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CMY2601/1/2020
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Contents
Preface (v)
Theme 1: Community management of high-risk offenders 1
Learning unit 1.1: Introduction to high-risk offenders 2
Learning unit 1.2: Risk assessment: a complex practice 11
Learning unit 1.3: Community management of high-risk offenders: risk
management 25
Learning unit 1.4: Community management of high-risk offenders 37
Learning unit 1.5: Unemployment 49
Learning unit 1.6: Poverty 60
Learning unit 1.7: Cultural and ethnic diversity and crime 78
Learning unit 1.8: Crime in multicultural communities 88
Learning unit 1.9: Some cultural features affecting crime: personal and
impersonal supernaturalism 93
Learning unit 1.10: Susceptibility of the family 101
Learning unit 1.11: Family structures 113
Learning unit 1.12: Styles of parenting and discipline 123
Learning unit 1.13: Family relationships, marital conflict and child
abuse 141
Learning unit 1.14: Gender and crime 157
Learning unit 1.15: Feminist views of crime 166
Learning unit 1.16: Postmodern explanations for gender and crime 174
Theme 2: Drugs and Crime 183
Learning unit 2.1: Global extent of drug use and substance abuse 184
Learning unit 2.2: Psychoactive substances and the dangers (risks)
associated with drug use on a physical and social
level 198
Learning unit 2.3: The link between drugs and crime 211
Learning unit 2.4: The implications of drugs for the criminal justice
system 225
Learning unit 2.5: Modern prevention strategies in the fight against drug
abuse 237
Bibliography 245
CMY2601/1/2020 (iii)
Preface
Please note: Start by reading through Tutorial Letter 101 for this course before you
study the themes for module CMY2601.
Welcome to the module Crime Risk Perspectives. This study guide focuses on some
relevant local and national concerns. We trust you will find your studies interesting
and informative, and the study material useful and applicable – not only to you as a
professional, but also as a citizen of a democratic society. Please do not hesitate to
contact your module coordinator if you have any problems or questions relating to
your studies.
We adopted two approaches in compiling this study guide:
● We considered the important social relevance of this subject, and the commun-
ity requiring services. The information we have made available should give you a
better understanding of, and more insight into, society's reaction to crime and
the adjudication of crime.
● We provided you with guidelines for solving problems within the criminal jus-
tice environment. We hope you will master the information in this study guide
in such a way that you will be able to apply it in your everyday life.
This study guide has been developed in accordance with the principles of
curriculum design as outlined in the 1996 curriculum framework (CDWG 1996:11–
16). This framework, which emphasises outcomes-based learning, promotes
● learner-centredness
● lifelong learning
● critical creative thought
● nation-building and non-discrimination
● credibility of the higher education system
● quality assurance
The purpose of this module is to enable you, the learner, to gain more knowledge
about, and a better understanding of, the phenomenon being studied; to form
attitudes and values; and to acquire general and specific skills that will help you
expand your understanding of criminology.
We encourage you to think critically. We will assist you to
● expand your knowledge and areas of conceptual understanding
● form attitudes and shape your values
● acquire skills
(v)
PREFACE
In expanding your knowledge and areas of conceptual understanding, we aim to

familiarise you with
● factors which increase the risk of crime
● explanations of crime
In the process we want to help you to think holistically about matters such as crime
causation by emphasising the fact that criminal behaviour is seldom caused by a
single factor: rather, crime is usually caused by a variety of conducive and decisive
factors.
We wish to stimulate the forming of attitudes and shaping of values by fostering
your active interest in the topics of study as reflected in reportage in the news
media, including newspapers, periodicals, radio, television, and the internet. We
wish to raise your awareness of crime as a phenomenon and help you develop a
responsible attitude towards its prevention by using your criminological knowledge
and related skills in everyday life. We encourage you to become actively involved in
and committed to the search for solutions to local, regional and national crime and
related problems. By proceeding from the premise that criminal behaviour is
determined by identifiable causes, we try to inculcate the principle of cause and
effect. We try to develop an understanding of humaneness by encouraging you to
take an interest in the country's crime problems and being sympathetic toward
crime victims and their situations. Respect for basic human rights is also strongly
emphasised. Drawing attention to crime as a prejudicial (injurious) phenomenon
naturally focuses on a comprehensive system that includes or encompasses law-
abiding values such as honesty, orderliness, a sense of duty, healthy interpersonal
relations, good citizenship and freedom.
Skills acquisition receives particular emphasis in this course. The development of
reading and learning skills forms the groundwork for mastering the learning
content. As learners you will be introduced to concepts relating to the subject so
that you can develop the communicative thinking and social skills necessary to
explore and discuss course-related criminological topics from local to international
level. Our aim is to develop your ability to be able to argue and, in so doing,
expand your field of expertise by drawing simple conclusions and forming new
opinions. We want to teach you to observe (by reading your study guide and being
sensitive to crime-related matters as reported in the media and manifested in your
daily environment), and to collect information, summarise it and arrange it into a
meaningful coherent whole (by completing assignments and answering
examination questions).
Outcomes-based outputs
The above outline relates to certain critical (generally formative) and specific
(developmental) outcomes or intended results of learning (with respect to
knowledge and insight, attitudes and values, and skills).
Critical learning outcomes

This module aims to achieve specific critical learning outcomes, and a study of this
module should enable you to acquire the following:
● Criminological literacy. With knowledge of the concepts of the subject and a sci-
entific aptitude for the crime problem, the offender and the victim's situation,
(vi)
Preface
you will be able to identify course-related problems and even develop a critical
viewpoint about them by means of creative thought.
● Global and contextual perspectives. Awareness of global views on crime explan-
ation and prevention is conducive to the establishment of an overall perspective
on the subject content. Extensive reference to the concepts comprising this
module familiarises you with a more detailed vision of or a contextualised per-
spective on criminological reality.
● A sense of responsibility. Open distance learning focuses on self-study; it thus
requires a high level of commitment, perseverance and a sense of duty. The self-
assessment component at the end of each study unit provides you with the op-
portunity to organise and manage your own learning activities.
● Communication skills. The topical nature of the course content (factors that
contribute to the high levels of crime, the explanation of criminal behaviour,
events in the police service, correctional institutions and courts, and crime pre-
vention endeavours) will hopefully stimulate your interest in the subject content.
This will help you to visualise course-related realities and expand your areas of
experience so that you can draw elementary conclusions and form new opinions.
As part of the module, you will be required to communicate effectively in social
discourse on matters such as punishment of offenders, the rights of criminals
and victims in the criminal justice system, crime causation factors and crime pre-
vention. Good writing skills will also help you to express yourself effectively.
● Reading and research skills. You will be required to observe accurately (informa-
tion contained in the study guide and tutorial letters, as well as national,
international and local events) and collect, analyse, order and critically assess in-
formation. This will help you to explore criminological topics scientifically and
formulate questions when necessary.
● Collaboration in a group and community context. Provided you know and
understand basic concepts to which you are exposed in the study material, de-
velop the ability to think and reason critically, and identify the causes of crime
and make assumptions, you will be able to apply the subject matter contained in
the study material in a group and a community context, for example by partici-
pating in community protection forums (CPFs) and/or crime prevention
programmes.
● Personal skills. You will be given the opportunity to develop (to a lesser or great-
er extent) the following skills:
– Learning skills. You will acquire these skills by, for example, ignoring irrele-
vant information, handling controversial information, drawing conclusions
and considering different viewpoints.
– Schematic skills. These skills come into play when important facts have to be
separated or correct options have to be selected (e.g. multiple-choice ques-
tions in assignments and examinations).
– Skills in synthesis. You will acquire these skills when you become conversant
with the procedure of selecting and collecting information from the study
guide, summarising it and arranging it to form a meaningful and coherent
whole (e. g. when you prepare to answer MCQs in the self-assessment
exercises).
– Acquisition of positive values. If you focus on basic human rights (the rights
of both the offender and the victim) and on concepts such as natural justice,
(vii)
PREFACE
you will develop a comprehensive system of positive law-abiding values such

as honesty, good citizenship, sound human relations and freedom.
Specific learning outcomes

A study of module CMY2601 is aimed at achieving the following specific learning
outcomes:
● gain knowledge, problem-solving skills and competencies about and relating to
crime risk perspectives
● collect, analyse, organise and evaluate information on the subject matter of
crime risk perspectives
● communicate effectively using language skills in the modes or oral and/or writ-
ten persuasion in sustained discourse
● cooperate in group and community contexts
● demonstrate an understanding of the world as a set of related systems by recog-
nising that problem-solving contexts do not exist in isolation
● participate in a responsible way in criminological developments that affect local,
national, regional and global communities
● be sensitive to criminological issues across a range of social contexts
Overview of the course
We cover three themes in this module. Note that the themes are related and should
not be studied separately from one another. Here is a brief overview of the course
contents.
Theme 1 focuses on the universal factors that increase the risk of crime and
victimisation. You will be introduced to various related aspects, which include the
social setting of an urban area and how disorganisation can contribute to crime;
unemployment and poverty as economic problems and the role of these factors in
crime; the family as one of the most important societal systems, including a specific
focus on problems within the family context, such as child abuse; and the role of
gender in crime as investigated from a postmodern viewpoint.
Theme 2 deals with the implications of illegal substance abuse. In this theme the
implications of illegal substance abuse are addressed by focusing on the global and
local extent of drug use and abuse; the different types of psychoactive substances
and their physical effects; and the social consequences of drug abuse and the
implications of drugs for the criminal justice system. We also focus on the social
environment as a domain for crime prevention.
The nature of the study package

The study package consists of this study guide and various tutorial letters. The
tutorial letters concentrate on administrative matters and assignments. The study
material in the study guide is divided into two themes, as already explained.
Each theme consists of a number of study units, which follow the general
introduction to the theme. The introduction gives an indication of what you will
learn. You will notice that each study unit starts with specific learning outcomes.
These learning outcomes describe what you need to be able to do with the content.
We have included some self-assessment questions at the end of each study unit as
well as certain activities at strategic points within the text. Please make sure you
have read through Tutorial Letter 101 before attempting to study the themes in this
module.
(viii)
THEME 1
Community management of high-

risk offenders
Contents
Learning unit 1.1: Introduction to high-risk offenders 2

Learning unit 1.2: Risk assessment: a complex practice 11
Learning unit 1.3: Community management of high-risk offenders: risk
management 25
Learning unit 1.4: Community management of high-risk offenders 37
Learning unit 1.5: Unemployment 49
Learning unit 1.6: Poverty 60
Learning unit 1.7: Cultural and ethnic diversity and crime 78
Learning unit 1.8: Crime in multicultural communities 88
Learning unit 1.9: Some cultural features affecting crime: personal and
impersonal supernaturalism 93
Learning unit 1.10: Susceptibility of the family 101
Learning unit 1.11: Family structures 113
Learning unit 1.12: Styles of parenting and discipline 123
Learning unit 1.13: Family relationships, marital conflict and child abuse 141
Learning unit 1.14: Gender and crime 157
Learning unit 1.15: Feminist views of crime 166
Learning unit 1.16: Postmodern explanations for gender and crime 174
1
Learning unit 1.1
Introduction to high-risk offenders
Learningunit1.1
Dr M Barkhuizen
Contents
1.1.1 INTRODUCTION TO HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS 3

1.1.2 WHO ARE HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS? 3
1.1.3 CAN WE REALLY KNOW HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS? 3
1.1.3.1 Risk assessment tools 4
1.1.3.2 The problem of risk prediction 4
1.1.3.3 Criteria and evidence for "dangerousness" 4
1.1.4 PERSPECTIVES ON RISK AND DANGEROUSNESS 5
1.1.4.1 Criminological and legal approaches to risk and dangerousness 5
1.1.4.2 Psychological framing of high-risk offenders and dangerousness 6
1.1.4.3 Sociological understanding of risk and dangerousness 7
1.1.5 CONCLUSION 8
1.1.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS 8
1.1.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT ANSWERS 9
LEARNING OUTCOMES
When you have completed this study unit you should be able to
● demonstrate a clear understanding of high-risk offenders
● identify some of the problems surrounding risk prediction
● differentiate between the different theoretical perspectives on "risk" and
"dangerousness"
ASSESSMENT METHODS
After completing this study unit, you should be able to answer diverse multiple-
choice and written paragraph-style questions to demonstrate your understanding
and knowledge of, and insight into, the study material.
2
LEARNING UNIT 1.1: Introduction to high-risk offenders
ACTIVITY 1
Before you start reading this unit, describe briefly in your own words the characteristics of
someone who you would consider dangerous or a high risk to society.
.................................................................................................................................................
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FEEDBACK ON ACTIVITY 1
No specific feedback, as students' answers will differ. This activity is just to get you thinking
about the theme from a personal perspective.
1.1.1 INTRODUCTION TO HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS

The focus in terms of risk and crime control was, and still is to a large extent,
mainly on designing crime-proof buildings, crime-preventing streets and closed
communities (O'Malley 2010:2). This is evident within South Africa's boom-gated
communities and security-based townhouse complexes. As a result of the high
crime rate in South Africa, reducing the risk of crime by restricting criminal
opportunities (e.g. security guards and CCTV cameras) has become essential.
In recent years high-risk offenders have received a considerable amount of media,
policy and practice interest. According to Kemshall (2008:4), the key issues
surrounding high-risk offenders are the difficulties in identifying exactly who high-
risk offenders are, the questions surrounding their risk assessment and the
problems with future risk predictions. In this unit we review the limits to risk
prediction and community management of high-risk offenders, as this knowledge is
vital for criminology and criminal justice students.
1.1.2 WHO ARE HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS?

Broadly defined, high-risk offenders are those individuals who have committed a
violent or sexual offence, or who have been assessed as likely to do so. This
definition, according to Kemshall (2008:5), reflects a preoccupation with offenders
likely to offend harmfully against the person, and those committing sexual offences
resulting in physical harm or psychological trauma.
However, defining and identifying high-risk offenders is no easy task. Kemshall
(2008:5) states that both perceptions and definitions of high risk are dependent on
the context within which they are used and reflect the culture, ideology and values
found within that context. According to the author, risk is not a value-neutral term,
as it encapsulates the values and meanings attributed by those who use it. These
meanings can, for example, differ between professional groups, when
collaboratively assessing risk, or between the general public and experts, when
debating acceptable risk (e.g. when and where to use nuclear power).
The term "high risk" and "dangerous (ness)" are used interchangeably in some
contexts. In the media the term "dangerous (ness)" seems to be dominant as
opposed to "high risk", which is used more in a legal or policy context. The term
"dangerous" has also evolved into the more popular term "risk".
1.1.3 CAN WE REALLY KNOW HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS?

Kemshall (2008:7–8) is of the opinion that the identification of high-risk offenders
has been, and still is, a problem. This, in the author's opinion, is the result of three
major issues:
3
THEME 1: COMMUNITY MANAGEMENT OF HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS
● designing and implementing a risk assessment tool capable of reliably and con-
sistently identifying high-risk offenders
● differing interpretations of what constitutes "high risk" among practitioners and
sentencers
● establishing sufficient criteria and evidence upon which to base judgements
about the future
1.1.3.1 Risk assessment tools

Risk assessment tools have historically been described as an attempt to "predict the
unpredictable" and to literally "tame uncertainty". The problem with this approach
is that the rarer the behaviour of the high-risk offender, the more difficult it is to
accurately predict, even though this is only the type of high-risk behaviour that
criminal justice personnel are expected to predict (Kemshall 2008:8). In addition,
the accuracy of risk assessment tools has also proved to be problematic in terms of
maintaining long-term reliability.
1.1.3.2 The problem of risk prediction

According to Kemshall (2008:9–10), prediction has been an ongoing issue in risk
assessment. This is largely due to the difficulty in establishing the relationship
between risk factors and subsequent offending. For an offender it may be the range
and interaction of various risk factors that is important, and not just their presence
or absence. Risk factors can have different impacts – what impacts on one offender
does not necessarily impact on another. Furthermore, judgements of risk are open
to bias, stereotyping and interpretation, as both professionals and the public make
subjective decisions concerning risk prediction.
Look back at your comments in activity 1.1. In light of this, would you say that the
above statement is a fairly accurate assumption?
FURTHER READING
www.victimsofviolence.on.ca/research-library/high-risk-offenders
1.1.3.3 Criteria and evidence for "dangerousness"

When considering the criteria and evidence for "dangerousness", it is important to
consider a number of aspects, especially when deciding whether or not an offender
presents a significant risk. According to Kemshall (2008:12), there is a difference
between offenders who have no previous convictions or who are under the age of
18 and those who have previous convictions or who are over 18. In the case of the
former, the court
● must take into account all such information that is available to it about the na-
ture and circumstances of the offences
● may take into account any information that is before it about any pattern of be-
haviour which the offence forms a part of
● may take into account any information about the offender that is before it
When determining "dangerousness", a number of complex judgements based on
the interaction of the offender, the circumstances surrounding the offence, the
impact on the victim (s), and a combination of in-depth knowledge of behaviour,
attitudes and motivation are required (Kemshall 2008:13). According to Kemshall,
4
while there are significant issues involved in "knowing" high-risk or dangerous

offenders, policy, legislation and practice are all conducted "as if" we can know
them. The number of potentially dangerous offenders is enormous, comprising
anyone who has the capacity to act harmfully. The trick is to discern, with a
reasonable degree of accuracy and consistency, those who might.
1.1.4 PERSPECTIVES ON RISK AND DANGEROUSNESS

Kemshall (2008:30) is of the opinion that the term "dangerous offender" is
heterogeneous (or fairly diverse) in the 21st century, though it has focused
primarily on the sexual and violent offender, in particular those offenders who
commit sexually violent and predatory crimes against children (e. g. paedophiles).
However, the category of "dangerous offender" is very flexible, incorporating
potential terrorists, asylum seekers, problem youth, the socially excluded, as well as
a wide range of sexual and violent offences of varying degrees of seriousness.
Kemshall further states that “every offender is deemed to present some risk – the
key is to determine the level of risk and match responses accordingly”.
According to O'Malley (2010:4), critical criminologists postulate that a risk-based
approach plays a key role in the emergence of the “culture of control”. This
approach focuses mainly on criminal behaviour rather than therapeutic correction,
and on offenders as risks to others, rather than on disadvantaged people struggling
through life. For example, for quite minor offences – but offences seen as part of a
pattern of high-risk behaviour and, therefore, potential future crime – offenders
can be imprisoned for long periods. These offences can range from petty theft/
shoplifting to assault in its varying degrees.
ACTIVITY 2
Check your local newspapers or ask your parents, friends or other community members
whether there any dangerous or high-risk offenders are being, or have been, released from
prison back into your community? If so, what is or was the reaction of the community to
these offenders?
Air your views on this matter on the myUnisa website for this module – it will be interesting
to hear from you!
No specific feedback. Students' answers will differ. Ensure that you engage with other
students on myUnisa with regard to this question.
Dangerousness has had various interpretations and various classes of individuals have
been considered dangerous at different points in time. Theoretical approaches to
dangerousness have also changed over time. A number of different theoretical perspectives
to dangerousness are rooted in the disciplines of sociology, criminology and psychology.
These perspectives or approaches illustrate different understandings of, and responses to,
dangerousness (Kemshall 2008:30–40).
1.1.4.1 Criminological and legal approaches to risk and dangerousness

The examination of criminological and legal approaches to risk and dangerous
offenders reveals an emphasis on a technical understanding of risk, within which
risk and dangerousness are framed as objective phenomena if the correct measures
and tools can be designed. This perspective on risk has resulted in constant
development in the pursuit of reliable risk assessment tools to identify dangerous
5
offenders, the "critical few" or high-risk offenders. The accurate "capture" of risk is
seen as a matter of tool design and integrity of use.
According to this perspective, problems in tool use can be understood as arising
from differing conceptualisations of risk rather than as necessarily being due to
practitioners' lack of compliance. In essence, risk assessment tools see the riskiness
of an offender as rooted in the behaviour and circumstances of that individual.
Brown (cited in Kemshall 2008:31) describes such a perspective on risk as "fluid"
or changeable, running along a behavioural continuum of low to high risk, and
triggered by specific circumstances. Such risks are knowable and can be calculated
if behaviours and triggers can be measured against known risk profiles produced by
the aggregated data on risky populations – fundamentally this is the job that most
risk assessment tools do. Behaviours and triggers are also seen as changeable to
some degree, thus such tools target offenders for intervention and behavioural
programmes, as well as sentencing options. Criminological and legal approaches
have tended to individualise risk, centring on the rational individual or actor, who is
characterised as a free-willed individual who engages in crime in a calculated,
practical way.
Criminological and legal approaches to risk and dangerousness have contributed
risk assessment tools to the justice system and thus a degree of consistency and
accuracy to risk assessment. In addition, criminology has also focused on crime
opportunities, crime prevention and crime reduction, and has introduced a
prevention paradigm into some areas of crime management. This has resulted in
the offender being seen as a rational actor, capable of free will and choice, who can
be managed, and even changed.
1.1.4.2 Psychological framing of high-risk offenders and dangerousness

