Shri Vile Parle Kelvani Mandal’s

MITHIBAI COLLEGE OF ARTS, CHAUHAN INSTITUTE OF SCIENCE &

AMRUTBEN JIVANLAL COLLEGE OF COMMERCE AND ECONOMICS

(AUTONOMOUS)

NAAC Reaccredited ‘A’ Grade, CGPA: 3.57, (February 2016)

Granted under RUSA for Research, Innovation and Quality Improvement

Granted under FIST-DST & Star College Scheme under DBT, Government of India

Best College 2016-17, University of Mumbai

‘The Resistance’ – An Anarchist insight on Alex Pina’s Money Heist

Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment

for the Degree of Masters of Arts in English

Department of Languages (English)

Researcher’s Name: Ms. Anandita Pagnis

Guided by: Ms. Shweta Saliam

February 2020

i
 CERTIFICATE

Certified that this dissertation is a bonafide record of the work done by Anandita Pagnis
during the period of November, 2020 to Feb, 2020 at the Department of English Literature,
Mithibai College of Art, Bhaktivedanta Swami Marg, Gulmohar Road, Suvarna Nagar, Vile
Parle (W), Mumbai, Maharashtra- 400056

Signature ________________

Ms. Shweta Salian

GUIDE

Date 01.03.2020

I declare that the form and content of this dissertation are original. It has not been submitted
in parts or full for any degree or diploma of this or any other University or institution.

Signature ______________

Ms. Anandita Pagnis

RESEARCHER

Date 01.03.2020

ii
 Acknowledgements

Firstly, I would like to thank my mentor Prof. Shweta Salian who helped me develop and
structure my fragmented ideas into something much more concrete and logical. She went
through all the drafts of my dissertation and gave me valuable feedback and suggestions
and helped me when I did not know how to go about my research. It is because of her
guidance and support that I have been able to complete this research.

I would also like to thank my parents and classmates for encouraging me to pursue the field
of political aspects in popular culture for my research and also helping me in the initial
stages of writing my research. I would also like to extend my gratitude to my mother,
Deepa Pagnis for her advice on the topic of my research.

And lastly, I would like to thank my friends Chitra Pandit, Kavita Bhattacharya and
Kanishk Varma for giving their feedback and opinions on my research and to listening to
me drone on and on about my research and my anxieties related to it.

iii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter 1: A Brief Introduction To Chomky’s concept of Anarchy Pg.

and Manufacturing Consent, Bakhtin’s Carnivaleque, Igualada’s 1
Anti-Capitalism and Foucault’s Notion of Power
Chapter 2: The Anarchist Carnival in Money Heist Pg.
8
Chapter 3: Paper, Propaganda and the Foucauldian understanding Pg.
of Power 14
Conclusion Pg.
25
Works Cited Pg.
28

iv
 Chapter 1

A Brief Introduction to Chomky’s concept of Anarchy and

Manufacturing Consent, Bakhtin’s Carnivaleque, Igualada’s Anti-
Capitalism and Foucault’s Notion of Power

Abstract

This research paper endeavours to trace the anarcho-centric nature of Alex Pina's
Money Heist by the application of Noam Chomsky's notion of ‘Anarchy’ with a prime focus
on the intentions and actions of the protagonist and primary characters. Through a
comprehensive analysis of the narrative, the paper will attempt to research the anarchic
beliefs of the characters. It will also examine Mikhail Bakhtin's theory of ‘Carnivalesque’
while centring around his concept of the carnival, group structure, and laughter. It will
attempt additionally to study the anarchist history of Spain, including the Catalonian
rebellion of 1936; therefore, attempting to understand the origin of the anti-capitalist,
carnivalesque, and anarchist ideology in Spain. In light of the work of Miguel Igualada, the
study will attempt to link the effect of the 2008 Spanish housing crisis with the content
creation in the country. It will draw parallels between the actions of the Professor and
Spanish anarchist activist, Enric Duran. Further, the paper will attempt to trace practices of
State domination in the series concerning the role of the mass media with regard to
Chomsky's ‘Manufacturing Consent’. Finally, the paper will attempt to explore the effect of
power structures on groups while scrutinizing state practices like surveillance through the
application of Michael Foucault's theory of ‘Power/Knowledge’.

Hypothesis: Studying the anarcho-centric nature of the Netflix series Money

Heist through the motives and emotions of the protagonist and primary characters.

Keywords: ‘Anarchy’ , ‘Anarcho-capitalism’ , ‘Hierarchy’ , ‘Carnivalesque’ , ‘Anti-

Capitalism’ , ‘Power structures’ , ‘Social change’ , ‘State practices’ , ‘Power/
Knowledge’ , ‘Spanish governance’ , ‘International relations’ , ‘Spanish Civil War’,
‘Catalonia’ , ‘Manufacturing consent’

1
Introduction

The world we live in is profoundly organized and intricately controlled, and yet we
may not recognize it. Humans are gradually becoming negligible entities who operate in
society as pawns in the game of chess- each move, delicately controlled to benefit large
cooperation, private institutions, and governments. The strings of control, held in the hands
of the economically elite in the form of institutional power that they subtly exercise to
regulate the lives of the working class, often exploiting them. This thought raises the
question, which groups or organizations, belief systems, or worldviews govern the world?
Moreover, who gives them the power to dominate the world? What would happen in a
situation where either nobody or everybody controlled the world?
Money Heist, conceived and written by Alex Pina, is an allegorical tale of rebellion
against government and capitalism. Originally filmed as a Spanish series titled La Casa de
Papel, it was acquired by Netflix in 2017, dubbed to English, and renamed Money Heist to
target an international audience. Set in Spain, the series revolves around a criminal
mastermind who goes by the name, "The Professor." He recruits eight people with specific
abilities, and with nothing to lose, in hopes of pulling off the most massive heist in recorded
history -to print billions of euros in the Royal Mint of Spain. In order to help him carry out
the ambitious plan, the group of thieves takes hostages to aid in their negotiations with the
authorities. In contrast, the authorities strategize to come up with plans to capture the
team.
The word anarchy derived from the Greek word "anarchia" literally means- no
government. It is an anti-authoritarian political and social theory that rejects authority,
hierarchy, and power structures as unjust and advocates its replacement with self-managed,
self-governed societies based on voluntary, cooperative institutions. Anarchic institutions,
often described as stateless societies or free associations, are opposed to any form of
government control or oppression by institutions. The fundamental dispute that anarchists
hold with other philosophies is that it regards the state of being undesirable, unnecessary,
and harmful.
Avram Noam Chomsky is an American, linguist, philosopher, social critic, and
political activist who has made groundbreaking contributions on subjects such as
linguistics, politics, war, politics, and mass media. Ideologically, he aligns with anarcho-

