Bombay Presidency (including Sind) during the decade
1922-31 may here be estimated :
Numbor on ltou .Numb~r promoted
Class 1922-31 to the higher class
------------------~--~(in~l&~k~·hscl.__~----~(i~n~l~nk~b~s~)____
lst Year 33.5 14.8
2nd Year 17.2 10.2
3rd Year 14.6 8.3
1 Report (1938), p. !.
143
In order to eliminate the number of 'repeaters', only
the number of promoted pupils may here be considered.
During the decade, 14.8 lakhs of pupils completed the 1st
year class, and 8.3 lakhs, the 3rd year class. Roughly
speaking, during the decade if the schools sent out 8
lakhs of literates, they sent out 6 lakhs of semi-literates,
all of whom had spent not less than one year in school,
and further, all of whom had stood the most difficult
ordeal of completing the 1st year class. Out of these 6
lakhs of semi-literates nearly 2 lakhs represent those who
have completed the 2nd year class and therefore can be
said to be on the verge of attaining literacy. They require
only a little more instruction to acquire literacy.
Calculating similar figures for British India (including
Burma), it is found that roughly two crores of pupils left
schools after completing the 1st year class of whom nearly
70 lakhs completed the 3rd year class. This means that
more than a crore of persons are semi-literates who can,
with a little more effort, be made literates. And this
number is only for the decade 1922-31; if similar number
for subsequent years be taken into account the total num-
ber of semi-literates will probably reach three crores.
These figures bring out in clear relief the vast potentialities
of a campaign against illiteracy through the further
instruction of semi-literates. It should be noted here that
the vast number of pupils who leave schools without com-
pleting the 1st year class has not been taken into account.
The rendering of these semi-literates into literates will
constitute a most powerful lever for raising the percentage
of literacy in India at a much smaller cost.
Researches into the correlation between age and
learning ability show a curve ascending sharply from the
age of 14 to 22 and descending gradually thereafter. The
youths of a country in the age-group 15 to 25, whether
illiterates or semi-literates, constitute the most strategic
group in the present generation from the point of view of
attacking illiteracy. The semi-literates will be rendered
literate with ease; while the illiterates will take longer time.
It is, therefore, in the interest of the country as a whole
144
that the first attack in the campaign against mass illite-
racy should be directed at the semi-literates of the age-
group 15 to 25.
Although the instruction of those who are in the age-
group 15 to 25 is conducive of the best results, those in
higher age-groups also respond to instruction often mor~
quickly than school children. Dr. E. L. Thorndike, as a
result of careful experiment, observes: "A man or a woman
under 50 should seldom be discouraged from trying to
learn. To the lesser degree, this is true after 50 years ".1
Adults in America were taught reading, writing and
arithmetic for only one month and the results scientifically
measured. The work done by the intermediate group was
equal to what average elementary pupils do in 7.5 months
and the advanced group's work was equal to 9.5 months
of work by children.
Mrs. Cora Wilson Stewart of Kentucky (U.S.A.) observes
as follows with regard to the ease with which illiterates
learn to read and write and to acquire the rudinlents of
an elementary education : "In our experience we find that
a man or woman can learn to make their signature in
one evening, to write a legible letter in ten weeks, and
some of them in one week's time. They can learn to
read an ordinary elementary reader in six weeks' time, and
they acquire the minimum essentials of history, geography
and civics in six weeks' course. Some of them think that
it is something which comes about in a miraculous way,
as manna from heaven ".2
The great advantage of instructing grown-up children
and young adults from the point of view of time and money
in carrying on a nation-wide campaign against mass
illiteracy, has been fully realised by the Chinese National
Government. This realization has been quickly translated
into a measure which seeks to make compulsory attendance
in a short-term elementary school for a year for grown-
1
Better Village Schools-Mason Alcott, p. 144.
2
Report of the World Educntion Conference at Edinburgh (1925),
Vol. II, p. 638.
145
up children and young adults, between the ages of 10
and 16, who have no opportunity of schooling.'
India can take a lesson from China in fighting illite-
racy through adult education. Dr. Ping Ling, in his
address2 at the World Education· Conference held at
Edinburgh in 1925, gave a very instructive account of the
campaign against illiteracy that was being carried on in
China through adult education.