This approach views risk and dangerousness as the individual, inherent traits of the
offender. In essence, risk factors are understood as those factors predisposing the
individual to sexual or violent offending. These factors may be within the
personality of the individual, as a result of mental illness or as a result of childhood
experiences or family functioning. While risk and dangerous behaviours are
individualised, it is usually in terms of deviation from the norm (or abnormalities)
and linked to assessments or diagnoses designed to reveal the reasons for such
abnormality. Such assessments are used not only to determine culpability, but also
to determine treatability.
The criminological model of Hans Eysenck (cited in O'Malley 2010:8), suggests
that some people are driven to risk-taking and criminal behaviour because of their
autonomic nervous systems. People with a “slow or unresponsive” nervous system
are believed to require more stimulation than people with “normal” nervous
systems to provide a level of satisfaction. Such individuals are driven to more
extreme/risk-taking activities that have a high probability of being criminally
inclined. Eysenck does, however, concede that the same can be said for people who
are sky divers, explorers and great achievers. Therefore, is it important to note that
risk-taking can also be socially productive.
Psychiatric assessments and treatments often run parallel to psychological
approaches, targeted at those high-risk offenders deemed to have a mental illness.
Psychiatry has attempted to provide typologies of dangerous offenders, for
example typologies of serial killers. The question asked by these professionals is –
did the offender know what he or she was doing or not? This has an impact on the
6
degree of blame, which in turn may diminish punishment. Mental health diagnoses
for high-risk offenders can also result in compulsory detainment and treatment in
secure facilities, as well as risk prevention and public protection.
Psychology and affiliated disciplines have made a major contribution to the
framing and understanding of dangerous offenders. They played an important role
in the articulation of problematic behaviours, mental disorders, predisposing
factors and triggers, and in the development of increasingly effective treatments
and probation interventions for sexual and violent offenders.
1.1.4.3 Sociological understanding of risk and dangerousness

Sociological understanding of risk and dangerousness are eclectic, drawing on a
range of theoretical approaches (cultural theory, governmentality theory and social
construction approaches) within the broader discipline of sociology.
● Cultural theory
Cultural theory examines how some dangers are chosen to receive attention while
others are not (e.g. the attention to "stranger-danger" in child sexual abuse and the
relative neglect of sexual abuse within families). Such a perspective pays attention
to the symbolic and cultural meanings carried by risk and danger, and the political
rationalities and strategies that underpin them.
● Governmentality theory
Governmentality theorists examine risk in the context of surveillance, discipline,
and regulation of populations, and how concepts of risk construct certain norms of
behaviour, which are used to encourage individuals to engage voluntarily in self-
regulation in response to those norms. This is what Kemshall (2008:40) refers to as
"responsibilisation", which is essentially a mechanism of social regulation in which
individuals are made responsible for their own actions, including their own risks,
and for their own self-risk management.
New techniques of surveillance (generally electronic) have been increasingly linked
by governmentality theorists to social regulation. Examples of these are the
electronic tagging and satellite tracking of offenders; the use of car number plate
recognition systems in speeding; and the use of CCTV cameras to monitor the
movement of paedophiles.
● The social construction of risk and the role of the media

Social construction approaches to risk postulate that "a risk is never fully objective
or knowable outside of belief systems and moral positions: what we measure,
identify and manage as risk is always constituted via pre-existing knowledge and
discourses" (Lupton 1999:29). This is not to say that risks and dangers are not real,
but that perceptions of risk and how risks and dangers are selected for importance
and attention is significant; for example, the contrast between the media, political
and public attention given to children abducted and killed by strangers, and the
number of children killed per year by a parent.
The media shape issues, thereby drawing the attention of the public and political
figures, and provide a frame of reference against which we measure our own
experiences. The media can "champion" causes, validate causes and experiences,
demonise particular groups and popularise new fears, risk and dangers. More
7
importantly, the media can also help to find solutions (or inhibit them), mobilise
activists and enable or prompt policymakers into action.
The impact of mass media, in particular television, has contributed to what
Garland (cited in Lupton 1999:29) has called a "collective and institutionalised
crime consciousness". Experience of crime and victimisation is an everyday social
fact – indeed, it is an expectation of our everyday life, which contributes to our
anxiety and fear of crime. We are constantly aware of crime risks and take
precautions against them, even though, having done so, we may not feel
particularly safe in our communities.
ACTIVITY 3
Think about your daily routine (home, work, studies and entertainment). How do you
consciously try to protect yourself against crime and violence?
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1.1.5 CONCLUSION
It seems that the terms "risk" and "dangerousness" can be somewhat elusive. In
light of this it is important for practitioners, managers and policymakers to
understand the different perspectives or approaches and the responses to them. It
is also important to understand the views of others regarding risk and
dangerousness and how these can be sources of tension and conflict, for example
between practitioners and court officials or between policymakers and
implementers. However, it is critical that all role-players provide critical reflection
on current policy developments and penal strategies (Kemshall 2008:46).
Furthermore, O'Malley (2010:10) is of the view that risk-taking has become much
more widespread and are now part of everyday life. As a result, more young people
are attracted to styles of living and to activities that have risk-taking as a major part
of their make-up. O'Malley states that there are more opportunities for excitement
and crime (e. g. on the internet for cyber-criminals and paedophiles) and more
people are interested in taking advantage of them (for example, Generation X or
the so-called Millennials, who have a large influence on digital media from a very
young age). It is also true that technological developments are accelerated by
capitalists' desire for profit. This has resulted in it advancing faster than the means
to control its potential risk and thus harmful effects.
1.1.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Kemshall (2008:7–8) is of the opinion that the identification of high-risk of-
fenders has been, and still is, a problem. This, in the author's opinion, is due
to three major issues. Identify the correct options that describe these issues:
1. designing and implementing a risk assessment tool capable of reliably
and consistently identifying high-risk offenders
2. differing interpretations of what constitutes "high risk" among practi-
tioners and sentencers
3. the opinions of the police, court officials and medical practitioners about
who is potentially a high-risk offender
8
4. establishing sufficient criteria and evidence upon which to base judge-

ments about the future
2. "This perspective of risk has resulted in a constant developing in the pursuit
of reliable risk assessment tools to identify dangerous offenders, the ‘critical
few' or high-risk offenders."
Identify which perspective or theoretical approach the above statement forms
part of:
1. psychological approach
2. cultural perspective
3. criminological and legal approaches
4. sociological approach
3. Complete the sentence by choosing the correct term:
... assessments and treatments often run parallel to psychological approaches,
targeted at those high-risk offenders deemed to have a mental illness.
1. Biophysical
2. Psychosocial
3. Neurological
4. Psychiatric
4. What does Kemshall (2008:40) refer to as "a mechanism of social regulation
in which individuals are made responsible for their own actions, including
their own risks, and for their own self-risk management"?
1. responsibilisation
2. self-regulation
3. individualisation
4. rationalisation
5. Complete the following statement correctly by choosing the correct term:
According to the social construction approach the ... can "champion" causes,
validate causes and experiences, demonise particular groups and popularise
new fears, risk and dangers.
1. offenders
2. courts
3. media
4. victims
6. Define and describe the dilemma regarding the term “high-risk offender”.
(10)
7. Discuss the sociological understanding of risk and dangerousness by referring
to the theoretical approaches within the discipline. (15)
1.1.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT ANSWERS

1. 1; 2; 4
2. 3
3. 4
4. 1
5. 3
9
6. Refer to sections 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 in this unit.

7. Refer to section 1.1.4.3 in this unit.
10
Learning unit 1.2
Risk assessment: a complex practice
Learningunit1.2
Prof AE Hesselink
Contents
1.2.1 INTRODUCTION 12
1.2.2 KEY CONCEPTS 12
1.2.2.1 Risk assessment 12
1.2.2.2 Actuarial scales or instruments 13
1.2.2.3 Meta-analysis 13
1.2.3 WHY RISK ASSESSMENT? 13
1.2.4 RISK ASSESSMENT: AN INACCURATE PRACTICE 15
1.2.5 ASSESSMENT PRINCIPLES 16
1.2.5.1 The needs principle 16
1.2.5.2 The risk principle 16
1.2.5.3 The responsivity principle 16
1.2.5.4 Criminogenic needs 17
1.2.6 TYPES OF RISK ASSESSMENT 17
1.2.7 FACTORS RELATED TO RISK PREDICTION 18
1.2.7.1 Static risk factors 18
1.2.7.2 Dynamic risk factors 18
1.2.7.3 General risk assessment criteria for reoffending behaviour 19
1.2.8 COMMUNITY PROTECTION THROUGH PARTNERSHIP 21
1.2.9 CONCLUSION 22
1.2.10SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS 23
1.2.11SELF-ASSESSMENT ANSWERS 24
11
LEARNING OUTCOMES
When you have completed this study unit you should be able to
● understand the complex nature of risk assessment as a practice
● know why risk assessment is important in corrections
● outline the assessment principles related to risk assessment
● recognise the different types of risk assessment used in a correctional setting
● relate the factors associated with risk assessment
● understand community protection through partnership
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice and paragraph-type questions in order to demonstrate your understanding
and knowledge of and insight into the study material.
1.2.1 INTRODUCTION
According to Kemshall (2008:49), within a correctional setting, accurate risk
assessment is essential for the successful identification and management of high-
risk offenders. Yet, the practice of risk prediction is deemed inaccurate and prone
to failure. The dilemma is that no risk prediction scale or instrument can predict
recidivism with 100% accuracy. Even if an offender is classified as a high-risk
offender, the probability of reoffending is still influenced by various factors that
desist involvement in criminality (i. e. personality, personal circumstances, and
societal and familial influences), irrespective how reliable the risk assessment
instrument may be.
This study unit examines the practice of risk prediction and the accuracy of this
phenomenon, and explores the various types and adjacent principles of risk
assessment and prediction.
1.2.2 KEY CONCEPTS

The following key concepts are central to the study unit:
1.2.2.1 Risk assessment

During the 1980s and 1990s, political repercussion against "rehabilitation" led to
correctional and community supervision agencies assuming a new approach to risk
management and specifically risk assessment and prediction, in order to curtail the
risks that offenders pose to public order (Siegel & Bartollas 2011:84). Although
professionals are presented with an array of tools for risk assessment, challenges
arise when trying to choose an appropriate one (Campbell, French & Gendreau
2009:579). In this regard it is postulated by Siegel and Bartollas (2011:243–244) that
risk assessment is used to allocate inmates to high, medium and low risk categories.
Treatment effectiveness is thought to be maximised by matching inmate needs (i.e.
substance abuse and education) with the proper treatment modality, that is,
offender "responsivity" or offender treatability.
According to Hesselink-Louw (2004:27), risk assessment demands a methodical
evaluation, analysis and assessment of criminal behaviour in order to determine an
offender's risk of escaping, absconding, bullying behaviour (or own vulnerability),
and dangerousness. The risk of recidivating or causing harm to the public, known
individuals, staff, or the self is included here. Risk assessment can be applied in
order to assist with inmate classification, offender management strategies,
12
LEARNING UNIT 1.2: Risk assessment: a complex practice
therapeutic interventions, parole decision-making, community supervision and the

sentencing of offenders.
1.2.2.2 Actuarial scales or instruments

Actuarial scales are standardised, objective risk or needs instruments that have been
developed through extensive research. These instruments are quantifiable measures
of "criminogenic" risks and needs, and are linear in nature. That is, the higher a
person scores on the instrument, the greater the individual's presumed
susceptibility for criminal or antisocial behaviour in the future. Actuarial
assessments have been shown to be far better than clinical assessment
(professional/personal judgement) when predicting the incidence of reoffending.
Professional assessors base their predictions of reoffending and dangerousness on
these statistical research-based estimates of risk (that is, an actuarial approach)
(Hesselink-Louw 2004:4344).
Nonetheless, indecision remains concerning the most appropriate instruments for
the prediction of violence given the dissimilarity in item content, purpose, format
and administration of method (Campbell et al 2009:571).
1.2.2.3 Meta-analysis
A meta-analysis approach determines which instruments (risk assessment scales or
instruments) can be applied most effectively as suitable and valid predictors of
potential violence and reoffending behaviour within the correctional environment
and in the community. However, a good deal of the discrepancies among
prediction studies are linked to sampling errors, which are the main source of
variation in prediction studies. One means of addressing this concern is to conduct
meta-analyses, which statistically conclude the main study data to a superior
estimation true to population parameters (Campbell et al 2009:570–571).
In layman's terms, a meta-analysis approach is a comprehensive research endeavour
that evaluates a plethora of studies (a big sample) on the same research
phenomenon in order to determine the validity and accurateness of the scales or
instruments used (i.e. the risk predictors or indicators).
1.2.3 WHY RISK ASSESSMENT?

In modern times, the research and practice of risk assessment has shifted from
unstructured clinical judgement towards an evidence-based, structured approach.
Although this progression began in risk assessment with adult offenders, an
increasing number of measures have been developed for assessing risk for violent
and general recidivism in youth as well (Olver, Stockdale & Wormith 2009:329–
330). Predicting recidivism is important for several reasons. Firstly, it affords judges,
parole boards and probation officers the chance to assess an offender's likelihood
to reoffend. Secondly, it allows clinicians and correctional administrators the
chance to identify need and risk factors to steer intervention programmes intended
to improve an offender's chances of success within the community. Thirdly,
recidivism prediction provides community leaders and citizens with information on
how released offenders can best be reintegrated into conventional society, with the
intention of reducing the chances of relapsing into criminality and also controlling
the increasing economic, social and personal cost of crime. Lastly, differentiating
between variables that predict recidivism is of fundamental importance to forensic
13
and correctional practitioners and researchers because of its capability of

underlining vital offender needs, identifying outstanding offender risks, and
determining the central principles of crime causation for use in preventing future
criminal activity (Walters 2009:665–666).
The rationale for risk assessment necessitates the following endeavours (Hesselink-
Louw 2004:146–147):
● determine the risk of reoffending
● assess the risk posed by an offender (i.e. self-harm and escape)
● identify the factors that contribute to offending behaviour
● understand an offender's background characteristics to enhance theory and
aetiology
● identify the particular conditions under which an offender is likely to behave
violently, aggressively or criminally
● assist in an offender's case planning
● safeguard fellow inmates from risk and dangerousness
● understand childhood risk factors to improve treatment planning and treatment
responsiveness
● select appropriate targets for effective service delivery
● manage offenders in such a way as to decrease their criminal activity
● determine the probability that correctional inmates will engage in either danger-
ous or maladjusted behaviours
● minimise negative events and encourage positive ones
● assist in the safe reintegration of offenders into society
In support of this, Olver et al (2009:329) postulate that assessing risk for general
and violent recidivism is a universal chore for psychologists and other mental
health professionals who work with offenders in the criminal justice and
correctional sectors of society. These assessments, in turn, serve important
functions, among others to promote public safety, assess risk for general recidivism,
identify indicators for intervention, and guide community supervision. For example,
an offender identified as posing a high likelihood of potential dangerousness to
others might be an ideal inmate for secure custody (to protect the public) and/or
intensive treatment (to reduce risk). Risk assessments also assist in referrals,
because they are supportive of assisting sentencing decisions (e. g. type of
disposition, sentence length) or imposing special conditions. Moreover, risk
assessments may be used to formulate recommendations for services and a
comprehensive assessment can identify relevant risk factors to be targeted for
treatment, appropriate intervention strategies, and responsivity issues that may
affect the treatment process (e.g. client motivation). Finally, risk assessments may
also assist decision-making regarding the management of offenders in justice
facilities (e.g. evaluating risk of harm to staff).
14
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
Visualise a highly dangerous inmate about to be released into the community and who has
not been assessed for his or her risk for reoffending. This offender exhibits a history of the
following personal characteristics and aspects:
● juvenile antisocial and criminal behaviour
● criminal associates and gang involvement
● alcohol and drug abuse
● limited education and vocational skills
● cognitive distortions
● pro-criminal attitudes and thinking patterns
● lack of a non-criminal support structure
● unemployment
● a lack of decision-making and communication skills
The likelihood that such an offender will reoffend is high, especially if these aspects have
not been intensively addressed in rehabilitation endeavours and therapy. Remember, these
aspects can only be addressed once this offender has been effectively assessed, and his or
her unique "offender needs" (all aspects listed above) have been determined and
addressed in therapy. Once these aspects have been addressed, then they can be
eliminated from the offender's "risk list".
1.2.4 RISK ASSESSMENT: AN INACCURATE PRACTICE

Frequently, within corrections, risk assessment and prediction are made under
conditions where there is inadequate information about an offender's police arrest,
charges and circumstances of the crime (s). Hence, practitioners are placed under
severe pressure with increased responsibility "to make decisions under conditions
of uncertainty" (Kemshall 2008:55). Risk assessment in terms of potential for
violence plays a vital role in decision-making pertaining to sentencing, release and
case management, and the selection of rehabilitation methods to attain risk
reduction. The skill to assess risk is therefore facilitated by the use of structured,
empirically derived, and theoretically driven instruments – that is, actuarial risk
assessment instruments (Campbell et al 2009:568).
The use of risk assessment as a method is challenging in so far as it is vague and
indecisive regarding the specific criteria used to identify the degree of risk of an
offender. In general, most offenders are categorised as "low", "medium" or "high"
(maximum) risk offenders. This categorisation is mostly based on (Kemshall
2008:50)
● the likelihood to reoffend and dangerousness (to self and others)
● the seriousness of crime
● the absence or presence of protective factors (i.e. intelligence, support structure,
criminal associations)
● an offender's motivation to change risky behaviour
● an offender's ability to self-risk manage (i.e. to behave, adjust and reform whilst
in prison)
In South Africa, these category levels assist in housing or grouping offenders according to
their current dangerousness, personality difficulty or problems, protection of self, other in-
mates and staff, criminal history, attempted and/or actual escapes, the type and severity of
crime(s) committed, harm done, and length of imprisonment sentence.
15
Risk assessment is a fundamental and important function to reduce recidivism and to

prevent crime. In South Africa, all offenders deemed dangerous, violent, aggressive or
susceptible of future criminality should ideally undergo a comprehensive and scientific-
based risk assessment before being released back into society.
ACTIVITY 1
With the acquired knowledge of risk assessment, can you identity correctional centres in
your immediate environment that use risk assessment practices professionally for offenders
about to be released into the community and/or for pre-parole purposes? What do you think
is needed to employ this vital practice nationally in South African corrections?
Engage with fellow students on myUnisa with regard to their answers.
1.2.5 ASSESSMENT PRINCIPLES

The practice of offender assessment is based on specific principles that facilitate
the process of identifying offender needs and assessing risk. Compliance with the
risk-need-responsivity principles and identifying criminogenic needs contributes to
better risk reduction than when these principles are overlooked or modestly
applied for effective case management and risk reduction (Campbell et al 2009:583).
1.2.5.1 The needs principle

The needs principle stipulates the type of treatment targets (related to criminal
behaviour) that should be addressed to develop and rehabilitate offenders positively.
These treatment targets include, for example, substance abuse (alcohol and drug
abuse), and medical factors (HIV/AIDS, epilepsy), attitudes (pro-criminal thinking
patterns), employment (previous unemployment) and psychological factors
(cognitive distortions, self-esteem problems). Hesselink-Louw (2004:93– 94) is of
the opinion that the identification of offenders' needs can change criminal and
antisocial behaviour into pro-social conduct, if such identification processes are
effectively applied.
1.2.5.2 The risk principle

The risk principle refers to high-risk offenders receiving intensive treatment in
order to reduce their risk of re-entering a correctional environment. This is
accomplished through the assessment of known risks and the evaluation of needs
(Hesselink-Louw 2004:147). The risk principle maintains that criminal behaviour
can be predicted and that it involves matching levels of treatment services to the
risk level of an offender. Low-risk inmates present a low risk of reoffending,
whereas high-risk offenders represent a high risk of recidivism.
1.2.5.3 The responsivity principle

As such, offenders will only benefit from interventions that are meaningful to them
and are delivered in a way which is appropriate to the learning style and ability of
an offender. Aspects such as offender motivation, compliance, treatment,
treatability and treatment effects are important components of the responsivity
principle. Siegel and Bartollas (2011:243) state that "the responsivity principle
maintains that programs should consider offenders' situations as well as
characteristics that may become barriers to success in a correctional program". In
16
addition, Hesselink-Louw (2004:95) maintains that the responsivity principle refers

to delivering treatment programmes and intervention in a style and mode that is
consistent with the ability and learning style of an offender.
1.2.5.4 Criminogenic needs

Factors that place an offender at future risk are often described as "criminogenic"
and can be social or personal. Criminogenic factors are also changeable (dynamic)
and include education, pro-offending attitudes, criminal associates, substance abuse,
unemployment, aggression, and poor problem-solving skills (Hesselink-Louw
2004:94; Olver et al 2009:330).
1.2.6 TYPES OF RISK ASSESSMENT

