A QUALITATIVE STUDY ON PILIPINO AMERICAN STUDENTS RELATIVE TO

THEIR HIGH SCHOOL SUCCESS AND CAREER CHOICES

by

Karen-Lyn Saysay

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A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
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UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
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DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
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May 2011

Copyright 2011 Karen-Lyn Saysay

 UMI Number: 3466101

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 Table of Contents

Abstract................................................................................................................. iv

Chapter 1: Introduction ...................................................................................... 1

Background of the Problem ................................................................................ 1
Pilipinos in America ........................................................................................... 4
Pilipinos in Los Angeles ..................................................................................... 6
Pilipino Students in Los Angeles ........................................................................ 7
Statement of the Problem .................................................................................... 8
Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 10
Significance of the Study .................................................................................. 11
Research Questions ........................................................................................... 13

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Limitations ........................................................................................................ 13
Organization of the Dissertation ....................................................................... 14

Chapter 2: Review of Literature ...................................................................... 15

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John Ogbu ......................................................................................................... 24
Stanton-Salazar ................................................................................................. 26
Stacey Lee and Grace Kao ................................................................................ 29
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Diane Wolf ........................................................................................................ 34
Pilipino Family Characteristics ......................................................................... 34
Family Obligation ............................................................................................. 36
Family Value ..................................................................................................... 39
Gender Roles ..................................................................................................... 40
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Colonial Mentality ............................................................................................ 43

Career Choices with Limited Social Capital ..................................................... 46

Chapter 3: Methodology ................................................................................... 51

Sampling ........................................................................................................... 53
Table 1: Operational Definitions of Research Sample ..................................... 54
Instrumentation and Data Collection ................................................................ 54
Student Profiles ................................................................................................. 56
Instrumentation ................................................................................................. 62
Data Collection ................................................................................................. 63
Data Analysis .................................................................................................... 63

Chapter 4: Findings ............................................................................................ 66

Research Question 1 ......................................................................................... 70
Research Question 2 ......................................................................................... 77
Research Question 3 ......................................................................................... 83
Research Question 4 ......................................................................................... 86

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 The Best Part of Being Pilipino ........................................................................ 88
Institutional Support.......................................................................................... 92

Chapter 5: Analysis ........................................................................................... 95

Purpose of the Study ......................................................................................... 96
Significance of the Study .................................................................................. 97
Summary of Findings ........................................................................................ 99
Research Question 1 ........................................................................................ 99
Research Question 2 ....................................................................................... 103
Research Question 3 ....................................................................................... 106
Policy Implication ........................................................................................... 110
Recommendations for Research ..................................................................... 115

Epilogue ............................................................................................................. 117

References .......................................................................................................... 120

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 Abstract

This research examines the pattern of career choices among first, 1.5, and second

generation Pilipino students of immigrant heritage at a high school about eight miles

from Downtown Los Angeles, California. This study reveals significant patterns that

reflect their parents’ immigrant heritage, Ogbu’s cultural model of success and other folk

theories of success that are shared between the same ethnic background and culture. The

influence of the cultural model of success combined with literary works about Asian

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American students brings forth a better idea of how these immigrant-heritage Pilipino

students view and shape their post-secondary plans.

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The purpose of the study was to examine the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students and demonstrate how that pattern reflects the following:
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1) The cultural model of their immigrant parents about what success means will be

marked through their children’s mindset

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2) How the school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic engagement

among and between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-immigrants

3) How family values impact their career decision-making.

I searched for markers of academic engagement as well as family dedication

among Pilipino High School students in Suburbia High School. I wanted to know their

motivation as well as their plan post-high school. The literature from five prominent

researchers gave me a solid theoretical foundation on how to understand family and

institutional support. The lack of research on Pilipino students presented a challenge. In

this research study, participants were asked using ethnographic interviews about their

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school engagement and familial expectations. The research was not intended to answer

all pending questions about Pilipino students. I did not want to generalize the issues;

instead, it is merely a study to provoke interest and maybe transferable to other

contextually similar experiences.