2
syndicalism and libertarian socialism. According to Chomsky, the term anarchism does not
mean the absence of rules; instead, it can be conceived as voluntary socialism. An anarchist
society is one that resists power structures and is made up of organized organically formed
units, mainly at the workplace or the place one exists. On the contrary, social and primary
authority comes from the bottom up that is, from the individuals placed at the lower rung of
the ladder rather than the top-down model of authority as we have today. Anarchists can
develop integrated organizations without any limitation on the scale of the organization at
personal, national, and international levels. However, Chomsky asserts that the delegates
who form the organization must reside there. The anarchist would criticize a representative
democracy with elected members for two main reasons- firstly, the confinement of power
or monopoly in the hands of the state. Secondly, the fact that representative democracy is
not limited only to the political sphere and encroaches upon the economic sphere as well.
Anarcho-syndicalism is an anti-capitalist, anarchist school of thought that regards
syndicalism as a means for workers in a capitalist society to gain control of the economy.
The anarchist holds the belief that democratic control of one's productive life is at the core
of democratic freedom. Anarcho-syndicalism is built on the idea that power corrupts. Any
hierarchy that cannot be justified must either be dismantled or replaced by decentralized
egalitarian control. In an anarcho-syndicalist society, labour must not be restrained or
oppressed since the oppression of labour challenges the core syndicalist belief in solidarity,
direct action, and self-management in production. The goal of syndicalism is to abolish the
wage system, which ultimately leads to the oppression of labour. According to the
syndicalist belief, a significant contributor to the oppression of labor is the ownership of
private property by the owners of capital for wealth creation, which results in wage slavery.
Thus, the ultimate goal of the anarcho-syndicalist movement is to abolish the ownership of
private property in its entirety.
At the heart of libertarian socialism, similar to anarcho-syndicalism, lies in its anti-
capitalist ideology. Also referred to as anarchist socialism, it too rejects centralized control
of the economy by the state, criticizes wage labour relationships within the workplace, and
emphasizes workers' self-management of the workplace. It promotes decentralized
structures of political organization, asserting that a society based on freedom and justice
can be achieved through abolishing autocratic institutions that control means of production.
According to the libertarian socialist, autocratic institutions that control means of

3
production are the reason for the creation of inequalities in income, leading to the formation
of a subordinate group of economically elite.
The protagonist of the series, Money Heist, is ‘The Professor.’ He proves to be the
flag bearer of the anarchist rebellion, who justifies his defiance by exposing the
malpractices of the Spanish government against whom he rebels. Ranging from the
government's economic policies to its apathy towards human rights issues, The Professor
defends his contempt for any form of authority. This paper seeks to study the anarcho-
centric nature of the series Money Heist through the motives and emotions of The Professor
and primary characters.
A brief understanding of the anarchist history of Spain is of relevance in deriving a
comprehensive understanding of the choice of the subject of the series. In doing so, it is of
prime importance to trace the anarchist rebellion in Spain, which dates back to the Spanish
Revolution in 1936. Although the epicenter of the anarchist movement was Catalonia, it
soon spread to other provinces. The Spanish civil war began with a struggle between fascist
nationalists led by Francisco Franco and the Democratic/Communist Republicans in power
at the time. However, there was a third faction that in the war - The National Confederation
of Labour which began the anarcho-syndicalist movement. Eight million Catalonians
established an anarchist society, although briefly. They broke barriers of hierarchy; farms,
factories, and businesses were all managed by the people who engaged in the production
process and reorganized themselves equal entities responsible for their actions and
answerable solely to themselves. They did not comprise of ‘bourgeoisie democracy’.
Instead, the people established genuine functional libertarian democracy from the
grassroots level, where each individual participated directly in the revolutionary
reorganization of social life. However, only ten months after its commencement, the
anarcho-syndicalist society was undermined by Stalinists and promptly dissolved.
In Rabelais and His World, Mikhail Bakhtin, the Russian scholar, literary critic, and
philosopher, presents his concept, ‘Carnivalesque.’ He explains that carnival is a moment
when everything is permitted- an all-inclusive, all-pervasive culture occurring on the border
between art and life, shaped according to a pattern of play focusing on the festival of life. A
carnival is usually characterized by alternative social space, freedom, justice, and
abundance where dominant tradition is ignored and rank, abolished. Displays of excess and
grotesqueness usually mark a carnival with no divide between masked performers and the
audience, thus breaking down conventions and creating a new order of things or an
4
alternate way of life that can be perceived as a slap in the face of authoritarianism. All the
factors above, aid in the expression of underlying aspects of humanity that are usually
ignored by the working class in society. This classless society is achieved since carnival
directly connects people and binds them in their refusal to follow societal conventions,
bringing together groups and categories that would ordinarily be exclusive. Time and space
are reconstructed to demonstrate the possibility of a real society that is built on the central
tenets of a carnival. All of this is done in a celebratory spirit. The paper will highlight the
use of the concept of Carnivalesque in the series, Money Heist, focusing on the group
structure designed by The Professor in his bid to overthrow social structure and hierarchy
while exemplifying the festive spirit of the series.
From the understanding of the anarchist nature of the series, it is undeniable that the
series aligns with is the anti-capitalist ideology. In order to understand this, the paper will
consider the effect of the 2008 housing crisis on Spain, which according to the Professor
unjustly benefited the rich and driving up asset prices and the costs of consumer goods,
increasing income disparities. The series can be considered a metaphor for the money-
printing moves adopted by major central banks in the West in the wake of the crisis. In light
of this disparity, Spanish anarcho-syndicalist and theorist Miguel Igualada explains,
capitalism will only end when the government ceases to exist, pointing out that capitalism
is nothing but a product of the state, which it uses to increase its profits. He deems the fight
against capitalism a pointless task stating that the government and capitalist exploitation are
intertwined. Hence, the fight must be against the state. The paper will study
Igualada's theory on anti-capitalism with regard to the series. His views hold strong
particularly because one can draw parallels between the lives of Igualada, a young Spaniard
having worked blue-collar jobs engaged in illegal activities, and the hijackers in the
heist.
In Chomsky's Manufacturing Consent: The political economy of the mass media
with Edward S. Herman—he points out that the mass media fools us into believing that we
possess political power emphasizing that the prime function of the mass media is to
mobilize support for the personal interests of those elite few that dominate governance and
the private sector, thereby carrying out a system of propaganda used to steer public opinion
and action. He lists out the five filters of the mass media explaining their role in the
creation of content to channel public action. The paper will attempt to highlight
malpractices of the government and its agencies in the series, Money Heist. It will attempt
5
to prove through the coercive action of the government that the mass media is nothing but a
puppet in the hands of the state, which uses it to propagate vested interests.
Finally, the paper will highlight the theory of Power, primarily from the work,
Power/Knowledge by French Postmodernist, Michel Foucault, who has been highly
influential in shaping the understanding of power. He exemplifies practices of institutions
that use power as an instrument of coercion stating that using these instruments of coercion,
power centers control whom they deem more inferior sections of society. He states that
power is diffused everywhere in society rather than concentrated in a particular entity hence
exemplifying its transient, dynamic characteristics. Disregarding the widespread belief
that authorities possess power, Foucault asserts that power is embodied and enacted instead.
It is discursive rather than coercive and constitutes agents meaning people in positions of
power are made centers of authority by the exercise of power that they possess rather than
the possession of it. Thus, reiterating the idea that power is not centralized and can arise
everywhere. Questioning whether the era we live in allows us to know ourselves and
construct individual identities, Foucault argues that ideas are not universal. Instead, he
states that they are historically contingent, meaning they apply only to a distinct time in
history. Foucault organizes history into specific structures of thought, which he terms
'epistemes', He defines an episteme as a particular structure in the way an entire society
lives —saying that the entire society lives in the same way, focusing on the act of
conforming to norms. Talking about the new episteme or the episteme of today Foucault
points out that surveillance by institutions has increasingly become more detailed and
intricate. Constant nuanced surveillance by authorities or the fear of it thereof forces people
to discipline themselves and fall in line without any knowledge of external control that is
deployed on them. In simpler words, people behave in an orderly way because they are
aware that they may be watched. This change in tactics of control by institutions in the
current episteme often goes unrealized by masses. Thus, controlling their moves without
their knowledge, limiting the knowledge one can gain about themselves, constraining the
individual, and stunting self-growth. Foucault, however, believed in individual capabilities
of people to recognize and question social norms and constraints provided the individuals
are aware of being controlled.
The constant transfer of power and institutional control in the series Money
Heist governs the moves of individuals. Although the audience is witness to the
subconscious effect of power and control on the characters in the series, coercion by
6
authorities is unrealized by the characters in the drama. Along with other theories, the study
will attempt to explore the relevance of Michael Foucault's theory of Power/Knowledge in
Alex Pina's Money Heist.