In custodial settings it is important to determine types of risks. They include risk to
the public (i. e. marginalised groups – women), fellow inmates (i. e. aggressive
behaviour), known adults (i. e. a previous victim), children, staff (i. e. threatening
behaviour, aggression and assault), self (i.e. suicidal thoughts or behaviour), escape
(i.e. previous attempts), vulnerability (i.e. vulnerability to personal victimisation and
bullying and aggressive behaviour), control (i. e. disciplinary adjudications) and
previous behaviour (i. e. violent and aggressive behaviour, or paranoid trends)
(Hesselink-Louw 2004:148–149).
Risk and needs assessment commenced with what is known as first-generation risk
assessment. This method of assessment originated in the mid-20th century and was
based on unstructured clinical judgements of risk that were prone to error and bias.
In light of these restrictions, second-generation risk instruments were developed
and offered a standardised assessment that was based on statistically predictive
indicators (empirical instruments) aimed at reducing and predicting recidivism.
Second-generation instruments included the Violence Risk Assessment Guide
(VRAG; Harris, Rice & Quinsey 1993) and the Statistical Information on
Recidivism (SIR; Bonta, Harman, Hann & Cormier 1996). Some of these
instruments have been criticised because their items were selected with little
consideration for their theoretical or rehabilitative value. In addition, most second-
generation instruments are composed mainly of "static" risk items. Static risk
factors are unchangeable (e. g. criminal history, age, gender), and an exclusive
reliance on static factors for risk assessment has been condemned because these
factors do not take into consideration the complexity of recidivism, do not permit
measurement of changes in risk over time, and fail to identify areas for intervention
(Campbell et al 2009:568–569).
Third-generation risk instruments highlighted the need for prediction models to
predict risk and to inform the identification of criminogenic needs that could be
targeted for change to reduce recidivism. Examples of third-generation risk scales
are the Level of Supervision Inventory – Revised (LSI-R; Andrews & Bonta 1995);
the Historical, Clinical, and Risk Management Violence Risk Assessment Scheme
(HCR20; Webster, Douglas, Eaves & Hart 1997); and the Self-Appraisal
Questionnaire (SAQ; Loza 2005). These instruments were based on empirically
supported risk factors, and item selection was more deliberately determined by
theoretical understandings of persistent criminality and violence (Campbell et al
2009:568–569). Third-generation measures also included dynamic risk factors that
can change over time or with the influence of social, psychological, biological or
contextual factors (e. g. intervention). Examples of such risk factors (i. e.
17
criminogenic needs) are substance abuse, interpersonal conflict and antisocial

attitudes. Third-generation instruments have secured a more accurate estimate of
violent recidivism risk than second-generation measures (Campbell et al 2009:580).
Recent developments in risk instruments have brought to the fore fourth-
generation risk assessments that are specifically designed to be integrated into
● the process of risk management
● the selection of intervention modes and targets for treatment
● the assessment of rehabilitation progress
These instruments are administered on various occasions and are above all
informative because they document changes in specific criminogenic needs that
might occur between an offender's "entrance" into the criminal justice system and
his or her "exit" from the criminal justice system. Fourth-generation instruments
mainly identify areas of success and positive progress. They highlight intervention
strategies that need to be adapted in order to make the most of their potential for
risk reduction. Examples include the Level of Service/Case Management Inventory
(LS/CMI; Andrews, Bonta & Wormith 2004), the Violence Risk Scale (VRS; Wong
& Gordon 2006), Correctional Offender Management Profile for Alternative
Sanctions (COMPAS; Brennan & Oliver 2000), and Correctional Assessment and
Intervention System (CAIS; National Council on Crime and Delinquency 2004).
Fourth-generation instruments are said to deliver the strongest predictive estimate
of the different generations of assessments for violent recidivism (Campbell et al
2009:580).
1.2.7 FACTORS RELATED TO RISK PREDICTION

As stated in a previous section, risk and needs assessment is based on static and
dynamic factors. Hanson (2005:214) accentuates the difference between types of
risk factor. These are discussed in the following sections.
1.2.7.1 Static risk factors

Static risk factors are unchangeable, historical risk factors which include aspects
such as age, gender, marital status, criminal record, early behaviour problems, and
race factors that are a given and are part of a person's existence and history
(Hesselink-Louw 2004:156).
1.2.7.2 Dynamic risk factors

Dynamic risk factors are changeable factors that determine aspects and spheres of
an offender's life, personality and/or lifestyle where change and personal
development are possible. These factors include aspects such as substance abuse,
education, pro-criminal attitudes, criminal associations, lifestyle instability,
relationship and intimacy problems, cognitive distortions, accommodation and
unemployment. These factors are also known as criminogenic factors. These are
factors that need to be effectively addressed to bring about positive change and
development within an offender (Campbell et al 2009:580; Hesselink-Louw
2004:154– 155). In support of this, Hanson (2005:214) proposes that changes in
criminogenic factors or needs correspond to changes in recidivism.
18
1.2.7.3 General risk assessment criteria for reoffending behaviour

According to Newsome and Cullen (2017:1033-1037), risk prediction efforts
should be based on the Risk-Need-Responsivity Principles (RNR). Vital factors
that should be taken cognisance of include all possible aspects that are associated
with the offender's needs for rehabilitation (i. e. self-development areas such as
education and substance abuse), risk for reoffending behaviour (i. e. lack of
employable skills) and the responsivity (the offender's level of understanding,
which should match rehabilitation efforts) of the offender (Hesselink in Herbig
2014:185-188; Newsome & Cullen 2017:1033– 1036). This means that
criminologists should take into consideration the offender's unique causes,
contributory factors and motives related to his or her criminal behaviour to
conduct a risk assessment (Hesselink, in Herbig 2014:184–185):
● Causes associated with his/her offending behaviour: These include factors that
are directly linked to the offending behaviour such as unemployment or sub-
stance addiction.
● Contributory factors linked to the criminal behaviour: Here, factors that are in-
directly linked to the offending behaviour might include childhood abuse,
opportunity, lack of self-control and childhood neglect.
● Motives related to the crime: The factors which preceded the offence, such as
stress, greediness or desperation will qualify as the offender's motives to commit
the crime.
● Triggers that are interrelated to the person's criminal behaviour: A need for
money, rage and anger might trigger an offender to commit a crime.
In order to determine adult offenders' risks for recidivism, Table 1.2.7 below
outlines examples of general risk factors that are associated with reoffending
behaviour.
Table 1.2.7: General risk assessment indicators for reoffending behaviour
Crime-related actors Personal/personality- Social and environmen-
related factors (cogni- tal factors
tive deficits)
An early onset of antiso- A history of psychologi- Poor academic achieve-
cial, deviant or criminal cal or psychiatric treatment, limited schooling,
behaviour ment and or diagnoses thus a poor and limited
education
A criminal history (pre- Impulsivity A criminal support struc-
vious offences, arrests or ture (parental, siblings
clashes with the law) and friends' criminal in-
volvement)
Elements of coercion, A low self-esteem Unemployment and fi-
force, stalking, sadism nancial problems
and weapons involved in
the crime
19
Committing the crime in a A lack of self-control Dysfunctional personal and/

group context (i. e. gang in- or family life characterised
volvement or an organised by violence, neglect, abuse,
crime syndicate) conflict and crime
A history of violent and ag- Depression, anger, rage and Community or prison gang
gressive behaviour anxiety, manipulation, post- involvement
traumatic stress disorder
A history of deviant sexual A lack of victim empathy Residing in a high-crime
behaviour, interests or pre- area/neighbourhood
occupations
Victim (s) selection and rela- A lack of motivation to Substance (alcohol and
tionship to the victim(s) change drugs) use, abuse and addic-
tion
Pre-planning of the offence A lack of insight and under- Criminal associates
and grooming practices with standing into one's own
regards to sexual offences behaviour (i. e. the causes,
contributory factors, motives
and trig-
gers)
Diversity in criminality Antisocial attitudes and be- Poor intimate/personal rela-
(i. e. a range of economic, liefs (i.e. a lack of values and tionships
violent and aggressive and morals, rationalisation, mini-
narcotic-related crimes) malisation, neutralisation and
shifting blame of own behav-
iour or involvement in
crime)
Skills deficits: poor decision- Adolescent / adult abuse (i.e.
making, coping strategies, domestic violence and emo-
self-management, and regu- tional abuse)
lation of emotions)
Table 1.2.7 depicts important risk assessment foci areas that are, for the purpose of
this study unit, divided into crime-related, personal/personality-related and social
or environmental-related factors. The type of crime (i.e. armed robbery), and each
offender's unique causes (unemployment and drug addiction), contributory factors
(i. e. limited education and criminal associated), motives (i. e. to sustain drug
addiction and to acquire money) and triggers (i. e. desperation to get drugs and
money) will determine the specific risk factors.
INTERESTING READING
To read more on risk assessment for offending behaviour, please access the following link:
https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/pprchs-rsksmt/index-en.aspx
The aforementioned link concerns approaches to offender risk assessment.
20
1.2.8 COMMUNITY PROTECTION THROUGH PARTNERSHIP
Level 1: Ordinary risk Level 2: Local inter- Level 3: Multi-agen-

management agency risk management cy protection panel
(MAPPA)
Risk is managed by the Active involvement of For the "critical few",
agency responsible for more than one agency i. e. registered sex of-
the offender fenders, violent and
other aggressive of-
fenders and repetitive
violent offenders
No involvement of other Higher level of risk because MAPPA is responsible
agencies of complexity of managing for risk management
the offender planning
Only an appropriate op- Level 3 cases can be re- Active partners take
tion for offenders that ferred to level 2 when risk joint responsibility for
are "low" or "medium" of harm deflates community manage-
risk ment of an offender
Responsible authorities de- The offenders associ-
cide on the frequency of ated with this level are
meetings, representation, at high or very high
type of active role and qual- risk of causing serious
ity assurance of risk harm
management
Offenders present risks
that can be managed
through a plan identi-
fied by close coope-
ation at a senior level,
owing to complexity of
the case/offender and
resource commitment
it requires
Likelihood of media
scrutiny and/or public
interest, need to ensure
public confidence is
sustained
Internationally, formal partnerships for protection of the community originated in
the early 1990s, focusing on managing and monitoring high-risk offenders once
they had been released from prison and reintegrated into the community. These
partnerships are known as formal multi-agency public protection arrangements
(MAPPA), which inform part of the community protection approach to risk
management (Kemshall 2008:67).
21
Kemshall (2008:69) proposes the following tiered approach for the risk
management of offenders about to be released (or still to be in custody for a while)
in order to ensure community protection through partnership:
● the victim: past and possible future victims, modus operandi (i.e. methods used,
coercion, stalking, weapons used, threats), circumstances of crime and
proximity
● conditions and circumstances: to determine risk of past and future in order to
predict high-risk circumstances
● level of motivation: to offend and to comply with risk management plan and of-
fender's own view of his or her risk
● consideration of imminence: linked to the likelihood and opportunity to
reoffend
● risk determination: escalating of risks linked to risk management plan prediction
– whether future risks (increased) are foreseen and planned for
Although the MAPPA has a legal responsibility to publish annual reports, the
publication represents limited communication with local communities. While
public commitment to the work of MAPPA remains unfulfilled and results in low
trust and low reliability, these may hold negative consequences for the MAPPA
system. However, MAPPA's lack of accountability to the public and the lack of
transformation within its operation leave it potentially isolated from local
communities. In addition, the distance between experts and the public is
problematic in long-term management of taboo risks (Kemshall 2008:72).
In South Africa, partnerships with local communities are in place in terms of the
adopted Circles of Support and Accountability (COSA) model. This joint venture
is based on negative public reaction to the release of a sex offender into the
community, and awareness that formal supervisory instruments can neither
effectively reintegrate sex offenders nor promise public safety. This practice has its
origin in faith-based communities offering "circles of support" and responsibility
with regard to a sexual offender, that is, offering contact and support (i. e. a
surrogate family) while monitoring the offender with caution. The work of COSA
also recognises that many sex offenders are social isolates, and that reintegration
following custody is on the whole difficult. Sex offenders are perceived as being
open to rehabilitation, although obstacles to effective rehabilitation are recognised
and the notion is that without sufficient assistance sex offenders will reoffend
(Kemshall 2008:74–75).
COSA is in line with a broadly restorative and re-integrative approach to sexual
offending, and aims to develop community safety through the effective
reintegration of sex offenders into the community. COSA has been evaluated in
Canada and the UK with positive results, with a decrease of 70% in sexual
offending. Other countries involved in the COSA approach are the Netherlands,
the USA and Bermuda (Kemshall 2008:74–75).
1.2.9 CONCLUSION
In this study unit the practice and obstacles pertaining to risk assessment were
considered. The focus fell upon the central concepts of risk assessment, which
included the different types of risk assessment, the accuracy of risk assessment as a
practice in predicting recidivism, and community protection through partnerships.
22
Choose the correct options.

1. Residing in a high-crime neighbourhood that is characterised by gangs and un-
employment are factors that are associated with
(a) personal or personality-related risk assessment factors
(b) social or environmental-related risk assessment factors
(c) crime-related risk assessment factors
(d) victim-related risk assessment factors
2. All risk assessment attempts should be based on the ….. Principle.
(a) Reaction-Risk-Need
(b) Responsivity-Risk-Need
(c) Need-Risk-Reaction
(d) Risk-Need-Responsivity
3. When a criminologist wants to take into consideration whether an offender
displays personality disorder traits, the identification of hereof should be
grounded on a
(a) professional therapist such as a psychiatrist or a psychologist's diagnosis
(b) self-assessment and according to the criminologist's risk assessment
(c) crime-related factors such as sadism and a history of violent and aggres-
sive behaviour
(d) risk assessment factors such as criminal associations and a dysfunctional
family life
4. Factors such as ... can be perceived as crime-related risk assessment factors.
(a) a lack of victim empathy and an early onset of deviant and criminal
behaviour
(b) grooming and a history of violent and aggressive behaviour
(c) a history of deviant sexual interests and pre-occupations and impulsivity
(d) criminal attitudes and the pre-planning of a crime
5. Identify which of the following options DOES NOT fit into crime-related
factors category for general risk assessment:
(a) gang involvement, stalking behaviour, history of sexual behaviour, and
an early onset of deviant and criminal behaviour
(b) using force and weapons, victim selection and relationship to the victim,
and a lack of insight and understanding into one's own behaviour
(c) pre-planning of the offence, a criminal history, criminal associates, a low
self-esteem, and a lack of self-control
(d) committing crime in a group context, history of deviant sexual behav-
iour, and a criminal support structure
6. Distinguish between causes, contributory factors and motives. (10)
7. Read the following scenario and answer the question and instruction below.
Since an early age Leo's behaviour has been characterised by stealing and lying
to his parents and to his teachers at the school. He regularly got involved in
physical fights with his fellow leaners and later on, Leo started to miss school.
23
At the age of 13 years, Leo joined a local group of friends in his

neighbourhood who occupied their time with drugs, shoplifting and theft.
Later on, at the age of 16, Leo was arrested for motor vehicle theft and for
possession of drugs. He received an eight-month imprisonment sentence for
these crimes, which he served at a juvenile detention centre.
Instruction: Conduct a risk assessment on Leo and identify the specific risk
factors and their categories that are associated with Leo's antisocial and
criminal behaviour. (15)

1. (b)
2. (d)
3. (a)
4. (b)
5. (a)
6. Consult section 1.2.7.3 on the causes, contributory factors and motives related
to crime.
7. Use table 6.1 to identify the factors and risk assessment categories that are as-
sociated with Leo's antisocial and criminal behaviour.
24
Learning unit 1.3
Community management of high-risk offenders:
risk management
Learningunit1.3
Mrs GE Da Costa
Contents
1.3.2 COMMUNITY PROTECTION RISK MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES 26
1.3.2.1 Supervision and monitoring 26
1.3.2.2 Key components of effective risk management 28
1.3.2.3 General notes on risk management strategies 29
1.3.3 ALTERNATIVE RISK MANAGEMENT APPROACHES 29
1.3.3.1 Public Health Approach (PHA) 30
1.3.3.2 Prevention and opportunity management strategies 32
1.3.4 POTENTIAL AND LIMITS OF THE DIFFERENT APPROACHES 34
1.3.5 CONCLUSION 35
LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this learning unit, you should
● understand the types of strategy and intervention that are used by partnerships in the
community management of high-risk offenders
● appreciate the risk management strategies used in the "community protection model"
● be able to identify the emerging alternative strategies
● be conversant with the potential and limits of each approach
ASSESSMENT METHODS
After completing this learning unit, you should be able to answer diverse multiple-
choice questions and paragraph-type questions in order to demonstrate your
understanding and knowledge of, and insight into the learning outcomes of this
study material.
25
1.3.1 INTRODUCTION
This learning unit examines the strategies and interventions used by partnerships to
deliver protection in the community management of high-risk offenders. A few risk
management techniques are examined, which include the following:
● community protection measures (such as sexual offender registration, electronic
tagging)
● public health approach (such as primary, secondary and tertiary level)
● restorative and preventative measures (such as preventative and opportunity
management strategies)
This learning unit will focus on some of the main risk management strategies used
by the community protection model and some of the alternative strategies with
regard to restorative, preventative and opportunity management.
1.3.2 COMMUNITY PROTECTION RISK MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES

Research indicates that children remain at risk from sexual offenders and
paedophiles (Andersen 2018:1-2; Hall 2018; Lalor & McElvaney 2010:159).
Therefore, risk management of such offenders is vital. Community protection of
risk management centres on the protection of the community; accordingly, it
stresses controlling and restrictive measures for the offender. The methods of
supervision are usually rigorous, including monitoring techniques and corrective
programmes that are founded on principles of cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT).
Kemshall (2008:86) and Kemshall and Wood (2008:207) give an example of some
restrictive measures: a sex offender may have a restriction against using certain
leisure facilities such as swimming pools, and approaching local schools, and may
have, as a condition, to reside in a certain place, such as a hostel. The researchers
explain that these conditions limit the opportunity for offenders to commit
offences and to "groom" their victims, but unfortunately these conditions can
sometimes have an adverse effect. The HMIP (Her Majesty's Inspectorate of
Probation) thematic on sex offenders found that sex offenders who were restricted
from certain areas were in social isolation, especially from their own families and
support groups, which in turn led to a lack of reintegration. Hall (2018) discusses
grooming as a complex issue and states that it entails various tactics by child sex
offenders to access children to abuse these children. Furthermore, she confirms
that if the offender forms a set of successful grooming approaches, the offender
will most likely use this as part of their modus operandi.
The community protection model often views risk management as working with
unmotivated offenders and therefore aims to protect victims at all costs by
containing offenders within the community and restricting their opportunities to
reoffend. Furthermore, risk management plans are driven by the police and
probation and is therefore embedded in the Criminal Justice System (Kemshall &
Wood 2007:207). In addition, the victims’ and community’s rights are viewed as
more important that the offender's rights and is characterised by supervision and
monitoring of offenders.
1.3.2.1 Supervision and monitoring

One of the important activities of the community protection model is the
supervision and monitoring of offenders. With reference to Justice and
Correctional Services, the contravention of parole conditions leads to interventions
26
LEARNING UNIT 1.3: Community management of high-risk offenders: risk management
such as correctional programmes, stricter conditions, increased supervision and

revocation of the parole (www.justice.gov.za). Monitoring in these instances would
include visits to the parolee's home and workplace, telephonic liaison and
consultations at the Community Corrections Office. Two difficulties regarding
supervision of high-risk offenders are a lack of resources and an overemphasis on
restrictions.
Joan van Niekerk, a manager at Childline South Africa, affirms that the best risk
management strategy – in their experience – is a system of close monitoring that
involves a team. This team should include both therapy and a well-trained authority
figure, such as a parole officer and a close family member, who is willing to engage
as a partner in the rehabilitation process. This should be implemented carefully,
without taking any responsibility for maintaining safe behaviour away from the
offender him- or herself (Van Niekerk 2010).
Key component This entails the following:
Proactive planning Before a high-risk offender is released
from prison, the following issues
should be dealt with: Firstly, appropri-
ate licence/parole conditions should be
created, accommodation should be se-
cured, victim protection and support
work needs to take place and surveil-
lance and reporting requirements
should be set up.
Police intelligence To monitor grooming and targeting ac-
tivities and to identify offender
networks.
Boundaries and swift enforcement Although these written contracts are
not legally binding, contracts with of-
fenders could reinforce conditions and
hold these offenders to account for
programme attendance and compliance
with conditions, for example, rapid pa-
role recall.
Targeted surveillance To establish key contacts and offender
movements and to provide evidence of
further offending and evidence to justi-
fy recall.
Supervised accommodation Crucial for effective risk management.
It provides stability and can be com-
bined with curfews, CCTV surveillance,
electronic monitoring and high levels
of staff contact.
Accredited programmes Programme selection must be done
with great care as part of a wider risk
management strategy.
27
Victim protection Providing relevant information, per-

sonal alarms, rapid response police
numbers and restraining orders.
Addressing criminogenic and welfare Failure to meet the basic offender
needs needs can undermine the risk manage-
ment plan.
1.3.2.2 Key components of effective risk management