Dr. Ling referred to the difficulties of the Chinese
language which for a decent mastery in reading and
writing required at least a ten years' study. The spoken
language was different from the written language. The
first thing that was accomplished was to substitute the
spoken language for the written language and to make it
current in books, magazines and newspapers. Even after
this, it required at least 4 or 5 years for a person to read
and write the spoken language. With a view to solving
this difficulty the spoken language was reduced to 1,000
characters, and although some improvement on the
selection of these 1,000 characters was bound to take place,
the system had been working very well. Dr. Ling' further
observed: "Now, you might ask how much time does it take
for a person to master the thousand characters, because a
thousand characters means a thousand different kinds of
writing. Each stroke must be placed in its proper place,
not as in the English language, A, B, C, D, and so on, where
only you have two dozen characters to master. We have
a thousand to master, and each one has its own meaning,
so that it is very hard for the people to master them.
But, we find that that is not so with the Chinese youth.
We take them for one hour a day during the six week-
days, and we can get an intelligent youth to master those
thousand characters in four months. And not only it is
so In the case of youths bUt. we also .find that it is possible'
in the case of people of advanced age, so that it is a true
saying that one is never too old to learn. We have a lady
I Report, p. 159.
CHAPTER XIX
CONCLUSION
In the previous chapters the various aspects of the
problem of literacy in India have been dealt with in con-
siderable detail. It is unnecessary, therefore, to restate
the conclusions reached. The pivotal problem, on which the
whole of the discussion in this book hinges, is to examine
the causes of the very slow growth of literacy in India and
to make suggestions for the acceleration of its pace. The
history of a century shows that the percentage of literacy
in this country has risen from 6 to 8 in a hundred years.'
These figures, by themselves, would damp the ardour of the
most zealous reformist.
One important reason of the low percentage of literacy
recorded in India is, as has already been stated (Chapter!),
tbt the literacy standard adopted today by the Census
authorities is much higher. Owing largely to this, the
percentage today comes to only 8 ; but if it is estimated on
the basis adopted in many countries of the world, it would
be at least twice as much. Even so, however, the position
would appear to be most unsatisfactory, because in modern
times an educationally C3 nation can never aspire to be a
politically Al nation. In this connection it is worthy of note
that Russia removed the blot of illiteracy within about two
decades and the Philippines have attained 50 per cent.
literacy within the space of a generation. So backward a
country as China is reported to have more than 20 per cent.
literates. Unlike India, these countries, in adopting a
standard of literacy, have been less ambitious but have
proceeded on the. basis that progress is possible only if it
contains within itself the seeds of its own momentum.
These nations are taking pride in their achievements and·
are cheerfully proceeding along the path of progress. In
India, on the other hand, the outlook is one of unrelieved
1 Mass Education in Indin.-Pa.ruloka.r, p. 4.
159
gloom which is deepened by the results of the decennial
Censuses which show little or no progress at all.
. It is not suggested that India should lower her literacy
Ideal. She may adopt a stricter definition as a goal to be
reached. But to prevent misconception of the literacy
attainments of India among the nations of the world, an
estimate of literacy based upon the common world defini-
tion should be made in India along with that of the other
type of literacy now prescribed for Census purposes. Not
only will such enumeration help India to take her rightful
place among the nations of the world in point of literacy,
but it will also help to. remove to some extent the prevailing
pessimism.
The low percentages of literacy recorded by the popu-
lation Censuses is attributable to yet another cause which is
that the high birth and death rates prevailing in this
.country take away nearly three-fourths (vide page 17)
of the literate products of the schools, leaving only
one-fourth to add to the actual increase in the
percentage of literacy from decade to decade. In
dealing with ·the Indian literacy problem and in
assessing its results, this fundamental fact is often
ignored and conclusions are drawn belittling the
results of the educational system of th~ country. This
attitude, as is obvious, is unscientific because comparisons
are only possible between strictly comparable facts. There-
fore, if the educational attainments of India in mass edu-
cation are to be compared with those of other countries,
the countries to be selected for purposes of comparison
should have a social and economic background similar to
that of India.
A well-planned system of instruction of the adult
illiterates is a powerful means of increasing mass literacy.
This problem has been all but ignored hitherto in this
country.