7
 Chapter 2

The Anarchist Carnival in Money Heist

Although anarchism is usually associated with violence and chaos, as a philosophy,

its tenets are more nuanced than mere violence for the sake of destruction. According to
Chomsky, an anarcho-centric ideology is one that is suspicious and skeptical of domination,
authority, and hierarchy. It explores structures of authority and control in human life over
an entire range, extending from smaller structures like patriarchal families to larger
imperialistic systems. Chomsky questions the legitimacy of these systems while quoting
one of Jefferson's most widely recognized statements, "That government is best, which
governs the least because its people discipline themselves." (Chomsky & Gueěrin 2016)

In its essence, Money Heist is anarcho-centric, anti-establishment, and anti-

capitalist. A fragmented narrative in the back and forth structure, filled with flashbacks and
flash forwards, packed with memories Money Heist gives the account of how The
Professor unites a group of hijackers who attempt to challenge their fate with the hope of
becoming rich and establishing a position of power against the state in the process.
The anarchist ideology of the series, Money Heist, is evident in The Professor's disdain for
any form of government, which he holds, only works to stay in power and further its selfish
interests. For this reason, he implicitly and explicitly resists government authority and
control. Belonging to the economically underprivileged sections of society, each member of
the team has been a victim of oppression of the corrupt and inequitable practices of the
state. While they are entwined in their individual struggle against these practices that have
been unsympathetic and oppressive, they are consolidated in their common goal to
overthrow the state. However, not only the state- power centers of all kinds are challenged
in Money Heist. The Professor is not the only anarchist in the series. At every level, there
are different hierarchies of power. Wherever there is control, we witness resistance to this
control. It begins with resistance to the government by The Professor and his team, trickles
down to resistance to Berlin (the head of the hijackers) from the rest of the team and finally,
resistance to the government from the citizens of Spain who side with the hijackers. In the
sheer representation of their anarchist nature, The Professor and his team chose to be
identified as 'The Resistance' and sing the song ‘Bella Ciao’, which translates literally to
Goodbye beautiful. The song, originally an Italian folk ballad, was adopted as an anthem of
8
the anti-fascist resistance and used in the series by The Professor to rally his troops.
Although the heist advances the primary plot of the show, the underlying theme proves to
be the fight against the Spanish equivalent of fascism- government oppression, inequalities
of income, class structure, and unemployment. Examining this, one can infer that all of the
above social and economic issues are intertwined and profoundly connected, usually
resulting in a chain reaction- the problems of Spain loosely representative of any capitalist
economy.
Noam Chomsky, in his book, On Anarchism and, through his multiple interviews,
stands ardently against the oppression born out of the capitalist economic machinery.
According to his anarchic views, he explains that democratic control of one's life lies at the
heart of democratic freedom, which sets the base for an anarchic society.
Explaining, therefore, that an anarchic society must be independent of the shackles of
hierarchies. Chomsky asserts that if authority, power, and control cannot be justified (which
he states is the usual case), the authority must be dismantled and replaced by something
freer and equitable.
Dismantling of unjust authority and dissolution of hierarchies is precisely what The
Resistance endeavors to do- exercising their stance by unraveling the economic machinery
of Spain by printing and circulating currency. During the first meeting of Professor and his
team, he warrants his anti-capitalist sentiment by exemplifying the economic injustices of
the state. True to Chomsky's theory, he begins by reasoning out why the economic policy in
Spain is inequitable, stressing how people spend years studying to earn a living in the form
of a salary which, even in the best-case scenario, is still a meager sum of money. Justifying
his decision to loot the Royal Mint of Spain as opposed to the mint of any other
country, The Professor reasons that the robbers will only be returning the money of the
public. He substantiates his claims in a conversation with Raquel that takes place at his
workspace, accusing her (representative of the Spanish State) of viewing people as either
‘good guys’ or ‘bad guys’(‘’Money Heist 2017 P2.E8). He alleges that while the state
considers the hijackers' criminals, the government acts similarly- further questioning the
hypocrisy of their actions. Citing the fiscal policy of Spain, he recounts to Raquel that the
European Central Bank injected 171 billion euros into the economic system in 2011, 185
billion euros in 2012, and 145 billion euros in 2013, which he claims went straight from the
mint to the bankers, filling the pockets of the rich, increasing inequalities. Condemning
these actions of the European central bank, dubbing it a thief, he questions the rectitude of
9
these liquidity injections that he deems arbitrary. According to him, the government works
to further their own political and economic agenda rather than empowering the working
class. Hence, The Professor justifies his dissent for the state, which, according to him,
cannot warrant its actions.
The Professor explains to the hijackers, something that he considers is of critical
importance in the heist- the use of confidential government information to benefit The
Resistance explaining that the state would permit ordinarily absurd actions like provocation
of the army into the streets or the robbery of the national gold reserve in a case where it felt
threatened. However, he asserts, there is one thing they will not either expect or allow- the
divulgence of confidential government information. This divulgence, The
Professor explains, will give the hijackers an upper hand over the state (representative of
the transfer of power from the government to the hands of the Anarchists). The confidential
information, The Professor, informs, includes the secrets of the ministries of the
government, which, are held in twenty-four red boxes. The contents of which, the
government cannot afford to publicly declare since they hold the details of illegitimate
spending of reserve funds, contemptible secrets of the intelligence, corruption in the
ministry of interior and ministry of foreign affairs. The Professor's claims prove themselves
when the head of intelligence, Alicia Sierra, calls for the termination of the attack on the
Bank of Spain since she fears the divulgence of this information would lead to the
dissolution of the Spanish government, (termination of the attack reinforces that corruption
is rooted deep in the political machinery of any capitalist economy).
In the social sphere, The Professor highlights the violation of fundamental human rights by
the state, emphasizing that basic human rights must be provided to every member of
society, including criminals. He highlights that the state does not authorize the killing of a
criminal in custody, yet, it will not resist torturing him. The illegal detainment of a hijacker,
Rio, by the Panama Authorities and his torture is a blatant disregard of constitutional
government procedure. Withholding from him the access to a lawyer or any legal system,
too, is another action by the state that uses its authority unjustifiably. Therefore, The
Professor expresses his skepticism of the state along with its practices reiterating why its
machinery must be dismantled.
According to Chomsky, democracy with elected members would be criticized by the