Kemshall (2008:87– 88) states that a typical risk management package for a
paedophile on release from custody could resemble the following:
● electronic tagging
● supervised accommodation
● restriction of access to school locations
● identification and intensive one-to-one work on key triggers (such as mood
changes, attitudes to and the sexualisation of children)
● use of local police intelligence on offending networks and surveillance of key
movements
● victim empathy work
What can you remember?
A national sex offender register could be viewed as a typical method of risk management of
high-risk offenders. Although there is an increase of national sex offender registers, more
research would need to be conducted to explore this population of registered sex offenders,
in order to ensure the prevention of sexual abuse is further reduced (Ackerman, Harris,
Levenson, & Zgoba 2011:149). With this in mind, please peruse the National Register for
Sex Offenders below and complete the activity that follows.
Other websites for South Africa's National Register for Sex Offenders:
https://www.gov.za/services/national-register-sex-offenders-nrso
https://www.saps.gov.za/resource_centre/publications/pamphlets/nrso.pdf
Why must you do this activity?
You must do this activity to determine whether you understand the National Register for Sex
Offenders.
ACTIVITY 1
Peruse the National Register for Sex Offenders and answer the following questions:
1. Why does South Africa need a National Register for Sex Offenders?
2. What offences are covered in the Sexual Offences Act?
3. What is the full name of this Act?
Firstly, South Africa needs a National Register for Sex Offenders due reduce the high rate of
sexual offenses against children and mentally disabled persons. Secondly, the offences that
are covered in the Act are sexual assault, sexual grooming, exposure to pornography,
creation of child pornography, flashing and causing children to witness sexual assault.
Thirdly, the Act is entitled the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters)
Amendment Act, 2007 (Act 32 or 2007).
28
1.3.2.3 General notes on risk management strategies

Risk management strategies should also provide for the following (Kemshall
2008:91):
● strong incentives for individuals to manage their own behaviour
● strong incentives to attend and comply with therapy and programmes
● a thorough system of supervision with regular reassessment
● clear boundaries for acceptable behaviour and enforcement
● integrated management of custody, therapy and community services
Some of the critical success factors of excellent programmes and interventions
delivered with integrity are
● appropriate targeting
● programme integrity (deliver the content as intended)
● committed programme tutors
● support for the programme by key workers
● appropriate relapse prevention planning
There are a few risk management strategies listed below, can you recognise them?
1. Ensuring that all sexual offenders are listed on a national register.
2. According to Chapter 6 of the Sexual Offences Act, all individuals who work
with children should have a certificate indicating that they are not on the
register.
Are parents allowed to enquire about such certificates?
3. Contacting Childline comprises what type of strategy?
Owing to criticism of the punishment paradigm we will now look at some
alternative risk management approaches that are rooted in restorative justice.
1.3.3 ALTERNATIVE RISK MANAGEMENT APPROACHES

As most alternative risk management approaches are rooted in restorative justice,
let us first look at what restorative justice is from a South African perspective.
Conrad Brunk cites the following on the Restorative Justice website homepage as
the "building blocks" of an effective criminal justice system (www.rjc.co.za):
1. Protection of innocent law-abiding citizens. In other words, maintaining a mo-
ral society that encourages people to obey the law and deters them from
breaking the law.
2. Offenders should receive their just deserts. Punishment should fit the crime
and be neither more nor less than the offenders deserve.
3. It should redress the injustice done by the criminal. The wrongdoer should
right the wrongs.
4. Punishment should not make the offender a worse person rather a better one.
The rehabilitation approach model tends to see offenders as either patients or
victims, or both. Either way, they are not seen as being morally responsible for
offences committed. Restorative justice is sometimes aligned with rehabilitation
theory, although the two are worlds apart. The term "rehabilitation" is far too weak
to capture the power and intensity of the meaningful and profound changes that
take place in those who participate in restorative justice processes. Restorative
justice treats offenders as responsible moral agents (unless of course that is clearly
not the case). An offender who has taken responsibility for repairing the harm
29
done to victims and now has restored the trust and confidence of the community,
is "rehabilitated" in a far broader sense than one who has undergone individual
therapy.
Kemshall (2008:95– 101) mentions a few alternative strategies, namely the Public
Health Approach (PHA), the Good Lives Model (GLM), prevention strategies such
as The Derwent Initiative (TDI) and Tackling Alcohol-related Street Crime (TASC).
For the purpose of this learning unit, we will focus on the Public Health Approach
(PHA) and the prevention and opportunity management strategies.
1.3.3.1 Public Health Approach (PHA)

The Public Health Approach (PHA) is one of the alternative methods and argues
that the community-based approach is centered in the Criminal Justice System but
that this approach has not been successful in reducing sex offending (Kemshall &
Wood 2007:211). Another argument in this regard, is that the community risk
management instil fear in the public and this leads to the rejection of sex offenders.
Furthermore, the PHA entails three levels and focuses on preventative measures.
The primary level of this approach involves the prevention of sexually deviant
behaviour before it begins. An example of a primary level approach would be the
identification and prevention of sexually deviant behaviour in at-risk children and
the long-term prevention of sexual offenders. The secondary level involves the
prevention of first-time offenders from continuing in offending and the tertiary
level consists of the effective work with serious sex offenders. Can you note the
clear shift of words such as supervision and monitoring (community protection risk
management approach) to words such as, identification and prevention of the
public health approach (PHA)? Please discuss this further on myUnisa.
Another example of how the PHA differs from the Community Protection
Approach is the use of the swimming pool as discussed in section 1.3.2. Whereas
sex offenders were totally restricted from these areas in the Community Protection
Approach, in the PHA, the Leisure Watch programme is adopted. Sex offenders
are called to adhere to a code of behaviour, if for any reason these offenders do not
abide to this code, these offenders are reported to the police. Are you aware of any
recent South African examples of such programmes for sex offenders? Please
discuss this on myUnisa with your fellow students.
ACTIVITY 2
You must do this activity to determine whether you understand the public health approach
(PHA).
● Instructions
Read sections 1.3.3.1 and the article below entitled Psychopath, about a convict who spent
20 years in jail for raping two girls and murdering one, wanting to be released. Do you think,
considering the public health approach, that this sex offender will be rehabilitated or will he
be a danger to the public?
30
Answers will differ. Students should self-assess their answers by comparing them to those
of other students on myUnisa.
31
Other useful websites and sources:

The Department of Correctional services: www.dcs.gov.za
South African Police Services: www.saps.co.za
Hall, B. 2018. Exploring the Behavioural Profile of Male Serial Child Rapists in
South Africa. MA: University of Pretoria.
Salter, A. 2018. Predators: Pedophiles, rapists, and other sex offenders.
1.3.3.2 Prevention and opportunity management strategies

The prevention and opportunity strategies are extremely helpful in managing
offenders. This approach is applied to sexual "grooming", that is, the targeting of
children for sexual abuse by offenders (Kemshall 2008:97; Hall 2018). The
preventative measures should target, among other things, the following:
● identifying potential offenders at the onset of their sexual interest in children
● intervening with these potential offenders as they begin grooming behaviours
● intervening once they are grooming the child
“Stop it now!” is a helpline working in the UK. This organisation provides public
awareness by distributing pamphlets that describe grooming behaviours; this also
assists parents in identifying problematic sexual behaviours in their children
(Kemshall & Wood 2007:212).
32
Childline is a helpline in South Africa:

http://www.childlinesa.org.za/about/how-we-help/
Van Niekerk (2010) states the following, "There is little research on monitoring as a
management strategy but there was a strong recommendation from the SA Law
Reform Commission's Sexual Offences Project Committee that monitoring should
be included in legislation." In relation to prevention and opportunity management
strategies in South Africa, read the following articles and indicate what preventative
measures parents could take to protect their children from sexual offenders.
Enclosed below, is a recent article entitled .
5 Ways to Protect Your Children from a Paedophile Available at:https://www.
allprodad. com/5-ways-to-protect-your-children-from-a-paedophile/ (accessed on
29/09/2018)
Ernie Allen, president of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Chil-
dren, says, “We know for a fact that those who prey upon children are people
who seek legitimate access and don't look like stereotypes. These are doctors,
lawyers, pastors, schoolteachers, executives and even police officers; it really
crosses the societal spectrum. The vast majority don't look the way children
expect them to look. We've done focus groups with kids. They all get the idea
they shouldn't talk to strangers. But when you ask them what a stranger is, it's
invariably somebody who is big and scary and dirty and ugly: people who look
like they are going to hurt you. But really, [the pedophile] is far more likely to
be someone who is a friend, a coach.”
Unfortunately, we live in an age where the exploitation of children is on the
rise. Here are 5 ways to protect your child from a paedophile:
1. Get Active in Your Children's Life.Make sure you know who your chil-
dren are spending time with, the adults they come in contact with on a regular
basis or what they are doing at a friend's house.
2. Make Time to Take Part in Your Children's Life.Paedophiles look for
children who appear to be on their own or whose parents don't pay much at-
tention to them. Pedophiles participate in activities where children are, so
getting involved in your children's life can help set up a barrier between your
children and a pedophile.
3. Sexual Abuse and Exploitation of Children Can Take Place Anywhere
and at Any Time.This isn't just a “big city” problem. The U.S. Department
of Justice estimates that on average, there is one child molester per square
mile. In Canada, that means on average, there is one child molester per 1.6
square kilometres. Be aware of the people who live in your community, and
watch those who seem to have an unusual interest in children.
4. Make Sure Your Children Know the Proper Name of Their Anatomi-
cal Parts. Paedophiles often adopt cute names for the “sexual” parts of a
child's body, and if your child knows the proper name, it may prevent a sexual
attack. A knowledgeable child projects power and may scare off a sexual
predator.
5. Listen To Your Intuition – Teach Your Children to Listen to Their In-
tuition.Intuition is a natural defence system and as we grow older, it becomes
more refined. It is designed to protect us from harm or dangerous situations.
Make sure your children understand this – if they feel uncomfortable, get out
33
of that situation. If they feel unsure about doing something, don't. If they
don't want to go with a certain person, don't make them. Stop caring about
politeness and think about safety first!
THINGS TO REMEMBER …
1. If Your Child is Sexually Abused, Don't Blame Them. Often times, the
abuser will make a child feel as if they contributed to their abuse. A child is
never at fault – adults know better and must accept full responsibility for their
actions.
2. You Probably Won't Recognize a Paedophile. Despite the picture peo-
ple may have of a paedophile, there is not one “look” for a sexual predator.
They come from a variety of backgrounds, professions, and ethnic back-
grounds. Usually the paedophile is known by both the child and you. Also
read the recent study Exploring the Behavioural Profile of Male Serial Child Rapists
in South Africa (Hall 2018).
ACTIVITY 3
You must do this activity to determine whether you understand the preventative measures
parents could take to protect their children from sex offenders.
● Instructions
Read sections 1.3.3.2 and the article entitled 5 ways to protect your children from a
paedophile and answer the following questions:
1. Name five preventative measures to protect your child from a sex offender.
Answers will differ. Students should self-assess their answers by comparing them to those
of other students on myUnisa.
One other preventative measure is to ensure that the person caring for your child has a
certificate proving that he/she is not on the National Register for Sex Offenders. Another
preventative measure could be for a parent to teach their children some of the warning signs.
There are many other preventative measures and I look forward to hearing your thoughts on
them, so please discuss it further with your fellow students on the discussion forum on
myUnisa.
1.3.4 POTENTIAL AND LIMITS OF THE DIFFERENT APPROACHES

O'Malley (2010: np) states that developmental crime prevention tries to deal with
crime risks in early development. This hopeful exploration directs us to the term
‘what works' instead of ‘nothing works'. Crime factors such as family isolation,
inadequate parenting, single parenting, attachment difficulties, low self-esteem and
the like corresponds with the list of causes of crime. Kemshall (2008:107) argues
that the restorative approach is not necessarily mutually exclusive:
The restorative justice paradigm does not have all the answers. It is often met with
controversy, particularly where "gendered and sexualized violence" (Hudson 2002)
is concerned. In the absence of workable alternatives, however, there is a need to
extend the use of restorative justice to difficult societal problems, like children sex-
ual abusers and child sexual abuse. Its potential benefits for improving the safety of
34
victims, for providing relief for communities and for rehabilitating offenders may
mean that it is worth careful experiment (Kemshall 2008:107).
In order for these types of programme to be successful, a multi-agency approach is
needed. An audit conducted by the Scottish Government entitled, Serious violent and
sexual offenders: the use of risk assessment tools in Scotland (www.scotland.gov.uk) focused
on multi-agency risk management. As one prison psychologist explained:
If we were able to develop good written multi-disciplinary risk management plans
that are short, medium and long term so that there are plans for within the estab-
lishment, plans for when someone leaves and that the targets are set for each
professional within the multi-agency group and those plans are reviewed as the
prisoner progresses through the system I think that would be a good way forward
in terms of bringing in more disciplines into the risk management process.
O'Malley (2010: np) believes that a future is possible, as there are new ways for
reducing risks, new risks discovered and new measuring techniques are invented.
Do you agree with this statement? Discuss on myUnisa.
1.3.5 CONCLUSION
This learning unit explored the various risk management strategies offered by the
community protection model and some of the alternative approaches. The unit
focused on the rehabilitation and Public Health Approach (PHA) purposes of
alternative risk management approaches with a special emphasis on preventative
strategies.
The two approaches mentioned by Kemshall (2008) were discussed, namely
community protection measures (such as sexual offender registration and
electronic tagging) and the restorative measures (such as public health and
preventative strategies). Kemshall promotes a more balanced, human and
integrative approach to the risk management of high-risk offenders.

1. Which one of the following is not a key component of effective risk
management?
(1) police intelligence
(2) proactive planning
(3) accredited programmes
(4) targeted planning
2. Supervision and monitoring are an example of which approach?
(1) community engagement risk management
(2) community outreach risk management
(3) community protection risk management
(4) community health risk management
3. Identify the correct statement regarding the prevention and opportunity
management.
(1) This approach tends to see the offender as either patients or victims, or
both.
(2) Offenders are not viewed as being morally responsible for offences
committed.
35
(3) One target of this approach is to identify potential offenders as they be-
gin offending.
(4) Another target of this approach is to intervene after the offender
grooms the child.
4. Identify the correct statement in relation to the National Register for Sex Of-
fenders (NRSO).
(1) The NRSO was established by an Act of parliament in 2009.
(2) The NRSO is a record of names of those found guilty of sex offending.
(3) The NRSO requires employers only in the private sector to do back-
ground checks of their employees.
(4) The NRSO enables employers in the public sector to do background
checks of their employees.
5. Which of these are not a critical success factor of risk management
interventions?
(1) appropriate targeting
(2) programme integrity
(3) committed programme tutors
(4) appropriate boundaries
6. Highlight the difference(s) between the community protection model and the
Public Health Approach. (15)
7. Name and briefly explain five key components of effective risk management
according to Kemshall (2007). (10)

1. 4
2. 3
3. 3
4. 2
5. 4
6. Refer to section 1.3.2 and 1.3.3.1.
7. Refer to section 1.3.2.1.
36
Learning unit 1.4
Community management of high-risk offenders
Learningunit1.4
Compiled by: Ms E Joubert

Contents
1.4.2 KEY CONCEPTS 38
1.4.2.1 High-risk offenders 38
1.4.3 RISKS VERSUS RIGHTS 38
1.4.4 ETHICAL ISSUES 41
1.4.5 COMMUNITY NOTIFICATION 41
1.4.6 THE SOUTH AFRICAN SITUATION 43
1.4.7 SUPERVISING AND MONITORING 45
1.4.8 EVIDENCE OF EFFECTIVENESS 45
1.4.9 CONCLUSION 46
1.4.10.1Self-assessment answers 48
LEARNING OUTCOMES
When you have completed this study unit you should
● be able to explain the concept of a high-risk offender
● understand how the high-risk offenders are managed in the community
● be familiar with the South African context
● recognise the effectiveness of managing high-risk offenders
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice and paragraph-type questions in order to demonstrate your understanding
and knowledge of and insight into the study material.
1.4.1 INTRODUCTION
Public protection against high-risk offenders (violent and sexual crimes) is a
sensitive and contentious issue, attracting much media and political attention. Risk
management and public protection failures elicit public outcry against probation
options for high-risk offenders. Management of high-risk crime offenders entails,
37
amongst others, the use of restriction and surveillance and the prioritisation of
victim and community rights over those of the offenders.
1.4.2 KEY CONCEPTS
1.4.2.1 High-risk offenders

Defining high-risk offenders is no easy task. Criminal offenders vary in their risk to
re-offend. Low-risk offenders (few risk factors) refer to offenders who have lesser
tendencies to re-offend and are of minimal risk to the community compared to
high-risk offenders (many risk factors), who are more likely to be placed in prison
or subjected to close supervision if they are on parole (Anon [sa] h). High-risk
offenders often have an early onset of criminal behaviour, as well as antisocial
beliefs and personalities. In addition, they have a long criminal history, substance
abuse problems or poor family relations, and are likely to be unemployed. Low-risk
offenders, on the other hand, are likely to have good jobs, good relationships with
their families, and good relationships with prosocial acquaintances, fairly prosocial
attitudes, a limited criminal history, and few, if any, substance abuse problems
(Lowenkamp & Latessa 2004). "High-risk offenders", for the purpose of this study
unit, refers to offenders who have committed a violent or sexual offence. More
attention will be paid to sexual offences involving children in the discussion below.
1.4.3 RISKS VERSUS RIGHTS

Community management of high-risk offenders is no easy task. The feelings of the
community refer, in the first place, to feelings of indignation and outrage over a
hideous crime that has been committed. However, the community should know
that the courts consider it a priority to create a living space where community
members' lives and possessions are safe. Community interests play a prominent
role; however, court outcomes (sentencing) do not always satisfy community
expectations. As a result, vigilantism may be a natural response, but this should be
discouraged through community education.
When a high-risk offender who have been released on parole commits a crime,
tension between the risks and rights of the offender arise. The authorities involved
(such as politicians, courts, prison, parole and probation services) should maintain,
as their top priority, a focus on public protection. The prisoner's right to be kept in
prison or released on parole should be balanced under the European Convention,
United Nations, and African Charter of Human and People`s Rights (Anon, [sa]i).
The public is entitled to community notification, that is, disclosure of information
about sex offenders, which indicates that the rights of the community are more
important than the rights of the offender (Kemshall 2008:111). Sex offender
registers originated in the United States of America. In 1944, laws required
convicted sex offenders to register their names and addresses at the local police
station (Jooma 2010:29).
In South Africa, the Sexual Offences Act came into operation on 16 December
2007 and Chapter 6 of this Act, which deals with the Sexual Offenders Register
also known as the National Register for Sexual Offenders (NRSO), came into
effect on 16 June 2009 (Jooma 2010:21). Being on the NRSO is not a sentence in
itself. The duration that a person's name will remain on the NRSO is determined
by the sentence received (Section 51(1) of Act 32 of 2007).
38
LEARNING UNIT 1.4: Community management of high-risk offenders
South Africa is staggering under crime, which is confirmed by the release of the
latest 2017/2018 crime statistics. Eight thousand and sixty-two rape cases were
reported, which are 362 cases more than the previous book year. Domestic
violence, furthermore, represented 17 394 reported cases (Marx 2018:11).
Interesting information:
Guidelines for parole boards when dealing with sexual offenders in

South Africa
In cases of serious sexual assault, for which a long term of imprisonment is
imposed, the Parole Board must approach the trial court on its views regarding the
possible placement on parole of such prisoner prior to making any
recommendation.
Two members from the community or any person who may provide meaningful
input regarding a specific case may be invited by the chairperson to attend such a
parole hearing.
When each prisoner attains his/her minimum detention period, a report must be
submitted to the Minister/Commissioner by the Parole Board in terms of Section
63 of the Correctional Services Act, Act 8 of 1959 with regard to the prisoner's
(Department of Correctional Services, [sa]). The following points need to be
included in the report:
● conduct
● adjustment
● training
● aptitude
● physical and mental state
● the possibility of such prisoner relapsing into crime
When the minimum detention period has been served by a prisoner, the Parole
Board must make a recommendation to the Minister/Commissioner, regarding
● the possible placement of such prisoner on correctional supervision, or
● day parole or parole
The Parole Board must recommend the conditions and the period under which
such prisoner should be released. In respect of sexual assault offenders, if parole is
granted, stricter conditions of parole and supervision must apply. For instance, if
the prisoner was convicted of an offence or offences that involved sexual abuse of
children, conditions must be set so that this person does not apply for work or
volunteer for work where children are at risk.
The Parole Board must take any written representation relevant to the case of any
person, including the victim's, into consideration when placement on parole is
considered.
When considering a prisoner's possible placement on parole, the Parole Board
must consider, amongst others, the following factors (Department of Correctional
Services, [sa]):
● previous convictions and frequency thereof
● remarks/recommendations by the presiding judicial officer
● nature and circumstances of the crime committed
● support system in the community
● the age and sex of the victim as well as the prisoner's age
39
● the relationship between the prisoner and the victim