There was a recurring theme that examined the pattern of career choices among

Pilipino high school students. First, the cultural model of their immigrant parents about

what success means will be marked through their children’s mindset. Second, how the

school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic engagement among and

between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-immigrants. Lastly, how family values

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impact their career decision-making. Through this research study, I found that participant
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rely heavily on their family’s decision. Students coped by following their parents’

advice. They also have to cope with an expectation of financially supporting the family
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upon completing their education
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 Chapter 1: Introduction

Background of the Problem

Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States. Their high

school graduation rates are high, as are their transition rates to college, but beyond

college they appear to have limited occupational choices. Pilipinos hold higher

professional positions than other minority students. Chang (2006) reports that Whites and

Asians hold proportionately higher status jobs and college degrees than African

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American and Hispanic adults do. However, it is still important to note the limited

occupational choices that Pilipinos pursue after degree completion.

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The present study addresses the career decisions that first, a generation and a half,

and second generation Pilipino students face after high school. Specifically, the intent of
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this study is to unravel the factors shaping their career choices while in high school. The

completion of high school for Pilipinos is not an educational problem. Rather, the
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problem lays in the post high school career choices that Pilipino high school students

make.

This study will look at several factors that impact career choices, including the

immigrant status of Pilipino’s through several theoretical frameworks, specifically

familial influence as their major source of human capital. The family, as the focal point

of Pilipino values, critically shapes the future of their children’s educational goal. The

research literature suggests that Pilipino parents define “success” through their children’s

educational and career choices. However, there are gaps in this research and the

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emergent picture of Pilipinos and their definition of success as immigrants to the US is

sketchy.

Two primary themes frame the research for this present study. First, I use Ogbu’s

“Cultural Model of Success” as the theoretical foundation for understanding how Pilipino

parents define success in the United States. This includes a brief review of the historical

relationship between the Philippines and the United States. Through acculturation and

family values, this research describes the adaptation patterns of Pilipino families and their

children to their educational goals. Second, this dissertation will reveal and show how

Pilipino minority students from a suburban high school make decisions about their

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careers. For ethnic students, career development includes role models, family influence,
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notions of cultural prestige, and the extent of acculturation.

Before and After Migration to America Pilipinos in the Philippines

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Pilipinos have had a long-standing relationship with the United States, as far back

as the late 1800s, because of years spent under U.S. colonial rule. Anecdotally, some

even believe that Pilipinos may have been in the Southeastern United States as early as
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the late 1700s but returned home. Salazar-Clemena (2002) has pointed out the cultural

temperament of the Philippines bears heavy traces of U.S. influence, such as Pilipino

concepts of education, capitalism, and a democratic government. Salazar-Clemena

(2002) continues,

The focus on occupational information at that time could be seen in the

context of the varied employment projects brought about by the economic
climate during the U.S. colonial period.

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The United States’ economic depression in the 1930’s further bolstered the need to

disseminate the push and pull need of a capitalist country (United States) from a third-

world country (Philippines). This study will further explain the need of workers to the

United States and how this affects the mindset for the creation of jobs in the Philippines.

Universities in the Philippines began offering majors that caters to the need of capitalist

nations, specifically, United States. As Salazar-Clemena (2002) posits,

What college education can we afford that can make you finish quickly,
get a job, and start helping with family finances? In other words, their
concern is not finding guideposts in a career path, but peso signs that
would lead them out of poverty.

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With the importation of such democratic ideals, one might be surprised to find the level

of economic polarization in the Philippines economy. In fact, with or without education,

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Pilipinos are constantly struggling to survive and also struggling to find jobs in their
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country. The economic trend of the country has resulted in a great disparity between the

poor and the rich. Therefore, like people of many third world countries, Pilipinos migrate

to the United States for better occupational and educational opportunities.

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Given the Philippines cannot provide enough jobs to sustain an educated

workforce, there are several challenges for career counseling in the Philippines today.