Despite extenuating circumstances, however, the face
remains that the percentage of literacy in India is very low
and that its growth has been alarmingly tardy. The most
160
potent cause of this halting progress is the smallness of the
number of pupils under instruction in schools. A study
of the educational statistics of other countries shows that
soon after their deciding to launch upon a programme of
mass education, the numbers in schools have swollen to a
remarkable extent. In India, on the other hand, at no time
has this occurred. It should be remembered that in any
scheme of mass education, education must 'pour and not
trickle'. The key to a rapid expansion of mass educaoion
in India lies in increasing the numbers under instruction in
schools as quickly as possible.
It is possible that, among other things, the slow expan-
sion of education in India is due to her inability to find r.he
necessary funds, and there is no doubt that unless India
finds the requisite funds she may not be in a position to
meet the fullest demands of mass education. Forminable
as this difficulty is, it would not be wise to sit with' ~o\ded
hands and do nothing until funds are available. If 0ur
belief in attaining mass literacy is as sincere as it has been
vocal, an attempt must be made to devise ways and means
to achieve expansion within the available resources.
So far, no serious effort was made to achieve mass
literacy, firstly because of the difficulty of finance, but
mainly because of a lack of missionary zeal on the part of
the administrators of education to achieve this object. The.
alien character of the government of the country was the
main impediment to progress. It is common knowledge
that the British administrators of Indian education have
from the earliest times emphasised quality as against
quantity, and in their misconceived enthusiasm they have
steadily and successfully resisted all efforts at expansion
when the slightest lowering of quality was suspected. They
did not consider the other view, viz., that quality is only a
relative term and must have its roots in the life and needs
of a community. Besides, in dealing with Indian education,
the insular character of the British has always come in
the way of their seeking guidance from any other country
but Britain and that too modern Britain.
The reform of the Indian educational system with a
view to mass literacy within the present financial resources
161
may here be briefly considered. Any student of education
is first of all struck by the smallness of the number of pupils
entrusted per teacher in Indian schools. India seems to
have maintained for more than three-quarters of a century
an average number of pupils per teacher at about 25. This
number is perhaps the lowest In the world. This apparent
extravagance has been indulged in in the name of 'quality'.
If expansion is therefore to be achieved the first step to be
taken would be to increase the number of pupils per
teacher.
In Chapter XV the part-time system of instruction
adopted in various countries of the world and the success
achieved through It by some of the agricultural countries
have been described in some detail. This system
in Its various forms, including what is called the
' shift system ' has hardly ever been a part and parcel of the
Indian educational system. Its adoption will greatly add
to the number of pupils under instruction without a pro-
portionate increase in the cost. Here then is a great
opportunity for bringing about rapid expansion which must
be seized and utilized, if we are in earnest about mass
education.
A striking feature of the Indian educational system is
the very large proportion of pupils who fail and thus have
to repeat the same class twice or even longer. On an
average, the Indian primary schools annually fail more
than 50 per cent. of their pupils. This has been going on
almost from the inception of the system of education in
India under the British rule. The percentage of failures is
unparalleled in the educational history of the world. This
appalling rate of failures has resulted in checking the growth
of literacy to a very considerable extent. Children who
have spent three or more years in school have to leave It
without attaining literacy, because the administration
would not permit their promotion to a higher class in the
name of quality.
This brings us to the problem of the 1st year class In
which the percentage of detentions Is the largest. This
class has been the stumbling block of young children in
6
162
their school career and has thus given a great set-back to
the progress of literacy through the agency of schools.
Improvement in the system of admissions to this class and
promotions to the next, on the lines suggested in the fore-
going pages, will greatly promote mass literacy.
. One of the chief defects of the Indian educational
system is that its administrative problems do not receive
lldequate attention. The Universities from which guidance
in such matters is expected have no departments for such
study ; nor are there any other agencies imparting such
knowledge. To achieve progress it is necessary for the
leaders of Indian educational administration to acquire a
critical knowledge of the organization of their own admin-
istration as also of foreign countries, particularly of such
as are akin to India in their social and economic needs. In
this respect critical field surveys of districts or even of
smaller units would enable educational administrators to
arrive at correct views on the various problems relating to
Indian education and its methods and practices.