● motive for the crime
● the exploitation of a relationship of trust, e. g. a trusted family member, or
school teacher, or friend
● length of sentence
● crime
● results of evaluations done by a multi-professional team
● risk posed to the community
● risk to the victim or the victim's immediate family
● behaviour and adjustment in prison
● violation of previous conditions of supervision or parole or suspended
sentences
In respect of all sexual assaults, the Parole Board must also take the following
additional factors into account:
● physical injuries sustained by the victim, especially those which require hospital-
isation or prolonged intensive medical treatment
● emotional (psychological) harm suffered by the victim(s) such as when a victim
was forced to take part in a sexual act in front of family or friends, lack of regard
for the physical condition of the victim such as age, pregnancy, physical or men-
tal illness, or if the crime was committed in such a manner that it may cause
future harm to the mental condition of the victim
● when more than one offender committed the sexual act, such as gang/group
rapes
● whether weapons or any simulated weapon were used
● when the victim was forced to perform unnatural sexual acts, e.g. bestiality, sad-
ism, etc
A victim who indicates that he/she wishes to know when the prisoner will be
placed on parole or released, must give the investigating officer permission to write
his/her name, address and ID number on form SAP 62. It will remain the victim's
responsibility to keep the Commissioner, Department of Correctional Services,
Private Bag X136, Pretoria, 0001, informed of his/her latest address.
The Commissioner will inform the relevant Parole Board of the victim's particulars.
The Parole Board must inform the victim in writing of the pending parole hearing,
date of parole or release (Department of Correctional Services, [sa]).
Conditional or unconditional release of sexual offenders:
The Head of the Prison must furnish a copy of form G373 of all offenders, irre-
spective of the offence committed, whether conditionally or unconditionally
released, to the South African Criminal Record Centre.
The Head of Community Corrections must send the sentence details, date of place-
ment, residential and work address and the date of sentence expiry, per letter, to the
South African Police Service nearest to the probationer's/parolee's area of resi-
dence, for information.
Prisoners released on parole remain under supervision until they have completed
their sentences.
A copy of form G373 must be furnished to the Department of National Welfare in
all cases where sexual offenders are placed on parole or released, for their informa-
tion and disposal (Department of Correctional Services, [sa]).
40
Read more on the topic on the links below:

Probation as a non-custodial measure in Nigeria:
http://www.lasu.edu.ng/publications/law/abubakri_yekini_ja_6.pdf
Also read about the international acceptance of the Megan rule (laws that were
created in response to the murder of Megan Kanka).
International Megan`s Law raises Constitutional concerns over sex offender rights:
http://blog.northwesternlaw.review/?p=403
1.4.4 ETHICAL ISSUES

Prediction of risk is challenging for practitioners, such as criminologists and social
workers, who are tasked with risk assessment. Risk assessment tools can be fallible,
as stated by Monahan (Kemshall 2008:113).
The unreliability of risk assessment at a South African prison is clearly illustrated
by the following example. A schoolteacher from Somerset-West was attacked on 19
July 2010: she was threatened with a knife, bit and also threatened to be raped and
murdered by a parolee. The victim alleged that the assault was a direct result of the
negligence of the Minister of Correctional Services to release a high-risk offender
on parole. The victim claimed damages in the amount of R1 332 000, 00. On 9
March 2017, the judge ruled that the Minister of Correctional Services should pay
the costs of the action (Anon 2017).
Practitioners managing high-risk offenders will be required to balance the rights
and the safety of victims and the public against the rights and safety of offenders.
This is applicable where offenders reside near to, or begin to "groom" (prepare for
abuse) children or potential victims. In essence, this means that the offender's right
to privacy can be overridden to prevent further crime and to protect potential
vulnerable victims (children and the mentally disabled). The following legislation
clearly illustrates the latter: In South Africa any employer who works with children
or mentally disabled persons should, without delay, disclose to the employer
whether he/she was convicted of a sexual offence irrespective of whether or not
such offence was committed or allegedly committed during the course of his or her
employment (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, [sa]).
1.4.5 COMMUNITY NOTIFICATION

The United States of America and Europe have spearheaded registration and
community notification legislation as a means of monitoring sex offenders and
preventing recidivism. South African legislation does not make provision for
notifying the community when a sex offender is released from prison (Anon 2013).
In South Africa, registers are established and maintained by the Department of
Justice and Constitutional Development. The register should contain the following
information of sexual offenders (Department of Justice and Constitutional
Development, [sa]):
● personal details: offender's title, full names and surname, including any known
alias or nickname where applicable, the profession or trade
● contact details: the last known physical address, any contact details, including a
postal address where applicable
● the identity number, passport number and driver's licence number where
applicable
41
● the type of sexual offence for which the offender has been convicted and
whether or not it was committed against a child or a person who is mentally dis-
abled, the sentence, as well as the relevant prisoner identification number where
applicable
● the court in which the trial took place and the case number; the name of the
medical institution or medical practitioner of a person and details of the sexual
offence allegedly committed by a person who has been alleged to have commit-
ted a sexual offence against a child or a person who is mentally disabled in
respect of whom a court, has made a finding and given a direction that the of-
fender is mentally unfit to stand trial
● any other particulars as may be prescribed by regulation
● if the conviction and sentence took place in a foreign jurisdiction, contain as far
as possible the equivalent information as obtained from the relevant country or
any other legal source
Will members of a specific community be able to function normally if they receive
multiple sex offender warnings? These members will have to balance everyday life
while at the same time trying to protect themselves and their families. The
notification can also create a sense of control over the salient and frightening
hazard in their environment. They may experience feelings of fear, anxiousness and
resentment, which are often intensified by the media. The combination between
these factors can lead to vigilantism where not only the offender is targeted but
also his family, friends and other innocent people (Peart 2005).
When the community is notified, it can impede the rights of the offender seeing
that he has already been punished, and also has a Constitutional right to privacy.
Cohen and Jeglic (in Kemshall 2008:115) identified four different notification
models:
1. The first model is based on a three-tier model of dangerousness: low risk,
moderate risk and high risk.
2. The second model uses notification by a designated agency.
3. The third model requires sex offenders to carry out notification under the
supervision of state agencies.
4. In the fourth model, members of the community are required to make a re-
quest for information.
The evaluation of the effectiveness of community notification in protecting
children and communities against sexual offenders is difficult. Problems
encountered are the following: implementing community registration; difficulties in
enforcing registration and notification; sex offenders "going underground";
inaccurate information on registers and the draining of police resources (Kemshall
2008:116).
30 sex offenders who were interviewed indicated that stress, fear and anxiety may
be precursors to relapse and may lead to higher rates of recidivism (Zevitz &
Farkas in Kemshall 2008:117). Offender perceptions on community notification
vary, for example Tewksbury and Lees (2007) (in Kemshall 2008:117) found in
their research that offenders understood the rationale for a sex offender register
but indicated that they would like to distinguish themselves from dangerous and
predatory offenders. Sample and Bray (in Kemshall 2008:117) found that sex
offenders had different re-arrest patterns and also different levels of risk. Sex
offenders indicated that the length of registration had a negative influence on
42
treatment seeking and rehabilitation. Registration also led to social stigmatisation,

loss of employment, relationships and housing, and physical assaults and
harassment.
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
According to the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, South African

legislation makes provision for the following sexual offences against children and persons
who are mentally disabled:
● rape
● compelled rape
● sexual assault
● compelled sexual assault
● compelled self-sexual assault
● acts of consensual sexual penetration with certain children (statutory rape)
● acts of consensual sexual violation with certain children (statutory sexual assault)
● compelling or causing children to witness sexual offences, sexual acts or self-
masturbation
● exposure or display or causing of exposure or display of genital organs, anus or female
breasts to children
● sexual exploitation of children and persons who are mentally disabled
● sexual grooming of children and persons who are mentally disabled
● exposure or display of or causing exposure or display of child pornography or pornogra-
phy to children or persons who are mentally disabled
● using children or persons who are mentally disabled for pornographic purposes or bene-
fiting therefrom (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, [sa])
1.4.6 THE SOUTH AFRICAN SITUATION

A sex offender registry is a system designed to allow government authorities to
keep track of the activities of sex offenders, including those who have completed
their criminal sentences. South Africa's National Register for Sexual Offenders
(NRSO) has been operational since June 2009, in terms of the Criminal Law, Sexual
and Related Matters Amendment Act, of 2007. The register is administered by the
Department of Justice and Constitutional Development.
The information contained in the National Register for Sex Offenders is not
available to the public. The primary aim of the register is to prohibit sexual
offenders from being employed in work involving children or mentally disabled
persons (Department of Justice and Constitutional Development, [sa]).
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
It is a well-documented fact that sexual offences worldwide are not reported regularly.
South Africa's National Prosecuting Authority publishes conviction rates for the broad
categories of sexual offences. However, despite requests, it does not provide a
disaggregated conviction rate for rape. Without this data, it is impossible to say which
percentage of rape cases ends in convictions each year. Furthermore, conviction rates are
not a reliable measure of the success of the justice system.
According to the official 2018 South African crime statistics, rape increased from 49 660
reported cases in 2017 to 50 108 in 2018 – an increase of 0,9%. The rise in reported rape
cases coincides with the findings by Dobiesz and Brook, (2017), which state that for many
rural women their first sexual encounter will be a forced one. The following figures may also
be influenced by the nonreporting of rape incidents. The incidences of nonconsensual first
sexual experiences are indicated by the following percentages: some 17% of women in rural
Tanzania, 21% in Ghana, 24% in Peru, 30% in Bangladesh and 40% in South Africa.
43
At least 46 children are raped every day and at least two children are murdered every single
day in South Africa. Only 21% of child rapes cases and only one in three murder cases
result in successful convictions, according to Zakhele Mbhele, DA Shadow Minister of
Police (Andersen 2018).
ACTIVITY 1
Not all crimes are reported to the police. This is known as the dark figure of crime.
Read the following newspaper article and give reasons why women do not report rape
incidents. Discuss your responses on the Discussion Forum.
Cape Town – “In one of three cases of men of God accused of raping their congre-
gants, a Philippi mother says the justice system has failed her by dropping her case.
She had complained to police of repeated rapes by her pastor. The 29-year-old has
spoken out for the first time, detailing to the Cape Times her long ordeal, over four
years.
The traumatised woman said she had opened a case on August 8.
But at the end of the month, it was dropped. She said the recent case against tele-
vangelist Timothy Omotoso was part of the reason she decided to report it.
The 60-year-old televangelist is on trial, accused of trafficking more than 30 girls
and women from branches of his church to a house in uMhlanga, KwaZulu-Natal,
where he is accused of sexually exploiting them.
The Philippi woman said she went to the House of Glory Ministries church in her
area to find a place of healing as she was depressed after losing her mother.
She alleged that a bishop at the church repeatedly raped her, but officials ignored
her case.
“The first time he raped me, I was staying at another church member's house be-
cause I had no place to stay. He came into the room at around 2am, got into the
bed and I got a fright when I felt someone in the bed next to me.
“I woke up and asked him what he was doing. He was forcefully trying to kiss me
and next thing I knew he was on top of me.”
She said she did not tell anyone about the incident, fearing that she would not be
believed.
“People always said he was such a good man and I would feel sick to my stomach
because I thought to myself no good man would do what he did to me.”
She said she opened up about the rape after finding out she was pregnant.
“I went to many people for advice but I found out that everyone was just protect-
ing him. People would say that he would never do anything like that.
“I became tired of that and eventually went to the police. I saw that these people
were not trying to help me.”
Police spokesperson Andre Traut said the case was investigated, but was later with-
drawn by the senior State prosecutor on August 30, because of insufficient
evidence.
National Prosecuting Authority spokesperson Eric Ntabazalila said: “The prosecu-
tor declined to prosecute as the State would not be in a position to successfully
prosecute the matter.”
44
This as Omotoso, who faces 63 charges which include human trafficking, rape, sex-
ual assault, racketeering and conspiracy in aiding another person to commit sexual
assault appeared at the Port Elizabeth High Court yesterday.
His lawyer Peter Daubermann was harassed and followed to his car by a group of
angry protesters” (Tswanya 2018).
In your answer you can list some of the following reasons why rape is not reported:
● shame
● denial
● fear of consequences, e.g. retaliation by the perpetrator
● low self-esteem
● feelings of hopelessness or helplessness, etc
1.4.7 SUPERVISING AND MONITORING

Supervision and monitoring are seen as essential for the effective monitoring of
high-risk offenders once released from prison. Global positioning (GPS) electronic
monitoring has been used in the USA to counter registration non-compliance and
to track offenders who "go underground" (Kemshall 2008:123). Supervision can
also enhance offender accountability and responsibility for their actions, and
facilitate review of progress. Melloy (2005 in Kemshall 2008:124) studied 917 sex
offenders on probation and found that social controls, a committed partner and
stable accommodation with social support factors ensured success on probation.
In 2012 the South African Department of Correctional Services (DCS)
implemented a pilot project on the electronic management system (EMS).
Electronic monitoring works by attaching a tag the size of a watch around an
individual's ankle. This ankle monitor is used for people who have been sentenced
to electronic monitoring by a court, or are required to wear a tag upon release from
prison. The tag contains a transmitter that sends a signal to a receiver, which
subsequently sends information via a phone line to a central computer. The
receiver has a set range, which is usually the perimeter of an individual's house.
When the tag is taken outside the range of the receiver there is a break in the signal
and this information is relayed to a central computer and subsequent processed by
an officer (Schmidt 2017).
By the end of the project, 288 offenders had been tagged. The full EMS had been
rolled out in July 2014 with the tagging of 511 offenders. In 2018, 748 out of a
national target of 1 000 offenders have been tagged. The Western Cape and the
Limpopo-Mpumalanga North West region have both exceeded their targets. A
central control room monitored all movements 24 hours a day, and alerts (e.g. if a
convicted paedophile went within a certain distance of a school or crèche) the local
police for a rapid response (e. g. arresting the parolee). It enabled much quicker
detection than physical monitoring, and could be used to corroborate alibis when
new crimes occurred (Anon 2015).
1.4.8 EVIDENCE OF EFFECTIVENESS

Emerging studies sound a caution on the evidence emanating from the community
management of high-risk offenders. Areas for caution are the negative impact of
community notification, restrictive conditions and costly supervision. Solutions to
the problem differ; often more attention is paid to the victim and communities and
45
less to the offender. In essence, this means that the impact of community
protective legislation does not always lead to a decrease in recidivism. Kemshall
(2008:125) is of the opinion that there is a paucity of evidence on the effectiveness
of studies and that such studies are on a small scale; hence, this is an area that
would benefit from future research.
ACTIVITY 2
Read the following case study:
Your neighbour`s seven-year-old daughter has been raped in the bathroom of a well-known
family restaurant.
The perpetrator, a previous sexual offender (who also lived in the same neighbourhood as
the victim) was out on parole when the alleged rape took place. The community protested
against this attack by marching to the court where the alleged offender appeared. Now test
the reaction of two friends, relatives or neighbours by asking them the following questions:
1. Would the community be willing to allow the offender to return to the neighbourhood?
Talk to community members in order to test their reactions on this matter.
2. Would the community be willing to become part of the restorative justice initiative (rec-
onciliation rather than punishment)? List your reasons pertaining to the "yes" or "no"
answer.
Reflect on how you will respond to the likelihood that the perpetrator will return to the
neighbourhood after release from prison.
Is it true that Ubuntu is the core of human values, and without Ubuntu mankind is wrapped
in pride, selfishness, immorality, etc?
Apply the Ubuntu principle when preparing your answer.
1.4.9 CONCLUSION
Community management of high-risk offenders in South Africa is not yet a well-
established practice. However, the establishment of a national sex offender register
will assist in identifying and monitoring paedophiles, which in the long run will not
only contribute to crime prevention, but also to a decrease in recidivism.
46

Choose the correct option:
1. High-risk offenders can be defined as ...
(a) offenders who have been declared professional criminals.
(b) offenders who have been declared habitual criminals.
(c) offenders who have committed white-collar crime.
(d) offenders who have committed a violent or sexual offence.
2. When reference is made to the management of high-risk offenders, who
should always enjoy first priority regarding safety and protection?
(a) the offender's family
(b) the community
(c) the offenders
(d) the children
3. Research by Zevitz and Farkas (in Kemshall 2008) revealed that sex offenders
list the following factors as reasons leading to their relapse:
(a) fear of community retribution
(b) stress, fear and anxiety
(c) stress, harassment and unemployment
(d) stress and social stigmatisation
4. According to Melloy (in Kemshall 2008), success on probation can be ensured
if offenders acquire some or all of the following:
(a) committed partner; stable accommodation and social controls
(b) admitting to responsibility, stable accommodation and social support
(c) a stable job; stable accommodation and social controls
(d) social controls; a committed partner and community support
5. What is the primary aim of keeping a register for sexual offenders?
(a) to ostracise them from communities where the crime took place
(b) to supervise and monitor them on a daily basis
(c) to protect the community and people with mental disabilities
(d) to prevent employment with children and the mentally disabled
6. Explain the link between ethical issues and community notification of released
sex offenders. (15)
● Elaborate on the rights of the offender vs the safety of the public and in-
clude an example. (6)
● In South Africa, are communities notified when sexual offenders are re-
leased from prison? (1)
● Which factors can contribute to vigilantism? (5)
● List the four different notification models. (4)
47
7. Discuss the supervision of released sex offenders and refer to electronic tag-
ging as part of supervision. (10)
● Indicate how monitoring of a parolee can be administered, and which de-
vice is used. (5)
● Refer to the South African situation and to possible successes on the im-
plementation of EMS. (5)
1.4.10.1 Self-assessment answers

1. (d)
2. (b)
3. (b)
4. (a)
5. (d)
6. Combine the information from sections 1.4.4 and 1.4.5.
7. You will find the relevant information in section 1.4.7.
48
Learning unit 1.5
Unemployment
Learningunit1.5
Revised by Mr NB Bougard
Contents
1.5.2 DEFINITION OF UNEMPLOYMENT 51
1.5.3 VOLUNTARY UNEMPLOYMENT 51
1.5.4 ENFORCED OR INVOLUNTARY UNEMPLOYMENT 51
1.5.5 TYPES OF UNEMPLOYMENT 51
1.5.6 LEVELS OF UNEMPLOYMENT 52
1.5.7 TRADE UNIONS 53
1.5.8 CAUSES OF UNEMPLOYMENT 53
1.5.8.1 Structural factors 53
1.5.8.2 Natural causes 54
1.5.8.3 Balance of payments 54
1.5.8.4 Lack of investment in a country 54
1.5.8.5 Falling exports 54
1.5.8.6 Apartheid policy 55
1.5.8.7 Inflation 55
1.5.8.8 Automation 55
1.5.8.9 Rationalisation 55
1.5.8.10Affirmative action 55
1.5.8.11Privatisation 56
1.5.8.12Crime as a factor 56
1.5.8.13Skills shortages 56
1.5.9 YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND THE EDUCATION SYSTEM 56
1.5.10YOUNG PEOPLE AND UNEMPLOYMENT 57
1.5.11UNEMPLOYMENT AND CRIME 57
1.5.12CONCLUSION 58
49
LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this study unit, you should be able to
● define unemployment
● distinguish between voluntary and involuntary unemployment
● define the types of unemployment
● provide an overview of the levels of unemployment
● discuss the causes of unemployment
● explain how unemployment contributes to criminal behaviour
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice and paragraph-type questions to demonstrate your understanding and
knowledge of and insight into the study material.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Unemployment
................................................................................................................................................
Voluntary unemployment
................................................................................................................................................
Involuntary unemployment
................................................................................................................................................
Cyclical unemployment
................................................................................................................................................
Structural unemployment
................................................................................................................................................
Once you have read through this study unit, return to this glossary box and
summarise the above terms.
1.5.1 INTRODUCTION
South Africa has a very high level of unemployment, and this is on the rise.
Unemployment is regarded as one of the trickiest socio-political problems facing
the government. There have been lively debates about the nature, appearance and
prevention of unemployment in South Africa, but the results have not been
unconvincing. This reflects a lack of satisfactory empirical evidence about present-
day unemployment and that which existed in the past. The consequences of
unemployment are just as diverse as its causes. In many cases long-term
unemployment gives rise to a state of apathy in which the victims do not see even
the few opportunities of employment that might exist. In these circumstances,
many people see crime as an opportunity to improve their situations. Although
some progress can be seen in creating future job prospects for a rather new and
emerging economy, various aspects still continue to hinder South Africa in creating
employment opportunities. We will discuss all these issues in this unit.
50
LEARNING UNIT 1.5: Unemployment
1.5.2 DEFINITION OF UNEMPLOYMENT

The conceptualisation of unemployment within the South African context can be
defined based on one of two unique approaches, namely the strict (narrow) and the
expanded (broad) description. The narrow concept of unemployment focuses on a
“job-search” perspective, whereas the broader perspective includes individuals who
have not made any attempt to look for work within the previous four-week period.
The latter group is willing to work upon notification of a suitable vacancy. The
narrow definition of unemployment is most frequently used. Conversely, the
expanded concept of unemployment provides a more plausible depiction of
joblessness in South Africa (Kingdom & Knight 2007:827; Brynard 2011:68).
For the purposes of this study guide, we define an unemployed person as someone
without paid work (voluntarily or involuntarily) who is available for work,
regardless of whether he or she is actively looking for work.
1.5.3 VOLUNTARY UNEMPLOYMENT