First, the matter of choosing a career in the Philippines is a family affair. Pilipino

families firmly believe that an education is the “great equalizer.” There is also a

prevailing belief in Pilipino culture that regardless of one’s socio-economic background,

anyone can still “make it” in the United States. Approaching education as the “great

equalizer” presumes that the education system is based on a meritocracy in which ability,

hard work, and “rugged individualism” can lead to success (Wong, 1999). The United

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States continues to symbolize freedom, democracy, and opportunity for Pilipinos. They

hold to the belief that it is only in the United States that one has an equal opportunity to

be whatever they want. However, as this study contends, when it comes to career

choices, Pilipinos tend to limit themselves. First-generation students in particular choose

a career that is stable and dependable rather than a career based on their passion or

intrinsic interest.

Pilipino parents pressure their children to succeed in school but also steer them

towards a career choice that is stable, dependable, and readily available. Wolf (1997)

attributes such pressure to the immigrant status of parents, their desire to succeed, and

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their wish for their children to achieve at least the same status they have achieved. Back
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home, it is not about education, it is about the immediate availability of stable jobs.

Wolf’s explanation of the impact of the immigrant status on Pilipinos is reiterated by the
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challenge Pilipinos face in the Philippines because of the mismatch between training and

employment. Pilipino graduates choose a career that is immediately available rather than
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deferring to a career interest that may not lead to immediate employment. Wolf (1997)

posits that most Pilipino undergraduates enroll in (college) majors that lead to a job their

parents have chosen. They do not find any value chasing a career that will not take their

family out of poverty. Thus Wolf suggests, Pilipinos bring this outlook with them as

immigrants to the United States and it continues to shape their children’s decision-

making with regards to their careers.

Pilipinos in America

There are three immigration waves in the history of Pilipino migration: before

World War II, after World War II, and after the Immigration Act of 1965. These are the

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three periods when there was a huge influx of Pilipinos moving to the United States.

Before World War II, Pilipino men traveled to Hawaii, Alaska, and mainly in the West

Coast to work as farmers, fishermen, and cooks. After the war, many of the women

(mostly wives) and children followed the Pilipino men. The Immigration Act of 1965

was a turning point in the immigration history of Pilipinos to America. The Act removed

national origin quotas; instead, the Act focused on the educational backgrounds of the

immigrants. The important role of United States’ influence to Asian countries, including

Philippines, is significant in shaping the flow of immigrant professionals. Waldinger and

Bozorgmeher (1996) suggest that the economic involvement of the United States in Asian

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Pacific countries has created opportunities for Asian professional migration to the United
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States. In particular, Asian Indians (33.7%), Japanese (27.9%), Chinese (27.4%), and

Filipinos (27.5%) are overrepresented in the professions. From 1965 to 1975, over
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230,000 Pilipinos immigrated to the United States in search of a better life (Posadas,

1999).
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Education, health, and social services have been the primary professions of

Pilipinos living in the United States. The surplus of Pilipino nurses from the island

contributed to their concentration in the health professions in the United States. After

the passage of the 1965 Act, Pilipino immigration to the United States soared. After

1965, most Pilipino nurses came as “professional preference immigrants.” Others

migrated with a temporary visa but soon found a sponsor through whom they could

secure permanent resident status in United States. By 1970, 43% of all foreign nurses

came from the Philippines, followed by 24 percent from Canada, 15 percent from Europe,

and 4 percent from Korea.

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 Pilipinos in Los Angeles

The Los Angeles region is the primary destination of post-1965 Asian

immigration. Usually, Pilipino immigrants already have family in Los Angele/s that can

help them find jobs and homes. Pilipinos showed an impressive growth in immigration

numbers of 563 percent from 1970 to 1990 (Waldinger & Bozorgmehr, 1996). As stated

earlier, the 1965 Immigration Act opened doors for educated Pilipinos to migrate to the

United States and the U.S. labor force had a high demand for nurses, lawyers, and

accountants. Pilipinos filled many of these jobs. The 1965 Immigration Act also changed

the pattern of “bachelor” immigration to one that aligned to family reunification as

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women and children started to follow their husbands and fathers to the United States.
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Waldinger and Bozorgmehr (1996) describe two patterns of adaptation among

Asian immigrant professionals. This pattern applies to Pilipinos since they are the second
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largest Asian population next to Chinese in the Los Angeles area. First, most

immigrants, including Pilipinos, begin working in lower-level positions related to their

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education in their native homeland. As they gradually move up, they slowly move up

into the profession for which they had originally trained. Second, they gradually move

out from their current professions. Most of the time, the education from their native land

is invalid in the United States education system. They require more didactic experience,

licensing and transferable units from accredited colleges in the United States. Therefore,

immigrant parents encourage their children into the same professions as themselves, for

which they do not always fully qualify in the United States, as a way to pursue their own

dreams. Thus, perhaps unconsciously, parents are already socializing their children into

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their own professions. Thus, immigrant children choose careers that they are familiar

with and have been talked about within the family context.

