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Article Title: Eloquence and ethnohistory: indigenous loyalty and the making of a Tagalog letrado*
Article No: CCLA1560143
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CCLA1560143 Techset Composition India (P) Ltd., Bangalore and Chennai, India 1/7/2019
COLONIAL LATIN AMERICAN REVIEW

https://doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2018.1560143
5 Eloquence and ethnohistory: indigenous loyalty and the

making of a Tagalog letrado*
Stuart M. McManusa and Dana Leibsohnb
a
Chinese University of Hong Kong; bSmith College
10
After the Seven Years’ War, imperial players found much to commemorate. Works of art
depicting anxious moments of preparation and flurries of dramatic military maneuvering
abound. For those in both imperial camps, Havana and Manila—cities seized, sacked, and
looted by the British and their allies—defined the island geography of the war.1 While the
15
similarities and connections between these two cosmopolitan ports are often overlooked,
painters and poets applied their skills to canvas and paper to convey the drama of foreign
violence in both settings. Comparing two paintings, each created in the period immedi-
ately following the war, offers a sense of the representational languages enlisted to
honor those who fought bravely. One works primarily through allusion, the other privi-
20
leges narration.
In a large oil painting by Dominic Serres (1719(?)–1793), the island of Cuba rises from
Coll:
the sea, Morro Castle dominates one side of the landscape, the surrounding waters are still
placid.2 For all of its descriptive acumen, The Morro Castle and the Boom Defence Before
the Attack conveys the moodiness of anticipation. In spite of the Spaniards’ defensive
QA:
25
efforts, this Cuba is not going to survive.
An unsigned oil painting of the Pacific theatre creates a quite different sense of the war.
This canvas measures over ten feet in length, allowing the Philippine islands and water-
ways to nearly overwhelm viewers. Above this watery map hovers a portrait of Simón
de Anda y Salazar (1709–1776), Lieutenant-Governor of the Philippines during the Occu-
30
pation of Manila by the British East India Company. Lest the lesson of his accomplish-
ments—or the events that led to his glory—be forgotten, the portrait shares its
banderole with an allegory of victory, whose flag bears the Latin inscription: ‘That
which is sustained by laws, is defended by arms’ (legibus sustinetur, armis vindicatur),
and a calligraphic legend near the base of the image explicates the events portrayed.3
35
This painting, entitled Alegoría de la defensa de Filipinas por el alavés don Simón de
Anda, seems to speak a wholly different language than that of Serres. Its fussy recitation
and description of military and diplomatic events evokes a world almost wholly
unaware of the (painted) art of implication.
Commemoration of any war is, of course, all about perspective. William Draper (1721–
40
1787), the British lieutenant general who led the attack on Manila, and his British and
sepoy (i.e. South Asian infantry) troops most certainly would have seen things differently
(Tracy 1995, 109–28; Bandyopadhyay 2011). The same might be said for the ethnic
CONTACT Stuart M. McManus smcmanus@uchicago.edu

45 *This essay was jointly authored, but all of the Latin translations—including those of the Appendix—represent the work of
McManus.
© 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group on behalf of CLAR
2 S. M. MCMANUS AND D. LEIBSOHN
50
Colour online, B/W in print
55
60
Figure 1. Dominic Serres, The Capture of Havana, 1762: The Morro Castle and the Boom Defence Before
the Attack (1770), ca. 84. × 175 cm. Royal Museums, Greenwich.
Chinese inhabitants of Manila, many of whom supported the invaders, and who were
65 rewarded with pogroms and eventual expulsion (|Escoto 1999; 2000). Nevertheless, all
would have agreed that what unfolded in Manila and its environs between September
of 1762 and April of 1764 dramatically scarred the city. As in Havana, the war transformed
not only the built environment, but also the civic and cultural landscapes. In neither of
these island cities, however, did the war dissolve the strictures of colonial rule. The
70 Seven Years’ War may have had dramatic implications for indigenous residents of
North America, but this was less the case for those of the Spanish Americas and other
Iberian geographies.4 The issue this essay explores, then, is how representations of the
Seven Years’ War created in Spanish-held territory—and especially representations that
sought to be documentary, artful, and moralizing—allow us, as interpreters in the
75 present, to engage colonial indigeneity. Like many contemporary witnesses, the two paint-
ings take a familiar stand on this theme: they say next to nothing. Yet it is our conviction
that there are other important perspectives that do shed light on the indigenous experience
of the war and its aftermath.
In order to illuminate this obscured history, we turn from painting to poetry (ut pictura
80 poesis), and specifically to a collection of Latin epigrams penned shortly after the British
‘returned’ Manila to the Spanish Crown by a Jesuit-educated Tagalog priest, Bartolomé
Saguinsín (c. 1694–1772).5 These epigrams, printed in 1766 in quarto format on the
Dominican press housed in the convent of Our Lady of Loreto in the Sampaloc district
of Manila, represent a rare account of the events of the British Occupation by an individual
85 who self-identified—and was singled out by his society—as an indio. At the same time,
Saguinsín was no ordinary witness to Manila’s attack and defense. His writing is highly
revealing of the ways an indigenous letrado chose to meld lived experience with late-
humanist poetics. As with all works of art, Saguinsín’s verses have diffuse ambitions,
and do not necessarily betray ‘what he really thought.’ Rather, his epigrams present an elo-
90 quent argument about how to see the world. This argument is wrapped in the performative
gestures of a poetic genre, some of the layers of which this essay unfolds.
COLONIAL LATIN AMERICAN REVIEW 3
95
100
105
110
Figure 2. Alegoría de la defensa de Filipinas por el alavés don Simón de Anda, second half of the eight-
eenth century (after 1764), 236 × 335 cm. Museo de Bellas Artes de Alavara.
115 Our thinking takes its cues from recent scholarship in ethnohistory and global
history. Because of this, our reading of Saguinsín extends beyond ‘rescuing’ or ‘reviving’
his writing. Instead, we ask what the work of this Tagalog late-humanist can tell us
about indigenous letrados in the Philippines, the Spanish Americas, and elsewhere.6
For Saguinsín’s broader project represents one response to a common set of circum-
120 stances facing learned indios across the Iberian World,7 and his work may be compared
to that of indigenous letrados more familiar to scholars of colonial Latin America,
including Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (c. 1535–1616) and Domingo de San Antón
Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanitzin (1579–1660). Situating Saguinsín and his writing
within the world of ‘global indios,’ to borrow the words of Nancy van Deusen (2015),
125 we suggest, has advantages for understanding indigeneity—as well as indigenous letra-
dos— in both the Spanish Americas and the Philippines. Saguinsín’s experiences con-
found a certain ‘Latin American exceptionalism’ in indigenous histories of New Spain
and the Andes. As we read his work, his invocations of Mediterranean history, Latin
verse forms, and late-humanist aesthetics more broadly invite a rethinking of what con-
130 stitutes ‘indigenous content’ in colonial writing. Because Saguinsín’s poetry attends,
sometimes in quite dramatic language, to the Chinese population of Manila, his work
complicates (and challenges) the still dominant scholarly dichotomy between indios
and españoles. We explore these themes by turning first to the author and his poem.
We then examine key passages of Saguinsín’s work, exploring his commitment to Cath-
135 olicism and his understanding of indigenous and Chinese residents of the Philippines. In
the end, this essay proposes how the work of this Tagalog priest-poet calls into question
certain longstanding assumptions about indigenous writing and subjectivity in the wider
Iberian World.8
140
Composing verses
I am no Virgil, Ovid, nor another Homer,

By whose verses you should be celebrated.
145
(Saguinsín 1766, Dedicatio, 27–28)
With these lines, Bartolomé Saguinsín set the stage for his celebratory poem made up of
twelve individual Latin epigrams of varying lengths but all in elegiac couplets. Together
with their prose summaries (argumenta), these epigrams form a short epic (or ‘epyllion,’
as classicists would say today) on the heroic theme of the Spanish victory over the British
150 East Indian Company and their South Asian auxiliaries in the Seven Years’ War that
evokes Virgil’s Aeneid.9 In this, Saguinsín seems to have been a writer of his time, as
learned poetry of the eighteenth century that took contemporary war as its theme often
commemorated victories in heroic forms derived from Mediterranean antiquity (Richard-
son 2005, 557). Broadly speaking, Saguinsín’s Epigrammata fit into the category of presen-
155 tational ‘occasional poetry’ (Nisbet 2014); they also mirror many of the features of the
Spanish and Tagalog genre of the loa, both of which were usually dedicated to powerful
patrons.10 As was common with presentation pieces of the period, Saguinsín’s work
included a ‘Dedication’ (Dedicatio)—in this case to Simón de Anda—and an ‘Address
to the Reader’ (Ad lectorem), both in elegiacs like the epigrams themselves. Only in
160 these opening sections does Saguinsín refer to himself, stressing the humbleness of his
poetic effusions in a typical humanist ‘attempt to gain goodwill’ (captatio benevolentiae).
Yet, the priest’s Latin verses were, in fact, quite self-consciously wrought. Saguinsín may
have claimed weaker linguistic skills than Virgil or Ovid, but the complexities of the letra-
do’s verses belie such rhetorical modesty. This sophistication is apparent in both his
165 command of the Latin verse form and his periodic flashes of cleverness, such as his
play on the consonance between ‘Anda’ and ‘Andes,’ the hometown of the poet Virgil,
in the ‘Address to the Reader.’11
Saguinsín’s epigrams resonate with scholarly and literary practices common among
letrados across the Iberian World, even while they belong to a specific local learned
170 context. As a gift designed presumably to curry favor with Anda, it is not impossible
the Epigrammata would have echoed, if not drawn directly from Tagalog ideas about
gifting, reciprocity, and exchange, which, as Vicente Rafael has argued (1993, 110–35),
infused earlier Tagalog views of the Catholic sacrament of penance. Moreover, Saguinsín
was one of many learned Tagalog men with close connections to the world of printing. The
175 first presses in Manila date from the late sixteenth century (Retana and Toribio Medina
1899), and by the 1700s, printing and engraving were flourishing, under religious sponsor-
ship and with Tagalog expertise. Spanish-language works came off these presses most
often, but publications included works in Latin as well as vocabularies and grammars of
Tagalog, Ilocano, Kapampangan, Visayan and Bicol (Irving 2010; Jose 1993).12 More
180 than a few of these imprints bear the name of men who identified themselves as Indus
Manil, Indio Tagalo, or Indio Filipino (Hernandez 2015). Saguinsín’s work thus appears
(to our admittedly modern view) as distinctive but not unexpected within the context of
Tagalog engravers and letrados in colonial Manila.13
As a display of late-humanist poetics, however, Saguinsín’s epyllion stands apart from
most examples of writing by indigenous letrados in the Philippines and the Iberian World
185 as a whole. In both contexts, the vast majority of surviving texts created by indigenous
writers were produced either in (or for) legal contexts or—less commonly—for histori-
cal-documentary purposes and were written in Castilian or (much less commonly) indi-
genous languages.14 Typical texts included petitions, bills of sale, testaments, cabildo
records, annals, histories and diaries, not Latin verse. Saguinsín’s epigrams, of course,
190 do find contemporary parallels in the Spanish Americas—in form, if not language. For
instance, Aparicio Santos de Salazar Quapiotzin (b. 1691), who had studied ‘arts’ (i.e.
Latin grammar, rhetoric and philosophy) with the Jesuits in Puebla in the early eighteenth
century, authored a series of laudatory Castilian verses praising the native nobility of Tlax-
cala for their role in the conquest and conversion of central New Spain. In this, he was not
195 alone, as we learn from the case of Don Patricio Antonio López (fl. 1723–1754), who
authored an apologetic poetic history of the Zapotecan struggle against the tyranny of
the Mexica, entitled Mercurio yndiano (1740), and filled with references to Greece and
Rome (Villella 2016, 257–59, 275; López and Mariscal 2014).15 As Louise Burkhart
(2016, 224–25) and Serge Gruzinski (2002, 99–101) have underlined, Nahua intellectuals
200 were clearly not averse to using ostensibly ‘western’ genres—and especially invocations of
Mediterranean antiquity— to carve out places and identities for themselves in New Spain
and the Catholic world. This echoes the view of the late Sabine MacCormack, who argued
that ‘western’ classical traditions provided a flexible ‘framework for the construal of his-
torical experience’ that was frequently shared by different segments of colonial society
205 (2007). At the same time, as the body of scholarship on portraits produced in the
Andes by indigenous artists has convincingly shown, seemingly ‘European’ forms
should not blind us to the possible entanglements at play (Dean 2010; Cummins 2013).
The creation of affective and cultural resonances, in other words, did not necessarily
depend upon a parsing of the ethnic or geographic origins of particular references,
210 turns of phrase, or representational genres. Sometimes though, as we shall see, such
things mattered quite a bit.
The title page of the 1766 printed edition of Saguinsín’s verses, with its indigenous
author, densely printed Latin text and stamped decorative border, registers the ethnic
complexities—and hints at defining cultural entanglements—of the cosmopolitan, lettered
215 world of eighteenth-century Manila. At the top of the page, the largest letters name the
peninsular-born war hero, the illustrious ‘Dr.’ Simón de Anda. While his connections
to Iberia are not explicitly noted, his doctorate in law was earned at Alcalá de Henares.
Lower on the page, the author-priest identifies himself as both indigenous and Tagalog
using the phrase indus Tagalus. He also calls attention to his role as priest to the mixed
220 Chinese-indigenous parish of Quiapo, synodal examiner of morality and the Tagalog
language, and dedicated admirer of Anda. The man who financed this printing is
named at the bottom of the title page, one Mateo de los Ángeles, a Chinese mestizo militia-
man ‘from the pueblo of Binondo and resident [indigena] for some years in Quiapo.’
Although we have found no documentation to illuminate the nature of the connection
225 between Saguinsín and Los Ángeles, it is possible the backer had been one of the
priest’s parishioners. We do know, however, that Los Ángeles was a notable figure in
Manila thanks to his military exploits in defense of the city against the moros (Malay
Muslims) and his sojourn at court in Madrid.16 For those who scanned this title page
in the eighteenth century, the presence of Los Ángeles’s name would have underscored
a well-recognized fact: those of Chinese descent played diffuse but important financial
230 roles in the city; for those who read this page today, his name reminds us that Saguinsín’s
verses had to be printed: as a physical object, they did not circulate in the world ‘for free.’
Since Saguinsín’s residence had been sacked during the British Occupation we might
well imagine the poet-priest, with pen in hand, crafting verses in his ruined house
beside the church in Quiapo. While working, he may have referred to the small library
235 of books he probably owned, many of which were likely to have been imports from the
240
245
250
255
260
265
270 Figure 3. Bartolomé Saguinsín, Epigrammata (Sampaloc, 1766). Courtesy of the National Library of the
Philippines, Manila.
Americas or Europe (Hill 2015).17 Without doubt he wrote on local rice paper, likely
seated at a desk and upon a chair that were almost certainly locally made. The bodily
habits such writing required would have been familiar ones; for Saguinsín, who trained
under the watchful eyes of the Jesuits, would have been practicing these gestures since
275 childhood.18 Unfortunately, we know precious little about the material experiences or his-
tories of Saguinsín’s readers. All we can be sure of: Anda himself received a copy of the
Epigrammata, since a translation from Latin to Spanish (perhaps intended for the less
learned members of the Anda clan) is now preserved among his son’s papers in the New-
berry Library (Ayer 223, folder 15).
280 If Anda spent any time reading Saguinsín’s gift verses, he would have encountered a
literary landscape defined by Catholic spatial concepts and tempered with referents to
pagan and Christian Rome. The epigrams also conjure a world keenly attuned to Philip-
pine geography, both physical and cultural. In conjoining these differing spaces—defined
by, inter alia, Catholicism, Mediterranean antiquity, and the Philippine archipelago—
285 Saguinsín’s epigrams are conspicuously conformist in tone and scope. Indeed, one of
the most striking features of Saguinsín’s writing stems from its support for the status
quo ante bellum. Ann Stoler, in her writing on colonialism and all that follows in its
wake, speaks of processes and practices that ‘saturate the subsoil of people’s lives and
persist’ (2008, 192). If his poetry is a fair measure, then Saguinsín was steeped in, and pro-
290 foundly committed to imperial habits of construing the world. In this, his politics of
affirmation distinctively complicate Stoler’s and other recent scholars’ thinking about
what it means to experience—and re-write histories of—colonial rule. This is one
reason, we suggest, that Saguinsín is worth reading.
295
Training letrados
Saguinsín’s intellectual and political commitments may be explained, at least in part, by his
biography, which was fully embedded in the ecclesiastical and educational institutions of
the Iberian World. As with many contemporary indigenous letrados, Saguinsín benefited
300 from the purposeful expansion of educational opportunities for indigenous elites in the
final decades of the seventeenth century.19 Prior to this a small number of caciques and
principales had been trained to read and write in schools run by the Jesuits in Manila
and in mission stations in the eastern Visayas; now Filipino indios and Chinese mestizos
had access to the full ‘arts’ curriculum, and were actively encouraged to seek holy orders,
305 although not entry into the religious orders (Costa 1947, 231–34; 1961, 163, 316; Santiago
1987, 74–78).20 In this brave new world, the first indio priest, ordained in 1698, was Don
Francisco Baluyot from Guagua in Pampanga, who inaugurated a steady trickle of native
ordinations, the majority Tagalogs and Pampangos of noble descent. Initially trained in
the Seminary of San Clemente in Intramuros or the colleges of the Jesuits and Dominicans,
310 most of these men received bachelor’s or licentiate degrees in ‘arts’ from the University of
Santo Tomás (Delgado 1892, 294).21 Some indios from the Philippines were also educated
in seminaries in Mexico City, but it is unclear how many (if any) made the return journey
across the Pacific (Menegus and Aguirre 2006, 63–68). In the beginning, the number of
indigenous Filipino priests remained small, with 47 ordinations between 1698 and
315 1723; by mid-century, however, one-quarter of the 569 parishes and mission stations in
the islands were overseen by native priests (Costa 1947, 234).
As with other members of this new class of indio secular priests in the Hispanic Mon-
archy, Saguinsín came from a family of principales. Born in the parish of Antipolo a few
miles southeast of Intramuros, he belonged to the highest echelon of the Indian pueblo,
and so had the right to elect and be elected to indigenous magistracies such as the
320 cabeza de barangay and gobernador de indios (Alonso Álvarez 2005, 392–95). The particu-
lar location of Saguinsín’s birth is also significant, since the Jesuits founded and ran a
notable school for indigenous elites in Antipolo in this period (Costa 1961, 188–89).
After early training in elementary Latin and Christian doctrine, Saguinsín likely graduated
to the Jesuit college of San José, where he gained enough knowledge of Latin grammar,
325 logic, rhetoric, philosophy and theology to receive a bachelor’s degree, the prerequisite
for entry into the priesthood. As a protégée of the bishop-elect of Nueva Cáceres,
Domingo de Valencia (1647–1719), Saguinsín then spent his early career in the nearby
Bicol region, where he was swiftly ordained and in 1717 appointed chief sacristan of
the cathedral of Nueva Cáceres. He returned to Manila in 1721, where he came out on
330 top in the competitive examination (oposición) for the propriety sacristanship of the
parish church of Quiapo, following in the footsteps of another indigenous priest, Francisco
Fabián de Santa Ana, who had held the same sacristanship pro tempore in 1718 (Santiago
1987, 138–40; Andrade 2006). Finally, in 1728, Saguinsín became the full propriety parish
priest of Quiapo, a position he would hold— alongside other important offices in the arch-
335 diocese and the cathedral chapter—for much of the remainder of his long life.
While his path to the priesthood was more typical than not, Saguinsín’s intellectual
acumen was unusual. This was recognized by contemporaries, including the Jesuit histor-
ian Juan José Delgado (1697–1755), who praised Saguinsín’s learning and piety, and
placed him in the first rank of all letrados in the archipelago, regardless of their position
340 in what historians today call the sistema de castas. As such, Delgado argued, Saguinsín was
a prime example of the folly of Gaspar de San Agustín, who in a now infamous letter ‘On
the nature and the temperament of the Indian’ claimed that indios were fundamentally
unsuitable for the priesthood (Delgado 1892, 293). Along with the Epigrammata, the
small number of other surviving texts written by Saguinsín support Delgado’s high
345 opinion of him. Saguinsín’s parecer (‘expert opinion’) appended to the 1745 printing of
the Arte de lengua tagala of the Franciscan friar Sebastián Totanés offers one example.
In this piece—which was written in Castilian, but turned on an extensive knowledge of
Tagalog—Saguinsín confirmed that Totanés’s text was both free from heterodox opinions
and reflected the linguistic usage of his ‘fellow countrymen’ (connaturales) (Totanés 1745,
350 §§§4v–§§§§2v).22 In contrast to the image of the Spanish friar preaching in a dense
mixture of Latin and Baroque Castilian to a mystified congregation of ‘unlettered
natives’ (rudos indios) bequeathed to the Filipino historical imagination by José Rizal
AQ1 (Rafael 1998, 1–4), here we see an indigenous priest being called upon to judge the
¶ work of a Spanish friar, delivering an endorsement with ample quotations in Latin
355 from scripture, classical literature, and the Church Fathers. This was not the only occasion
Saguinsín served as a gatekeeper for Catholic orthodoxy and learned eloquence. In 1748,
he became a member of the Congregation of Tagalista Priests, a group charged with main-
taining standards for preaching in Tagalog. A year later, he and another native priest,
Antonio Gil Adriano, were asked to prepare a new Tagalog edition of Doctrina Christiana
360 from existing texts in print and manuscript.23 Soon after, Saguinsín’s remit was extended
to moral theology and Latin, subjects for which he became synodal examiner. Any aspiring
priest in Manila, be they Spanish, mestizo or indigenous, had to pass through Saguinsín.
This indus Tagalus thus became one of the few men in Manila who could officially adju-
dicate who was and was not a letrado (Santiago 1987, 148).
365
Charting loyalties
‘God himself showed with portents the places