anarchist for two main reasons. Firstly, there is a power or monopoly vested in the
state. The monopoly of the state is evident from the State-controlled economic policy
10
and the imperialistic actions of the government as viewed in Money Heist. Secondly,
Chomsky asserts that representative democracy must only be limited to the political sphere
and steer clear from the economic sphere- a stark contrast to the government control of
economic matters as witnessed in the series.
The Professor is guided by all the reasons mentioned above married with a painful
family experience, which proves to be the motivation behind The Professor's rebellion. At
the core of the series rests The Professor's conflict with the government that he deems to be
illegitimate. For this purpose, he strives to dismantle it- his strategy being the heist. The
audience witnesses that personal problems in the lives of the members of The Resistance
are born out of from economic hardship, lending it an active political agenda- an anti-
capitalist ideology. For a rudimentary understanding, anti-capitalism and anarchy can be
considered two sides of the same coin since a capitalist economy is characterized by
inequalities of income, intern, making it society marred by class discrimination. It is
important to note that all the characters in the series belong to the working class. They are
wage laborers who are not awarded equitable remuneration for their effort in the process of
production. Unemployment and economic obstacles cause them to become a group that has,
in The Professor's words, "nothing to lose."(“Money Heist” 2017 P1.E1)
Concerning labor control, Chomsky discourses, if there is any possibility
of labour being constrained or oppressed, it opposes the anarchist ideology. Instead, he
focuses on the advantages of industrialization and the advent of technology, which he
emphasizes, society must use to facilitate self-organization, increasing the possibility of
workers becoming masters of their immediate affairs, enabling them to dedicate their newly
acquired free time to social and creative endeavors. Chomsky references Alexander van
Humboldt's The Limits of State Action (1972), which can be considered Humboldt's
critique of the state. Chomsky acknowledges Humboldt's work regarding it as a classic
libertarian text; he explains that Humboldt expresses the need to resist the
encroachment of the coercive state power instead of private power. He justifies this by
asserting that individuals are roughly equivalent to one another in their power singularly
and thus do not pose a threat to society. However, the real imbalance of power is vested
in the centralized authoritarian state, which must be resisted since it possesses the capacity
of posing a threat to society. Although Humboldt speaks regarding the church, in this
context, Chomsky states that Humboldt's understanding of anarchy can have a wide-
reaching perspective in modern times.
11
 The Professor recounts to Raquel how he spent most of his childhood fighting
sickness in hospitals. He describes the execution of his father by the police while robbing a
bank (an illustration of autocratic oppression by the authorities), claiming that his father
took to theft in order to obtain funds to finance the young Professor's treatment in the
U.S.A. Alluding to economic oppression, which forced his father to resort to criminal
activities, The Professor criticizes the state that he feels, neglected his father in his
economic difficulties, ultimately leading to his death. This defense for his activities makes
him an audience favorite, garnering their sympathies. In contrast to being the stereotypical
villain, plotting the heist, his fight against injustice presents him as the mysterious
mastermind anti-hero gathers the support of the Spanish masses. In order to garner crowd
support, he is resolutely against bloodshed, presenting himself and The Resistance as
humane criminals. Whenever a character dies, he appears to be genuinely disturbed-
reinforcing that he is a man with a conscience fighting for a cause that he sincerely believes
in, posing a stark contrast to the police who shot his father.
Debt and the burden it bears, too, proves to be a guiding force behind the actions of
other hijackers, Moscow and Denver. Moscow recounts to Tokyo how his son, Denver, was
on the verge of being mauled to death for his inability to repay debt. To enable him to
repay this debt, Moscow drew him into the heist, much against his will. After their
escape, the father-son duo, plan to begin a new life by relocating to an unknown country
with no economic oppression or temptation of drugs. Another hijacker, Nairobi- the
counterfeiting specialist of the group is also a victim of financial and social oppression. Her
participation in the heist is guided by the motive to meet her son. She recounts to Tokyo
how the authorities had seized him from her due to her involvement in drug dealing. A
guilty Nairobi laments her involvement in the drug trade yet justifies it by citing her
disability to meet even her essential finances. Tokyo, the narrator of the series,
addresses the challenges she faced in her childhood while she was left unattended since her
mother was forced to work overtime, (double shifts towards the month-end when money
was running out)) to overcome their economic problems, the words of Tokyo
exemplifying the struggle of wage earners. Drawing parallels with the childhood of Tokyo,
which she spent in seclusion, one can understand why Chomsky emphasizes the importance
of labour reforms in time and remuneration.
Chomsky outlines out a rough description of the political constitution of an
anarchist society focusing on the workplace and community. He suggests that they can be
12
organized into a network of regional, national, and international workers' counsels
promoting equitability.
With reference to Chomsky's outline, the audience can empathize with Rio- a
hijacker who joins The Resistance due to the dissatisfaction of his job. He resorts to
hacking and robberies and eventually ends up participating in the heist. Further, Chomsky
asserts that the satisfaction of middle and upper- class jobs is in the flexibility of self-
management and self-control that they enjoy. If lower-class jobs receive self-
management, they too may become enjoyable.
To prevent oppression at the workplace, Chomsky emphasizes that delegation of
authority must be limited, making workplaces more inclusive. Participants must be directly
responsible to their community. Political parties, he claims, are the underlying cause of
class distinction and must be eliminated, thus forming an anarchist society, free of
discrimination. However, he states that if this end cannot be achieved, a single political
party must establish itself, welcoming differences in opinion and ideas. Drawing parallels
with the history of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 is of fair significance to
remember that the anarchist leaders of Spain denied any participation in the
Communist army since a hierarchical structure characterized it.

13
 Chapter 3

Paper, Propaganda and the Foucauldian understanding of Power

In understanding the foundation of Alex Pina's Money Heist, it is vital to trace the
history of Spain concerning the recent economic depression, also referred to as the Great
Recession in Spain. The crisis, which lasted in the country from 2008 to 2014, making it a
part of the European sovereign debt crisis (more commonly known as the Euro crisis),
witnessed the economic machinery of Spain and several other countries that belong to the
Eurozone, in shambles. The nation was unable to repay its debt created due to the housing
crisis, ultimately being compelled to apply for a €100 billion rescue package by the
European Stability Mechanism- an intergovernmental organization that consists of 27
European countries created primarily to stabilize the economic climate in Europe.