Pilipino Students in Los Angeles

There has been a steady enrollment of Pilipinos in Los Angeles schools from

2000 to the present. Enrollment of Pilipinos ranges from 15,000 to 17,000 per school

year. Compared with Latinos and Blacks, Pilipinos have higher achievement levels on

almost all academic characteristics (Wong, 1990). Statistically, Pilipino students are

more highly enrolled in academic programs and take college preparatory courses such as

Advanced Placement Biology, Advanced Placement Calculus, and Honors English.

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Wong (1990) unexpectedly found that Pilipino students receive more A’s and B’s in
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English than white students. She accounts for this difference in grades by the large

number of hours Pilipino students devote to homework and the value for education that
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parents have instilled in their children. Posadas (1999) further contends that because of

the bleak future that life in the Philippines offers, education has been the single most
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compelling reason for Pilipinos migrating to the United States since the end of World

War II.

Pilipino students are more active than other ethnic groups in extracurricular

activities at school such as choir, honor clubs, and sports. This dictates an increased to

high cognitive flexibility. As Kim and Omizo (2006) further explain,

High levels of behavioral acculturation … would be related to increased

cognitive flexibility. Self-efficacy refers to individuals’ beliefs about the
competence they have to initiate and successfully execute courses of
action for specific goals.

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 Compared to other ethnic populations, Pilipinos make friends with other students

more easily, probably because of their familiarity with the English language. This also

shows that Pilipino students are self-efficacious enough to go further in their

matriculation. They believe they can be success in school and work. They have the

institution and familial support on their side. Popular culture in the Philippines is also

similar to U.S. pop culture. Through global channels such as MTV and VH1, Pilipino

youths can more easily understand youth subculture in an American education system.

The stereotype of the general Asian population as introverts is not applicable to all

Pilipinos. Zhou and Xiong (2005) have noted that differences in origins, histories and

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timing of immigration, pre-migration socio-economic status, and settlement patterns
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profoundly affect the formation of ethnic identities. Hence, each ethnic minority should

be treated uniquely. Diverse origins evoke drastic differences in languages and dialects,
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religions, food preferences, and customs (Zhou and Xiong, 2005).

Statement of the problem

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As pervasive in all cultures, Pilipino American youths confront issues stemming

from generational tension and expectations. Parents still cling to their Pilipino beliefs

and values; however, their children are exploring new ways in the United States. Cultural

conflict as they move through adolescence is another issue that they face as they go

through high school.) Career choices can be one of the conflicts that the parents and

children need to resolve. Salazar et. al (2000) asserts that maintaining family reputation

is an important concern of Pilipino adolescents. In part, education is a project for the

entire family and not a solitary individual effort. The adolescent stage is challenging,

which can be more complicated when two cultures clash. The coping styles of Pilipinos

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have caused mental stress for both the parents and the children. Indigenous Pilipino

traits, including “hiya” (devastating shame), “amor propio” (sensitivity to criticism), and

“pakikisama” (conceding to the wishes of the collective) is fostered by the use of ridicule

and ostracism in child training. These traits often inhibit competitiveness, a trait valued

in Western society (Sanchez and Gaw, 2007).

Family ties and employability are the two challenges Pilipinos face in the

Philippines as they make career decisions as high school graduates. These challenges

continue to persist even when they migrate to the United States. Family ties and the

choice of a career become critical as first-generation Pilipino students graduate from an

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American high school. It is important for school administrators to understand the
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situation of the first generation students and other ethnic groups as being more complex

that just being able to pass their classes.