370
Where deeds fair and foul would occur.’
Saguinsín, Epigram X.1–2
As in the unsigned allegorical painting of Anda’s defense of Manila (discussed above),
Saguinsín’s verses recast lived experience into an argument about the proper order of
375 the world, an order that—from his perspective—nearly collapsed and crashed to the
ground during the Seven Years’ War. This he does no more emotively than in his
account of the sack of his own Church in Quiapo by a force of British officers and
sepoy soldiers supported by the Chinese residents of the area:
Without reverence for religion they invaded churches,
380
Plundered, degraded, and stole sacred vessels.
The camp followers put on church vestments in jest
Donning them without regard for faith or holiness.
You break your sworn word to the people and to God!
(Saguinsín 1766, V.9–13)
385
This vision of death and destruction had tethers to lived experience, a sense of which
emerges if we juxtapose Saguinsín’s verses with an anonymous British source:
The War was carried on with great inveteracy on both sides, in the province of Manila the
seapoys followed the example of the English soldiers, perpetrating the most horid cruelties,
390 and massacring a whole congregation in a church at Quiapo, while they were at their devo-
tions, defiling their temples exasperated the Spaniards and natives so much, that legions of
them took up arms, surrounded Manila, and made it dangerous for any person to go any dis-
tance from the city. (British Library, Mss Eur D628, 15)
The intensity of Saguinsín’s verses, it seems, captures events personally experienced, since
395 he did not merely watch as his congregation was murdered and his church sacked; the
then-elderly priest resisted. 24 In response, the forces of the British East Indian
Company bound Saguinsín, and just as they were about to march him into British-con-
trolled Intramuros, forces loyal to the Spanish Crown intervened.
Of course, we shall never know the degree to which these experiences sculpted Saguin-
400 sín’s writing.25 We find it telling, however, that he chose to render this and other episodes
during the ‘British War’ (bellum Britannicum) not just as an invasion of territory under
the control of one monarch by the forces of another, but as a religious conflict that
pitted orthodox Catholicism—exemplified by Anda, the Philippines, and the Catholic
Monarchy—against ethno-religious enemies, most notably Protestant heretics and
405 Chinese apostates. This entwining of religion and imperial space infuses the whole of
Saguinsín’s poem, and is apparent from the very beginning of the work. The argumentum
to the first epigram tells how Anda left Intramuros, ‘to protect and encourage the Indians
in the jurisdiction of the Catholic Monarch.’ Yet the exhortation to Anda at the end of the
epigram clarifies Saguinsín’s disinterest in presenting the Philippines as a simple juridical
or spatial construct:
410
Go, but arm yourself with the sturdy force of virtue.
Love of God (numen) and country (patria) conquers all.
(Saguinsín 1766, I.15–16)
In this reversal of the Virgilian appeal to surrender (to love), ‘Love conquers all and let us
415 yield to love’ (Virgil, Eclogues, X.69), which Saguinsín reworks into a militaristic harangue,
the poet-priest equates his patria with numen (contextually the Christian God, although
the word also connotes an effuse ‘divine presence’). Threatening this geo-religious space
were heretical foreigners and the rebellious Chinese inhabitants of the archipelago, or
as Saguinsín glosses them, the ‘people unfaithful to God’ (gens male fida Deo) (Saguinsín
420 1766, I.9), who also lack ‘reason’ (ratio) (ibid., V.14). Saguinsín’s sense of place therefore
focuses less upon the territorial extent of Bourbon sovereignty than the onward march of
global Catholicism. In this sense, his concept of the Hispanic project was not so dissimilar
from that of indigenous chroniclers in the Spanish Americas. Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala, for example, celebrated the advent of Catholicism in the Americas while remaining
425 anti-Inka, anticlerical, and a patriotic Andean loyal to a distant king (Adorno 1987, 5).
In other words, Saguinsín maps the territory of the Philippines not by political criteria,
or even by longitude and latitude, but rather using providential logic that profoundly
shapes human experience and directs human action. In the argumentum to the tenth
epigram, the priest describes a heavenly army that massed in the sky above a town in
430 Luzon called Malinta and a sword that appeared in the heavens during British attacks
on Quiapo and nearby Santa Cruz. These omens point to the divine retribution that
forces loyal to the Hispanic Monarchy would soon wreak upon the invaders and their
allies. In the epigram itself, Saguinsín cites other revelatory images that appeared in the
firmament, including a cross and palm (Saguinsín 1766, X, l. 1–12). For contemporaries
435 this imagery would most likely have brought to mind the first Christian emperor Constan-
tine, who the day before he faced the pretender Maxentius in 312 CE saw a cross in the sky
with the words ‘In this sign you will conquer.’ Instead of an inscription scrawled across the
sky, Saguinsín presents an iconographic omen: a palm—a token of victory in the ancient
world (conveniently) native to both the Mediterranean and the Philippines— transforms
440 into an anchor. 26 This common allegory for ‘hope,’ depicted in the New Testament as the
‘anchor of the soul’ (Hebrews 6.18–19), was exactly what Manila had lost under the British
(Saguinsín 1766, X.6). In this way, Saguinsín’s verses portrayed the Philippines as a space
that thrived precisely because of its deeply-held Catholicism and participation in Christian
historical time, which bound the Pacific islands to the ancient Mediterranean and the bib-
445 lical Holy Land.
This highly theological vision of the imperial polity forms an integral component of
Saguinsín’s conception of hispanidad, understood as both a political and cultural
concept. Charles III may have lived in Spain, but this was not the poet-priest’s primary
concern. Indeed, when Saguinsín uses the word ‘Spanish/Hispanic’ (hispanus), in
450 almost all cases it refers to membership in what historians today would call the ‘Hispanic
world,’ a term he himself uses (orbis hispanus) (ibid., Dedicatio, 3), although with a
different set of connotations. This ‘world’ took as its model the ‘Roman world’ (orbis
Romanus), and was a delimited if expansive space inhabited by citizens (cives) of
different ethnicities all loyal to a single emperor (cf. Cardim et al. 2012, 3–8).27 Even so,
here neither identity based on a line of descent nor claims to ‘native’ territory—both of
455 which Saguinsín knew well, and even emphasized when it served his literary purposes—
were universally determinative. Catholicism rather than Spain is the privileged point of
reference, something we sense from the religious descriptors that litter the verses:
Charles III is a decidedly ‘Catholic Monarch’ (rex catholicus) (Saguinsín 1766, II.6), and
even Simón de Anda’s defining virtue is his piety (ibid., Dedicatio, 14; VI.10), a Christian
460 echo of Virgil’s ‘pious Aeneas,’ who led the Trojans to Italy where his descendants founded
Rome (Moseley 1925).28
It is perhaps unsurprising to find such positions coming from the pen of a priest. Never-
theless, we should also acknowledge the conceptual legwork that presenting the ‘British
War’ as a struggle between orthodoxy and heresy could do for Saguinsín as an indigenous
465 actor. By stressing the religious ties that bound the Philippines to the Monarchy, Saguinsín
could sidestep the repressive nature of the conquest of the archipelago, the sistema de
castas it introduced, and the great distance from Manila to Madrid (ibid., XII.21).
Whether a calculated strategy or not, this aspect of Saguinsín’s work played to his advan-
tage. As an indigenous elite seeking the goodwill of a crown official (one who both hailed
470 from Europe—genetrix Europa, as he called it—and was purely Spanish by ancestry),
Saguinsín would have been keenly aware that advancement through the ecclesiastical hier-
archy depended on a conception of (nominal) equality with ethnic Spaniards that a frame-
work based on religious affiliation could provide.
Such a loyalist ideology based on religious affiliation seems to have been persuasive to at
475 least some sections of the wider indigenous population in the Philippines.29 The British,
for instance, complained that the Augustinians had induced the indios in Parañaque
(an area just south of Manila) to resist the forces of the East India Company by telling
them that the invaders were ‘Jews, Heretics and a Barbarous People’ (Madras Record
Office 1940, I, 46). This suggests that Saguinsín may not simply have been spouting the
480 dogma expected of an indigenous priest or arguing in his own self-interest; he may
have (also) been describing an understanding of colonial society that was both broad
and deep at the time.
While longue durée intellectual historians might trace elements of Saguinsín’s pious and
antiquarian vision to late medieval Europe (Beaver 2008) and scholars of colonial Latin
485 American thought might see here the glimmers of sixteenth-century humanist thinking
(Brading 1991), Saguinsín’s espousal of a universalizing Catholic vision with ancient pre-
cedents—and especially the invocation of Constantine—also puts him in the company of a
significant number of indigenous letrados from the eighteenth-century Americas. A play
from the Nahuatl-speaking village of Santa Cruz Cozcaquauhatlauhticpac (near Tlaxcala,
490 Mexico) offers one good example. Composed for the feast of Corpus Christi in 1714, this
drama recounts the discovery of a fragment of the ‘True Cross’ by St Helen, the mother of
the Emperor Constantine. This familiar story, however, takes on a distinctive hue in the
hands of its author/compiler, the indigenous priest Manuel de los Santos y Salazar,
who, like Saguinsín, had benefitted from the expansion of educational opportunities for
495 indios in the last quarter of the seventeenth century.30 In this Novohispanic vision of
the triumph of Christianity during Late Antiquity, references to pre-Christian Roman
religion abound, evoking a stylized view of pre-Hispanic religion (most notably, flaying
and cannibalism) and featuring tocotín dances and echoes of Tlaxcalan military successes
(Sell et al. 2004, IV, 30–39). Although performative features rippled through local settings
differently, the fluency of Saguinsín and indigenous letrados of the Spanish Americas in
500 Christian Humanism makes it difficult to imagine that these references do not represent
well-internalized, if not fully integrated elements of educated indigenous thought.
This said, such visions of a classicizing Catholic ecumene did not fully eclipse local indi-
genous geographies and ethnic identities. For example, Saguinsín at time refers to indigen-
ous people in the aggregate as indios, e.g. ‘Indian pueblos’ (Indorum populi) (Saguinsín
505 1766, I.4),31 he also binds the term indio to profoundly local settings and a world com-
posed of distinct indigenous towns and regions reminiscent of James Lockhart’s ‘micropa-
trias’ (1993, 30). When Anda leaves Manila to gather an army to retake the city, Saguinsín
is at pains to underline that the indios of Pampanga and Bulacán—‘the most prominent of
the region’ (Saguinsín 1766, II, l.2)— responded positively.32 Despite the fear and disorder
510 caused by the British invasion that leads Anda to worry that the Pampangos and Bulaque-
ños might turn against him, local caciques and principales show ‘unwavering fidelity’ (ibid.,
II.20). In the Epigrammata, these geographies are (conveniently) the very regions where
Saguinsín has the key symbols of Spanish victory appear in the sky (ibid., X, argumentum).
This singling out of certain indigenous subgroups and their places of residence, as we shall
515 see, was not accidental.
This is because not all ‘micropatrias’ were equal, something we learn from Saguinsín’s
depiction of the actions of their inhabitants, some of whom did not display faultless loyalty
to the Hispanic Monarchy, and upon whom he unleashes venom:
And a fire broke out, as if from the Styx itself.
520
In the Province of Pangasinan and part of the Province of Ilocos
Are peoples infected with a violent poison.
The Furies came hither and entered the hearts of the wretched Indians.
The faint of heart became violent,
Rejecting their bonds and rebelling against all laws,
525
And killing the Spaniards and priests that they had.
(Saguinsín 1766, VIII.4–10)
Unlike Pampanga and Bulacán, which were populated by rational and god-fearing indios,
the inhabitants of Ilocos and Pangasinan were marked by violence and moral weakness,
530 which resulted in ‘conflagrations’ (flammae), a reference to the famous rebellions led by
disgruntled Hispanophone indigenous elites, Diego Silang and Juan de la Cruz (known
as ‘Palaris’).33 Given man’s fallen state, we should expect no less.
Tapping his knowledge of Roman literature and religion, Saguinsín leaves the reader no
doubt as to how these rebellious regions fit into his classicizing rendering of indigenous
535 geography. The reference to the River Styx in this context would have called to mind
for fellow letrados the boundary between earth and hell in the sixth book of Virgil’s
Aeneid. In its invocation of the Furies (furiae), his verses press the condemnation
further, accentuating the irrational qualities of the inhabitants of Ilocos and Pangasinan,
who—like Aeneas when he sees the belt of Pallas—were incapable of mercy (Thomas
540 1991). Ilocos and Pangasinan are thus not just provinces with large indigenous popu-
lations of ‘wretched Indians’ with unique identities, but regions situated just this side of
hell where perjury and vengeance reign.34 Here, order could only be restored at the point
of a sword. These, then, were profoundly different regions from Pampanga, Bulacán and,
of course, Saguinsín’s own micropatria, the area around Manila that was home to the
Tagalogs. Much of this will be familiar to Latin Americanist ethnohistorians, who have
545 dedicated significant energy to parsing the region’s vast array of micropatriotisms. Yet,
compared to Novohispanic or Andean perspectives, Saguinsín’s sense of indigenous
geography, defined (if not scarred) by questions of loyalty to the Crown, was further com-
plicated by the presence of another ethnic group in the Philippines that Saguinsín singles
out as even more tainted than disloyal indios: the Chinese.
550
Condemning treachery
555
‘What torturous madness burns in the hearts of the sangleyes?’
(Saguinsín 1766, VI.1)
If the indios of Ilocos and Pangasinan came in for harsh criticism, Saguinsín reserves the
worst of his ire for Manila’s large ethnically Chinese population, the so-called ‘sangleyes’ of
contemporary Spanish documents.35 This heterogeneous group of mostly Min-speaking
560 immigrants from coastal Southeast China represented various waves of migration to the
archipelago that had begun before the establishment of Spanish rule in the Philippines.
Despite longstanding connections across the South China Sea, development of the trans-
pacific galleon trade proved a catalyst for Chinese immigration, and by the 1570s, sangle-
yes (the vast majority of them men in the first instance) provided the bulk of the capital,
565 commodities, labor and craft expertise that fueled economic life in Manila, across the
archipelago, and as far south as the Muslim sultanate of Jolo (Gil 2011; Tremml 2015;
Warren 2007, 5–9).
Under Spanish rule these residents were assigned many of the characteristics typical of a
casta in the Americas. And, as was often the case in the Americas, the tendency of Spanish
570 sources (and Saguinsín) was to speak of an undifferentiated mass. Yet the ethnically Chinese
residents of the archipelago were far from homogeneous. By the mid-eighteenth century,
both non-Christians and Christian converts called Manila home. Some came only to
trade and then returned to the mainland, while others intermarried with indigenous
people and learned Filipino languages, resulting in the rise of another casta, the mestizos
575 de sangley; others intermarried with ethnic Chinese and remained Sinicized over gener-
ations, a situation facilitated by the continual arrival of junks from the mainland. We also
find within this diversity individuals engaged in a variety of professions, from junk captains
and bakers to cobblers and candle-makers (Chia 2006, 514–23; Zarco 1966).36
Looking across a wide swathe of Spanish sources, an unflattering view of sangleyes—
580 that calls out Chinese perfidy—emerges with frequency and consistency. This theme
can be traced from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries. It was not, however,
the only perspective voiced in Manila. As with many castas in the Spanish Americas,
Chinese residents of Manila produced self-interested works and performances. The few
such works known today exhibit both callowness and caginess: poetry and other writings
585 seem eager to curry favor with royal officials, perhaps with an eye on enhanced prestige
and benefits (be they tangible, intangible, or both). An elegy affixed to the ephemeral
funeral pyre (túmulo) erected in Manila for the death of Philip III in 1625 represents one
rare surviving example. We take a moment with these verses because they provide a coun-
terpoint to Saguinsín’s portrayal of the chinos of Manila. They also offer another perspec-
tive on the mobilization of longstanding humanistic traditions for loyalist ends, a project
590 with parallels to Saguinsín’s epigrams. Read together, the poet-priest and the learned
Chinese author (or authors) of the elegy deepen our understanding of non-Spanish
writers in the Hispanic Monarchy who presented themselves as highly invested in the
status quo.
Three poems comprise the elegy, and all remain in manuscript, although it is likely they
595 were intended for a press in Mexico City or Seville, as was the festival book in which they
are preserved. They were composed by an unnamed, but likely elite Chinese Catholic (or
Catholics) using the longstanding seven-character (七言) and five-character (五言) verse
forms (see Appendix 2). In Manila at the time, poetic and musical compositions formed a
vital part of cultural life, with works being created and performed in indigenous Filipino,
600 East Asian, and western European languages (Summers 1998; Irving 2004).37 The Chinese
verses themselves open with a frightening premonition about the death of the king, and
they close with Philip’s joyful ascension to heaven. In between, readers encounter
gardens of cranes, prayers for longevity offered up by court officials, and monastery
bells. These are all typical motifs in this type of poetry.38 More striking—at least to
605 twenty-first-century, Latin Americanist eyes—is how these verses present Philip III as a
Chinese ‘emperor’ (皇 huang2), whose loss, along with the poet’s devotion, surface
through interwoven references to nature and political order:
Who blocked out the sunlight?
We remember our entombed emperor.
610
Birds and fish and nature spirits tremble,
All flora of the earth and water lose their fragrance.
He served with justice and understood our pains;
We, too, have tasted part of his grace … . (f. 104r)
615 Savvy self-interest may have been the spark for these poetic lines. For several centuries
Chinese merchants in Manila had interacted extensively with Spanish colonial administra-
tors, whom they used as a conduit to advance their own commercial ambitions (Gil 2011;
Gebhardt 2017). To presume that poetry for the túmulo of Philip III was exclusively a per-
formance of loyalty intended to further the social and commercial interests of the elite
620 Chinese authors, however, would be to misunderstand the vectors along which cross-cultural
art forms and desires for social belonging traveled in the early modern period. While aspira-
tions for advancement formed an undercurrent (if not also one of the aims) of such poetry,
these verses were likely inspired by more than bald self-promotion. Rather, a netting of
desires—for integration within a community, for social prestige, and for financial gain—
625 snared each other in Manila (if not hundreds of cities and towns in the colonial, early
modern world). At the same time, these verses do not represent only the ‘hispanization’
of a Chinese political language and literary form. This poetry also creates a ‘sinicization’—
of Philip III and the monarchy he embodied—and in so doing calls to mind the profoundly
Mesoamerican description of the Hispanic Monarchy as a ‘universal city-state’ (altepetl
630 cemanahuac) by the Nahua annalist Domingo de San Antón Chimalpahin Cuauhtlehuanit-
AQ2 zin (2006, 64–66).
¶
635
640
645
650
655
660
665
670
Figure 4a/b. Diego de Rueda y Mendoza, Relación verdadera de las exequias funerales que la ynsigne
ciudad de Manila […] a la felice sucesión de su único heredero y señor nuestro Felipe IV (1625). Ms HC397/
501, ff. 102v–4r. Courtesy of the Hispanic Society of America, New York.
675
If these poetic lines open a suite of possibilities for imagining how Chinese residents
and their values were incorporated into the ceremonial life of Manila, their dream-like
vision did not always mirror the lived reality. Interethnic relations all too frequently
bore the mark of violence, as Spanish and indigenous people turned against immigrants
680 and their Manila-born children across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The
Parián, the merchant enclave—sometimes called ‘ghetto’ in English-language scholar-
ship—of unconverted Chinese residents in the city, was repeatedly burnt to the ground,
forcing those who were not killed to flee. In one of the worst of these infernos in 1603,
thousands perished when houses, shops and other buildings were set aflame, including
685 the church of Quiapo, which was located just across the Pasig River and home, even in
this early period, to a large Christian Chinese population. Fears related to physical
conflict colored daily life among the city’s residents, and the regular pogroms and the mul-
tiple formal expulsions issued by the Crown bespoke a depth of distrust and fear.39 The
archival record is replete with legislation, complaints, and other attempts to negotiate
690 cross-cultural anxieties and ambivalence about Chinese people in the city. Their roles
were, in fact, central. Spanish residents of the city invested in Chinese shops in the
Parián and profited (at times quite handsomely) from taxes paid by Chinese merchants
and residents (Gil 2011). Supplies from the Parián found their way into Jesuit kitchens
(Javellana 2015) and more than a few Catholic mouths and bodies. The fabric of daily
695 life in Manila would have shredded had the Chinese people who lived and worked
there actually left.
Given all this, it would have been impossible for Saguinsín to have lived and preached
in Quiapo without having some contact—if not close relationships—with Chinese resi-
dents of the city (including mestizos de sangley). His verses owe their existence, at least
700 as published work, to the finances of a man of Chinese ancestry, and it is more than
likely that Chinese Christians prayed at his church.40 Saguinsín would also have been
aware that some Chinese residents of Manila were willing participants in colonial govern-
ance and public ceremonies, and regularly performed traditional Chinese music and cos-
tumed dances at important civic events.
705 This high degree of integration complicates any reading of Saguinsin’s poetry and its
severe condemnation of Chinese people during the Seven Years’ War. Yet, nonetheless
in epigram after epigram, they emerge as irredeemably deceitful. Unlike Pampangos
and Bulaqueños, who were also untrustworthy, the Chinese residents of Manila are por-
trayed as having a bio-moral inclination to violence, treachery, and rebellion that went
710 beyond even that of the most fickle and corrupt indios from distant provinces.41 These
people, in Saguinsín’s words, were haunting the streets, ‘unfaithful to God, with undecided
hearts, people who know no law, whose word means nothing’ (Saguinsín 1766, I, l. 9–10).
His sixth epigram is the most pointed on this theme. Saguinsín describes the plot by
Chinese rebels to infiltrate the villages around Bacolor in Pampanga and launch an
715 attack on Anda and forces loyal to Charles III during midnight mass on Christmas Eve
1762. Luckily for the Hispanic cause, Anda discovered the plot in advance and several
thousand Chinese people were forced to flee to British-controlled Manila (Borschberg
2004, 368). In the face of such treachery, Saguinsín calls out to them directly:
O sangleyes, what frenzy lashes your souls
720
And mysteriously overwhelms your hearts?
Such madness digs for you wide graves!