The root cause of the crisis alludes to the relaxation of economic policy in the State,
which aspired to promote economic growth and make housing affordable- lending the
youth of Spain, 'The Great Spanish Dream,' however fleetingly. In the year 1998, the
government passed the new land legislation, which concentrated on increasing the
availability of land for developmental purposes- primarily residential development along
with increasing the flexibility of land use by reducing administrative and building controls.
This lead to a boost in investment from private enterprises as opposed to the previous trend
of government ownership. The relaxed policy, induced growth as predicted, increasing the
supply of property, making the ownership of homes for all, a near reality. Following this, in
the year 2002, the government enforced labor reforms, diminishing the rights of labor, thus
making the employment of labor more affordable for private enterprises, promoting further
investment in the housing market, in turn, prompting students and immigrants alike to join
the labor force. Tax evasion grew rampant since Black money was invested in the newly
built property. While the demand for housing kept expanding, housing prices followed suit.
By 2005, the construction business in Spain was soaring; however, the employment rate
kept declining. The final ingredient of the depression came from the banks who relaxed
their lending policy and raised mortgages. Property owners who were unable to repay their
bank loans resorted to selling their homes at higher market values since housing was
progressively getting more expensive (thus allowing homeowners to convert their black
money into legal tender and even making a profit). Ultimately, as a result of laidback bank

14
policy and an abundance of bad loans, public debt kept increasing while property prices
crested, making homes unaffordable by 2007-08 - the beginning of the Spanish housing
bubble. Concurrently, the global financial crisis and the subprime crisis in The USA
prompted Spanish banks to discontinue lending credit- stalling investment, increasing
unemployment, and leaving a multitude of people homeless.

Money Heist, created in Spain, only three years after the financial crisis, is guided
by an anti-capitalist ideology that can be firmly stitched into the fabric of its history. The
relaxation of regulation to promote private investment, oppression of labor by private
enterprises backed by government support, and the irresponsibility of the banking system
all prove to be part of the State's Capitalist agenda as apparent in the series. The
homelessness and sprit of protest conceived on the backdrop of a politically and
economically volatile State owing to unemployment are justified in the series through the
words and the actions of The Resistance.

While it is certain that the repercussions of the housing crisis have had visibly
lasting effects on its citizens who faced hardships in sustenance, it is essential to recognize
its effect on content creation in the country. In the understanding of the political climate of
Spain, it is recognizable that despite the fact Money Heist was conceived three years after
the end of the crisis, it dwells in an undeniable 'hangover' of the depression. Regardless of
the economic progress of the country in the previous year, it is recognizable that the third
season of the series is set on the same volatile political backdrop as the previous seasons
with the announcement on season four set to release on the 4th of April, 2020 in which the
political turmoil is expected to build threefold.

Miguel Giménez Igualada was an independent Spanish anarchist and writer, also
known as Miguel Ramos Giménez and Juan de Iniesta. In his major work, Anarchismo,
Igualada opines that humanism and anarchism are the same concepts. He argues that for an
anarchist, personal integrity is paramount. In light of this, the anarchist will not indulge in
any practice that could dominate or oppress another human being, preventing even the
remote possibility of dis-harmony in society. He reiterates, anarchism will be "pacifist,
poetic, which creates goodness, harmony, and beauty, which cultivates a healthy sense of
living in peace, sign of power and fertility." (2019)

15
 Although Igualada's emphasis was not on economics, his economic views are
apparent from his judgment on capitalism, which he claims is the effect of governments
that use capitalism as a tool to further their profit-making agenda. The disappearance of
government, according to him, would lead to the disappearance of capitalism, asserting that
one must fight against the State rather than capitalism. The ownership of property, he states,
will cease to be an obstacle when the role of the profiteer is eliminated. The elimination of
a profiteer from the equation, he states, will lead to the formation of associations with
shared profit, eliminating the possibility of any exploitation- a belief he shares with the
Resistance and the masses whose support it garners. The Professor, through his actions,
strives to be 'equitable' (however debatable) to the entire group by eliminating any
differentiation among the hijackers- that can be noticed in his attempt to equalize everyone
by asking them to name themselves after cities. He claims to distribute the profit obtained
from the heist equally among all members of the team, reinforcing Igualada's concept of
humanism and anarchy. This very trend can be traced in Pina's Money Heist- not just
concerning the narrative but also regarding the protagonist.

Enric Duran Giralt, commonly known as Robin Banks or the Robin Hood of the
Banks, is a Catalan, an underground anti-capitalist activist, and a founding member of the
Catalan Integral Cooperative and Faircoop. Duran works against the current capitalist
system, by staging protests and funding civil movements that seek to create alternatives to
the capitalist way of governance describing his actions as an act of 'financial civil
disobedience,' As per his public announcement, in 2008. Duran reported having robbed
492,000 euros from the government in the form of bank loans which he acquired from 38
banks with no intent to return the money, using the funds to finance various anti-capitalist
movements that condemn what he terms the predatory capitalist system.

His ideas around the right to oppose institutional power are comprehended in
Money Heist through the character of The Professor, who is guided by the same motive of
returning public money, which he frequently refers to as 'just paper'. (“Money Heist” 2017
P1.E1) Apart from the physical aspect of The Professor's appearance, which undeniably
resembles Duran's, one can draw parallels between the modus operandi of Duran and The
Professor. While Duran worked by obtaining bad loans from the banks, the Robin Hood-
like Professor blatantly hijacked The Royal Mint of Spain, followed by the Bank of Spain.

16
Both of them strive to involve the public in their Resistance (though different methods)
while sharing the common belief that one has to break the law to oppose the State.

In 1969, Milton Friedman proposed the concept of 'helicopter money'- an

unorthodox fiscal policy, suggested when the economy is in a liquidity trap (a situation
where interest rates are stagnant indicating that the economy is approaching recession)
Originally the term described a situation where central banks issued cash directly to people.
However, more modern methods of achieving the same end are in practice today. Taking a
literal queue from 'helicopter money, the raining down of 140 million euros from a
helicopter, can be considered a liquidity injection by The Professor. However, just as Duran
is considered a criminal, The Professor, too, gets listed felonious when he injects capital
into the system through airdrops of euro bills, the injection of liquidity into economies
being an acceptable fiscal policy of governments world-over.
Duran in 2008, posted a video that he termed "a mass invitation to civil
disobedience," where he justified his rebellion, exposed the government's failure to meet
their citizens' fundamental human rights, and pointed out to the corruption of the legal
system (Seth-Smith 2018). A near replication of this is evident when The Professor reveals
himself on a screen in Madrid, communicating to the Spanish masses a similar message.
Duran cites ‘the September 2011 Spanish constitutional reform to benefit the banks…
without citizen consultation" and "the lack of legal action upon the speculative
'disappearance' of millions of Euros in the financial world, "(Seth-Smith 2018)- a
conversation that the audience witnesses between The Professor and Raquel. The Professor,
emphasizing the human cost of reckless misconduct in the banking system and consequent
austerity policies, resembles Duran's political stance.

Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman in their book Manufacturing Consent: The
Political Economy of the Mass Media proposes a conceptual model to explain how
propaganda operates in the mass media. The model endeavors to demonstrate how
populations are manipulated and their consent for economic, social, and political policies
are "manufactured" in the public mind due to this propaganda. Chomsky maintains that "the
study of institutions and how they function must be scrupulously ignored, apart from fringe
elements or a relatively obscure scholarly literature". The theory proposes the five "filters"
that determine the type of news presented in the media.

17
 The first filter - 'Size, Ownership and Profit orientation of the Mass Media'-
Chomsky declares that the mass media favours the faction that funds it since the ultimate
agenda of any enterprise is profit-making.

The second filter - 'The advertising license to do business'-Referring to advertising,

which creates moulds of audiences that advertisers are free to manipulate, often influencing
the news (sanitizing of their malpractices in the news) by tactics such as withdrawing
patronage.

The third filter- 'Sourcing mass-media news'- Chomsky explains that the mass
media and powerful sources of information share a symbiotic relationship based on
economic necessity and mutuality of interest. The media regards any source of information
received from a state-run organization as a credible, competent piece of knowledge. This
media manipulation by the State is evident in Money Heist, where the audience witnesses
every attempt of the State to leak misleading information in the mass media in order to
manipulate the viewers. After The Professor leaks Raquel's recording asking to release
Alison Parker, Raquel seeks revenge for the public hatred she encountered by using the
mass media as a tool to further her propaganda. Along with Colonel Prieto, she invents a
narrative defaming Berlin, fabricating news of his involvement in the trafficking of minors
and prostitution rackets. In another instance, Raquel orders the release of Rio's parent's
interview to the media in an attempt to weaken his spirit, highlighting the use of the mass
media as a mechanism in the hands of the State. Alicia Sierra, the new officer in charge,
devices a plan to fabricate documents that The Professor plans to release, claiming that
these new records will look identical to the confidential files in the red boxes, spreading
false news and putting the media into a frenzy. She states that the media would try to
investigate the fabricated scandals they devised, leaving them clueless since each minister
(whom the newly fabricated scandal corresponds to) will then have an alibi. Considering
the media will not be able to differentiate between the original and fabricated documents,
Sierra claims, the false news will drown the classified information released by The
Professor, neutralizing his plan even before it has materialized- an illustration of the mass
media as a puppet in the hands of the State.

The fourth filter- 'Flak and The enforcers' -Chomsky asserts that when the narrative
is against for the power sources like the government and big private corporations, the flack

18
machine is enforced through the discrediting of sources, trashing of articles, and diversion
of conversation as visible in Sierras's attempt to distract the public.

The fifth filter- 'Anti-communism as a control mechanism' - The final filter exposes
the view manufactured by the capitalist media portraying Communism as the ultimate evil.
Chomsky claims that this has been the "specter haunting property owners, as it threatens the
very root of their class position and superior status." The anti-communist ideology
(represented by the Resistance in the series) helps mobilize the masses against a common
enemy portraying Communism as a radical movement fragmenting the left and labor
movements and serving as a political-control mechanism in the hands of the State. The use
of mass media as a political-control mechanism is recognized when The Resistance
becomes the common enemy of the State, who furthers its propaganda through the media.
The government, through the manufacturing of public consent, attempts to unite the
Spanish masses against The Resistance. This portrayal of The Resistance as the common
enemy is guided by the goal to maintain the vantage position enjoyed by the economically
elite authorities- subscribing to the class divide. Withholding of classified information
along with the propaganda campaign designed by Sierra is carried out chiefly to allow
those in power to further their elitist interests.

Chomsky opines, "Meanwhile, because of the power of establishment sources, the

flak machines, and anti-communist ideology, we would anticipate outcries that the worthy
victims are being sorely neglected, that the unworthy are treated with excessive and
uncritical generosity, that the media's liberal, adversarial (if not subversive) hostility to
government explains our difficulties in mustering support for the latest national venture in
counterrevolutionary intervention."(A Propaganda Model)

Michael Foucault, the French postmodernist, has been highly influential in shaping
the understanding of power in the modern world. Through his Postmodernist philosophy, he
exhibits broad skepticism and a general suspicion of reason, political and economic power.
Through his many works and profound intertextuality, he demonstrates how power is used
as an instrument of coercion, driving people to operate in a precise specific manner, even
without their knowledge. While challenging the notion that people or groups exercise
power in 'sovereign' and separate situations, he states that power is dispersed and all-

19
prevalent quoting, 'Power is everywhere' and 'comes from everywhere.' (Foucault: power is
everywhere)

Foucault uses the term 'power/knowledge' to signify that power is linked to

knowledge and exercised based on accepted forms of knowledge or truth- shaping their
personalities, belief system and habits, forcing them to act in particular ways. Power in the
form of power centers such as families, schools, institution) then use this knowledge in the
form of accepted forms of truth for individualistic purposes.

Foucault describes truth as a humanmade concept that produces a general 'regime of

truth.' For a rudimentary understanding, one can comprehend a 'regime of truth' as society's
shared understanding of what is 'true.' 'This truth, however, Foucault emphasizes, is subject
to social norms (followed by its members who believe in its normalcy), popular discourse,
and the opinion of those individuals who determine what must be considered the truth. This
'regime of truth' would imply that one party (who determines the general understanding of
truth) would have the authority to make decisions for the other party and determine their
fate through the passing of a general consensus of judgement- in this case, the government
deeming The Resistance criminals. Since society sets accepted modes for individuals to
carry out activities and function in their daily lives- the same pattern is carried forward for
negotiation in the series. The standard practices of negotiation lend the State knowledge
about the next move of the Resistance. The newly appointed officer, Alicia Sierra, uses this
information to devise a plan of replicating papers that The Professor intends to release,
using his move against him. She stages the death of Raquel, laying a trap and misleading
The Professor (an example of her predicting The Professor's moves and acting
accordingly), quoting ''fake her execution. He'll be listening.'' Playing her 'signature move'
she endeavors essentially to be one step ahead of The Professor in their battle, quoting,
''This is a game of cards, and I just played a flush.'' (“Money Heist’’ 2017 P3E8)

According to Foucault, the modern concept of power works in far subtler ways as
opposed to the historical notion of a single autocratic authority. The new power is
normalized and weaved into our routine to make the individual follow social norms
willingly. This view is apparent in his skepticism of all forms of institutions that use the
power vested in them as instruments of intimidation with the justification of 'discipline.'
The use of discipline by institutions is exercised to compel people to behave in a certain

20
way and 'fall in line' as obedient subjects- without the use of autocratic power. By stating
that power is 'diffused,' he implies it is transient- exercised through daily activities (such as
negotiation tactics) by the individual or group that it rests in (which is subject to change).

At the beginning of the narrative, Money Heist, the government is the power center
in the series. The detainment of Rio and the unlawful torture exacted on him lend evidence
to the State's blatant methods of oppression. Monetary control, too, rests in the hands of the
State in the form of economic power that the government exercises through liquidity that it
injects irresponsibly into the economy (causing disparities of income, unemployment, and
homelessness), being answerable solely to itself- a more 'normalized' form of oppression,
based on science (since economists have authority to make decisions for other individuals).