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The problem that I have addressed in this study deals with the Pilipino high

school students and the careers they choose post-high school. The literature review will
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clearly show the lack of research on understanding this specific ethnic group. In an

attempt to make the right decision in terms of a career, there is a dual strain for these

students. First, there is the relationship between the US and the Philippines. Second, is

the strain from parental expectation for bringing them to the United States. Salazar et al

(2000) have previously pointed out that because of earlier American colonial contacts

with the Philippines Pilipino immigrants are generally familiar with American culture

and the English language. However, despite such a historical relationship, and

familiarity with American culture, authoritarian parenting styles of Pilipino parents’

conflict with the more individualistic parenting practices in American culture.

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 Pilipino high school students, even minority students at large, vary in their

personal choices, characteristics and motivational factors. In turn, it affects how they

learn, relate, and make decisions on what careers they ought to pursue after high school.

These differences are ignored when familial values and societal expectations are being

thrust on them. The pressure to get immediate employment stifles their intrinsic

motivation and curiosity. There is no room for their interest to grow. There is no room

for their personal curiosity to expand. Church and Katigbak (1992) deduce that since

higher education in the Philippines appears to be primarily oriented toward training

people for specific vocations, it reinforces the strong economic motives of Pilipino

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students.
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Purpose of the Study

The purpose of the study is to examine the pattern of career choices among
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Pilipino high school students and analyze how that pattern reflects the following:

1) The cultural model of their immigrant parents about what success

means will be marked through their children’s mindset
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2) How the school (environment and peers) is an identifier of academic

engagement among and between Pilipino-heritage immigrant and non-
immigrants

3) How family values impact their career decision-making.

With this study, I will attempt to uncover how Pilipino high school students can be given

more options in choosing other careers that will enhance their intrinsic interests and

passions. From my research, I hope to articulate ways to communicate with Pilipino

students other careers that they will truly enjoy after high school. This implies retention

in college and newfound knowledge for our college counselors on how they can make

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Pilipino students aware of a wider range of career opportunity after high school. Of

course intrinsic interest and school engagement can be encouraged in high school. How

students perceive high schools as being subtractive or an additive experience to their

success is one that I am determined to reveal.

Significance of the Study

The Pilipinos are the second largest Asian population in the United States, next to

the Chinese. There is little research about the Pilipino high school students who are

about to finish high school. This study will contribute to this research gap. Although this

study focuses on Pilipino immigrant students, its implications can be applied to the ever-

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increasing populations of students from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds.
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Recruitment and retention of ethnic minority students in colleges and universities has

been a constant struggle for all stakeholders. Education is the key to the continued
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success of this nation. The question remains: are Pilipino high school students choosing

the careers that they truly want or are they simply choosing careers they think their
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parents and the society as a whole will accept?

The cultural model of success attributes the success or failure of minority

academic performance to cultural compatibility or lack thereof. Simply put, the culture

shapes what these students believe is the right career choice for them. Pilipino

immigrants came from a place where American influence has been predominant for more

than a hundred years. They came from a place where education was the only way out of

poverty, oppression, and dictatorship. Hence, careers that are highly in-demand, i.e.

nursing, accounting, engineering, are the only viable choices they make when they arrive

to the United States. This issue becomes a problem when high school counselors and

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administrators do not understand the need of these students. Often these high school

students take on careers that are only familiar to their households.

When the cultural value matches the economic demand of the society, there is less

friction between the “want” and the “need.” Practically speaking, these students choose

careers that are readily available rather than careers that are highly of interest. The

cultural modes of success and the school environment put a lot of pressure on these

Pilipino students to succeed. High parental expectation is also a confining factor for

these students. Specifically, Church and others (1992) suggest that Pilipinos place less

emphasis on productivity, performance standards, and expression of ideas than American

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students. Instead, they put greater emphasis on attaining social approval and enhanced
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economic status. Pilipinos (Church et al, 1992) also see education as a means to

economic opportunity and status, rather than acquiring knowledge for its intrinsic value.
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For Pilipinos, uncovering and understanding their Cultural Model of Success may

be a key in helping these high schools students make more varied career choices. The
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lack of Pilipino immigrant students in the fields of music, arts, and theatre will have

important implications for many urban schools in Los Angeles. As Salazar-Clemena

(2002) clearly suggests,

Studies show common reasons for the curricular choices of college and
high school students: interest in the field, opportunity for employment,
personal or family welfare, financial returns, and influence of role models
(mostly family members). Other factors that emerged in more recent
studies include prestige, admiration, status, ability, influence of media,
security … and the opportunity to go abroad.