For whoever sets snares for others, falls in himself.
This is the work of violent passions and a godless people.
I ask you what harm the pious Anda has done to any one of you?
725 That he understands your people, and that he himself looks to their interests,
Does this offend your eyes and stir you up?
(Saguinsín 1766, VI.5–12)
In certain respects Saguinsín’s harsh judgment parallels his diatribe against the seditious
population of Ilocos and Pangasinan. He characterizes the rebellions of both groups as
730
human conflagrations driven by the Furies (VI.9, VIII.7) and products of a moral
disease that must be cured by ‘Dr.’ Anda (VI. 14, VIII, 6). Ultimately, though, Saguinsín
distinguishes the treacherous sangeleyes from the (rather less) treacherous indios. The
pacification of the Ilocanos and Pangasinenses unfolds as a relatively mild affair, which
Saguinsín covers in a single line of verse (VIII.22); in the case of the Chinese residents
735
of Manila, Saguinsín requires Anda to defeat this ‘depraved race’ (immane genus)
(VI.24) and chase down the offenders:
Simón sets upon them, and hems in the beleaguered enemy.
He captures many, those who did not flee.
740 Exact the punishments that should be meted out
To that depraved race! Put down the awful crime!
(Saguinsín 1766, VI.21–24)
As a people (gens) that suffers from the worst bio-moral flaws without exception, in
Saguinsín’s verses the Chinese residents of Manila deserve the harshest punishment—pun-
745
ishment that verges on complete annihilation.
What are we to make of this deep animosity within the context of longstanding inte-
gration? To be sure, some of it may have been sparked by Saguinsín’s war experience.
A large proportion of Manila’s Chinese population sided with the invaders and their
allies; they served as guides and couriers for the British and plied their trades under the
750
favorable tax regime instituted by the East India Company. Some Chinese entrepreneurs
in Manila even bought monopoly licenses from the new administration, which they
obviously thought was there to stay (Borschberg 2004, 361–69). Furthermore, a consider-
able number joined the crowd that sacked the church at Quiapo and captured Saguinsín.
These merchants turned soldiers and looters seemed gripped by an ‘uninhibited fury,’ as
755
one British source put it, before being forced into the river by the Hispanic forces, where
they drowned by the hundreds (Cushner 1971, 184). Given Saguinsín’s close connections
with some Chinese residents in Quiapo, he likely took their betrayal quite personally.
Like Saguinsín, Spanish officialdom did not feel generous after the war. Chinese collab-
oration—both real and imagined—spurred Anda and the audiencia to petition the Council
760
of the Indies for a decree expelling all Chinese males over the age of 12 years.42 Against this
backdrop, Saguinsín’s verses might be read as an elegant endorsement of this purge. A
contemporary portrait of Anda lends support to this interpretive mode. This image
centers Anda beneath a thatched shelter and behind a writing table. He holds a sword
in one hand and with the other points to a burning church in the background. Rolling
765
hills, cultivated fields, and a few buildings fill in the landscape. The cartouche remains
empty although its dominant presence in the foreground implies that a message of some
length was once intended.43 To modern eyes, the scale of the figures and arrangement of
structures within the pictorial space create a clumsy effect, but the iconographic emphasis
parallels other images of Anda in the Philippines from the second half of the eighteenth
770 century (including the allegorical painting discussed in the opening of this essay).
Sword and helmet are prominently displayed, but Anda is dressed for officiating rather
than for battle, a point affirmed by the figure at his side awaiting instructions to begin
filling in the blank scroll unfurled before him.44 More significant, at least for our purposes,
are the Chinese heads in the lower corners of the painting, identifiable by their Qing-era
775 hair queues, facial hair, and, in some cases, highly caricatured physiognomy.45 Blood drips
from severed necks. There is nothing gentle or subtle here: these heads represent the
defeated, and because they are sequestered in the nether regions of the scene, they also
call to mind the souls damned to hell in innumerable paintings and prints created for
Catholic viewers of the early modern period.
780 This portrait and Saguinsín’s verses clearly present the loyalist’s view. In both image
and verse, the Chinese of Manila seem to have got what they deserved, paving the way
for the return of a Hispanic Catholic order. Yet, if we consider other representations of
Chinese people in Manila created both before and after the war, it becomes clear that inter-
preting the print and the epigrams as straightforward expressions of loyalty or wartime
785 vengeance misses something important. At issue are also questions of social incorporation
and habits of representing ‘the exotic.’46 These themes—which can be traced through texts
and visual media from the Philippines, and which frame Saguinsín’s writing—offer
another, equally compelling lens through which to read the poet-priest’s verses.47 The
Chinese residents of Manila, as an imperfectly integrated population that was readily
790 stereotyped, were not only historical subjects, they also became fodder for what in other
contexts might be called Saguinsín’s ‘orientalism.’
An image made in Manila by Juan Ravenet (1766–ca. 1821), one of the artists who tra-
veled with Alessandro Malaspina (1789–1794), offers a visual example of precisely this.48
The painting, which is really a sketch in black ink, pencil, and washes of sepia and gray,
795 highlights the figure’s clothing, posture and labor. The label at the bottom of the scene
reinforces the image’s ethnographic tone: ‘Chino vendiendo té en Manila.’ For Spanish
and other European viewers, the figure—with his tunic and sandals, his facial hair and
shaved forehead—is unquestionably foreign. He is shown at work in Manila, plying his
wares; his tipped body hints at the skill required to manage the twinned demands of
800 walking and balancing an unwieldy load (not simply tea-making). This image may
seem casual, but it is carefully observed; and it is, without question, a sketch crucially con-
cerned with cultural distinctions. As one of several ‘types’ that Ravenet sketched in and
around Manila, this image is the work of an eye-witness seeking to capture something
of the Philippines’ ethnic diversity. While meant to be empirically descriptive, how
805 much of the painting displays the artist’s direct observation, how much turns on the
well-worn conventions of Chinoiserie, remains an open question. At the least, Ravenet’s
sketch reminds us that no poetic or visual depiction of Chinese people in Manila—or any-
where in the Iberian World during the eighteenth century—was simply reportage.49
Placed alongside the work of Saguinsín, this image hints at the range of artistic gestures
810 that chinos inspired in Manila, and the complicated ways the literary and visual arts
crossed and re-crossed the boundaries between trope and lived reality. It is not surprising
815
820
825
830
835
840
845 Figure 5. ‘Portrait of Simón de Anda y Salazar.’ MS Ayer 1921, folder 23. Courtesy of the Newberry
Library, Chicago.
that Ravenet filtered the exotic through other works associated with Chinoiserie. Given the
paucity of evidence on Saguinsín (e.g., did he see, or eat from inexpensive imported por-
850 celain, did he own imported silks with caricatured Chinese imagery, did he collect curios
from the mainland?), it is very difficult to know how fully or fluently the poet-priest might
have internalized contemporary genres of representation. As a hispanized indio, he likely
harbored some awareness of what David Porter has called the aesthetics of exoticism, the
‘seductive allure of that we identify with stylized emblems of otherness’ (2010, 17), and
855 consciously or subconsciously marshalled these aesthetics in his poetry. Neither
Spanish, indio, Jewish nor African, the Chinese residents of Manila repeatedly rubbed
860
865
870
875
880
885
Figure 6. Juan Ravenet, ‘Chino vendiendo té en Manila.’ Ink, pencil and watercolor on paper. 22.2 ×
24 cm. Courtesy of the Museo de América, Madrid.
890
against and snagged traditional Iberian categories for reckoning with difference, making
these people and their habits all the more ‘exotic’ (ἐξωτικός, ‘foreign’), in the literal
sense of the word. At the very least, we need to acknowledge that the sangleyes in Saguin-
sín’s verses were not strictly living people; they were also artistic images—metonymies of
cultural difference, metaphors of misunderstanding. Such an artistic reading has impor-
895
tant repercussions for our understanding of history, asking us to weight its poetics and
affect, not only its veracities (Velcheru et al. 2003).
Because Saguinsín sought readers who understood art and allegory, not only history, his
epigrams activate this exoticism in a very particular way. In contrast to his own ethnic
group, the Tagalogs, their geographical and cultural neighbors, the Pampangos and Bula-
900
queños, and even the wayward Ilocanos and Pangasinenses, the sangleyes in Saguinsín’s
verses served as foil for indigenous devotion and allegiance. Indeed, his writing depicts the
sangleyes as wholly different from those who lived in Bulacán and Pampanga, where ‘the
unwavering fidelity of the Indians was not in doubt’ (Saguinsín 1766, II.20); the Chinese
people caught in verse also surpass the inhabitants of Ilocos and Pangasinan in their
905 depravity. Through juxtaposition and contrast among ethnic groups, Saguinsín positions
indigenous loyalists at the center of an ordered colonial world and begins to recuperate
those inspired to revolt by Diego Silang and Juan de la Cruz (‘Palaris’), people who
may have been ‘wretched Indians,’ but who could be led back into the Catholic and His-
panic fold. Whether Saguinsín himself believed the Chinese residents of Manila could also
910 be led to a place of redemption is a question that has no answer. His verses suggest there
was neither promise, nor potential. As modern nationalist scholarship on the Philippines
has shown, it is possible to construct a narrative around the revolts in Ilocos and Panga-
sinan that portrays the indigenous peoples of the archipelago (i.e. the indios) as reluctant
subjects of the Hispanic Monarchy, who eagerly grasped the opportunity to rebel (Agon-
915 cillo 1969, 127–28). Perhaps this is one type of narrative, avant la lettre, that Saguinsín’s
poetry sought to forestall. Like a coin with two sides, indigenous loyalty in Saguinsín’s
writing was backed by Chinese treachery.
920
Locating indigenous letrados
‘These things worthy of their song the Muses will rightly sing … ’
Saguinsín, ‘Address to the Reader,’ 7.
925 Rendered invisible in Ángel Rama’s famous account of Spanish America’s lettered cities
(1984), indigenous writers are now authors to be reckoned with (|Adorno 1987; 2011; Rap-
paport and Cummins 2012; Townsend 2016).50 Among those who take the indigenous
writing seriously, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala now carries the mantle of a canonical
thinker.51 Similarly, Fernando de Alva Cortés Ixtlilxóchitl, author of a rich and varied
930 AQ3 Relación histórica de la nación tulteca (1891), stands side by side with Carlos de Sigüenza
¶ y Góngora, his ethnically Spanish contemporary (Brian 2016). Writers of the eighteenth
century have received less attention, but this is beginning to change.52 However, indigen-
ous letrados who lived in the Asian outposts of the Viceroyalty of New Spain still remain
largely unknown, and the landscape of indigenous literacy in the Spanish Philippines is
935 not yet well charted. This is despite the recent Pacific turn in Latin American ethnohistory.
This said, in focusing on Saguinsín, our objective was not simply to ‘fill in the map.’
Rather, we see his work as bringing into focus a number of issues of consequence for
the history of indigenous writing and early modern Iberian colonialism more broadly.
As Nancy van Deusen (2015) has shown, non-European subjects of the Hispanic Mon-
940 archy who were racialized as indios gave shape and substance to the global empires of the
Habsburgs and Bourbons, in which they were far from passive and immobile. Indigenous
people were, so to speak, globalized through acquiescence and revolt, ritual obeisance and
the labors of daily life, travel and forced relocation. As part of a larger context that
included Guaman Poma, Chimalpahin, and Patricio António López, Saguinsín and his
945 epigrams belong to a world that was economically, socially, culturally and politically con-
nected to the Spanish Americas and profoundly resonant with them. Just as it is common
to think productively in comparative and connected ways about Andean and Novohispa-
nic indigenous letrados within the Americas, we can (and probably should) think in trans-
Pacific terms too. Indeed, Saguinsín, Guaman Poma, and Ixtlilxóchitl in many ways offer
up ‘skewed mirrors’ to each other, to borrow the phrasing of Tamar Herzog (2015, 11),
950 that can fruitfully be brought into alignment.
While such an approach risks flattening distinctions among people and places, it also
encourages scrutiny of cultural similarities and differences among indigenous letrados,
allowing us to reassess familiar—and fundamentally equally homogenizing—metageogra-
phical categories (e.g. the Andes, New Spain, the Spanish Americas, etc.). Taking a ‘global’
955 rather than implicitly Atlantic perspective provides another, not insignificant, interpretive
advantage: it sidesteps a certain ‘(Latin) American exceptionalism’ that exists in the scho-
larship on indigenous intellectuals. Such writing has tended to contrast the Spanish Amer-
icas to Europe, which may have been the destination for cacique supplicants to the crown
(Puente Luna 2014), but produced only regular letrados, not indigenous ones. Considering
960 the larger context of the Iberian World, in turn, unlocks the possibility of interrogating
relationships and practices that were not always (or even primarily) negotiated by way
of Europe, or what modern postcolonial scholars call ‘south-South’ relationships.
Pursuing this to its logical conclusion, Saguinsín’s epigrams also encourage Latin
American ethnohistorians to extend their remit to include non-European letrados who
965 lived in parts of the world under the Crown of Portugal. These are regions of the
Iberian World that for political and linguistic reasons are usually studied separately
from the Hispanophone Americas, although the scholarship on Asia is more integrated
(Boxer 1969). We find that opportunities exist for developing histories of indigenous lit-
eracy and intellectual life in geographical settings that were part of the same monarchy for
970 a good part of the early modern period, and, consequently, subject to many of the same
social, cultural and political strictures and currents (Sáez-Arance 2003). To take a single
example, Saguinsín and other indigenous letrados had a doppelganger in Portuguese
India, a native priest named António João de Frias (1664–1727). Educated by Jesuits at
the College of St Paul in Goa before going onto an illustrious career in the local church
975 (Xavier Barreto and Županov 2015, 265–68), Frias composed an extended and learned his-
torical apologetic, entitled Aureola dos Indios e Nobiliarchia Bracmana, tratado historico,
genealogico, panegyrico, politico, e moral (1702). In this work, Frias defended the historical
rights and privileges of the Brahmin caste to which he belonged. As the hereditary priests
of India who descended from an imperial house, Brahmins, he argued, should have a mon-
980 opoly on the priesthood at the expense of both lower-caste Indians and parvenu Portu-
guese priests.53 Placed in ‘global’ context, these learned indios become less lonely.
Saguinsín was not really ‘a brown voice crying out in the Spanish colonial wilderness,’
as Luciano Santiago once proclaimed (1987, 149). Rather, he sang in harmony with
native scholars in the Philippines, Spanish America, and other parts of the Iberian World.
985 Working in such a broad connected and comparative fashion (what some might call the
paradigm of ‘global history’) de-centers both the Atlantic and the Pacific; at the same time,
it re-situates the Spanish Americas, lending them a powerful, but no longer normative role
when it comes to indigenous writing. This realignment could also open new possibilities
for histories of the Philippines. In a region in which colonial ethnohistory is still in its
990 infancy and nationalist approaches cast a long shadow, these epigrams confound tra-
ditional thinking about imperial desire—a theme that scholars of Filipino history tend
to bind most tightly to the writing, art, economics, and politics of European settler colo-
nizers and their descendants. Consequently, Saguinsín’s verses require that we acknowl-
edge (at least some) Tagalogs, alongside Nahuas, Andeans and Goans, overtly staked a
place for themselves within the colonial world by expressing bald support for imperial
995 representatives, policies and practices. Moreover, this desire was strong enough to be
worth quite a bit of creative labor. Some Latin Americanists may see their own historio-
graphy as a corrective, but this runs counter to our point, which stresses practices and
questions relevant across the Iberian World, not those exported from one part (the Amer-
icas) to the others.
1000 In addition to metageography, the epigrams also raise other theoretical issues. For
many modern readers, one of the most unsettling aspects of Saguinsín’s writing comes
from its explicit endorsement of Hispanic imperium. Postcolonial critiques of the last
thirty years, which have propelled historians—and especially those of the Spanish Philip-
pines or Spanish Americas who actively chart manifestations of indigenous ‘resistance’—
1005 make it difficult to acknowledge Saguinsín’s contributions and take the poet-priest at his
word. Indigenous agency in the Philippines, it has been argued, rarely involved such
fawning eulogies of representatives of the Hispanic Monarchy (Rafael 1993; Irving
2010, 3). This historiography allies with certain recent trends in Latin American ethnohis-
tory, which has lately shown an expansive interest in ‘negotiation’ (Ruiz Medrano, Kellogg
1010 and Davidson 2010; Díaz 2010). Yet the strategies of eighteenth-century indigenous
writers do not necessarily fall in line with this approach (Villella 2016; Dueñas 2010,
207). It is becoming increasingly clear that indigenous loyalism, which more than a few
indigenous people embraced as a virtue, required patterns of thought and behavior that
were nuanced and diffuse, in which seemingly contradictory gestures tied allegiance to
1015 strong-willed acts of self-interest. Ethnicity and imperial desire certainly correlated, but
this equation had many variables. Reading Saguinsín’s epigrams alongside analogous
American or other works, we might conclude that combinations of micropatriotic
ethnic pride and elaborate performances of imperial loyalty were much more common
and organic than previously thought.54 Pushing a bit further, Saguinsín’s work raises a
1020 broader question for scholars of colonialism: what does it mean for indigenous people
to be loyal in the early modern world—both during times of war, and during those of
peace? In other words, are static categories like ‘indigenous loyalty,’ ‘resistance,’ and
perhaps even ‘negotiation’—be they beliefs or sets of performances—good to think with
at all?
1025 If this is one issue Saguinsín’s writing raises about indigeneity in the context of Latin
American Studies, there is a second, no less compelling one. From the perspective of
Latin American ethnohistory, the writings of a Southeast Asian letrado pressures familiar
truths about how learned indios discussed and categorized other non-Europeans. Saguin-
sín’s extended diatribe against the ethnic Chinese inhabitants of the Philippines reaffirms
1030 that the Iberian World was not made up, nor forged through the actions of only Spanish,
indigenous and mixed populations. Rather, imperial policies, geopolitical changes, and
economic practices brought—and more than infrequently, forced—peoples from
various parts of the world together under Iberian rule. Although Chimalpahin’s descrip-
tion of the 1610 Japanese embassy to Mexico City and Guaman Poma’s descriptions of
1035 Africans in Peru are well known, little sustained work has been done on how learned
indios in the Spanish Americas perceived non-Spanish groups. This is somewhat
surprising given the rise of Afro-Latin American history as a subfield and our increasing
appreciation of the extent of the interactions between those of African and indigenous
descent (Restall 2005). Admittedly, few Latin Americanists are interested in what was
once called ‘otherness.’ Yet, Saguinsín’s writing, especially when set against that of
1040 other indigenous letrados, poses tricky questions about early modern practices of social
incorporation—namely, what constituted ‘us’ for indigenous writers (and under what con-
ditions), and, beyond this, what was considered an acceptable poetics of inclusion? Cer-
tainly, Saguinsín’s writing, coming as it does from the Philippines and in the form of
epigrams, undermines any pat thinking about the lived experience and representation
1045 of belonging.
Finally, Saguinsín’s poetry brings to the fore the issue of what we mean by ‘indigenous
content.’ Looking beyond the traditional features of the ‘lettered city,’ namely manuscript
and print culture, Joanne Rappaport and Tom Cummins have observed that:
indigenous participants in the literate world—particularly the native nobility […] cannot be
1050
understood as simple pawns of it. They participated actively in colonial culture, engaging new
technologies of literacy, both alphabetic and visual, and new forms of expression [… and]
subtly transformed these genres, infusing them with indigenous content, thereby creating
new representations that were colonial in nature. (2012, 189–90; our emphasis)
While there is much evidence to support their view, and the interpretive politics that
1055
undergird it have considerable appeal, the precise meaning of this turn of phrase in
Saguinsín’s and perhaps other cases is far from clear. How is this category constituted
and what does it embrace? Saguinsín’s epigrams certainly display knowledge of local cul-
tural forms and espouse recognizable forms of ethnic micropatriotism. But is this enough?
As the product of a robust late humanist education and composed in Latin, the Epigram-
1060
mata probably do not represent the Platonic form of an indigenous artifact for most eth-
nohistorians, but at what point is ‘indigenous content’ crowded out by colonial
conventions or the use of an arch-European language like Latin (which—it bears under-
lining—most ethnic Spaniards did not know)? Related to this, we wonder whether it is
appropriate to judge the elegance or eloquence of Saguinsín’s writing. His images and
1065
metaphors of course drew inspiration from and played with other modes of represen-
tation—poetry, allegorical writing, painting, and performance. How sophisticated were
his allusion and evocations of imagined—not only lived—worlds? If his work were
deemed excellent in this regard, it could tell us something about the sophistication and
artfulness of colonial indigeneity, but what if his work were found wanting?
1070
More often than not, modern scholars have cast ancestry—in all the ways it was
assigned, claimed, and denied—as the defining ‘indigenous’ feature of indigenous
writing. This path presents relatively little resistance (and one which both authors of
this article haven trodden at one time or another). In self-identifying as ‘Tagalog,’ as
Saguinsín does on the title page of the 1766 edition of his epigrams, he clearly acknowl-
1075
edges, and perhaps even celebrates, his status as an indigenous person.55 Ultimately,
though, whether, and how, this particular claim to ethnicity, made in print in a book of
gift poetry, infused his work is an open question. Coming to terms with the scope of
this is as daunting as it is important. For us, this is why reading Saguinsín in the
context of colonial Latin America matters. His particular ‘extreme case’ challenges us to
1080
grapple with colonial indigeneity in ways that reading the writing of indigenous letrados
in the Spanish Americas alone cannot. There are, of course, those who have gone as far as
to question the validity of the category of ‘indigenous’ in a global monarchy, in which each
kingdom had a body of ‘indigenous’ residents (Ruiz Ibáñez 2016).56 But this is not our
position. In the end, we see Saguinsín’s work as integral to current histories of indigeneity
1085 as it is more conventionally understood. There was something undeniably different about
the settler colonial societies created by Iberian expansion, even though the nature of this
difference may have been misconstrued.
By way of conclusion, we will say that Saguinsín’s work requires us to reconsider the
ways in which writing enabled indigenous people to perform subject positions, not
1090 merely document them. In arguing that his writing should be read as ‘art,’ we are also
making a plea for a greater attention to the confections and conjurings of indigenous
writing, and not just by literature specialists or art historians. The paintings with which
we opened highlight ways of knowing the early modern world that were widely resonant,
for their imagery as well as their style of representation. Saguinsín’s poetry shows us how
1095 other, highly stylized accounts of the Seven Years’ War might argue an imperial cause. In
his case, indigenous loyalism emerges as virtuous in direct opposition to the treachery of
British, South Asian and Chinese ‘foreigners,’ for whom assimilation was, in Saguinsín’s
verses, neither desirable nor possible. Because of this, his work raises the question of
what we know (and think) about both loyalty in the Iberian World, and how we should
1100 think about the ways it was clearly mobilized by indigenous people to comment upon
AQ4 the impossibility of social inclusion. Moreover, for this poet-priest, that which was good
¶ and indigenous was not defined only by ancestry or language, but by the opportunities
for cultural belonging in the wake of war. With this in mind, perhaps the most honest
reading we can offer of Saguinsín is the one that acknowledges the multiplicity and com-
1105 plexity of the issues he sought to resolve by invoking Latin verse, theological thinking,
racializing gestures and ethnic aggrandizement through the medium of colonial print
culture. If his ambitions—and our collective aversion to their colonial politics—unsettle
our thinking about colonial indigeneity, his work also, rather unexpectedly, invites us to
consider the labor required to make a place for oneself in the Iberian World.
1110
Notes
1. It is only relatively recently that scholars have begun to examine the ‘global’ dimensions of
the Seven Years’ War (Danley and Speelman 2013). For background on the Pacific in particu-
1115 lar, see, for instance, Flannery 2016 and Mancini 2018.
2. Serres knew first-hand both the trans-Atlantic voyage and the city of Havana; after the Seven
Years’ War, he became influential in the London art world as a founding member of the
Royal Academy and, after 1780, served George III as Marine Painter. For a rather laudatory
account of his career, see Russett 2001. This is one of several scenes of Havana that Serres
painted for patrons who played leading roles (on the British side) during the war.
1120 3. Numbered entries correspond to the panels that hug the painting’s border, and key actors are
clearly identified, be they groups—e.g. the British, indios, or Chinese—or individuals—e.g.
Don Simón de Anda y Salazar, Don José Busto, and Doña María Lenor Josepha, an indigen-
ous woman (Yndia principal). The legend itself has been painted over other vignettes and
may well be a later addition. We thank the Museo de Bellas Artes, Alava, for sharing both
a high-resolution image of the painting and a transcription of the legend.
1125 4. Here, we use the term ‘Iberian’ to refer to the common colonial projects and religio-cultural
standards within and emanating from the Iberian Peninsula during the early modern period,
and ‘Hispanic’ to refer specifically to the Hispanic Monarchy (i.e. the Spanish Habsburgs and
Bourbons) and to those populations who were ‘hispanized’ in the wake of its expansion.
5. The terminus post quem of the poem is May 1765 when Simón de Anda was elected to the
Council of Castile. Little scholarship exists on the verses beyond their acknowledgment in
basic bibliographic works, although Mojares (2013) summarizes Saguinsín’s biography and
1130 the historical context of his epigrams, concluding: ‘Earnest and academic, they are the
verses of a believer’ (87).
6. Our use of the term letrado corresponds with the wider scholarship on culture and coloni-
alism in the Spanish Americas largely inspired by Angel Rama (1984), rather than with
early modern Castilian usage, where the term referred to a lawyer who held a university
degree. See, for instance, Jason Dyck (2015) for a review of recent work on this theme.
1135
7. This meta-geographical perspective aligns with what might be called ‘New Imperial History,’
which seeks to build a panoramic vision of Iberian colonial projects, while rejecting earlier
imperial apologist, national-imperial, and postcolonial approaches. See, for instance,
Cardim et al. 2012, Hamann 2015, and Herzog 2015; we understand this turn as anticipated
in many ways by the work of Charles Boxer 1969.
8. Admittedly, our approach does little to heal the split between readings of Spanish American
1140
literature that tend to be more ‘literary’ and those that highlight the ‘anthropological’ (Bush
1996). Readers will quickly notice that we have also chosen to sidestep the evaluative claims
made about the literary quality and ambition of eighteenth-century poetry written in the
Spanish colonies, including Rama’s contention that poetry was one of the literary arts prac-
ticed in the cities of viceregal America whose shortcomings were due to ‘the spirit of coloni-
1145
zation itself’ (1984, 18). Among the other topics we leave to others: the role Saguinsín’s
writing should play in the history of Philippine literature and/or the Spanish Enlightenment
(Stolley 2013; Tolentino 2003), and comparisons of his poetry to contemporary poetry
written about Anda in Spain (Jaén y Castillo 1765). While we view these topics as important,
as an initial study of his work we have chosen to focus on other issues.
9. Each of the twelve epigrams, all of which are in elegiacs (i.e. hexameter and pentameter coup-
1150 lets), runs between fourteen and thirty lines. See Appendix 1.
10. From the seventeenth century onwards, loas were written for a wide range of occasions and
performed at public events, including the arrival of captains-general in Manila (Retana
1892a/b; Irving 2004; 2010).
11. In his quip, Saguinsín turned to the adjectival form of Virgil’s hometown (Andine): ‘Not with
Andine verses (versibus Andinis) do I record the British War’ (1766, ‘To the Reader,’ 1).
1155 12. Maps, navigation books, festival books, schoolbooks, sermons and legal opinions were also
printed in the Philippines during this period.
13. For a sense of context, the fifth edition of Ang Mahal na Pasion (1704), a Tagalog religious
poem based on the Passion by Gaspar Aquino de Belen (Lumbera 1968; Rafael 1993), was
illustrated by Francisco Suarez (fl. 1738) and Nicolás de la Cruz Bagay (c. 1701–1770),
both of whom worked on projects with the Jesuit Pedro Murillo Velarde (Irving 2010, 32–
1160 33). And the now well-published allegorical map Aspecto simbólico del mundo hispánico of
Vicente de Memije (1761) represents the work of the Tagalog engraver Lorenzo Atlas.
14. This was especially true of the eighteenth century, although see Laird (2014) on Nahua intel-
lectuals who wrote in humanist Latin in the sixteenth century. These earlier texts, which
follow the conventions of humanist epistolography, strike something of the same rhetorical
tone as the epigrams.
1165 15. On López’s cataloguing of painted manuscripts that had been collected by Lorenzo Boturini
in the mid-eighteenth century, see, Hidalgo (forthcoming).
16. Los Ángeles played a significant role in ongoing conflicts with the ‘moro pirates.’ He also
served in the defense of Manila against the British during the Seven Years’ War, and was
appointed constable of the fortress of Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Iloilo (García-Abásolo
2014, 237–39). Saguinsín may have been better educated than his Maecenas, but Los
1170 Ángeles was better traveled. Indeed, as far as we can ascertain, Saguinsín never left the
Philippines.
17. We have not found an inventory of Saguinsín’s personal books, but a sense of the possibilities
can be gleaned from the books owned by contemporary Jesuit priests (Manila, National
Archive of the Philippines, SDS 1821).
18. On eighteenth-century Jesuit Latinity, see Haskell 2003.
19. A series of cédulas reales dating from 1677 mandated the foundation of seminaries for native
1175 priests in the Indies. These were meant to reduce the reliance on the religious orders and sup-
plement the local, ethnically Spanish secular clergy. In keeping with many royal decrees,
however, these cédulas reales took some considerable time to be implemented in the
Philippines.
20. The earlier period of indigenous education in the Philippines mirrored the creation of a class
of Hispanized (although not clerical) caciques in the Andes (Adorno 1991).
1180
21. The Seminario de San Clemente (renamed the Seminario de san Felipe in 1715) was founded
in 1705 to train native clergy, but in 1707 the new archbishop of Manila, Francisco de la
Cuesta, excluded indios and mestizos. How long this exclusion lasted is unclear since we
have little information about where native priests studied before receiving their degrees
from the University of Santo Tomás, although it seems to have been at least a decade, if
not longer (Santiago 1987).
1185
22. Vicente Rafael, in his compelling analysis of the relationship between translation and colonial
power, reads Totanés’s text as a prime example of missionary thinking about the ways
Tagalog transgresses Castilian phonetics (1993, 51–54). Yet, the document was approved
for publication by Saguinsín, who self-identified as Tagalog and certainly knew the language.
This complicates, but does not necessarily negate Rafael’s point. Because Saguinsín goes
1190
unmentioned, however, Rafael contributes to the poet-priest’s modern invisibility.
23. A copy survives in manuscript: Saguinsín 1762. Our thanks to Jorge Mojarro Romero for
bringing this to our attention.
24. In violation of their promise not to commandeer private property, British troops and their
allies turned Saguinsín’s house into a barracks after the captured archbishop of Manila
begged them to stop using the church itself (Madras Record Office 1940, V:167).
1195 25. As one Spanish account put it, however, ‘The parish priest of Quiapo […] recovered from his
wounds, but not from the pain caused by the desecration of his church and the other afore-
mentioned atrocities’ (Documentos 1908, 291).
26. The tree is glossed in Saguinsín 1766, X, argumentum as a ‘long and leafy palm-tree, whose
spread-out branches at times made a pleasant verdant image and at others came together into
a single trunk and several times made the shape of an anchor.’
1200 27. Out of the seven instances of hispanus and hispanicus in the epigrams, only once does
Saguinsín mean specifically ethnic Spaniards: ‘And killing the Spaniards and priests that
they had’ (Saguinsín 1766,VIII.10).
28. This theme is sounded at the end of the poem, when Saguinsín calls Anda ‘a glittering star / In
the Hispanic sky’ (Hispano caelo) (Saguinsín 1766, XII.19–20).
29. See, for instance, Arcilla 1971.
1205 30. It remains unclear whether Santos y Salazar authored the drama or largely copied and
adapted it from others’ manuscripts (Luciani 2008, 405).
31. In adopting this language, Saguinsín shows a willingness to accept a (by then) long-standing
category born in the post-Conquest Americas that flattened the rich diversity among the
indigenous inhabitants of the ‘Indies.’ This category he juxtaposes with more precise
ethnic categories, seemingly without contradiction.
1210 32. Pampangos have been identified as serving in Spanish militias in the Philippines and
throughout Asia during the early modern period (Borao Mateo 2013; Mawson 2016).
Their characterization as loyal to the Spanish Crown during the Seven Years’ War is
borne out by British sources: ‘tho’ undisciplin’d, and armed only with Lances, Bows and
Arrow, yet by a daring resolution and Contempt of Death they became not only troublesome
but formidable’ (UK, Kew, National Archives, ADM, 1/162 (2), f. 39r).
1215 33. Recent scholarship suggests that these revolts were motivated less by proto-nationalist anti-
Spanish sentiment than by hostile reaction to particular officials who exploited local
populations despite instructions from the Crown to protect them. See, for instance, Palanco
and Arcilla 2002.
34. Indeed, ‘Wretched Indians’ (Indi miseri) is a turn of phrase that recalls the designation of
non-elite indigenous peoples in the Americas and the Philippines as minors before the law
(Castañeda Delgado 1971).
1220 35. ‘Sangley’ is a term used exclusively in the Philippines to refer to Chinese traders, as opposed
to the more generic Spanish work chino (‘Chinese’).
36. The scholarship on Chinese immigration to the Philippines and Spanish Americas is bur-
geoning. A now-classic set of essays on the Chinese residents of Manila appears in Felix
1966. Recent scholarship includes studies by Chia 2006, Chu 2010, Crewe 2015, Gebhardt
2017, and Gil 2011; see also Seijas (2014) on Asian slaves in the Spanish Americas, and
1225
Slack on Chinese people who settled in New Spain (2009).
37. A poetic contest held in Manila in 1611 to celebrate the beatification of Ignatius of Loyola
represents one example. Over 200 submissions were received and publicly displayed, includ-
ing works written in Latin, Greek, Italian, Castilian, Basque, ‘Mexican,’ Tagalog, and Visayan
(Summers 1998).
38. The authors express gratitude to Carl Kubler and Richard Lim for sharing their knowledge of
1230
late imperial Chinese poetics, and to Kubler, in particular, for allowing us to work with, and
publish, his English translation.
39. Mass killings and expulsions of either non-Christian Chinese residents or the whole Chinese
population took place every generation or so between 1603 and 1755. On the commercial
incentives for Chinese people in Manila and their repeated return to the city, see, especially,
1235
Gil 2011, 409–28, 544–60.
40. Apart from Quiapo and the Parián, two other sections of Manila were known for their large
Chinese populations in the eighteenth century: Binondo and Santa Cruz, neither of which
was far from Quiapo. We have not found an inventory of Saguinsín’s church from the
mid-eighteenth century, but it was very likely supplied with goods purchased and/or made
in the Parián. This hints at another connection between the priest and Chinese people in
1240 Manila. See Irving (2010, 306 n.126) for inventories of extramuros churches made in the
1780s.
41. Across the Iberian World, the intersection of biology, ethnicity, class and morality surfaced in
the arts in a number of ways. Today perhaps the best-known examples are the casta paintings
created in New Spain but prints and public performances were other settings where such
thinking circulated, especially in the Spanish Americas (Katzew and Deans-Smith 2009).
1245 42. The decree arrived in 1767 and was executed over a period of several years, as part of a policy
which stayed in place until the arrival of governor José Basco y Vargas in 1778 (Escoto 1999;
2000).
43. The image forms part of a collection of papers related to the Anda family held in the New-
berry Library. Since we have not yet found other examples, we cannot say more about how
such images—including perhaps versions more complete—once circulated.
1250 44. Lietz (1956, 98) identifies this second, smaller figure as Anda’s son, who also appears in
epigram VIII.
45. The severed heads in the image perhaps cued thoughts (or memories) of the heads of crim-
inals displayed in public places in Manila, which has been documented for Chinese rebellions
in the seventeenth century (Gebhardt 2017, 186).
46. See Irving for a related observation in the context of Spanish and other European responses
1255 to Chinese music in eighteenth-century Manila (2010, 228).
47. In considering works that pre- and post-date Saguinsín’s poetry, we are suggesting that, with
the luxury of a long-view, it becomes possible to see things about cultural production in the
Iberian World that were not necessarily ‘on the surface’—for Saguinsín or his
contemporaries.
48. Ravenet’s images, which include sketches of mulattas, señoritas and Amerindians in Manila,
1260 express a sustained interest in what today might be called ethnographic description. Some of
his imagery echoes that of early modern costume books; his portraits of people from Guam
and the hills outside Manila (where the ‘unconquered’ lived) are particularly bold in their
evocation of ‘the exotic.’ See Carmen Sotos Serrano for a biography and brief analysis of
Ravenet’s work (1982, 85–98).
49. The scholarship on Chinese visual and material culture as it circulated through the Spanish
Americas, and particularly into and through New Spain, has grown significantly in the last
1265 several years. See, for instance, Carr 2015, Curiel 2007, Leibsohn 2012, Pierce and Otsuka
2009, and Priyadarshini 2018. On trans-Pacific thinking bound to the Philippines and its
effects on architectural projects, see Mancini 2011.
50. The literature on this theme is large and growing. We cite here just a few examples, offering a
sense of its range.
51. Alan Durston recently called him ‘an icon of the struggle of bicultural, Spanish-speaking elite
1270
Andeans,’ who sought make sense of and reshape the colonial world (2014, 165).
52. Much, although not all, of this scholarship has been produced by scholars writing in English,
for example, Díaz 2015, Dueñas 2010, Haas 2011, McDonough 2014, Puente Luna 2014,
Ramos and Yannakakis 2014, and Villella 2016.
53. While the challenges of learning the languages and historiographies necessary to compare the
lives and works of Saguinsín, Guaman Poma and Frias should not to be underestimated,
1275
Latin Americanists already deal with diffuse sources and contexts when working compara-
tively with the Andes and central or Southern Mexico, which also feature strikingly dissimilar
legal regimes, diverse native languages and divergent cultural traditions.
54. On loyalty in the Iberian World compare, for example, Echeverri 2011, Gharala 2018,
Mawson 2016 and Pike 1960. Among scholars of modernity, writing on the theme of colo-
1280
nialism, warfare, and loyalty has been more vibrant, see, for instance, Varnava 2017.
AQ5 55. ‘Tagalog’ was itself a category inextricably bound up with Spanish colonialism (Rafael 1988, 16),
¶ as was indio.
56. This line of thinking is partly supported by Saguinsín’s use of the Latin word indigena to
mean ‘resident’ (Saguinsín 1766, title page), an echo of Virgil’s usage in the Aeneid, where
the inhabitants of Latium (in contrast to the recently arrived Trojans) are indigenae
1285 (XII.823); interestingly, in the Castilian translation of the epigrams, indigena is translated
as residente (Newberry Library, ms Ayer 223, folder 15, f. 1r).
57. This is a play on words taking advantage of the similarity between Anda’s name and Vergil’s
birthplace, Andes.
58. I.e. Charles III (r. 1759–1788).
59. Saguinsín uses ‘British’ and ‘English’ interchangeably.
1290 60. Cf. Inst. 1,1,3–4: iuris praecepta sunt haec: honeste vivere, alterum non laedere, suum cuique
tribuere.
61. 1766 edition: Eccipe.
62. The 1766 edition notes: Ab Ande Vico non procula Mantua Virgilii Patria.
63. Cf. Vergil, Aen. 1.1:
Arma virumque cano Troiae, qui primus ab oris.
1295 64. Cf. Ovid, Amores, II.XVII.19–20:
Vulcano Venerem, quamvis incude relicta
turpiter obliquo claudicet ille pede.
65. Cf. Virgil, Ec. X.69: Omnia uincit amor: et nos cedamus amori.
66. 1766: proditorie.
67. 1766 edition: mystos.
1300 68. 1766 edition: sedare.
69. 1766: S. Crux.
70. 1766: ter.
71. Cf. Vergil, Aen. I.94: Talia voce refert: ‘O terque quaterque beati’.
72. 1766 edition: fussis.
73. Cf. Vergil, Aeneid, VII.104–5, IX.473–75, XI.139–40, etc.
1305 74. 1766 edition: ..plura habet et tribuit.
75. i.e., what is grown in the earth and what is grown in the water, or all flora.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the participants—Alcira Dueñas, Travis Jeffres and Camilla Town-
send—and audience at their panel ‘Indigenous Visions of Global Empire: Native Conceptions of
Imperial Space in the Iberian World,’ held at the 2016 American Society for Ethnohistory Confer-
1310 ence in Nashville. They are also grateful to Carl Kubler for translating the Chinese elegy, Jorge
Mojarro Romero for providing additional bibliographical advice, Kristie Flannery for helping us
identify Mateo de los Ángeles, Richard Lim for sharing his expertise on Chinese poetry and
history, and the members of the Neo-Latin Studies Seminar at the University of Cambridge
(2015) for their feedback on Saguinsín’s Latinity. Finally, they would like to express their gratitude
to Kris Lane, for his patience and sage advice throughout the process, and to the two anonymous
1315 reviewers for their constructive feedback.
Biographical notes
Stuart M. McManus is an historian and classicist working on pre-modern Hispanic culture from a
1320 global and multi-ethnic perspective. He received his PhD. in history (secondary field in classical
philology) from Harvard, and is currently Assistant Professor of Pre-Modern World History at
the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Prior to this, he taught Mexican and ancient Mediterranean
history at the University of Chicago, where he was the inaugural postdoctoral fellow at the Institute
on the Formation of Knowledge.
Dana Leibsohn is Alice Pratt Brown Professor of Art at Smith College. Her research focuses on indi-
1325 genous visual culture and architecture in the Americas and trans-Pacific trade in the early modern
period. She has published on indigenous maps and manuscripts, hybridity in colonial visual culture,
the trade between China and Mexico, and the early modern history of Manila. With funding from
the Terra Foundation for American Art, she is co-directing a project, ‘Pacific America: Art, Travel
and Collecting, 1750–1850,’ with Giorgio Riello (University of Warwick). Her research has been
supported by grants from the ACLS, the Andrew Mellon Foundation, the Getty Research Foun-
1330 dation, and the National Endowment for the Humanities.
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1560
Appendix 1
Stuart M. McManus
The following represents the first edition and English translation of Bartolomé Saguinsín, Epigram-
1565 mata (1766). The spelling in Latin has been normalized according to the conventions of The I Tatti
Renaissance Library, and any obvious typographical, although not metrical infelicities, have been
corrected.
Translation
1570
Epigrams, such as they are, of a rejoicing heart, dedicated offered and consecrated to the most illustrious
Doctor don Simon de Anda y Salazar
Onetime most worthy senator of the Audiencia of Manila and most evenhanded oidor of criminal cases
Governor and Commander in Chief of all the provinces of the islands of this archipelago of the Philippines
during the troubling times of war started by the British, and the most deserving head of the Real Audiencia
Now, however, raised to the honor of member of the council of Castile of his Catholic Majesty, and for his
1575
merits it is hoped by all that he will receive even greater honors
by
Bachelor Bartolomé Saguinsín Tagalog Indian, priest to the people of Quiapo, and most humble synodal
examiner of morality and Tagalog language in this archdiocese, and most dedicated admirer of the same
don Simón.
Printed on the press of the convent of Our Lady of Loreto in Sampaloc, 1766
At the expense of Mateo de los Angeles originally from Binondo, and a resident for some years in Quiapo.
1580
Dedication
Distinguished hero and outstanding consul,