Voluntary unemployment is the result of an inability of the labour market to
provide work for job seekers, as a result of legislation or social practices (or a
combination of both aspects), which is further fumed by collective bargaining, a
slow response to change or mere human unreasonableness (Davar 2016: 613).
1.5.4 ENFORCED OR INVOLUNTARY UNEMPLOYMENT

Involuntary (enforced) unemployment comes into existence when an unsatisfied
need for the demand for labour arises. Forced unemployment may also surface
because of intervention from external forces such as government agencies, an
existing monopoly (dominant advantage over a market), and trade unions.
Moreover, involuntary unemployed is unavoidable if supply of labour exceeds the
demand for labour (Davor 2016: 608, 620–21).
1.5.5 TYPES OF UNEMPLOYMENT
● Frictional unemployment
Numerous individuals move into and out of the labour force according to their
personal preferences and circumstances. The personal circumstances of an
individual are valuable, as it expedites the effective allocation of labour transversely
across the economy. Moreover, the labour market is characterised by a large degree
of variety, both in terms of workers and available vacancies. This means that
workers must devote time and effort to searching for the right job opportunity.
Potential employers do the same in their quest for suitable candidates.
Consequently, job seekers are employed within their prospective vacancy and may
endure a temporary period of employment, in order to secure an employment
opportunity of choice (Ballantyne, De Voss & Jacobs 2014:8). Similarly, both
frictional and structural unemployment entails the “worker-to-job” composition
process, although the period of worklessness is shorter in frictional unemployment,
when compared with structural unemployment (Levine 2013:2).
51
● Structural unemployment
When an economy experiences structural modification, the industrial structure of
activity changes, technology progresses, and the location of work opportunities also
changes. These changes can result in a more persistent mismatch between
unemployed workers and available vacancies, thus reducing the "efficiency" with
which they are matched, and may contribute towards unemployment. Persons with
skills in deteriorating industries may have diminished prospects of finding
employment, until they acquire new skills or transfer to an area with enhanced
opportunities. Although an economy is constantly undergoing change, structural
unemployment tends to fluctuate during periods of substantial change (Ballantyne
et al 2014:8).
Structural unemployment consists of three noteworthy characteristics (Levine
2013:2):
(i) discrepancies between skills of unemployed workers and the skill require-
ments for available employment opportunities
(ii) the composition of the jobless workers in contrast to individuals who had
been laid off temporarily
(iii) the structures of labour market organisations, such as wage-replacement rates
and periods of unemployment benefits
● Cyclical unemployment
Cyclical unemployment occurs because of changes in cumulative conditions in the
economy over the sequence of the business cycle. A deficit of demand in the
economy will result in a shortage of employment prospects in relation to the
number of individuals who want to work. Prospective employers experiencing
weaker demand for the goods and services they produce will decrease the number
of labourers they are willing to employ, and they may lay off existing workers with
the option of hiring fewer new employees. In addition, involuntary movements into
unemployment will rise, whilst unemployed workers will experience a lower
likelihood of finding employment. The opposite will occur when demand fortifies;
encouraging potential employers to expand their operations by hiring new
employees and retaining existing workers, which may lead to a decline in
unemployment by absorbing additional capacity into the labour market (Ballantyne
et al 2014:8).
1.5.6 LEVELS OF UNEMPLOYMENT

According to Statistics South Africa (StatsSA), the official unemployment rate of
South Africa remained unchanged quarter-to-quarter at 27.7% for the third quarter
of 2017. In addition, the Quarterly Labour Force Survey (QLFS) found that the
rate of unemployment was 0.6 of a percentage point higher, when compared to the
same financial period in 2016. Employment grew by 92 000 in the third quarter of
2017, but was further enthused by an additional 33 000 job seekers during the same
period, leading to a stable unemployment rate of 27.7%. Although industries
reported employment growth quarter-to-quarter, with the exception of the
manufacturing, construction and agriculture industries which declined by 50 000,
30 000 and 25 000 respectively, a substantial decline in the unemployment rate was
recorded in the Free State (down by 2.6 percentage points). The Limpopo province
also indicated a positive decline in unemployment (down by 1.7 percentage points);
52
followed by Mpumalanga (down by 1.6 percentage points). The extended

unemployment rate, which comprises those individuals who wanted to work (but
did not look for work) increased by 0.2 of a percentage point in the third quarter of
2017, escalating the total unemployment rate of the aforementioned figure to
36.8%. StatsSA is, however, of the opinion that persons with an education level of
matric and less comprised 57.4% of the total unemployment rate of 32.6 %.
Likewise, the youth (aged 15–34) remained susceptible and vulnerable in the labour
market with an unemployment rate of 38.6%, which is 10.9 percentage points
beyond the national average (Sullivan 2017).
1.5.7 TRADE UNIONS

South Africa remains in the process of finding tangible solutions pertaining to
disputes arising during the transition of democracy approximately 17 years ago.
The trade union movement must accept its shared responsibility for the deadlock
in creating employment opportunities. The ideologically-laden and outdated
theoretical analysis of trade unions in addressing unemployment and modes of
finding solutions remains problematic (Patton 2011:41).
Rather than closing down the discussion pertaining to negotiations for a minimum
wage, union leaders should seek to find an alternative practical solution in
addressing the benefits of a lower-wage structure to be generalised more equally
across society. The possibility of trade unions reaching an agreement with the
relevant parties concerned, relies upon the influence of other social actors within
the labour market (Patton 2011: 42).
1.5.8 CAUSES OF UNEMPLOYMENT

Unemployment can be caused by a variety of factors, and the effect of these factors
on the work force can also vary considerably.
1.5.8.1 Structural factors

The Labour Force Survey (LFS) states that the causes of unemployment in South
Africa are structural. This means that people do not have the skills or the
qualifications required for employment. If education is not vocationally oriented,
more and more school leavers and even graduates will become unemployed.
Structural unemployment is the "natural" rate of unemployment that the economy
would sustain in the absence of shocks (unprecedented/predictable influence). This
level of unemployment is determined by institutional factors and fiscal measures (i.
e. unemployment benefits, tax rates), which influence the reservation salary (the
lowest salary an employee is prepared to work for) of employees. Structural
unemployment cannot be empirically observed, although it can be estimated
through systems that rely on capturing its statistical and/or theoretical properties.
The following set of indicators provide the most reliable econometric aspects upon
which the performance of an economy can be measured against (Orlandi 2012:
2,7):
● the unemployment benefits replacement rate
● the labour tax segment
● the degree of union density
● the expenditure on active labour market policies and practices
53
1.5.8.2 Natural causes

South Africa is a land of contrasts that include climatic changes and cycles which
can impact directly or indirectly on its economic system. Droughts, in particular,
affect the broader economic system and economic growth and can result in large-
scale unemployment. Long periods of drought usually mean that workers in the
agricultural and allied sectors are laid off. Unemployment contributes directly to
poverty, which affects not just people’s physical wellbeing but also places
limitations on the healthy development and functioning of the individual, the
family and the community.
1.5.8.3 Balance of payments

The balance of payments can be defined as the difference between the payments
made into a country and the payments made out of (by) a country. If a country has
a trade surplus, it means that it exports more goods and services than it imports.
Conversely, if a country has a trade deficit, it imports more goods and services than
it exports, which negatively affects the balance of payments.
If we buy more goods from overseas than locally from our own producers, it will
cause greater demand in the foreign country. Job opportunities will move to where
the goods are produced, leading to fewer employment opportunities in the country
with a trade deficit (Pettinger 2018:4).
1.5.8.4 Lack of investment in a country

If no foreign investments are made in a country, there cannot be growth and jobs
cannot be created. There are various reasons for this:
● sanctions and disinvestment actions against a country, as was the case with
South Africa during apartheid and is now the case with Zimbabwe
● political and social instability, which leads to a loss of investor confidence as in
the case of Zimbabwe, Mozambique and certain other African countries
● uncertainty on the part of potential investors about the government’s economic
policy
● high company tax
● significant fluctuations in interest rates
Many of these factors can result from efforts by the international community to get
a country to put its house in order. As we have said, economic and other sanctions
can be applied, including restrictions on international trade and loans, and a refusal
to supply the country concerned with new technology.
Stanlib chief economist, Kevin Lings, is of the opinion that the effects of
unemployment could be stabilised through rigorous and sustainable innovations
envisioned to improve skills development and encourage private sector fixed-
investment spending, business development and entrepreneurship (Menon 2018).
1.5.8.5 Falling exports

If a country does not export, no capital will be available to pay for the necessities
which have to be imported. In many African countries there are shortages of
foodstuffs and other basic commodities such as fuel because of a lack of capital.
54
1.5.8.6 Apartheid policy

The post-1994 South African government has been, and indeed continues to be,
affected by the longer-term consequences of apartheid. The consequences of a
former apartheid policy can be identified as being the instigator of economic
outcomes prompted by the policy of promulgated racial exclusivity. Henceforth,
the ability, or lack thereof, of the local economy to generate a sufficient degree of
vacancies for all has constantly come under policymakers’ scrutiny. Racial exclusion
has always been one of the contributors to the disparities in a South African society.
Racial segregation dictated an array of unequal access to education and welfare
delivery and has negatively affected the delivery of services within a range of public
spheres such as social services, housing and other basic services such as water and
electricity. Before 1994, non-whites had fewer opportunities for education and were
prohibited from entering certain professions. After 1994, affirmative action and
restructuring of key institutions increased unemployment among whites.
1.5.8.7 Inflation
Simply put, inflation occurs when government increases the money supply faster
than the quantity of goods, resulting in rising prices. The general cost of living
increases, and people gradually demand fewer goods and services (because of the
higher prices). This leads to a decline in production, with businesses ultimately
having to lay off workers.
1.5.8.8 Automation
As a result of rapid developments in technology and automation (machines doing
the work of people) as well as wage increases, job losses are unavoidable and
people will become unemployed. The formal and informal labour sectors will both
be affected.
1.5.8.9 Rationalisation
Rationalisation refers to a reduction in staff numbers as a result of the restructuring
of the civil service and government departments. This can also take place in the
informal sector. With the establishment of the new South Africa, the civil service
was rationalised on a grand scale. Many people were paid out, some took early
retirement and others received severance packages. Many of these people invested
their money in some or other scheme, lost it, and are still unemployed.
1.5.8.10 Affirmative action

Rationalisation and affirmative action go hand in hand. Affirmative action relates
to the elimination of the inequalities based on race, colour and gender which
previously existed in the formal sector and in time also spread to the informal
sector. Affirmative action took place on a grand scale in government departments
after the advent of the new South Africa. The result was that whites,
overwhelmingly, had to make way for people of colour in order to satisfy the 70%/
30% requirements of colour and gender. Although it is not easy to calculate the
impact of affirmative action on unemployment figures, we can assume that some
people were disadvantaged as a result of it and are probably still unemployed today.
55
1.5.8.11 Privatisation
The privatisation of certain previously state-controlled services such as Telkom and
Spoornet has also caused many people to lose their jobs, contributing to the
current high levels of unemployment.
1.5.8.12 Crime as a factor

Crime can be a factor that contributes to unemployment. Various cases have been
reported of subsistence farmers who took out loans to buy stock and were ruined
when all their stock was stolen. They have become unemployed and are unable to
repay the loans. Some white farmers have sold their stock or their farms as a result
of large-scale stock theft, ultimately resulting in unemployment for their workers.
1.5.8.13 Skills shortages

In South Africa, government realised that a long-term solution to unemployment
and crime would be the creation of an industrialised economy. Henceforth, the
transport and energy infrastructure were identified as being critical cross-functional
entities that would stimulate and revive economic activity across a variety of sectors.
However, the realisation of a shortage of skills became a serious obstacle for
developing the abovementioned industries. In addition, South Africa barely had the
base skills required for infrastructure to improve the situation through macro-
industrial labour-absorbing development and entrepreneurial programmes.
Various factors contribute to the skills shortages in South Africa, such as the
following (Mateus, Chux & Charles 2014:491):
● the country’s apartheid history
● the migration of skilled experts to other countries
● policies such as affirmative action that led to many skilled professionals leaving
the country, emanating from fear that the aforesaid policy might not act in their
best interests
Also see: http://www.ecnmy.org
ACTIVITY 1
What do you think government can do to promote employment opportunities?
Feedback will differ for each student.
1.5.9 YOUTH UNEMPLOYMENT AND THE EDUCATION SYSTEM

Youth unemployment might be reduced through the introduction of policies that
endorse a work-related curriculum and strive to modify education systems. Such
policies require an overview of professional orientation and training programmes,
aligned with career counselling and work placement schemes in school and
university syllabi. This will decrease to a minimum the gap left by inadequate work
experience, refine the quality of human capital and allow for progress in the
education of the labour market.
In addition, the most effective solution to youth unemployment becoming long-
term unemployment is by embracing a “policy mix”. This entails using
conventional economic directives in conjunction with policies that encourage
56
increased flexibility in the workforce (easier entry and exit); and economic policies
for education that strive to introduce youth to the dynamics of the labour force as
soon as possible. This may lead to temporary employment, with the prospect of
acquiring much-needed skills (Pastore 2011:36–38; Refrigeri & Aleandri 2013:1265).
Further reading: http://www.included.org.za
ACTIVITY 2
What do you think can be done to improve skills shortages in South Africa?
Feedback will differ for each student.
1.5.10 YOUNG PEOPLE AND UNEMPLOYMENT

Rapid urbanisation and economic recessions contribute to unemployment, and as a
result many South Africans gradually find themselves in poverty. The youth
unemployment rate in South Africa during the second quarter of 2017 was 55.9%.
Similarly, in Spain and Greece the unemployment rate has risen above 50%, whilst
in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States of America (USA) one in five
youths are believed to be unemployed (Maree 2018:84).
Residential segregation is believed to play a pivotal role in the level of employment
available to the residents. When adults within a specific community are without
jobs themselves, they cannot provide the role models of societal and professional
prestige which young people can identify with. Residential segregation also has a
negative impact on social and work-related opportunities, as employment
opportunities may be sought through personal contacts. Regrettably, since most of
the adults in the immediate surroundings may be semi and unskilled workers, the
youth and ethnic minorities who reside in these marginalised communities rarely
have contact with skilled professionals. Subsequently, they do not benefit from a
network of high-quality employment opportunities, since residents do not have
professional contacts. A long-term effect of residential segregation on the labour
market is the unwillingness of potential employers to hire labourers from
disadvantaged communities (Maree 2018:84–85).
1.5.11 UNEMPLOYMENT AND CRIME

Cantor and Land (1985) developed a theoretical framework to explain the link
between unemployment and crime. They stated that two central links, namely
opportunity and motivation, contribute to unemployment and crime. The
motivation perspective, comparable to the Becker analysis (1968), proposed that a
decrease in feasible and practical economic projections will intensify the enticement
to engage in crime; further acting as a catalyst for the unemployed to engage in
criminal activities. The opportunity proposition (also referred to as the
guardianship perspective) conversely suggests that a decrease in economic activity
will decrease the availability of criminal targets. The aforesaid implies that
individuals who are unemployed are more likely to stay at home, thus decreasing
their vulnerability to crime, especially property crime, therefore reducing the
willingness to engage in criminal activities. The two effects are anticipated to work
contrarily based upon the type of crime; with the motivation perspective being
more conducive for property crimes, and the opportunity perspective being
57
pertinent for both property and violent crimes (although it is predicted that the
former tends to be more robust in relation to property crimes) (Popli 2015:3).
1.5.12 CONCLUSION
In this study unit we have seen that there is a link between unemployment and
crime, that unemployment has various causes, and that types and levels of
unemployment differ. When we study economic factors such as poverty and
unemployment, it becomes clear that a single-factor explanation of crime is
unsatisfactory, or that it has certain limits. Research findings show that there is a
need for categories of crime to be created before a one-dimensional factor like
unemployment can be used to explain the statistical differences. In modern,
complex economies, linear connections between elements such as unemployment,
poverty and inflation are not always clear. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that
unemployment plays an important role in crime.

1. Which of the following characteristics may lead to a lack of investment?
1. high company tax
2. noteworthy variations in interest rates
3. political and social instability
4. sanctions and disinvestment actions against a country
5. All of the above
2. The economic growth and development of a country are driven by two fac-
tors, namely …
1. criminal activities and affirmative action.
2. the impact of natural causes on the economy.
3. natural causes and falling imports.
4. inflation and unemployment.
5. unemployment and automation
3. Identify the statement that best describes the opportunity proposition in rela-
tion to unemployment and crime.
1. A decrease in feasible and practical economic projections will intensify
the temptation to engage in crime
2. A decrease in economic activity will decrease the availability of criminal
targets.
3. Anybody will use an opportunity to commit crime.
4. Rapid urbanisation and economic recessions contribute to
unemployment.
5. Immigration has the ability to create criminal opportunities.
4. Identify the three factors that relate to the role of skills shortages in address-
ing unemployment.
1. corruption, a poor education system; a lack of demand for labour
2. sanctions, political instability; high company tax
3. migration of experts with skills, the effect of affirmative action; the his-
tory of apartheid
58
4. inflation, structural causes; rationalisation

5. rapid urbanisation, migration; the role of trade unions
5. Identify the factor below that contributes towards involuntary unemployment
as a result of an unsatisfied need for the demand for labour which may arise
within an economy:
1. the influence of trade union policies
2. over-employment
3. male criminality
4. youth unemployment
5. a lack of skills
6. Discuss how the education system influences the unemployment of the youth.
(10)
7. Discuss critically the factors that contribute towards unemployment. (15)

1. (5) Refer to section 1.5.8.4
3. (2) Refer to section 1.5.11
5. (2) Refer to section 1.5.4
6. Refer to section 1.5.9
7. Refer to section 1.5.8
59
Learning unit 1.6
Poverty
Learningunit1.6
Compiled by: Dr M Barkhuizen

Contents
1.6.1.1 Definition of poverty 62
1.6.1.2 Absolute (extreme) poverty 63
1.6.1.3 Relative poverty 63
1.6.1.4 Estimating poverty in South Africa 63
1.6.2 CAUSES OF POVERTY AND CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH MAKE IT
WORSE 64
1.6.2.1 The economy 65
1.6.2.2 Employment in the labour market 65
1.6.2.3 Small and micro-enterprises in the informal sector 68
1.6.2.4 Globalisation and competition 69
1.6.2.5 Inflation 70
1.6.2.6 Non-income factors 70
1.6.2.7 Population growth, density and distribution 71
1.6.2.8 Regulation of the environment 72
1.6.2.9 Crime, corruption and inefficiency 73
1.6.2.10Violence and physical safety 73
1.6.2.11Powerlessness and insecurity 73
1.6.2.12HIV/AIDS and poverty 73
1.6.2.13The multifaceted nature of poverty 74
1.6.3 CONCLUSION 76
60
LEARNING UNIT 1.6: Poverty
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● define poverty
● distinguish between absolute poverty and relative poverty
● give an overview of urban and rural poverty
● indicate the causes and consequences of poverty
● explain the role of poverty in criminal behaviour
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice and written paragraph-style questions to demonstrate your understanding
and knowledge of, and insight into, the study material.
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Poverty .......................................................................................................................
Chronic poverty ..........................................................................................................
Transitory poverty ......................................................................................................
Absolute poverty ........................................................................................................
Relative poverty ..........................................................................................................
Once you have read through this study unit, return to this glossary box and
summarise the above terms.
1.6.1 INTRODUCTION
Poverty is a grim reality in South Africa – and a reality that is becoming increasingly
pronounced. The 1996 census figures showed that some 75% of South Africans
were living in poverty at the time. The ANC's original economic blueprint, the
Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), with its strong emphasis on
economic development and poverty alleviation, was a recipe for failure. In most
cases, the money set aside for it was either wasted or used for other purposes.
Since coming into power, the ANC has made various attempts at alleviating poverty,
which have included the introduction of health services, housing and job creation.
However, it is an open question whether these have contributed to poverty relief.
Poverty affects all racial groups in South Africa and has become increasingly worse
as a result of widespread corruption in all sectors, both private and government
(African National Congress 1994).
According to Sakoana (2007:1), the incomes of the poor have, generally speaking,
increased over the last few years. For example, the minimum wage regulations set
by government for domestic and farm workers has ensured these employees earn a
higher income in many cases. Sakoana also points out that the poverty gap between
the rich and the poor still exists, and that the increase in earnings by the poor is still
smaller than it is in the case of the rich.
Sikrweqe (2013:47) is of the opinion that poverty should remain a priority for the
South African government and is one of the major challenges that all
administrations face. He identifies poverty as a direct legacy of the apartheid
policies of segregation and discrimination in South Africa; in his opinion it is
racially biased towards providing better services to the white minority than to the
61
historically disadvantaged black majority. This is because, in most cases, the black
majority was denied access and opportunities to accumulate capital. Sikrweqe
(2013:32) emphasises that the single most critical development challenge facing the
post-apartheid South Africa is poverty. In his opinion there is general consensus
that the majority of our citizens are poor. This implies that the majority of citizens
have not yet benefited from economic reforms despite the large number of
programmes that aim to reduce poverty.
1.6.1.1 Definition of poverty