The overarching goal of this study is to further inform educators and administrators on

the complexity of being a Pilipino immigrant from a country that has been influenced by

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Americans for more than a hundred of years. Familial and societal ideologies influence

these students to make the right decision. Inadvertently, this dissertation will to answer if

the right career is really for the parents, the students, or the rise for a specific need based

on the economic demand.

Research Questions

The following research questions guided this study:

1. Do Pilipino immigrant students believe that success in school equates to

fulfilling the American Dream, which includes being mobile in the American

Society (Cultural Model of Success)?

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a. What is their greatest motivational factor in succeeding in school?
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b. Which or who plays the biggest part? Parents, school, or individual?

2. Do Pilipino families influence the type of college majors and careers of their
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children? If so, how do Pilipino families’ value and practice differ for the sons

and daughters (Family/Gender Values)?

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3. Do average and high achieving Pilipino-heritage high school and non-

immigrant students experience schooling in U.S. schools as a productive (or

subtractive) process that values (or devalues) their social and cultural capital?

Limitations

Due to time constraint and availability of resources, this study will utilize the

responses from Pilipino high school students grades 9-12 at one school site resulting in

ten participants, 5 males and 5 females. Due to this small sample size, the information

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and data provided is more than likely not representative of all Pilipino high school

students locally or nationally. However, a qualitative dissertation focuses on generating

new knowledge about a specific population rather than generalizing to the population

under study.

Organization of the Dissertation

This dissertation is presented in five chapters. Chapter one represents the

introduction to this study. Chapter two is an overview of the research pertinent to the

history and migration of the Pilipinos to the United States. The literature review looks at

five major authors who have contributed to the theoretical foundation of this study.

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Methods and procedures are discussed in depth in chapter three, including a biographical
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sketch of each student participant. Chapter four presents the details of the family

dynamics, school environment, participants, and the analysis of the results of the findings
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of this study. Finally, chapter five will provide a discussion of the findings,

recommendations for practice, and implications for future study.

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 Chapter 2: Review of Literature

This dissertation examines the pattern of career choice among Pilipino

Americans, specifically 1, 1.5, and 2nd generation secondary school students in a large

California suburban high school. The review of the literature shows how their career

decision making is a reflection of their immigrant parents’ cultural model that defines

success and how to achieve it. The review illustrates how this cultural model works

around the central family (which includes the parents and external family members) on

Pilipino American students relative to their high school success and career choice. This

review will briefly discuss the impact of handling parental pressure to succeed. Showing

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respect for elders and Pilipino parents is one of the most valuable traits a child can offer
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to their parents. Following their parents’ desire is part of respecting their wishes. Since

respecting their elders is a tradition common to many immigrant cultures, children from
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these cultures often feel obligated to obey their parent’s desires for their life-choices.

I also searched for literature that examined the educational experiences of the
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minority students, immigrants specifically, and how this affects their postsecondary

school plans. The research literature shows that educational experiences mediate their

responses and long-term opinion about school. In short, high school is a place where

Pilipino students must succeed. Furthermore, I included literature that identified

institutions that augmented or hindered the academic success or failure for post-

secondary education.

This dissertation will show that Pilipino American immigrants’ cultural model of

success matches those of the voluntary immigrant type as characterized by Ogbu.

Voluntary immigrants believe that a high level of education will result in a better career,

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and hence, will enhance the fortunes of their families. The family’s concern of “making

it” is reflected in the Pilipino American high school student’s pattern of career choice,

with disproportionate concentrations in certain majors and careers. Tang et al (1999)

clearly explained the disproportioned majors among the Asian Americans:

Research on Asian American’s career development (indicates) that their

occupational interests and aspirations have been stereotyped and
segregated into those technical areas.