Whom both poles applaud for your commendable deeds,
1585 To whom the Hispanic world gives public praise
And laurels worthy of your extraordinary feats.
And whom Luzon acknowledges as father of the fatherland
And all Manila as her protector.
Thereupon, rich and poor both clamor
That you are their savior and divinely appointed guardian.
1590 This gift is unworthy, although it comes from the heart,
Not daring to raise its face to meet you.
For indeed I perceive your inapproachable majesty
Not, I resolve, to be sanctified with the incense of a small gift.
But no one is in doubt that you will grace it with a glance.
For, being pious and clement, you know how to give each their due.
1595 It is, of course, a tiny offering, no sacrifice of a hundred oxen;
You will, however, not be dissatisfied with this unworthy gift.
Please allow with tranquil countenance, oh upstanding consul,
This timid offering to approach your highness.
Do not turn your back on this trifling reward of duty.
Accept what are the pious prayers of my heart.
1600 Yet, here I recount your deeds with an untried Minerva
But no clouds cover the light of the sun.
The following pages will fear the judgment of the learned
But they will read of the strength of the consul’s virtue.
Please accept this gift from the least of your many admirers
Who with pious affection proffers this offering.
1605 I am no Virgil, Ovid, nor another Homer,
By whose verses you should be celebrated,
Nor does the flute of the Muses lend me song.
Love alone furnishes me with this courage.
For truly I believe that no one should sing the praises of a single one
Of your opponents for any good deeds of theirs.
1610 But love, abandoning such things, bravely stutters
Words about the honor which you possessed.
To the Reader
1615
Not with Andine57 verses do I record the British War,
When Manila was captured by force of arms.
Nor our arms, which put to flight not twice, but many times
The English forces, who were repelled in the slaughter.
Nor, for instance, by what encampments the British were surrounded
1620 And finally cornered and defeated on the outskirts of the city.
These things worthy of their song the Muses will rightly sing
With draughts from the fountain of Helicon.