Poverty has various causes, which do not all have the same consequences, and the
circumstances in which they are experienced also differ. Morduch (1994:221) sees
poverty as either chronic or transitory. Chronic poverty refers to a condition in
which poverty lasts for a long time and has no obvious prospect of relief.
Transitory poverty is usually temporary and changes when circumstances improve.
When defining poverty, we usually refer to the poverty line, the breadline or the
subsistence level (Curran & Renzetti 1993:166). The concept of the poverty line
was introduced in 1965 by the economist Mollie Orshansky. Orshansky stated that,
if a person with a certain income and corresponding expenditures falls beneath this
poverty line or subsistence level, he/she can be regarded as poor. Of course, there
are differences of opinion as to what constitutes this line (MOP-RDP 1995:7).
According to Curran and Renzetti (1993:166), it is generally accepted that this limit
is determined by three times the price of a minimally nutritious diet for a given
number of people over a given time. Orshansky based her poverty line on studies
conducted in the 1950s, which showed that poor families at that time spent about a
third of their income on food.
Poverty is viewed by the SA government's Poverty Policy Document (2004:1) as
"the denial of opportunities and choices most basic to human development, to lead
a long, healthy, creative life and to enjoy a decent standard of living and dignity".
Poverty is a multidimensional phenomenon, which includes such aspects as the
inability to satisfy basic needs, a lack of control over resources, a lack of training
and skills, poor health, malnutrition, a shortage of housing, inadequate access to
water and sanitation, vulnerability to shocks, violence and crime, and a lack of
political freedom. According to Sikrweqe (2013:33), it is multidimensional because
it goes beyond economics to include many social, political and cultural issues.
According to studies done by the Poverty and Inequality Institute (SPII 2007, cited
in Sikrweqe 2013:33), poverty is a contested concept. Arguments on how poverty
should be defined and measured go beyond semantics and academic debates.
According to the report it is critical that the definition and measurement of poverty
are appropriate to the society in which they are applied. “Poverty as a political issue
relates to the way in which resources are allocated and distributed and reflects on
the impact of policies on society” (Sikrweqe 2013:33).
May (cited in Sikrweqe 2013:33) describes poverty by utilising four categories:
● human capital (labour, education and health)
● social and institutional assets (household relations, trust and access to decision-
making)
● natural resources (land, water and common property)
● human-made assets (housing, productive infrastructure and social
infrastructure)
62
This definition/categorisation goes beyond focusing on insufficient income, but

looks at how poverty manifests itself as a lack of access to opportunities, assets and
credit, and is, therefore, a complex, multifaceted phenomenon that fluctuates in
depth and duration and for which there are many different explanations.
Two concepts which are also widely used are absolute poverty and relative poverty.
We will discuss these next.
1.6.1.2 Absolute (extreme) poverty

Absolute poverty points to the individual's relative failure to maintain one or more
of the absolute or predetermined norms and standards used by the community as
suitable measures of the minimum necessities of life or of a minimally acceptable
standard of living. These norms and standards are not necessarily concerned only
with income or wellbeing, but also cover other aspects of people's quality of life. In
fact, we are increasingly differentiating between income poverty and other aspects
of socioeconomic deprivation (Poverty Policy Document 2004:1).
The elimination of absolute or extreme poverty is one of the focal points within
the broader development debate. In developing countries, it is an emotionally and
politically loaded issue. To some extent it can also be a source of tension between
developed and less developed countries, because other social and ideological
agendas are often followed in the name of poverty reduction, and this simply
serves to distract attention from the main task of eliminating poverty (Poverty
Policy Document 2004:1).
A comprehensive development strategy is necessary in which the complex origins
and causes of absolute poverty are set out in detail in order to reduce or eliminate
poverty.
1.6.1.3 Relative poverty

Relative deprivation or inequality has nothing to do with the deprived status of
some individuals compared with that of other people in the community in which
they function. Relative deprivation (relative poverty) is calculated with reference to
every community's norms and values, and is in this sense a universal and
permanent characteristic of the community.
1.6.1.4 Estimating poverty in South Africa

Although various standards have been developed for the measurement of absolute
poverty, they are criticised in principle and in practice. The standards are usually
subjective, and it is questionable whether they actually provide accurate reflections
of the minimum, considering that people survive under conditions which fall far
short of these standards. Regardless of this, these standards do provide us with
some assistance (at the level of first-order approximate values) to
● indicate individual and total absolute poverty in communities
● lead objective efforts to eliminate the problems of absolute poverty
Clearly, these standards must be the result of consensus and reflect the community
values and considerations to be applied.
It is also problematic to measure income in order to decide on the level at which
poverty relief should be implemented. There are significant contradictions between
income levels and expenditures, especially at the lower income levels. For this
63
reason, expenditure is regarded as a more reliable measure than income for

determining economic wellbeing.
A global standard for the distribution of poverty is the Poverty Headcount Index.
The extent of the distribution, as measured by the deprivation per household
relative to the minimum accepted standard, is reflected by the poverty gap. Broadly
speaking, this is the total deprivation of income in a community below the
minimum subsistence level (MSL) (Poverty Policy Document 2004:1).
In a country like South Africa, our developing views of the origins, causes and
manifestations of poverty compel us to make additional connections between
economic opportunities, social advancement and human rights. The measurement
of progress in handling poverty in its broadest sense, therefore, demands an
analysis of concrete, controllable measures and standards to ensure that deprivation
and discrimination, both characteristic features of South Africa's recent past, are
eliminated.
The most evident challenge when studying the transformation of our society is,
therefore, to go beyond simply measuring the total wellbeing of individuals; it is
also necessary to measure variables in institutions and structural circumstances. If
we consider alternatives for "human-centred" indicators of human development,
which go further than normative criteria, then it is important to investigate people's
own perceptions of change and transformation. These indicators will enable
policymakers to gain a better understanding of the extent of alienation or the lack
of social capacity found in communities.
ACTIVITY 1
Having read through sections 1.6.1 and 1.6.2, how would you describe someone who is
poor?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
Now ask a relative or friend the same question and write down their response.
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
How do your views compare?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
Feedback will differ for each of you and the relative or friend being interviewed. The
comparison required is open to interpretation by you, the student.
1.6.2 CAUSES OF POVERTY AND CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH MAKE IT

WORSE
Poverty is characterised by a variety of complex causes, and is made worse
(aggravated) by circumstances in the economy and the community. No medium-
term or long-term strategy for reducing poverty will be successful if these origins,
causes and aggravating circumstances are not identified and dealt with. Although it
might be a temptation to deal with only the symptoms of the problem (by means
of poverty relief measures or assistance), it is essential to trace and sort out the
origins and causes of the problem. Only then can progress be made in alleviating
64
absolute poverty. In the following sections we discuss the immediate causes of

poverty, and the circumstances which make it worse.
1.6.2.1 The economy

In view of the asset bases of individuals and communities, poverty appears as both
an inability to make an optimal contribution to the economy and an inability to
benefit from it. Since poor people are usually regarded as beneficiaries of the
economy because they do not qualify as tax payers, it is important to realise that
they still have the potential to contribute both to their own upliftment and to
economic expansion as a whole. The poor can take part in the barter economy by
means of the following primary mechanisms:
● the labour market
● micro and small enterprises, and the informal sectors of the economy
The most important mechanisms by which the results of this participation find
their way into the household are wages, salaries, payments and (work-based)
transfers. The marginal or subsistence sector provides a considerable income to
those involved in it. According to the classical definition of employment, these
people are not actually employed, and their activities do not form part of the barter
economy either.
The marginal sector provides typically low returns on goods, but it is an important
means of survival for people in extreme poverty, especially in rural areas where
subsistence farming is an essential, though not always a sufficient, source of food
for the family. The growing need for cash income is resulting in people moving
away from the subsistence sector to activities in the informal market economy or
the formal sector, which increases the number of job seekers.
International experience indicates that, although positive economic growth is
almost always accompanied by a reduction in income poverty and negative
economic growth by an increase in income poverty, the impact of economic
growth on poverty depends on the way in which the surplus governmental income
is distributed. Although the actual distribution of income and the income
disparities in themselves are not necessarily relevant to the question of the
reduction of absolute poverty, the underlying mechanisms determining income
distribution are still of central importance. As far as the reduction of absolute
poverty is concerned, much will, therefore, depend on economic growth, the
pattern of that growth, and the extent to which poor people will be able to share in
the fruits of that growth (Poverty Policy Document 2004:8).
1.6.2.2 Employment in the labour market

In an economy like South Africa's, in which large numbers of the work force are
unskilled, underskilled or have only basic skills, a growth rate that leads to relatively
greater expansion of service provision to workers with low levels of skills, will
inevitably create a more positive environment for the reduction of (mainly income)
poverty.
Although growth in agricultural and rural per capita GDP in countries with large
populations of the rural poor has a direct impact on poverty reduction, growth by
means of manufacturing reduces poverty directly by increasing the incomes of the
workers in the manufacturing sector, though it has little beneficial effect on poor
65
people in general. There are clear signs that the more labour-intensive the growth
pattern or growth rate is, the quicker the decline in income poverty will be.
It seems that the inability of poor people, in particular, to get work (which is an
important cause of unemployment and work shortages) is to a large extent the
result of a number of key factors. Although temporary unemployment of 3–4% of
the work force is regarded as normal, the considerations mentioned below point
more directly to structural key features of unemployment and work shortages,
which are especially relevant in the context of poverty reduction:
1. Insufficient work in total, compared to the size of the population. This is a
consequence of the following:
● Inadequate domestic economic growth compared to the size and growth
of the actual domestic population (including immigrants and foreign mi-
grant workers).
● A growth rate which does not lead in the first instance to job creation.
This is the scenario of "jobless growth". It can be the result of a growth
rate based mainly on sectors and activities with relatively low labour ab-
sorption rates.
● Technological considerations together with other factors which affect the
choice of production methods. The effective costs of labour compared to
those of capital-intensive alternatives, as well as the complexities of the la-
bour market and the administration and management of labour-intensive
production, influence decisions about whether the labour-intensive route
should be followed. Considerations like the quality of workers, wages and
productivity are of the utmost importance. Technological progress in itself
is not necessarily in conflict with increased employment figures. The po-
tential for economic expansion can largely be extended by technological
progress, but in the short term this will lead to an increasing demand for a
work force that is better trained and better paid. The prospect of increas-
ing income inequality, at least in the short term, is, therefore, important.
The labour market's ability to adapt to changing demands, such as those
made by technological progress, and the labour force's ability to remain
competitive as a factor of production are still of the highest importance.
Rapid improvements in the education and skills status of the very poorest
must be a priority so that they can play a productive part in the economy.
● Large-scale adaptation and restructuring of enterprises, structures and in-
stitutions in response to regulatory and other requirements and to
domestic and international economic circumstances. This introduces an el-
ement of instability and insecurity, which the poor find difficult to cope
with. Job reductions inevitably mean that older workers find difficulty in
competing in the labour market or finding new jobs. The injudicious use
of redundancy packages leads to losses of both assets and incomes by peo-
ple who are often not capable of saving their own situations (Poverty
Policy Document 2004:9).
2. A mismatch in that the demand for and supply of labour do not correspond,
especially where the education and skills profiles of the available labour force
do not match up with the demand pattern in the labour market. The tendency
in a modern, technological age is increasingly to employ highly skilled workers
who will be better paid. This is also typical of growth routes which, in general,
66
are being followed by high technology secondary (e.g. manufacturing) and ter-
tiary (service) sectors. In the case of a rigid education and training system
which is incapable of adapting to the changing requirements of the labour
market, the results are that fewer and fewer workers can compete effectively
in the labour market, unemployment and job scarcity increase, and the salary
gaps between skilled and unskilled workers continue to widen. A lack of skills
in a country restricts economic development and can be overcome only by
importing the necessary skills.
3. The spatial distribution of work, compared to population distribution. In a
large country like South Africa, the people living in large, mostly rural, areas
are situated far away from the relatively few centres of economic development.
To have access to available job opportunities, they often have to travel long
distances and spend long periods of time in new, strange environments while
looking for work. This means that they have to make a financial investment in
advance of their search for work, which many poor people simply cannot af-
ford. This same lack of income and purchasing power in communities very
often leads to diminishing markets for goods and services, which lead to a col-
lapse of these activities in both the formal and informal sectors. This results
in what we call the vicious circle of poverty. The symbiotic relationship be-
tween the formal and informal sectors in the economy is well established. The
informal sector can seldom flourish in a vacuum and without some connec-
tion to a certain level of formal sector activity. This is especially true of
remote rural areas, which are actually rural subsistence areas rather than rural
production areas. The result of the interaction between these factors in the ru-
ral areas in particular is a significant obstacle in the path of access to the
labour market. Cities and towns are viewed as expensive, dangerous places in
which to survive, and many people who have the choice are compelled to re-
turn to subsistence activities in the rural areas, where they at least have the
security of access to a kind of traditional safety net. The impression may be
created that these people are not actively seeking work, which results in them
being regarded as unemployed in many surveys, but they would enter the la-
bour market if their circumstances were more favourable.
4. Seasonal work, which means that the labour force is "without work" for large
periods of the year, leads in practice to job shortages. Seasonal work compli-
cates people's choices because it often means that they cannot take
permanent jobs; their decision to take seasonal work means in effect that they
are underemployed. Seasonal work is, however, an important source of in-
come for those who would otherwise be entirely without work.
5. The structure of (extended) rural families and the nature of the survival strat-
egies of the poor. Women with families in the rural areas find it more difficult
to move away from their families than men do. The only alternative is often
for the entire family to move, and the consequences of this place a relatively
heavy burden on the job seeker (Poverty Policy Document 2004:10).
FURTHER READING
https//tradingeconomics.com>countries>SouthAfrica
67
ACTIVITY 2:
Speak to a few people in your community who are unemployed to hear their views. How
does this compare to your own personal viewpoint?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
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1.6.2.3 Small and micro-enterprises in the informal sector

According to the Poverty Policy Document (2004) the development of small,
medium and micro-enterprises forms an important part of participatory economic
growth which
● creates work at a lower cost
● uses local resources more intensively
● contributes to equality by producing suitable goods and services which are gen-
erally affordable
● promotes entrepreneurship, because entrepreneurs learn by doing
Entrepreneurship is the ability to identify needs, collect what is needed to meet
those needs and then act in order to do so. It demands both physical resources and
assets or skills such as positive opportunism, self-confidence and self-validation, all
of which are often lacking in poor communities and among the poorest of the poor.
Entrepreneurs typically come from humble backgrounds where they were under a
lot of pressure to achieve. They do not, however, usually come from extremely
poor environments. In addition, skills and prior work experience play a role. People
who have lost their jobs but have some experience in the workplace are better able
to set up their own business than people who have had no work experience. Sub-
Saharan Africa has a record of self-employment in small enterprises, but for a
variety of reasons there is no record of genuine, lively entrepreneurial growth and
development.
Cultural and personality factors play a role to the extent that in many communities
and contexts:
● Independence and self-interest are moved to the background as a result of con-
flicting loyalties.
● Social balance and equality between groups are often greater priorities than indi-
vidual achievement.
● The boundaries between collective and individual preferences are often unclear.
● The rituals which control economic transactions are often seen as more impor-
tant than the business principles which govern them.
● Patronage is often preferred to a contract for organising relationships.
It is significant that small businesses flourish in market economies where
governments allow the markets considerable freedom, to the extent that they have
a minimalist approach to strategies for promoting entrepreneurship. The
restrictions on small business development, which have the greatest effect on the
poorest of the poor and serve as obstacles to the development of significant self-
employment in and through poor communities, include the following:
● the cost of doing business, and unfavourable market conditions
● people's fear of what they expect to encounter from taxation and various other
kinds of regulations
● lack of finance and the demand for additional security when applying for loans
68
● lack of training, skills, business support and advisory services and the inability
to pay in advance in order to obtain them
In developing countries, people's movement away from marginal or subsistence
economic activities to the informal sector, and the return of unemployed people to
the informal sector, place tremendous pressure on incomes in this sector and this
makes it increasingly difficult to earn enough to fend off poverty. Although the
informal and marginal sectors make significant contributions to household incomes,
they do not provide an answer to the problem of poverty (Poverty Policy
Document 2004:11).
The long-term effect of the drought in South Africa (especially the Western Cape)
could be disastrous for the economy. The biggest economic effect is the impact on
tourism and agriculture, which has a negative effect on unemployment (City Press,
February 2018).
1.6.2.4 Globalisation and competition

Globalisation has the potential to relieve income poverty to the extent that it opens
markets and enlarges the sphere of economic activity. Theoretically, it will bring
about an increase in labour-intensive production in the longer term in countries
that have a competitive advantage in the labour market.
The inclusion of large numbers of workers from the Far East and South-East Asia
has added a considerable dimension to integration in the world economy in the
past decade. These workers are just about at the bottom of the international wage
spectrum, but they are supported by a functional, established production system. In
the middle of the wage spectrum are the relatively more skilled workers from
Eastern Europe and Central Asia. This pays no attention to the numbers of
farmers and workers from sub-Saharan Africa, who will become significant global
players as their own domestic circumstances normalise. Even at the labour-
intensive end of the spectrum, therefore, there is considerable global competition.
International experience shows that globalisation, which includes trade, capital flow
and market liberalisation, guarantees neither success nor regression. Its unavoidable
consequence seems to be increasing unemployment in certain sectors, especially in
the short term. This is particularly true of a country like South Africa, which is
emerging from a siege economy in which most economic sectors have enjoyed a
measure of protection from international competition (Poverty Policy Document
2004:12).
In countries which have followed a sound macroeconomic policy, preserved a
reasonable balance between rural and urban development, followed effective
investment strategies in respect of both economic infrastructure and the cost-
effective provision of social services, and have effective governmental and
nongovernmental institutions, globalisation continues to create growing
opportunities, which are being converted into growing total national prosperity and
a larger share of that prosperity for everyone.
Where these conditions were not met, the reverse is inclined to occur. International
capital flow tends to reward success generously and to inflict severe punishment
for mistakes. If organised labour adjusts to globalisation, it can play a constructive
role by promoting increased productivity, reducing discrimination based on non-
economic factors like race and gender, and monitoring working conditions.
69
1.6.2.5 Inflation
Rising prices have a serious impact on the poor and on those who have a modest
fixed income, like the elderly and people with disabilities. Inflation can potentially
worsen the situation of poor people. This is aggravated by the fact that adjustments
to statutory pensions and allowances usually do not keep pace with core inflation,
which reflects the rising cost of living. The inflation rate is based on the South
African Consumer Price Index (CPIX).
FURTHER READING
https://tradingeconomics.com/south-africa/consumer-price-index-cpi/forecast
1.6.2.6 Non-income factors

The immediate cause of non-income poverty is inadequate access to shelter, food,
basic services, health care and safety. The current lack of access to education and
training is not an immediate cause of poverty. It does, however, promote poverty in
the future to the extent that future generations will be denied the means to improve
themselves. This inadequate access is the result of
● the inability of poor people to pay for goods and services, or to obtain private
goods and services
● the inadequate supply of public goods and services
Sustained or increased per capita (per individual/person) public spending to
provide social goods and services to a growing population demands sustained per
capita economic growth. Per capita economic growth is essential, but it is not
sufficient in itself to reduce the incidence of non-income poverty.
Although inadequate expenditure on the provision of public goods and services to
poor people is mentioned here because it causes and aggravates poverty, social
expenditure is important in itself because of its contribution to economic growth.
The traditional reaction to poverty is to create "safety nets". Some of these safety
nets arise from the personal contributions of individuals to pension and provident
funds, medical aid schemes and so on. These contributory safety nets reduce the
government's burden. On the other hand, public safety nets do involve some
subsidising. They consist, in general, of non-contributory social expenditure on the
following:
● contact payments, including various kinds of social and family allowances such
as pensions, disability grants, unemployment assistance and poverty relief
● the transfer of goods, which involves making available commodities (such as
food) or services (such as health care and education)
● public works by means of job creation programmes with a welfare basis, by
which public infrastructure is constructed – especially in order to benefit the
poor – using labour-intensive methods
Sustained government spending on subsidies, which are inherent to the creation of
comprehensive public safety nets rather than, for instance, the creation of
productive economic infrastructure can menace economic growth, delay job
creation and transfer and worsen the very poverty which it was intended to
eliminate. The immediate impact of such programmes on poverty indicators can be
considerable, but the most significant challenge is sustainability.
70
The overall medium-term to long-term impact of this spending on subsidies on

economic growth and job creation, and therefore on total poverty, should hence be
carefully considered, especially if it is to be financed by direct taxation on
businesses and indirect taxation on essential consumer goods. Optimal and
sustainable levels of total social spending in relation to macroeconomic growth
must be established against the background of a macroeconomic model of the
economy rather than on the basis of an uncoordinated social policy. If programmes
of social transfer are included, the positive direct macroeconomic results must be
improved by means of the following:
● identifying and targeting the poorest of the poor so as to ensure cost
effectiveness
● setting realistic, affordable standards in respect of the services to be subsidised
● creating public assets rather than using state assets as a main source of subsidies
to cover running costs
● introducing labour-based employment welfare approaches
● where possible, using local small, medium and micro-enterprises (SMME) con-
tractors and suppliers
ACTIVITY 3:
In your opinion, how will the provision of free primary and tertiary education for the poor
affect the South African economy?
.................................................................................................................................................
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1.6.2.7 Population growth, density and distribution