Asian Americans are seen by White American college students to be more

likely to succeed as engineers, computer scientists, or mathematicians and
to be less successful in sales … and less qualified in verbal, persuasive,
and social careers.

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Pilipinos are always seen in the medical field as nurses and technicians. They are also

the accountants, but never the Chief Financial Officer.

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The focus of this study will be on the confounding factors that influence the career
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decision-making of Pilipino high school immigrants including first, 1.5 and second

generation. While this literature review has invoked the findings of several studies, five

authors are prominent in this review.

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John Ogbu’s research on variability of minority/immigrant school performance,

Stacey Lee’s and Grace Kao’s discussions of model-minority stereotype and high-and

low-achieving Asian American students, Eun-Young Kim’s work on cultural models of

success, and Diane Wolf’s work on transnational struggles among children of Filipino

immigrants constitute the theoretical framing of this study. Part of John Ogbu’s work is

distinguishing the voluntary immigrants from involuntary immigrants. Pilipino students

are deemed to be voluntary immigrants. There main reason of migrating is to have a

better life mainly through a good education. Stacy Lee and Grace Kao’s work focuses

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more on the Asian Students which is very useful in narrowing the participants’ reaction

and behavior. Pilipinos differ in cultures, but Lee’s and Kao’s literary work serve as a

good theoretical framework for this research. Serendipitously, Kim’s work combines

Ogbu’s Cultural Model Success for the Korean students. Lastly, Wolf points out the

conflict between the parent and the child. Living in two worlds is difficult and Wolf

pointed how these problems can be resolved. While this body of research is by no means

comprehensive, it provides us with a foundation that enriches our understanding of the

role of immigration, stereotyping, cultural success models, and family and their impact

on career decision making in high school.

W
Ogbu’s (1992) alternative framework among the voluntary and involuntary
IE
minorities sheds light on how they incorporate their lives into American society, which

includes how to get ahead and the role of education in getting ahead. Voluntary
EV
minorities, such as Pilipinos, have a different collective identity and cultural frame of

reference on how to succeed in a new land. The attitudes and behavior that voluntary
PR

minority parents employ in preparing their children for school is a critical factor shaping

how their children eventually choose their careers.

These views are widely held and firmly believed in inside and outside the homes

of these voluntary minorities (immigrants). Involuntary minorities, like African

Americans and Mexican American, have come to believe that schooling does not pay off

in terms of occupational mobility. To rationalize this folk theory some come to associate

doing well in school as “acting white” and may be chastised by their peers for being

successful in school. Hence, even though they may agree that more schooling is better,

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their corresponding belief that it does not pay off for them may lead them to sabotage

their academic efforts.

Pilipino immigrants, like other voluntary minorities such as Koreans and

Chinese, consider academic success to be the essence of their ethnic pride. Eun-Young

Kim, an anthropologist conducting research on adaptation patterns and educational

strategies, applied a cultural model of success to help explain the career choice patterns

of Korean Americans. Eun-Young Kim (1993) found that money and prestige are driving

forces among Korean American families. She also found that these criteria are the

foundation of their community’s cultural model of success. She explains,

W
The strategy of most immigrants is to earn money by running their own
businesses and achieve prestige by sending their children to the best
IE
universities to become professionals. Because these views are widely held
and firmly believed in, when they manifest themselves with respect to the
children’s education they become a powerful force.
EV
Such a framework can also be applied to the Pilipino immigrants. They look at America

as land of opportunity. As voluntary minorities, they view what can be accomplished in

PR

the United States in comparison to what they could not accomplish in their homeland.

Pilipino parents believe that their children can be whatever they want to be in this

country. However, Pilipino parents also believe their children’s career choice should fall

within the context of employability, are in-demand, and culturally prestigious. Azores

(1987) found out that all her Pilipino participants had plans for some kind or another

regarding post-secondary education. She continues,

Seventy-six percent had college aspirations, while the rest wanted to

attend a two-year college or go to a vocational-technical school. As
expected, the strongest determinant of educational aspiration was
occupational expectation.

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