Of all the evils which afl!ict the Indian system of edu-
·cation perhaps the worst has been the tutelage of its
teaching and administrative staffs. This has had a two-
fold effect. Firstly, the teachers have not been able to give
their best, and secondly, the administrative staffs working
.under the surveillance of the departmental heads have
-found it impossible to depart from routine and take initi-
ative to explore fresh avenues of reform. This has been
the fault of the system rather than of individuals, because
:the fear of expressing views which may go counter to those
of persons in authority has helped to stifle all initiative.
Unless the system is so changed that this spirit of apathy
and implicit acquiescence yields place to one of fearless
enquiry and expression, there is little hope for the future
of Indian education.
An almost impassioned plea has been raised in these
pages for the organization of a nation-wide drive for the
early liquidation of mass illiteracy in the hope and belief
~hat literacy would add to the moral and material welfare
pf the Indian people. The study of history tells us that
163
every nation, the moment it aspired to raise its status in
the eyes of the world, has, as the first urgent measure,
attempted to remove illiteracy and that its progress has
synchronized with the liquidation of illiteracy. It is argu-
able, of course, that this may not happen in our unhappy
land. But, "if water chokes, what shall we drink? "
APPENDIX A
The System of Primary Education in the
· Dutch East Indies
The system of primary education in the Dutch East
Indies for the benefit of the natives of the ISlands IS
based upon the following three kinds of schools :
(1) The Village School of Three Grades.. The. Go~ern
ment and the village community co-operate m mamtammg
the school the latter supplying the school bmldmg and
the former' paying the teachers' salaries.
(2) The Continuation School. Pupils who have
finished the village school course of three grades can g()
on to the continuation school which teaches the 4th t()
the 6th grades. These schools are provided wherever
there is a sufficient number of pupils. In some cases such
a school has the 4th and 5th grades only.
(3) The Complete Vernacular School. This school
has all the first three grades of a village school and, in
addition, it teaches the 4th and 5th grades or all the three
upper grades, 4th, 5th and 6th, according to the require-
ments of the locality.
From the above arrangement of the three types of
schools and the grades or classes taught in them, it is
clear that the ideal is to attain universal elementary edu-
cation of six grades. But the ideal is deliberately kept
aside for the present, considering the practical aspects
of the question, especially the financial one.
A former Head of the Department of Education says :
"The present organization of vernacular education
cannot be looked upon as more than a modest beginning,
especially in regard to the quality of instruction. When
in the early part of this century (1907) the Government
set itself the task of founding in a much larger way
elementary schools for the population, the type of school
then existmg appeared to be too expensive for wide exten-
sion. A complete equipment with that sort of school
would have cost at least as much as the whole amount of
~he budget of thos.e days. It may be expected that, with
mcreasmg prospenty of the population, the number of
standard schools (complete vernacular schools mentioned
as type _3 above) !n proportion to the village schools will
riSe until finally the two types will have grown together
165
into a normal primary school of 6 classes. Undoubtedly
this process will take much time, but there Is no other
possible way, within the bounds of the country's financial
capacity, of arriving at a normal educational organization.''l
" Owing to the financial and economic situation, at
the start, no higher object could be proposed than reduc-
tion of illiteracy; now this object in itself is of high value,
if it were only because illiteracy forms an obstacle to the
full effect of measures for the peoples' welfare. Besides,
it is a matter of social value that young people should,
during some years, have to adapt themselves to a good
school discipline."2
Some of the features of the internal organization of
the village school may be noted :
(1) The Curriculum. In these village schools the
instruction is very elementary, consisting only of reading,
writing and arithmetic and a little physics and biology
as far as it can be applied to the pupil's daily life. It
should be particularly noted that in arithmetic the three
years' course of instruction is confined to the simple rules
and ciphering not further than 1000. "The chief task of
these schools is to combat illiteracy."a
(2) Hours ot Instruction. "School hours are divided
in such a way that the first half of the day is assigned
to the first class and the second to the second class and
the third together, one school master sometimes aided by
an assistant can do the whole teaching.''• The school meets
from 7-30 A.M. to 1 P.M. There are no afternoon classes
because of the tropical climate. The first grade enters
the building at 7-30 A.M. and stays until 10 A.M. The
second grade enters at 10 A.M. and leaves at 1 P.M. and
the third remains from 7-30 A.M. until 1 P.M.