In his work, Discipline and Punish, Foucault describes the modern concept of
prison surveillance. Revealing that more obsolete methods of punishing prisoners
comprised of barbaric acts inflicted on them, he maintains that modern styles of
punishment are equally oppressive. Presenting the example of Bentham's model of a
maximal-surveillance prison called 'The Panopticon,' Foucault criticizes its form, which
was designed for correction through the introduction of constant surveillance (for the first
time in history) by the prison master without the knowledge of the inmates. The Panopticon
was a cylindrical structure with a guard tower at the center so that the surveillance officer
could have an unobstructed view of the activities of every prisoner through a large window
facing the central guard tower. The prisoner, however, could not see the central guard
tower, due to the effect of glaring sunlight; As a result, they were not aware of when they
were watched. Although the surveillance officer could view several columns of cells at a
given moment, the prisoners were coerced into following a 'routine' and 'disciplining
themselves' continually (with the threat of violence). In Bentham's words, the Panopticon
was, “a mill for grinding rogues honest.” Foucault, however, remarks, “Is it surprising that
prisons resemble factories, schools, barracks, hospitals, which all resemble prisons?” (Fiala
2017). Therefore, in the understanding of the Foucauldian concept of power, it is integral to
understand his emphasis on the omnipresence of modern power based on surveillance.

It is highly probable that The Professor shares Foucault's view of the State/
institutions that use surveillance as a means to control people. The collection of public
information in government records, which The Professor is ardently against (choosing to

21
remain an 'alien' in Spain), is testimony to the government's inspection- forcing people to
behave in a certain way. Information is always accessible to the State and can be used to
trace individuals (as seen in the tracking down of Berlin, Rio, Tokyo, and Nairobi.) The
installation of cameras around the city (thus Raquel could successfully trace The Professor's
path to his workstation) lends further evidence to the use of private information in the
government records (a domain that has become more public than confidential). The
vastness of the information acquired by the State, representative of present governments
world over, is so profound that a simplistic thumb-print or individual facial features can
reveal the history of the individual. Police surveillance in Tokyo's house is another explicit
example of authorities using data gained by surveillance to control the actions of the public,
in this case- her mother. The insertion of a microchip recorder into Rio's body (after
sedating him, without his consent) exhibits the intrusion of privacy by the government,
focusing on the broader issue of the exploitation of his fundamental human rights solely for
the purpose of surveillance. Information proves to be of crucial importance to the police,
revealed by Raquel's statement concerning her worry that the media has access too much
information and which might create a problem. Owing to State acquisition of data
information, Sierra is in a position to threaten Raquel with the life of her family, warning to
hunt them down with the help of the Interpol and CIA, which have unlimited access to data.
In another case, she plants a stuffed toy, similar to Nairobi's son's toy at the entrance of the
bank, to lure Nairobi to the window, in order to enable her execution. All these instances
lend evidence to the government's use of authority, power/ knowledge, and surveillance
tactics for individualistic goals.

Chomsky defines anarchy as "a cluster of doctrines and attitudes centered on the
belief that government is both harmful and unnecessary," (Woodcock, Dirlik, Miller, &
Rosemont 2019) stating that any form of authority should be dismantled if it cannot justify
the power it exercises. The anarchist Professor (who is principally opposed to the practice
of the State), sets up the Resistance, in his attempt to overthrow it, thereby becoming an
anarchist leader (a term contradictory in its essence) since the central premise of anarchism
itself focusses on the dismantling of authority. He uses the hijackers as pawns in a game of
chess, carefully planning out and dictating tasks of each member to achieve his end goal of
dismantling power structures while holding personal details of all kinds concerning the
members of the Resistance. During the heist, he cautions the members of the team that the

22
only individual who has the power to 'save' them in an unforeseen eventuality is himself.
Even after the heist is accomplished, he dictates where the hijackers will reside. He has
studied carefully, the behavioral patterns of every member- knowing how they will react in
any situation. For example, when Tokyo is on the flea- The Professor predicts her thoughts
and plans each move accordingly. He exercises the power that is married to his position
when he reunites The Resistance, convincing them into a second heist- for a cause that was
more personal to him than the rest of the group (to rescue Rio and avenge the death of his
brother). Even his brother Berlin is driven into the heist by The Professor, although
reluctantly. The Professor, however, controls his brother's behavior through negative
reinforcement by planting Berlin's DNA in a car for the alleged killing of a hostage. After
the rescue of Rio, The Professor demands the State return him to the bank- representative of
the transfer of Rio from one form of a center of authority to another. Raquel, The
Professor's manipulates Raquel's actions even before getting into a relationship with her.
After their marriage she remains a puppet in his hands-a fact he does not fail to remind her,
making sure he has the upper hand on all occasions- a marked change from being the center
of authority. Finally, it is evident that in the larger scheme of things, that The Professor
attempts to recruit individuals, in Tokyo's words, 'who have nothing to lose.' (“Money
Heist” 2017 P1E1)Although perceived as the nobleman of the series, he uses situations and
the weaknesses of others to achieve his goal (noticed in the decision to recruit members
who belong to financially backward sections of society, the admission that he thought
Raquel would be an easy target having suffered domestic abuse).

In Foucault's explanation of power, Foucault emphasizes its dynamic and transient

nature, which is 'dispersed' and 'pervasive,' resting in the actions of those who exercise it.
True to Foucault's understanding, in Pina's Money Heist, the State possesses power and
authority initially. After the initiation of the heist, power transfers back and forth between
The Professor and government (depending on which party gains the upper hand). Further, it
can be observed traveling between members of the heist within the mint. The shift of power
to The Professor representative of the destruction of the anarchic nature of the group (by
the possession of authority by The Professor and its exercise thereof).

Chomsky quotes German anarchist, Rudolf Rocker's describes modern anarchism

explaining that while "Anarchism is necessarily anti-capitalist" in that it "opposes the
exploitation of man by man," it also opposes "the dominion of man over man." It insists
23
that "socialism will be free or it will not be at all." (Chomsky & Gueěrin 2016) Thereby
defeating the cause that The Professor stands for by becoming a power center himself-
similar to the State.

The members of the Resistance too, constantly fight for the baton of power;
Together, they assume power over the hostages. Berlin uses his position to dictate the
actions of the other members, even going to the extent of expelling Tokyo from the mint
and oppressing a hostage, Ariadna. Nairobi manages to assume control of the team after
sedating Berlin after deigning a plan to overthrow him, with Rio. Tokyo, too, continually
tries to assume power, however failing to do so officially.

Although his intentions (as conveyed to the audience) were to develop an equitable
state while rebelling against the government, The Professor ends up becoming a source of
power himself (managing to involve an entire nation in his revolution) while risking the
lives of his fellow citizens and those closest to him, portraying the greyness of his
character.

Therefore, power can be seen as a dynamic entity in the form of a continually

traveling baton between the different centers that it is possessed by, proving that human
behavior is constructed on and establishes power structures, with most individuals trying to
climb the ladder of power. The act of The Professor becoming a power center lends
evidence to this thought, raising the question that while the baton of power travels from the
perpetrator to the victim, will it result in the victim becoming the perpetrator himself.