Such lofty heights are beyond my powers
Words fail me and my Muse is silent
I sing of deeds and a man, who since he is the greatest of heroes,
Gazes on the tiny work of his admirer,
1625 And respectfully holds his tongue and suffers my blottings,
Forgiving the feet even though they limp.
Farewell.
1630 Epigram I
Summary: During the siege, the day before the British entered Manila by force of arms, the Real
Audiencia sent Don Simón de Anda, who was one of the oidores, to protect and encourage the
Indians in the jurisdiction of the Catholic monarch.
The day before Manila was captured by British forces,
1635 Anda was sent forth to attend to the local people.
The Real Audiencia sent him to steady the trembling Indians
And at the same time to maintain the rule of law.
He left immediately followed by no accompanying crowd
And in this, he had no help from funds or force.
Where are you hurrying, oh great Simón? Where are you heading unprotected?
1640 Consider the people you will encounter, and the dangers you are rushing into.
People unfaithful to God, with undecided hearts
Who know no law and whose word means nothing.
The wretched Sangleys haunt the streets, an ungodly and treacherous race;
The envious Sangley prepares for you a cruel death.
You seemed to me to have been sent like a lamb to the slaughter.
1645 Who thinks that your defenses will hold?
Go, but arm yourself with the sturdy force of virtue.
Love of God and country conquers all.
1650 Epigram II
Summary: As soon as Don Simón arrived in [the] Province of Bulacán, he was informed of the
capture of Manila, and so he sent out an edict to all the provinces that reminded them that the
Catholic monarch, not the British monarch was their lord, and Anda himself now served as the
King’s governor and the head of the Real Audiencia, as stipulated by Hispanic law. He immediately
1655
brought together the leading caciques and principales from both the neighboring provinces of
Bulacán and Pampagna to swear fealty to Charles III, which they did gladly.
Once our magnanimous hero had arrived in Bulacán,
Whose people are the most prominent of the region,
As soon as he knew that the city had been taken
And the governor and the Audiencia captured
1660 He sent out an edict to the people commanding them
To obey and pledge allegiance to the Catholic Monarch.
What support did you have, oh great Simón, in all this?
And how did you make them recognize you as governor?
The Indians, deceived by lies and cowering in fear
Will set traps for you and attack you.
1665 Fortune favors the brave! Finish what you started!
The Lord has appointed you and will always be at your side.
Anda called the elders, leading men and caciques