"The advantages of this organization are, first : the
teachers do not have to divide their attention among too
many grades; second : that pupils of the first and second
grades are not overburdened; third : that the parents can
still use their children for home duties; fourth : that
because of the density of the population, transportation
offers no difficulties; fifth: that even in case of one-teacher
school a decent standard of education is guaranteed."S
1 Asia.tio Review, 1934, p. 120.
2 Ibid., p. 122.
a Columbia. University Eduoo.tion~Yoa.r Bo">k, 1925, p. 2-10.
4 The Asiatic Review, 1934, p. 120.
li Colombia. University Eduoa.tion Yea.r Book, 1937, EP· 99-100• .
166
· (3) Pupils per Teacher. In 1935, in the village schools
of three grades, there were 15,18,700 pupils taught by 30,737
teachers, thus giving on an average 49.4 or say 50 pupils
per teacher.
(4) Teachers and their Supervision. It appears that
for the village schools the teachers are trained in. a. normal
course of 2 years' duration, the candidates JOimng the
course after the completion of a 5-year course of the
vernacular school.
" As far as possible the teacher is chosen from the
district, preferably even from the very VIllage m whiCh
the school is located. There he can live in his surround-
ings, in his house, on or near his own plot of land. He
knows the people and he will easily inspire confidence in
the school. Care is taken that the standard of llvmg of
the teacher does not differ too much from the average of
the other villagers. Their salaries are therefore determined
by local standards."'
The supervision over these schools seems to be strict
as one supervisor is given to look after 50 village schools.
(5) Admission to Schools. Admission to schools is
only allowed during the first month after the beginning
of the course unless a pupil is transferred from another
school. Children above the age of 8 years who have
not yet attended another school are not admitted. The
school meets for 10 months, there being two vacations of
a month each.
(6) Free and Compulsory Education. The education
given in these village schools is neither free nor com-
pulsory. Apart from the very poor, everybody is expected
to contribute a small fee. "This condition is a matter of
principle, as experience has shown that people appreciate
only things for which they pay."2
"Compulsion has not yet been introduced, first because
it is not regarded as a sensible procedure to put compulsion
in the Jaw and not to enforce it (as it Is done in the most
of the Southern States of the United States and in some
other countries), and second because the population would
not understand the use of it and would resent it as an
. encroachment on the social and economic order. In
Holland itself education was not made compulsory until
there was practically universal education."3
1 Colomhia. University EducatiCin Year Book, 1937, p. 97.
2 Ibid., p. 98.
'Ibid,,· pp. 98-99,
167
(7l A Special Feature. "All native schools of any size
are provided with a popular library by the Bureau of.
Popular Literature in the chief language of the district
in which the school is located."'
It appears that this work is more systematically carried
on in connection with the continuation schools.
"Connected with the ·.continuation schools are the
popular libraries which contain books not only for children
but for adults. Apart from the classics of Javanese litera-
ture and novels translated from European languages, there
are popular manuals written in the vernacular or Malay
on hygiene, agriculture, animal husbandry, and other
useful subjects. The books are supplied by the Govern-
ment Bureau of Popular Literature which also publishes
literature in the vernacular giving information on what
is happening in the world, on scientific discoveries, on the.
discussion in Parliament, on common diseases and so on.
These libraries are regarded as an essential element of
the whole educational system. They are enjoying a
growing popularity. From a modest beginning in 1908 the
Bureau of Popular Literature has developed into a great
institution which works miracles with a moderate budget."•
"The work of popular education is supported by an
organization for providing popular reading matter. Pro-'
perly speaking, this is no doubt a matter for private enter~
prise. But failing that, the Government itself has assumed
this task also, since only half the work is done unless the
population learning to read can find proper reading
matter."J
(8) Statistical Information.
(i) Population and pupils :
Year
Population Pupils in vernacular
schools
I P6re&ntnge
(in lnl{hf') (in lakhs)
'
I
1912 I 450 6.2 1.4
1920 473 7.5 1.6
1930 II 581 14.8 2.6
1935 639 17.9 2.8
I
l Columbia. Uni~ersity Education Year Book, 1925, p. 250.