24
Conclusion

The anarcho-centric disposition of Alex Pina's money heist is profoundly apparent

as the narrative unravels. The conception of The Resistance, encouraged by the extensive
public support it garners, lends substantial evidence to the need for a rebellion. Chomsky,
however, asserts that while the fight against the state continues, "it must be the task of the
Revolution to finish with the State." In the eventuality that the revolution is not equitable in
the distribution of wealth, "the Revolution has been a lie and the State would
continue," (Chomsky & Gueěrin 2016) raising the question, in the case of Money Heist,
whether the rebellion will lead to a revolution at all.
The is definitive that the carnivalesque ideology progresses adjacent to the anarchist
beliefs in the series, both deep-rooted in their anti-capitalistic agenda, which constitutes the
core philosophy of the series- forming a basis for the narrative and characterization. While
lending the series, light-hearted relief, the visuals of the citizens of Spain - coming together
-from all spheres of society- as one unified entity, standing together against oppression
embody the true essence of the carnival- appropriately communicated.
This trend against the capitalist state is noticed definitively in the ideals of Spanish
Anarchis Miguel Igualada, who asserts that the state is a monopolistic power that must be
countered (appearing to be a shared belief with the Professor). This anti-capitalist agenda
proves to be deeply entwined in the political history of Spain that witnessed the Catalonian
independence movement, the effect of which is indisputable in the psyche of The Professor
who strives to avenge his misfortunes by fighting against unemployment, inequalities in
income, class structure, homelessness and principally the state. In a declaration of
speculation, it is hugely probable that anarchist activist Enric Duran could be the
motivation behind the inspiration of the character of the Professor's- their primary objective
being similar.
While condemning the actions of the state, The Professor exposes the complicity of
the mass media in furthering institutional agenda along with the reckless nature of its
journalism. The research confirms the exploitation of Chomsky's five filters of mass media
that the government in the series exploits blatantly, predominantly the symbiotic
relationship of the mass media and government, the enforcement of the 'flack' machine
along with the creation of a common enemy (in this case The Resistance). The exposition
of the authoritarian state, therefore, makes him an audience favourite prompting viewers to

25
empathize with him rather than denouncing him a murderous terrorist (the support of the
infiltrator, a novel and unique move by the creators, in contrast to maximum popular
streaming content that outlines intelligence officials hired by the state as the 'good
guys' who engage in tracking down the 'bad guys').
Ironically in Money Heist, the state struggles to maintain its position of authority
while grappling with tranquilizing the volatile political and security situation created by the
Professor wile the professor grapples with maintaining his role as a leader in his own team.
Concerning Foucault's understanding of power, the research validates that while taking into
account all the previously mentioned factors, power plays a fundamental role in
determining which entity dictates discourse in political life. Thus, power proves to be of
integral importance to the authoritarian state and the Professor- the new face of the
revolution, considering it travels continually between the two entities and those under them.
Although the series can be regarded as a metaphor for the money printing moves of
the Spanish government that The Professor rebels against, it is imperative to notice the
creation of a new power centre in the form of the Professor himself. While it is undeniable
that he is justified in his anarchic uprisings, it is given to debate whether his newly acquired
power is warranted- one of Chomsky’s most significant concerns.
The relevance of The Professor's fight holds strong in a country like India marred
with Economic discrepancies where the haves in society are concerned with their
individualistic capitalist preoccupations. The governance (administration, judiciary, and
police force), in most cases, is embroiled in corruption and media manipulation, benefitting
those at the higher rung of the political ladder, thereby marginalizing the working class. The
individualistic capitalist sentiment helps the rich ensure their luxuries while the middle and
lower classes become the greatest sufferers. Since the rich indulge in a system of bribery to
speed up slack government procedures, the poor are compelled to contribute to the same
discriminatory practices or are forced to become second-grade citizens. While the working-
class citizens endure economic hardships, political parties are engaged in religious debates
and vote- bank politics.
Most importantly, the wave of ultra-nationalism is being promoted on the tenets of a
new 'Hindutva' nation that encourages an anti-liberal, anti-intellectual, and anti-pluralistic
ideology subverting the secular fabric of the country (it is important to note in the Indian
context that politics and economics are largely entwined). This new culture resulted in an
eruption of various protests within the country in some cases, costing the lives of citizens-
26
its justification (like the professors uprising) open to individual opinion. The government
alleges that protests by people are attempts to undermine state authority and excuses to
create havoc. The protestors however, allege that their fundamental rights are constrained
by the government, hence the need for protest. The need for an anarchic uprising is an idea
that a majority of youth are beginning to consider while raising questions concerning if
India is displaying symptoms of neo-fascism.' Foucault asserts that awareness of being
subjected to power will increase the autonomy of individuals, a thought relevant to the
prevailing autocratic dominion in the current politically volatile climate. Chomsky,
however, asserts that the struggle must continue, affirming, “Changes and progress very
rarely are gifts from above. They come out of struggles from below.” (AMY GOODMAN
"Noam Chomsky: "What Next? The Elections, the Economy, and the World" 2008)
The paper however does not focus deeply upon group structures with regard to
organisational psychology and the effect of power structures within government authorities-
lending the study further scope of research concerning the effects of ‘power.’ Further, the
present study does not emphasise on the gendered perspective along with the feminist
perspective of women working in ‘different organisations’- facing ‘similar problems’,
making it another area for further research.

27
 Works Cited

Primary Texts

1. “Money Heist.” Season 1-3, 2 May 2017.

Secondary Texts

1. “A Propaganda Model.” A Propaganda Model, by Noam Chomsky (Excerpted from

Manufacturing Consent), chomsky.info/consent01/.

2. Chomsky, Noam, and Gueěrin Daniel. Notes on Anarchism. Active Distribution,

2016.

3. Chomsky, Noam. On Anarchism. Penguin Books, 2014.

4. Chomsky, Noam, and David Barsamian. Global Discontents: Conversations on the
Rising Threats to Democracy. Hamish Hamilton, 2017.
5. Chomsky, Noam, et al. “Who Rules the World? : Noam Chomsky: Macmillan.” US
Macmillan, us.macmillan.com/books/9781627793810.

Webliography

•“In Theory Bakhtin: Carnival against Capital, Carnival against Power.” Ceasefire

Magazine, 11 Jan. 2012, ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/in-theory-bakhtin-2/.

•“Manufacturing Consent.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 27 Feb.

2020, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manufacturing_Consent.
•“Mikhail Bakhtin: ‘Carnival and Carnivalesque’ – Summary and Review.” Mikhail

Bakhtin: "Carnival and Carnivalesque" – Summary and

Review, culturalstudiesnow.blogspot.com/2011/07/mikhail-bakhtin-carnival-and.html.

•“Money Heist.” IMDb, IMDb.com, 2 May 2017, www.imdb.com/title/tt6468322/.

•“Money Heist.” Season 1-3, 2 May 2017.

•“Noam Chomsky.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 26 Feb. 2020, en.wikipedia.org/

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