From Pampanga and Bulacán, which are neighboring provinces.
He ordered them to swear fealty to Charles,58
To the Hispanic laws and their duties and never to abandon them.
This was astonishing since the English had promised them
1670 Freedom from both Hispanic rule and tribute.
But what was all the more amazing was that the Indians kept their word.
The unwavering fidelity of the Indians was not in doubt.
Oh great hero, your voice embodied in the minds of the Indians
Strong and unwavering virtue and great trustworthiness.
1675
Epigram III
Summary: The English summoned to Manila Don Simón de Anda, who was held up in the main
town of the Bulacán Province a few miles from the city. He had already been proclaimed and recog-
1680
nized as governor, head of the Real Audiencia and commander of Spain’s forces by all the Provinces
of the Philippine Islands after Manila had been captured along with the governor and the city’s
inhabitants, who were forced to swear loyalty to the English and to keep an oath not to take up
arms against them.
Your rivals, the English,59 called for you, Anda, with treacherous intentions,
Summoning and ordering you back to the city.
1685 Feigning good faith, the cunning English called for you
Perhaps because you could hinder their plans.
They declare their peaceful intentions, but do not put down their weapons.
They lie in wait to strike the incautious and their word is not to be trusted.
They want to convince you that it would not be a disgrace
To abandon the King’s laws and your honor.
1690 The English wanted to give orders to a man, over whom they have no authority.
I am amazed nor do I understand their reasoning.
They call on you to be their subject and to be faithful to them.
It was a foolish thing, I think, or they lacked all forethought.
Englishmen, why do you give orders to those you do not command?
Neither can he obey nor does he want to.
1695
You think it is rash to render service to one’s King
And preserve the laws of one’s lord and master?
Epigram IV
1700
Summary: Since Governor Simón de Anda did not heed the English order and summons, they
declared him a traitor and a rebel against both the Catholic Monarch and his Britannic Majesty
and declared him an outlaw, putting a price of five thousand escudos on his head.
Who is called a traitor in a hoarse whisper?
The loud herald shouts out ‘Anda is a traitor!’
1705 O madness, oh rage, what insanity has seized you!
Is it treason to keep the laws of your sovereign?
A man has been declared a traitor, who serves as governor,
And commands and serves. This is what our law commands.
You promised five thousand dollars, oh Britisher,
In exchange for his severed head, a greater sum than the wealth of all England.
1710 But why this crime? Do you lack strong fortresses?
He who fears the sword also dreads Mammon’s power.
Do you stand against common decency? Put aside your tricks