2 Columbia. University Education Year Book, 1937, p. 98.
s The Asiatic Review, 1934, p. 123.
168
(ii) Pupils classified according to classes (1935) :
Age-group
ILiterates in 1921
I Lleath-co«o per
cent. for the dr-
I Deaths
cade 1921-1931
Age-group
IFem~le19h!erates
.1 I Lleath-mte per
cent. for the I Deaths
m - decade 1921-1931
Yenr
First Year Class Seconcl Year Class Third Year Class Fourth Year Clnss Fifth Yoa.r Class
Year
!loll !Promoted Roll \Promoted Roll
I
I
1921-22 304 (134) 142 76 123 5i 94 43 70 32
1922-23 288 (127) 150 83 128 68 98 51 72 36
1923-24 287 (126) 157 85 132 70 104 56 83 38
1924-25 281 (123) 161 89 138 72 109 58 91 42
1925-26 307 134 175 96 1+3 78 115 64 94 47
1926-27 352 140 183 102 151 83 120 67 99 49
1927-28 372 177 183 120 156 99 122 81 99 I 57
1928-29 346 178 184 120 161 101 126 79 102 57
1929-30 398 160 189 119 162 I 96 129 78 105 56
1930-31 414 1S2 192 127 166 107 131 89 107 64
Total
- - - ---
3349 1481 1716T~a-i7
------
1460 831 1148 -I 666--
--- ---
922 478
1922
1923
192+
~l~ :~; :~~-1 ~i ~i-!~~~ g~ --~~' ~~ ~~. ~: !~ ~; ;~ !j ~~
251 189 132 10+ 195 89 106 7-~ 103 72 51
II
44 79 6+ 45 27
1925 270 201 138 109 185 90 115 83 107172 53 46 86 67 47 29
192-> 286 215 143 115 199 91 126 92 107 38 56; 49 93 7+ 49 32
1927 305 230 151 120 199 <J6 139 101 125 46 61 50 96 83 52 32
1928 321 242 156 i 122 257 I 18 153 113 130 i 53 r,+ 55 106 84 59 35
1929 339 256 161:126 27+ 127 166 120 133' 55 67 59 118 90 56 38
1930 355 zr,~ lf>2 • 129 2~5 133 178 126 133 551
69 61 129 98 65 40
1931 367 280 IG6,~ 275]117 177 128 134152 __:_~ 135 107 ~~
Total 29+3 2225 1460:114~ 227+11063 135+i 9l0 1155:578 59+ 1499 9861774 5261330
APPENDIX D ( iv)
Statement showing Literacy Statistics of some Provinces & States.
Ntuuo of Province
Population (000)
I
·----
Literates
--- ----
(OuO)
~--- - -
Perccntngo
- ------
I
or Stnte
lUll
I
I
1U21
I 1n:n lUll I Hl21
---
I
I ID3!
I
l~ll
I lt\21 I
I
1931
Assam 6714 7606 9248 327 483 897 4.9 6.3 9.7
Bengal 45483 46696 50114 3522 4255 4694 7.7 9.0 9.4
B. & 0. 34490 34002 37678 1419 1586 1704 4.1 4.7 4.5
Bombay 19673 I 19292 21808 1374 16+6 I 200+ 7.0 8.5 9.2
C. P. & Berar 13916113913 115508 496 633 868 3.6 4.6 5.6
1\Iadras 41405 42319 40740 3094 3622 4319 7.5 8.6 9.3
Punjab 1997 5 20685 ' 23581 775 833 1248 3.9 4.3 5.3
U. P. 47185 45376 48+09 1619 1689 2260 3.4 3.7 4.7
Baroda 2033 2127 2444 205 272 435 10.1 12.3 17.8
Gwalior - 3186 3523 - 110 141 - 3.4 4.0
Hyderabad 13375 12472 14436 368 365 I :>96 2.8 2.9 4.1
Kashmir 3104 3260 3646 65 72 124 2.1 2.2 3.4
Cochin - - l205 - - 339 - - 28.1
Travancore 2952 4006 ' 5096 513 967 1218 15.0 24.1 23.9
My sore 5806 5979 1
6557 365 443 595 6.3 7.4 9.1