And wage war with your strength, arms and men.
Now, I dare say, you have given up all hope.
Nay, perhaps you have seen that you have much to fear.
1715
Epigram V
Summary: Having received news of the vicious edict, in which the English declared him a traitor to
both the Catholic king and his Britannic Majesty and sentenced him to death, Don Simón de Anda
sent out his own edict, copies of which were also placed in certain places in the city, which declared
1720
similarly that the English were the real traitors against both the Catholic King and his Britannic
Majesty, or rather, against law both divine and human, and the laws of both men and of
warfare. He also promised ten thousand dollars for each of their severed heads.
Upon hearing of the English mockery,
The Governor wasted no time in responding.
1725 Throwing the vile edict of the British back in their faces,
He produced his own audacious reply.
Which he dispatched to all the Indians and to Manila as well.
It declared that the English were guilty of treachery
And had conspired against both the Catholic Monarch and his Britannic Majesty,
Against the laws, peoples and the very heavens.
1730 Without reverence for religion they invaded churches,
Plundered, degraded, and stole sacred vessels.
The camp followers put on church vestments in jest
Donning them without regard for faith or holiness.
You break your sworn word to the people and to God!
This is their nature, nor does reason ever darken their door.
1735 Do you censure the English for their crimes and impieties, Simón,
And condemn them without fear?
For every English commander whose head is worth one thousand coins
You promise to give that ten-fold.
The enemy is battle-hardened; the foe is a fierce force.
Do you scorn them without fear? What support do you have?
1740
You are David against Goliath. Against you stands an unyielding force.
Yet, you will triumph. Lo, God is with you!
Epigram VI
1745
Summary: The Sangleyes supported the British and treacherously conspired against the Catholic
King, opposing Don Simón, the Governor, who was at that time in the town of Bacolor, the
capital of Pampanga Province. This conspiracy was miraculously discovered, and in an even
more miraculous series of events was put down as an example to others.
What torturous madness burns in the hearts of the Sangleyes?
1750 It is a burning rage against the life of the Governor.
For the conflagration of their rage slowly envelopes them
And is only to be extinguished by his death.
O Sangleyes, what frenzy lashes your souls
And mysteriously overwhelms your hearts?
Such madness digs for you wide graves!
1755 For whoever sets snares for others, falls in himself.
This is the work of cruel Furies and a godless people.
I ask you what harm the pious Anda has done to any one of you?
That he understands your people, and that he himself looks to their interests,
Does this offend your eyes and stir you up?
Who heard of such things? Your sickness has been diagnosed and demands
That a doctor attend and administer the medicine.
1760 Behold Simón stops them in their tracks.
Although his forces are few, Jupiter backs his cause.
These things I recount are marvelous yet true.
Two thousand or more attack, yet none are injured.
Onwards Simón, whom I should call a new Alexander!
While the Macedonian conqueror was once wounded, you are without injury.
1765
Simón sets upon them, and hems in the beleaguered enemy.
He captures many, those who did not flee.
Exact the punishments that should be meted out
To that depraved race! Put down the awful crime!
1770
Epigram VII
Summary: Once Don Simón had collected his troops, set up camps, defeated numerous British
forces, and strengthened his position with arms and funds, many citizens who had escaped from
the British, along with the Royal auditor with the other members of the Real Audiencia, sought
1775
refuge with him, and were given asylum. A Philippine Galleon was also taken from the English
under the direction of Anda.
What a metamorphosis! What an amazing transformation!
Before Anda was a mere official, now he is the commanding offer.
When did Minerva teach him to lead the vanguard of the forces of Mars?
1780 In fact now the learned Dr. Anda commands men of war.
Now he who was sent alone and arrived without a military escort
Now approaches surrounded by valiant men at arms.
But who has given you soldiers and weapons
To wage war on British strongholds?
The outer wall has become a haven
1785 For all those who come and flee to your fortress.
High-minded citizens, who are so weighed down with cares,
Here is your solace! Cast off your hated bonds!
Now that the Audiencia has fled to our forces
And enemy has been driven out, Anda will take care of them
And prudently seize the riches of the galleon, Filipina,
1790 From the hands of the British, of this there should be no doubt.
Indeed, he will also faithfully make sure to protect
The treasure, which the now lightened ship carried.
There is no doubt that this took place with divine sanction,
With Anda acting as the mediator. Thus Anda was your salvation.
1795
Epigram VIII
Summary: At the suggestion of the British, the province of Pangasinan and a part of the province of
Ilocos rebelled. When Anda sent a few soldiers to put down the rebellion, they pretended to ask for
1800 pardon. They then pretended that they did not trust his pardon, so Simón sent his son as a hostage,
whom they did not accept as they said it was unnecessary, but instead promised their loyalty to him
and Anda sent them a new governor. But afterwards, they rose up in an even greater rebellion and
Anda sent a force to put this down and to bring them to heel.
As the British forces despaired of their martial abilities,
They thought of trapping their valiant foe with a dirty trick.
1805 They sent out men to make trouble among the Indians,
And a fire broke out, as if from the Styx itself.
In the Province of Pangasinan and part of the Province of Ilocos
Are peoples infected with a violent poison.
The Furies came hither and entered the hearts of the wretched Indians.
The faint of heart became violent,
1810 Rejecting their bonds and rebelling against all laws,
And killing the Spaniards and priests that they had.
Thus, you can see that Anda was thrust into a bitter fight.
Wherever you look, there are great dangers.
From the North came violent wrath, and rage threatened from the South
And yet Anda girded his loins for what was to come.
1815 He immediately sent out a few chosen soldiers from among his forces.
Who put out the flames, which were fanned by every delay.
So the defeated Indians insincerely sought pardon.
The vanquished dissimulated, fraudulently hiding their real intent.
Anda even brought his son as a hostage as a sign of his forgiveness.
The mob rejected this, and a new governor made his way there.
1820 Whereupon they reverted to their old ways and an even greater rebellion arose.
This he punished, as such a violent crime demanded.
What shall I say about you, oh pious father? What should I think?
What should I say about such a son, so similar to his father?
As a father, you offer your son for King and Country
And for you, your son is ready to lay down his life.
1825 You are justly honored; your son too is honored by your name.
As a father, you are Abraham, your son, Isaac.
1830 Epigram IX
Summary: Giving up hope of resisting Anda and the Hispanic forces and defeating them, the
English sent him envoys to sue for peace and free trade between the two sides.
The enemy race, oh valiant governor, sent you
Envoys of peace. Who would have thought this possible before?
1835 Do you sincerely seek and strive after peace, Britisher?
Your leaders cannot be trusted.
You sue for peace, but you ask in a haughty manner.
Reluctant to recognize who will grant it.
You called Anda a traitor and rebel,
And yet you now seek peace? This ill will complicates matters.
1840 You upstart, false governor, so unfaithful and deceitful,
Disloyal even unto your British King.
Those who show favor to the enemy, are traitors to their own king,
And the king will become his enemy in turn.
Thus, they deceive their King or they are the enemies of both Spain and Britain,
Seeking, as they do, the friendship of their King’s enemy.
1845 Besides, they lay down their arms (so it seems)
But refuse to return the spoils as requested of them.
Cities, strongholds, arms and all rights must be returned.

So that the longed-for peace may be achieved.
1850 Epigram X
Summary: There appeared in the sky signs to our forces, which assembled almost from nothing in
the provinces of Pampanga and Bulacán, and later in a short time grew miraculously and still more
miraculously increased in size daily. These signs were very favorable and were good omens for us.
They included a tall cross and beside it a long and leafy palm-tree, whose spread-out branches at
times made a pleasant verdant image and at others came together into a single trunk and several
1855
times made the shape of an anchor. At the time of the English expedition to Malinta, where
their greatly superior numbers and arms were no match for us and were routed, a host of soldiers
was seen in the sky in a distant province. On the outskirts of Manila, a sword was even seen in the
sky a little before the capture of eleven members of the Society of Jesus and the burning of the towns
of Santa Cruz and Quiapo.
1860 God himself showed with portents the places
Where deeds fair and foul would occur.
Often at God’s desire, mortal hearts grow weak.
When piety has slipped, he raises up his own.
Your spirits had been punished during these two years of war.
And you, Manila, had surely lost hope of deliverance.
1865 But now the firmament bear portents.
A cross appears in the sky, and a tall, lush palm.
Raise your eyes to the heavens, great Simón!
Behold the sign of the cross and the palm!
A cross has appeared, which will strengthen your shoulders.
And a tall palm so richly deserved.
1870 Bravo, oh happy and thrice and four-times blessed Simón
Who takes up any burden for his monarch.
Continue the undertakings of the Lord, confident of his firm support.
The heavens have already shown how your deeds will be rewarded.
1875
Epigram XI
Summary: With peace approaching, Don Simón gave over control of the Philippines to the
appointed official, but, due to illness, the latter was unable to take up his post and so the baton
was once again passed to Don Simón, except for the command of soldiers defending certain for-
1880
tresses, and he entered the city, which he took from the English.
Oh happy Atlas, who was burdened by heavy weights
In time of war; without hesitation you take up the load.
Now peace takes this weight from your shoulders
But when you have tirelessly saved all lives, riches and royal privileges,
When you have overcome the strong British forces with ease,
1885 Despite their great army and many men,
After your virtue has formed and equipped,
So many soldiers, knights and camps,
Peace advocates reducing your labor
And wiping the pious sweat from your weathered face.
Who does not rightly marvel at such amazing and lofty deeds
1890 Which are beyond words?
Although from small sparks great fires grow,
Burning flames do not come from nothing.

There is no other occurrence that can be recounted
In the venerable annals of the past, which is its equal.
In previous wars Anda had no match.
Thus if not greater, he is no less than them.
1895 He had the advantage of neither funds nor a retinue,
As the Hispanic troops could be counted on the fingers of one hand.
But a year did not have to pass
Until he had over four thousand men at his command.
At the same time, he prepared arms of every martial type
And clothes and victuals too for his army.
1900
I should think you did not do this with human strength alone.
Oh great Simón, you are the handmaid of the Lord!
Epigram XII
1905
Summary: When the Catholic Monarch learned of Don Simón’s deeds during the war, he elevated
him to the dignity of Councilor of the Kingdom of Castile.
May Anda’s soaring fame swiftly take flight
And hasten to the height of honor.
Thus may the herald quickly catch the breeze,
1910 And may speedy prayers make their way to their master.
Now your mother, Europe is said to be full
Of your praises and merits, and celebrates you gladly.
Gifts are not given by such a magnificent monarch as Charles,
Which would not be worthy of such a great prince.
Charles the Great gives rewards equal to greatness.
1915
He has many gifts which he distributes to his subjects.
Behold Simón: he readily exalts you and raises you up
To the highest dignity, which you so richly deserve.
You have been made a councilor of Castile
And placed at the King’s right hand.
Soaring thus, your virtue has reached the highest peak of honor,
1920
Which it has achieved on the wings of your merit.
You lived for the King, and now the King lives for you,
And you will live on forever in our memories.
Thus, may you shine like a glittering star
In the Hispanic sky, like a beautiful, glistening orb.
1925
Pray, send your bright rays as far as the Philippines
Illuminating us and easing our sorrows.
Fiat.
Latin Text
1930
Illustrissimo doctori domino domino Simoni Anda et Salazar
Olim in Manilensi curia senatori dignissimo causarum criminalium auditori aequissimo
In laboriosissimo tempore belli a Britannis incussi gubernatori ducique generali omnium provinciarum
in his insulis archipelagi Philippinensis earumdemque insularum regii senatus praesidi emeritissimo.
Nunc vero a supremis catholicae maiestatis pro regno Castellae conciliis collegae fidelissimo, et pro
meritis ad maiora omnium votis desideratissimo haec qualia exsultantis cordis.
1935
EPIGRAMMATA
dicat, offert, consecrat
Bachalaurus Bartholomaeus Saguinsin Indus Tagalus Parochus Populi Quiapo, et huius archiepisco-
patus tum moralitatis, tum idiomatis Tagali examinator synodalis indignissimus, eidemque domino
clientulus adictissimus.
In typographia cenobii Beatae Virginis Laurentanae populi Sampaloc anni 1766
Sumptibus Mathaei ab Angelis ex populo Minondoc, et per aliquot anni tempora in Quiapo indigenae.
1940
DEDICATIO
Heros excellens et praeclarissime consul,

Quem meritis factis plaudit uterque polus
1945 Hispanus cui orbis promit praeconia laudis
Eximiis gestis laurea digna tuis.
Quemque patrem patriae Luzonica terra fatetur
Et protectorem tota Manila suum
Tum servatorem, custodem numine fultum
Proclamant omnes dives, inopsque simul.
1950 Dedecet hoc munus quamvis praecordia profert,
Ad te non audens ora levare sua.
Quippe tuum video non accessibile numen,
Nec tenuis doni, iudico, thure coli
Quin vero aspicias, non est dubitabile cuiquam,
Nam pius et clemens scis dare cuique locum.60
1955 Scilicet exiguum libamen, non hecatombe,
Tu tamen indigno munere laetus eris.
Accipe61 pacato, consul rectissime, vultu
Oblatum timidum culmen adire tuum.
Officiique levem non aversatus honorem.
Accipe quae cordis sunt pia vota mei.
1960 Hic tua commemoro rudi sed facta Minerva.
Ast solis lucem nubila nulla tegunt.
Pagina iudicium docti subitura timebit
Consulis at robur de bonitate leget.
Accipe, quod minimus te plures inter amantes
Votivis flammis hoc anathema dicat
1965 Non ego Virgilius Naso, nec alter Homerus
Quorum carminibus tu celebrandus eris
Nec Heliconiadum praestat mihi tibia cantum
Ausum non alius quam mihi praebet amor.
Namque tuis ego nec de pugnatoribus ullum
Pro merito digne pangere quemque reor.
1970 Ast amor haec spernens audax balbutit honorem
Quem colit ipse, viri iure merentis eum.
AD LECTOREM
1975
Versibus Andinis62 bellum non pango Britannum
Quo validis armis capta Manila fuit.
Armave nostra, quibus non bis sed saepe fugata
Anglica vis fuerat strage retusa simul.
Nec quibus illa fuit veluti circundata castris
1980 Urbis limitibus victa reclusa manens.
Haec Hippocrenes cantent e fontibus haustu
Potati merito carmine digna suo

Ardua tanta meas superant sublimia vires.
Verba mihi desunt, nec mihi musa favet.
Facta virumque cano, qui cum sit maximus heros63
Respicit exiguum cordis amantis opus.
1985 Dissimulatque pius nostras patiturque lituras
Atque pedi parcit claudicet iste licet.64
Vale.
1990 EPIGRAMMA I
ARGUMENTUM
Pridie ingressus Anglorum ad civitatem Manilam per arma, durante adhuc obsidione, Regius
senatus mittit Dominum Dominum Simonem Anda unum ex senatoribus ad tuendos contionan-
dosque Indorum populos in regis catholici iurisdictione.
1995
Ante diem captae per castra Britanna Manilae
Visendos populos mittitur Anda prius
Regius hunc coetus misit firmare trementes
Indorum populos, ius retinere simul.
Exiit ille statim, nulla stipante caterva,
2000 Et sine ditis ad hoc, et sine Martis ope.
Quo properas, o magne Simon? Quo tendis inermis?
Respice quam gentem, quae inque pericla ruis.
Gens male fida Deo, semper nutantia corda
Nec sibi iura tenet, nec tibi danda fides
Sina colit vicos, gens improba, perfida, nequam,
2005 Invidus ipse tibi, morsque paranda fera est
Mactando similis visus mihi mitteris agno.
Te fore, quis credet, moenia firma tuis?
Vade sed armatus, virtutis robore forti.
Omnia vincit amor numinis et patriae.65
2010
EPIGRAMMA II
ARGUMENTUM
Simul ac pervenit dominus Simon ad populum Bulacan certior factus captionis Manilae edixit
2015
omnibus provinciis in scriptis, non Britannicam sed catholicam maiestatem illis dominari seque
pro illa esse gubernatorem, praesidem pariterque regium senatum iuxta iura hispanica. Convocat
continuo Indos magnates et principaliores utriusque vicinioris provinciae Bulacan et Pampagna
ad iusiurandam fidelitatem Carlo tertio, quod alacriter praestiterunt.
Iam vir magnanimus pervenerat ad Bulacanum
Qui est populus princeps, in dicione sua.
2020 Est simul ac factus captae iam certior urbis
Et praeses captus, quodque senatus erat.
Edictum populis misit, se subdere iussit
Catholico regi, firmaque danda fides.
Quo facis hoc, o magne Simon, munimine fultus?
Quove gubernator sis statuendus eis?
2025 Fraudibus expositi, fragiles terroribus Indi.
Insidias poterunt, vimve parare tibi.
Audaces fortuna iuvat, sic perfice caeptum.

Te posuit Dominus, qui tibi semper erit.
Convocat Anda senes, magnates atque caciques
Pampanga et Bulacan, quae plaga bina prope est.
Et iurare fidem Carolo, nec linquere iussit
2030 Hispanas leges, iuraque cuncta simul.
Hoc mirum siquidem cum iam proviserat Anglus
Tum libertatem, tumque levamen eis.
Sed magis atque magis mirum, quod constitit ipsa
Indica firma fides, nec dubitata fuit.
Maxime vir, vox ipsa fuit tua cordibus Indis
2035
Fortes, et constans virtus, et magna fides.
EPIGRAMMA III
2040 ARGUMENTUM
Angli vocant ad civitatem Dominum Dominum Simonem Anda in principali populo provinciae
Bulacan paucis milliaribus a civitate distante tunc degentem, iam ab omnibus provinciis insularum
proclamatum, et cognitum gubernatorem et praesidem, Hispaniae militiae ducem generalem, capta
civitate, et gubernatore cum civibus et ad servandam fidelitatem et non sumenda contra eos arma
iusiurandum praestandum obstrictis.
2045
Te vocat, Anda, tuus simulato corde rivalis
Anglus, te accersit, teque redire iubet.
Ille fide ficta te apellat subdolus ore.
Forsan quod poteris rebus obesse suis,
Pace vocat, non arma tamen deponit, et ictus
2050 Imminet incautis, nec valet ulla fides.
Subdere te quaerit, non hoc tibi turpe videbat,
Quod regis linquas iusque decusque tui.
Lege ciere virum, quem nunquam subdidit ipse,
Miror, nec capio qua ratione facit.
Te vocat, ut fias subiectus, sisque fidelis.
2055 Laeva fuit, credam, mens sive tota deest.
Praecipis imperio cui non dominaberis, Angle?
Nec parere licet, nec volet ipse tibi.
Hoc illi tribuis celeri, quod munus adimplet
Principis, et domini iura tuenda sui?
2060
EPIGRAMMA IV
ARGUMENTUM
Parvipendans praeses D. D. Simon Anda Anglorum vocationem et citationem indicitur ab eisdem,
2065 proditor et rebellis contra utramque maiestatem catholicam et Britannicam et proscribitur, proque
eius capite abscisso quinquies mille aurei promittuntur.
Proditor equisnam clamatur murmure rauco?
Vociferans praeco, ‘proditor Anda’ boat.
O furor, o rabies, quae te dementia caepit
Deficit a domino, qui sua iura tenet?
2070 Proditor edictus, qui praesidis acta gubernat,
Et regit, et servat? Lex ita nostra iubet.
Millia nummorum promittis quinque, Britanne,

Pro capite excisso, quo Anglia tota minor.
Sed cur hoc facinus? Non sunt tibi fortia castra?
Quem gladius terret, nummus et ipse pavet.
Principiis obstare cupis? Non fraudibus usus,
2075 Viribus ac armis, milite bella gere.
Dicere nunc ausim te desperasse laborem;
Sin vero videas, quod ratione times.
EPIGRAMMA V
2080
ARGUMENTUM
Dominus Simon Anda, habita notitia edicti petulantis, quo proclamatur ab Anglis praeditor contra
utramque maiestatem catholicam et Britannicam quoque proscribitur, declaravit etiam per
edictum, cuius inscriptiones adhuc intra urbem aliquibus in locis fuerunt appensae, quo itidem pro-
clamat Anglos potius esse proditores contra utrumque regem catholicum et Britannicum immo
2085 contra ius divinum et humanum, gentium et militiae. Promittit quoque decem aureorum millia
pro singulis capitibus eorum truncatis.
Postquam perlata est Anglorum irrisio tanta
Praesidis auditum vindice non caruit.
Ille repercutiens edictum vile Britannis
2090 Audax rescriptum prodidit ipse suum.
Omnibus Indorum populis urbique remisit,
Declarans Anglos proditione reos
Regi catholico adversos, regique Britanno,
Iuribus, ac pariter gentibus, atque polis,
Relligionis enim sine cultu templa penetrant.
2095 Diripiunt, maculant, vasaque sacra ferunt.
Gens comes illudens sacratis vestibus usa
Ludibrio vestit perfida, sacrilega.
Civibus, atque Deo iurataque frangere verba,
Hocque frequens illis, nec ratione regunt.
Criminibus tantis ac impietatibus Anglos
2100 Arguis et damnas absque timore, Simon?
Pro capite Anglorum procerum quoque millia quovis,
Promittis pariter tu dare quinque duplex.
Vis inimica vetus victrix, et miles acerbus.
Despicis impavidus? Nitere cuius ope?
David es in Goliam. Contra te ferrea moles.
2105 Tu tamen evinces. En Deus ipse tibi.
EPIGRAMMA VI
2110 ARGUMENTUM
Fit coniuratio Sinorum Anglicanam partem proditoria66 in Regem Catholicum sequentium contra
praesidem Dominum Dominum Simonem in oppido Bacolor provinciae Pampanga principali
degentem, quae miro modo comperitur et exemplo compescitur ab eodem mirabiliori eventu.
Qui furor excrucians Sinorum cordibus arsit
Praesidis in vitam, de styge fervor erat.
2115 Irae namque illis dirus prorepserat ignis.
Extinguendus erat praesidis ille nece.
Quae vestros animos agitat vecordia, Sini?

Arcanoque modo pectora vestra premit.
Ampla sepulchra fodit vobis insania tanta;
Nam qui alii foveam, decidit ipse, facit
Crudeles Furiae, gens impia. Quae mala fecit
2120 Nec cuiquam vestri tam pius Anda, rogo?
Quod populos cernat? Quod consulat ipsemet illis?
Hoc oculos vestros torquet et intus agit?
Tale quis audivit? Res iam patefacta petebat.
Ut medicus properet, prout petit ipsa lues,
Ecce Simon promptus cursum praecludere pergit
2125
Militibus paucis, sed comitante Iove,
Mira loquor, sed vera tamen. Bis mille, vel ultra
Invasere simul. Laesio nulla fuit.
Macte Simon, dicende mihi tu Macedo fortis.
Saucius ille tamen, vulnere liber eras.
Hostes conflictos cum paucis urget et instat.
2130
Plures ille capit, quos fuga non rapuit.
Incute iam poenas praeses, sibi iure luendas
Immani generi. Deprime crimen atrox.
2135
EPIGRAMMA VII
ARGUMENTUM
Ad praesidem Dominum Dominum Simonem, collectis iam militibus, formatis castris, devictis
2140 variis Anglorum copiis, armis item et nummis affatim corroboratum plures cives ab
eorum oppressione elapsi et pariter regius fiscalis cum ceteris senatoribus confugiunt seseque
ibi securitate recipiunt; navis quoque Philippina ab Anglis eiusdem domini dispositione
surripitur.
Quae metamorphosis? Quae transformatio mira?
2145 Anda minister erat, dux tuiturus erit.
Quando Minerva acies docuit perducere Martis?
Verum nunc doctor iam regit arma Simon.
Iam qui solus erat missus sine milite gressus
Nunc stipatus adit fortibus armigeris.
Quis pugnatores tibi, quis conduxit et arma,
2150 Qui Anglorum castris bella parare queunt?
Expositus murus, cunctis quoque factus asylum.
Qui ad castrum veniunt, confugiuntque tuum:
Magnamini cives, qui fertis pondera tanta,
Ecce levamen adest. Ponite turpe iugum
Iamque senatores petierunt agmina nostra;
2155 Hostibus excussis, Anda tuetur eos.
Atque Philippinam prudenter tollere gazam
Anglorum manibus nec dubitetis adhuc.
Quin vobis etiam curet servare fidelis
Quos vexit nummos iam relevata rates.
Hoc ope divina non est dubitabile factum;
2160 Anda tamen medius. Sic fuit Anda salus.
EPIGRAMMA VIII
ARGUMENTUM
Suggestione Anglorum fuit exitata sublivatio provinciae Pangasinan et partis provinciae Ilocos.
Missis tamen a praeside Simon Anda ad eam compescendam paucis militibus simulant petere
2165
veniam. Fingentibus autem sese diffidere concessa venia ofert obsidem veniae filium suum
Dominus Simon, quo non accepto tamquam non necessario promitentibus pacificam subiectionem,
alium provinciae moderatorem provisit. Sed postea maiore sublevatione fidei deficientibus emisit
agmen ad poniendos et totaliter compescendos.
Marte quod incerto desperant Anglica castra,
2170 Ausubus et taetra fraude tenere putant.
Miserunt aliquos, qui turbent Indica corda,
Et fuit ex Stygio concita flamma lacu.
Pangasinan dicio, tum pars dicionis Ilocos.
Sunt populi infecti praedominante lue.
Huc Furiae venere, simul, penetrareque corda
2175 Indorum miserum. Pectore lenta movent,
Tum iuga detrectant, atque omnia iura rebelles.
Hispanos, mystas,67 quos habuere, necant,
Ecce vides positum duris conflictibus Andam
Quocumque aspicias, magna pericla manent.
2180 Ex Aquilone furor, rabies minitatur ab Austro
Attamen Anda suum pectus ad omne parat.
Ille statim mittit paucos ex agmine lectos
Qui extinguant ignem, quem auget et ipsa mora
Sic profligati veniam cum fraude petebant.
Diffissi simulant, corda tengente dolo.
2185
Obtulit Anda suum veniae quoque pro obside natum.
Turba tamen renuit. Praeses at alter adit.
Inde relabuntur. Maior surrexerat ignis.
Puniit ille tamen, prout petit acre scelus.
Quid de te dicam, pater o pie? Quidque fatebor?
Quid de tali nato, qualis et ipse pater.
2190
Pro patria natum, pro regeque tu pater offers,
Et pro te natus se dare68 sponte parat.
Tu merito dignus, dignus quoque nomine natus
Tu pater Abramus, filius Isaacus.
2195
EPIGRAMMA IX
ARGUMENTUM
Desperantes Angli progressum adipisci contra praesidem Dominum Dominum Simonem et Hispa-
2200 nicas acies easque oppugnare posse, mittunt ad eum legatos pro pace ineunda et comercio inter
utramque partem libero concedendo.
Gens inimica tibi, praeses validissime, mittit
Legatos pacis. Tale quis ante putet?
Tu petis, an quaeris pacem sine fraude, Britanne?
Concilium magnae calliditatis habes.
2205 Sollicitas pacem, poscis sed mente superba,
Quisnam concedat, noscere corde fugis.
Proditor a vobis clamatur et Anda rebellis

Et pacem petitis? Complicat iste dolus.
Intrusus, praeses falsus, regique Britanno
Infidus fallax, deficiensque suo.
Regi est infensus, qui regis diligit hostem,
2210 Atque illi pariter rex inimicus erit.
Ergo vel simulant regi, vel utrique rebelles.
Qui regis quaerunt hostis amicitiam.
Insuper intentant pacem (quae facta refertur)
Sed mandata sibi restituenda renent.
Urbs, arx, arma simul reddantur cunctaque iura,
2215
Inde potest fieri pax repetita sibi.
EPIGRAMMA X
2220 ARGUMENTUM
Apparent in caelo signa erga nostram militiam, (quae quasi ex nihilo primo formabatur in provinciis
Pampagan et Bulacan, et postea brevi tempore mirabiliter crevit et mirabilius indies aucta fuit) valde
favorabilia, et veluti faustum nobis omen portendentia: crux scilicet alta et iuxta eam palma procera et
frondosa, cuius rami aliquando dispersi iocundum viridarium eformant, aliquando etiam coadunan-
tur, et unus truncus apparet et aliquoties iidem ancorae similitudinem efficiunt. Tempore expeditionis
2225 Anglorum ad Malinta, ubi agmen eorum admodum numero maiore superius per nostrum numero et
armis multo inferius fuit dispersum, visae sunt in aere in Provincia distanti acies militum. Aspectus
etiam fuit in caelo supra Manilae suburbana ensis paulo ante captionem undecim religiosorum e Soci-
etate Iesu et incendium duorum opidorum suburbanorum Sancti Crucis69 et Quiapo.
Ipse Deus signat portentis tempora fausta,
2230 Atque nefasta locis, in quibus ipsa micant.
Saepe premente Deo, languent mortalia corda.
Lapsa tamen pietas, erigit illa sua.
Iamque biennali languescunt pectora bello
Spesque salutis abest, nempe, Manila, tibi.
Sed nunc iam caelum portendit nuncia signa
2235 Crux in eo apparet, celsaque palma virens
Erige, magne Simon, caput et nunc aspice caelum.
Ecce vide signum, de cruce palma tibi.
Crux data, quae fortes humeros tibi roboret ipsa
Et procera datur debita palma tibi.
Euge vir, o felix, o terque,70 quaterque beate71
2240 Qui pro rege suo quaeque ferenda subit
Perfice caepta Dei valido munimine fisus
Iam caelum signat, quo coronabit opus.
2245
EPIGRAMMA XI
ARGUMENTUM
Adveniente pace tradit Dominum Dominum Simon gubernaculum afferenti ordinem gubernandi,
sed huius aegretudine impediti loco ipse Dominum Dominum Simon totam militiam exeptis mili-
tibus aliquae praesidia custodientibus introducit ad civitatem, quae ab Anglis recipit.
2250 O felix Atlas, qui molis pondere pressus
Martis in eventu firmus obivit onus!
Iam pax te exonerat, sed cum salvaveris omnes

Vitas, divitias, regia iura vigil.
Fortia cum praestans iam viceris arma Britanna
Agminibus fusis,72 multotiesque fuit.
Postquam tot pedites, equitesque et plurima castra
2255 Formarit virtus, munieritque tua.
Suadet enim perlata quies lenire labores,
Tergere sudorem de ore tumente pium.
Quam stupor intuitam tot mira, tot ardua mentem
Non teneat merito, verbaque deficiant?
Parvo ex igne licet veniat conbustio magna,
2260
Non tamen ex nullo flamma superba venit.
Non memorandus erit priscis annalibus aevi
Nec alius casus, nec pariformis ei.
Praeterito bello similis non proditur Andae;
Sic si non maior, non minor ipse datur.
Non munitus erat nec nummis nec comitatu,
2265
Hispani rari, qui unus et alter erat.
Nec tamen absolvit cursum volubilis annus.
Quattuor aspicies, plus quoque mille viros.
Militiae generis cuncti simul arma paravit
Omnibus completis compare veste penu.
2270
Viribus haec hominis te non fecisse putarem
Magne Simon, pro te est omnipotentis opus.
EPIGRAMMA XII
ARGUMENTUM
2275
Rex catholicus rerum a Domino Domino Simone in tempore belli gestarum certior factus ad pri-
mariam dignitatem consiliarii sui pro regno Castellae illum elevat.
Fama volans73 Andae pennis agat aethera praepes,
Et properans summum culmen honoris eat.
Sic celeris rumpat praeco velociter auras.
2280 Perveniant Dominum concita vota suum.
Iam genetrix Europa tuis completa refertur
Laudibus et meritis, grataque te celebrat.
A tam magnifico Carolo non munera dantur,
Quae non tam magno principe digna forent.
Est Carolus Magnus, praestat quoque praemia magna
2285 Plura habet, tribuit74 dona parata suis.
Ecce Simon, promptus iam te elevat, erigit usque
Praestantem celsum, quem merebare locum.
Consiliarius es Castellae regius ipse
Factus, et ad regis grandia vota datus.
Sicque volans apicem tetigit tua virtus honoris
2290 Ac alis meriti venerat illa tui
Regi vixisti, sed iam nunc rex tibi vivit,
Et nobis semper vivus habendus eris.
Denique splendescas velut astrum luce coruscum
Hispano caelo, pulchraque stella nitens.
Usque Philippinas mittas tua fulgura clara
2295 Illis irradians pondera tanta leves.
FIAT.
Appendix 2
This collection of verses in classical Chinese was composed by an anonymous author (or authors)
for the funeral pyre of Philip III, erected in Manila in 1625. The translation was done by Carl
Kubler.
2300
2305
2310
2315
2320
Poem B (left) Poem A (right)
Translation of Poem A, Fol. 103r

It may be asked: Why do kings die?
2325 It’s always due to the many changes of the gods.
Tides submerge the moss on large rocks,
Soil from mountaintops fills in the valleys,
Strange clouds and intertwined tree trunks share the same pot.
Dew drops on lofty branches—how could they be cut down?
Even if someone uproots the whole tree
2330 There are still other young trees that cast a shade from high above.
Translation of Poem B, Fol. 102v

Something makes me tremble and startles me awake:
The death of the king is not yet officially announced, but a premonition already spreads.
2335
Upon his arrival, righteousness filled heaven and earth;
Upon the departure of his soul, darkness covered the sun and stars.
The Three Armies and Garden of Cranes pray for longevity,
Monastery bells ring and wish that he walks lightly and peacefully across the water,
Court officials directly and earnestly wish him peace and happiness.
Sorrowed, furrowed eyebrows are washed away, and tranquility is restored.
2340
2345
2350
2355
2360
Poem C (right)
Translation of Poem C, Fol. 104r

2365
Who blocked out the sunlight?
We remember our entombed king.
Birds and fish and nature spirits tremble,
Flowers and water plants75 lose their fragrance.
He served with justice and understood our pains;
2370 We, too, have tasted part of his grace.
True words reach me, half-awake:
He has returned to the heavens and is filled with joy.
2375
2380
2385

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COLONIAL LATIN AMERICAN REVIEW

5 Eloquence and ethnohistory: indigenous loyalty and the

CONTACT Stuart M. McManus smcmanus@uchicago.edu

I am no Virgil, Ovid, nor another Homer,

‘God himself showed with portents the places

Such madness digs for you wide graves!

Distinguished hero and outstanding consul,

With draughts from the fountain of Helicon.

Anda called the elders, leading men and caciques

Do you stand against common decency? Put aside your tricks

Cities, strongholds, arms and all rights must be returned.

Burning ﬂames do not come from nothing.

Heros excellens et praeclarissime consul,

Potati merito carmine digna suo

Audaces fortuna iuvat, sic perﬁce caeptum.

Millia nummorum promittis quinque, Britanne,

Quae vestros animos agitat vecordia, Sini?

Proditor a vobis clamatur et Anda rebellis

Iam pax te exonerat, sed cum salvaveris omnes

Translation of Poem A, Fol. 103r

Translation of Poem B, Fol. 102v

Translation of Poem C, Fol. 104r

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