All over the world, population growth goes hand in hand with urbanisation. The
incentive for urbanisation is usually a lack of economic opportunities in the rural
areas in spite of a growing population. This is compounded by the process of
industrialisation, which leads to the rapid growth of large urban concentrations as
employment centres. The overcrowding in settlements as a result of urbanisation
causes unique problems for the government, especially when it comes to the
provision of urban housing and other essential services. Poverty is both a cause and
a consequence of this process (Poverty Policy Document 2004:14).
For comparative statistics visit: www.statssa.gov.za and view Table 9: 31/07/2017
for the most recent figures on population and poverty distribution.
(i) Rural poverty
The growing rural population and the reduction in both the carrying capacity of
the land and in natural resources, are not unique to South Africa. Rapid population
growth has given rise to the following immediate causes of extreme rural poverty:
● lack of land for subsistence farming and development, low levels of productivity
and outdated technology
● deterioration of the environment to the extent that its ability to support the
community is seriously endangered, there are fewer education facilities, and
there is less access to services such as water, electricity and production resources
migration, especially by economically active men as they migrate to the cities to
seek employment, and the future disruption of the family and the local producer
economy as economically active women also start migrating
71
● high dependence on economically active people by the economically inactive as

the largest concentration of economic activities occurs in the vicinity of big
cities; there are fewer job opportunities and, therefore, more poverty in the rural
areas
● resources being allocated to an overextended informal sector rather than to
dwindling local markets, with resulting lower profits
● increasing dependence on subsidies and transfers which are a meagre source of
income, as they lessen over time as successful family members make new, inde-
pendent lives for themselves in the towns and cities
(ii) Urban poverty
The government's inability to provide urban infrastructure and acceptable housing
which is affordable, together with insufficient economic success to provide work
for the growing urban and peri-urban population, inevitably leads to the following:
● The establishment of informal settlements as first-level access points to an ur-
ban existence for the very poor. The population density often prevents the
application of traditional rural survival strategies for households such as subsis-
tence gardening and the keeping of animals, and the residents are under
pressure to turn to other strategies in order to survive.
● A dysfunctional community life for the very poor, and the loss of elements of
social capital like traditional ties and support groups.
Paradoxically, the provision of urban safety nets can lead to an overwhelming
influx of urbanising people, although there is not enough work or suitable
opportunities for self-employment.
ACTIVITY 4
What are the potential implications for - people who are streaming to the cities in search of
better opportunities?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
What are the potential implications for the people who remain behind in rural areas?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
Refer to sections 1.6.3.2 and 1.6.3.7 for guidelines. Interact with fellow students on myUnisa
and discuss your answers.
1.6.2.8 Regulation of the environment

The regulation of the environment can be central to the creation and exacerbation
of poverty as a result of the following:
● the ability of markets to clear themselves (There are classic examples of mini-
mum wage interventions in labour markets, which in practice had little effect
other than to ensure that the people who did have work were better paid. How-
ever, they also created unemployment and resulted in a lower total net income
72
for the labour force as a whole. Consider also the effects of the minimum wage
system on the agricultural and other sectors.)
● setting unrealistic, unaffordable standards for housing, services, businesses and
other areas, which go beyond the protection of the physical health and safety of
individuals as well as the public interest
● unjustifiable regulations and interference in people's personal decision-making,
which are not really necessary to safeguard the public interests
These regulatory frameworks could introduce inefficiency into the economy, which
could have a negative effect on poor people's circumstances by
● unnecessarily complicating survival strategies
● providing opportunities for bureaucratic corruption and inefficiency to the det-
riment of the poor, who often do not have enough clout to support a fair and
reasonable case
● wasting resources and diverting funds, which could be better utilised in the
struggle against poverty by promoting economic growth
1.6.2.9 Crime, corruption and inefficiency

Crime is both a cause and a consequence of poverty. Corruption and inefficiency
make poverty worse by diverting resources meant for the poor away from their
original destination, or by wasting them. As far as corruption in both public
administration and the private sector is concerned, poor people do not have the
resources or the "connections" to make corrupt officials focus on their problems.
Poor people are especially vulnerable as a result of the insecure survival
circumstances in which they often find themselves.
1.6.2.10 Violence and physical safety

Extreme poverty is associated with the erosion of social solidarity and cohesion,
that is, of "social capital". Poor people are defenceless and lack a voice. They are,
therefore, soft targets for violence and various forms of extortion. The physical
and social circumstances in which the poorest of the poor have to survive worsen
their poverty.
1.6.2.11 Powerlessness and insecurity

The powerlessness and insecurity experienced by poor people are the result of the
attitudes and approaches of people who try to marginalise the problems of poverty.
Poor people are not actually excluded from society, but they are precluded from
contributing to and benefiting from the general welfare of the community.
According to some perceptions and approaches, poor people play the social role of
needy beneficiaries and lifelong dependents, as if they are part of the problem and
cannot be part of a solution within an inclusive approach. This perception worsens
their sense of doubt and insecurity (Poverty Policy Document 2004:16).
1.6.2.12 HIV/AIDS and poverty

War and disruption worsen the circumstances of poor people and often speed up
the process of impoverishment of people who would otherwise be able to use
marginally viable survival strategies. Diseases and natural disasters also result in
disruptions, which can have both short-term and long-term implications for
poverty as a result of their effect on the various economic mechanisms. In sub-
73
Saharan Africa, ethnic conflict, civil wars and HIV/AIDS are among the greatest
problems in the fight against poverty.
HIV/AIDS mainly aggravates the problem of poverty as a result of the following:
● the disruption of the family income base following the death of one or more
contributors/breadwinners
● the fact that many children are orphaned, with many of them are also being
AIDS sufferers, which makes them a burden on their extended family or the re-
sponsibility of the state
● the erosion of productivity in the labour market and the effective increase in the
cost of labour as a result of globalisation and the liberalisation of markets, the
main aim of which is greater competitiveness
● growing pressure on health and welfare systems, meaning that resources have to
be spent on health services instead of on economic growth, consistent job crea-
tion and improving the per capita gross national product (Poverty Policy
Document 2004:16).
FURTHER READING
Please consult www.statssa.gov.za for further information on the South African problem of
HIV/AIDS and its impact on the population and poverty.
1.6.2.13 The multifaceted nature of poverty

Researchers such as Malefane (2004), Maluleke (2007) and Ndingaye (2009) view
poverty as a complex and multifaceted phenomenon for which there is no single
definition. According to these researchers, poverty assumes different characteristics
across time and place: thus, it is context dependent. The different facets of poverty
are discussed below:
● Basic human needs

As a result of the high unemployment rate in South Africa, the affordability of
providing for basic human needs is a challenge. Regarding basic human needs,
poverty is seen as the inability of households to meet the minimum specified
quantities of necessities such as food, clothing and shelter. Thus, a healthy lifestyle
and attaining a minimum standard of living is not possible.
● Income
In the approach that focuses on income, the poor are unable to secure steady
income because of their inability to access employment opportunities, a condition
that leaves them powerless. The definition of poverty using income as a measure is
particularly relevant in South Africa, where there have historically been severe
income inequalities between different population groups.
● Living conditions
Most of the poor live in undesirable/unbearable conditions that are characterised
by the underdevelopment of infrastructure services such as communications, power,
transportation, water provision and sanitation that are crucial to both the quality of
living of households and the nation's economic production. Healthy living
74
conditions reduce mortality and morbidity and save time and resources for
productive tasks.
● Political situations
The political connotation to poverty relates to the allocation of resources as
prescribed by government policies. The argument is that poverty problems are the
result of political choices made by rich government officials and powerful business
leaders to further their personal agendas and “line their own pockets”, which
further weaken the poor.
● Social exclusion
Social exclusion as an aspect of poverty refers to the denial or absence of social
contact. It also connects poverty with issues of citizenship, as it occurs when a
person is being excluded from social activities, decision-making, social services, the
right to citizenship, and family and community support. Social exclusion emanates
from the way in which society, laws and systems are structured. The social
dimension of exclusion denies poor people the opportunity to participate in the
mainstream of economic activities, for example, denied or limited access to
education, housing or basic services such as healthcare.
● Vulnerability
Vulnerability refers to the lack of secure access to essential commodities, services
and other basic necessities, which are essential for an acceptable life (e.g. physical
safety of the person). Poverty is not only about being poor, but it is also about the
risk of becoming caught up in a continuous cycle of poverty. Vulnerability is
characterised by an inability to cope in times of crisis. Individuals and households
become vulnerable (at risk) when they lack assets that enable them to handle
negative events or various external shocks (e. g. when the HIV/AIDS epidemic
impacts a rural community who do not have access to adequate health services and
cannot afford private doctors).
● Gender inequality
Gender inequality is an important facet of general inequality and creates barriers to
assets, access and participation of women. When women are restricted/excluded
from the development process and, therefore, gender equality, it contributes to a
rise in poverty. Different forms of abuse against women have been consistently
prevalent throughout the world, and Africa is no exception. Since men and women
have historically had unequal access to paid labour, men have historically tended to
earn more than women, and poverty has historically been more prevalent in
female-headed households, especially in rural areas of South Africa. The majority
of women tend to work in the informal sector earning small incomes, which
further enhances the likelihood of remaining entrapped in poverty.
● Geographic and demographics

Poverty is sometimes noticeable from a geographic and demographic setting. In
South Africa, apartheid segregated racial groups into distinct settlement patterns,
for example, townships and predominantly white suburbs and the division between
rural and urban areas, in which resources were not equally allocated. As a result of
75
this segregation, “black areas” in South Africa are still predominantly poor when
compared to “white areas” as they did not receive equitable services.
● Crime and violence

Poor people are more at risk of being victims of crime. Crimes and violence are
forms of hardships experienced disproportionately by the poor, especially in South
Africa, where the rate of crime and violence is high. Poverty, unemployment and
marginalisation of women increase the risk of violence against women and children
who are often trapped in abusive relationships due to dependency on their partners
for food, shelter and money. Social problems in South Africa are closely linked to
crime, as the crime rate in many societies is measured against the poverty level and
state of development in a country. Often the crime and violence problems of a
country are compounded by the high rates of unemployment, overcrowding and
poor provision of municipal services (e. g. in South Africa there is a lack of
municipal policing services and street lighting in many areas, not to mention
derisory sewage and effluent treatment by many, if not most, municipalities). All
this are in direct contravention of the Government's Batho Pele protocol. The
Batho Pele principle of consultation states that citizens should be consulted about
the level, and quality of public services they receive, and also given a choice about
the services offered whenever possible.
1.6.3 CONCLUSION
In this unit, we have looked at all the aspects regarding poverty and how it affects,
and ultimately puts at risk, the poor and vulnerable members of society. The risk is
further extended to the effect unemployment and poverty has on the economy of
South Africa. One of the worst mistakes would be to regard all poor people as a
homogeneous group. Nothing is further from the truth (Grootaert 1994:1532).
Poverty is characterised by a wide variety of causes. Rural and urban poverty differ,
and so too the consequences of poverty.
Beder et al (1993:9) have a good explanation of poverty: "Poverty means
powerlessness to negotiate or bargain or to prevent deception". If trade unions,
which have a lot of power, take part in demonstrations, they do so for the sake of
the working classes. Poor people are usually unemployed, and often as a result of
this, they do not have a voice.

1. South Africa is regarded by many as a Third World country. Which one of the
following options represent the typical features associated with this state?
1. large-scale urban and rural poverty, accelerated urbanisation and social
and political instability
2. high foreign debt, low population growth which outstrips economic
growth, and poor infrastructure
3. social and political instability, high crime rates and economic growth as a
result of political sanctions
4. high rate of population growth which outstrips economic growth, and
deteriorating social infrastructure
76
2. ... actually has nothing to do with the deprived status of some individuals
compared to that of other people in the community where they function, but
is rather calculated with reference to every community's norms and values,
and is in this sense a universal and permanent characteristic of the
community.
1. Absolute poverty
2. Relative deprivation
3. Total deprivation
4. Relative poverty
3. The researchers Guerry and Quetelet tried to identify the link between eco-
nomic conditions, poverty and crime by comparing well-to-do areas in France
with less privileged ones. Their research revealed which one of the following
options?
1. There was more crime in less privileged areas in which poor people lived
and worked.
2. There is little discrepancy between the rich and the poor in well-to-do
areas with regard to theft.
3. Wealthy areas offered little opportunities for crime because they had
fewer deterrents.
4. Well-to-do areas offered more opportunities for theft because there were
more things to steal.
4. Identify the correct statement.
1. Poverty is a multidimensional phenomenon.
2. Absolute poverty refers to inequalities in society.
3. Most of the poverty in South Africa occurs among urban black people.
4. Relative poverty refers to the minimum requirements for survival.
5. Regarding …, poverty is as an inability of households to meet the minimum
necessities.
1. living conditions
2. basic human needs
3. relative deprivation
4. minimum wage employment
6. Explain the differences between urban and rural poverty. (10)
7. Discuss the multifaceted nature of poverty. (15)

1. 1
2. 2
3. 4
4. 1
5. 2
6. See section 1.6.2.7 for the correct answer – tabulate your answer to help you
study this section.
7. See section 1.6.3 for the correct answer – name and summarise.
77
Learning unit 1.7
Cultural and ethnic diversity and crime
Learningunit1.7
Revised by Prof BW Häefele

Contents
1.7.2 ETHNICITY 79
1.7.3 ETHNOCENTRISM 80
1.7.4 ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND CRIME 82
1.7.5 ORIGIN OF ETHNIC CLEANSING 82
1.7.5.1 Definition of ethnic cleansing 83
1.7.5.2 Objectives of ethnic cleansing 83
1.7.5.3 Ethnic cleansing in various countries 83
1.7.6 EUROCENTRISM 86
1.7.7 CONCLUSION 86
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● distinguish between the different key concepts
● discuss the objectives of ethnic cleansing
● explain the role of ethnic cleansing in different countries
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice questions in order to demonstrate your understanding and knowledge of the
study material.
1.7.1 INTRODUCTION
The question of the influence of culture and ethnicity on criminal behaviour does
not have an obvious answer. Very little research has been done to date to
determine this connection. There are currently more theories seeking to explain the
possible connections between ethnicity, cultural diversity and crime than there is
empirical evidence for them.
78
LEARNING UNIT 1.7: Cultural and ethnic diversity and crime
South Africans nowadays take pride in the ethnic and cultural variety of their
country, and in calling themselves the Rainbow Nation. In the light of the high
crime figures in the country, we have to ask whether this cultural diversity is
nothing but an interesting feature of South Africa or whether it might not be one
of the causes of crime. The wide variety of cultural influences from immigrants
from Africa, the East and the West who have settled here over the last 300 years
contributes to the crucible of cultural diversity. When we consider the long history
of conflict between the various ethnic groups, the wars fought by the indigenous
peoples against the colonials and the apartheid conflict, the high crime rate in
South Africa is not surprising.
In this study unit we investigate culture and ethnic diversity and their links with
crime by examining the essential concepts of ethnicity, culture and ethnocentrism;
the social origin of criminal law; and the differences in crime figures between
communities characterised by a single culture and multicultural communities.
In our discussion of cultural and ethnic diversity and crime, we often use the terms
"ethnicity", "ethnocentrism" and "eurocentrism". You must therefore be familiar
with the meaning of these terms.
1.7.2 ETHNICITY
The word "ethnicity" refers to shared cultural practices, perceptions and
peculiarities that set apart one group of people from another. The most common
characteristics separating various ethnics groups are ancestry, territorial possession,
language, forms of dress, a sense of history and religion. South Africa, for example,
consist of different ethnic groups located in different areas. The largest ethnic
group in South Africa is the Zulus and the majority of them live in KwaZulu-Natal
and Gauteng. The second largest ethnic group is the Xhosas and they mostly
located in the Eastern Cape and Western Cape (South Africa History Online
2019:1).
In many regions of the world, there tends to be a connection between ethnicity and
religious commitments. Ethnic groups in specific regions tend to be associated
with specific religions due to historical reasons. In Ghana, for example, ethnic
groups in the Northern Region tend to be of the Muslim faith due to Islamic
influences from the Middle East, North Africa and across the Sahara Desert. The
south of Ghana, though, tends to be Christians due to the influences from
European missionaries who entered the region via the Atlantic Ocean. In Europe,
Greeks tend to of the Greek Orthodox, Italians tend to be Catholics and the
English tend to be Anglicans. People in the Middle East are predominantly
Muslims and those in Asia tend to be Buddhists or Islamic (Churchill & Laryea
2019:8).
One of the main characteristics of ethnicity is language. In South Africa, for
example, there are 11 languages. Some are grouped as Nguni and Sotho languages.
IsiZulu, isiXhosa, siSwati and isiNdebele are Nguni languages. Sepedi (Northern
Sotho), Sesotho (Southern Sotho) and Setswana (Tswana) are Sotho-Tswana
languages. Venda, Tsonga English and Afrikaans are also official languages spoken
in South Africa. The majority of the white population in South Africa (about 80%)
speak Afrikaans with many of the remaining 40 % being of British or European
descent. The coloured population (mostly living in the Northern and Western Cape
Provinces) has a mixed heritage, which often comprises the indigenous Khoisan
79
people and white settlers. The majority of the Indian population live in KwaZulu-
Natal (South Africa History Online 2019:2).
INTERESTING READING
New ethnic groups are constantly being formed as populations move between countries.
Let us use the Indians, who constitute and ethnic group in Britain, as an example. Yet, in
India they would be seen to be members of quite different groups in terms of caste and
language.
http://ad.doubleclick.net/adi/gale.enc.refdoc/p4893;page=refdoc;cat=si_1890; pub=p4893
1.7.3 ETHNOCENTRISM
Ethnocentrism is judging another culture based upon the values and standards set
in one's own culture. It is a form of bias, where people tend to immediately judge
another culture as "bad" or "wrong" based upon their actions, if their values are
not aligned with own beliefs. Does this concept seem familiar to you? William G
Sumner created the term “ethnocentrism”, after having observed people
distinguish or discriminate between their in-groups, and other groups.
Ethnocentrism is thus the tendency to consider one's own culture or race to be
superior over all others. Though it is present in every culture, history has shown us
how it can have tragic consequences if not controlled. (What is Ethnocentrism? 10
Examples to help you understand it better. https://opinionfront. com/examples-of-
ethnocentrism-to-help-you-understand-it-better)
Given below are a few examples of ethnocentrism – both historical and modern-
day examples – that will definitely help you understand the concept better.
EXAMPLE
This is one of the worst, most extreme and most tragic examples of ethnocentrism. Adolf
Hitler believed that Jews, as well as people belonging to some other communities were all-
inferior to his ethnicity (German), and did not deserve to live. He had thousands and
thousands of innocent people slaughtered in concentration camps, all because they were
not of his "pure" race, which was, according to him, superior among all.
EXAMPLE
This is again a negative example of ethnocentrism. Terrorism and hate crimes take place
when one religion or community believes that it is superior, and better than any other
religion or community. Ethnocentrism tends to blind people from seeing things from another
perspective: just because another community does something that yours doesn't – like a
particular style of worship, for instance – does not make it inferior to yours, and nor does it
make the other community's style of worshiping incorrect. However, ethnocentrism can
make individuals feel as if the other community is bad, or wrong, and can make them take
action in the form of terrorist attacks or hate crimes.
EXAMPLE
In movies and other sources of entertainment, ethnocentrism is often, but not always,
portrayed in a humorous, light-hearted manner. One example of ethnocentrism portrayed in
a light manner would be the movie, "The Big Fat Greek Wedding", where a Greek family
believes that being Greek is the one and only acceptable way of living. However, the makers
of the movie took great care to make sure that the Greek culture was never shown in a
negative or pushy manner, and that the audiences regarded it in a light-hearted manner.
Another example of ethnocentrism in movies is the legendary movie, The Godfather. Racial
slurs, discriminatory opinions about African-Americans, and the male domination depicted
in the Italian community are all examples of ethnocentrism, that suited the time the story
was set in.
80
An example of ethnocentrism in culture is the Asian cultures across all the countries of Asia.
Throughout Asia for example, the way of eating is to use chopsticks with every meal. These
people may find it unnecessary that people in other societies, such as the American society,
eat using forks, spoons, knives, etc. Since these countries use chopsticks to eat every meal,
they find it strange for other cultures that do not use utensils similar to chopsticks; however,
they do accept the fact that they use different utensils for eating. This example is not
something extreme that could lead to genocide or war, but it is a large enough gap between
these cultures for people to see their way of eating as the natural or best way to eat their
food.
Another example of ethnocentrism is colonialism. Colonialism is cultural domination with

enforced social change. Colonialism refers to the social system in which the political
conquests by one society of another leads to “cultural domination with enforced social
change”. A good example to look at when examining colonialism is the British takeover of
India. The British had little understanding of the culture in India, which created a lot of
problems and unrest during their rule (What is anthropology?
https://courses.lumenlearning.com/culturalanthropology/chapter/ethnocentrism)
Ethnocentrism does not necessarily have to be negative; in fact, it does have its share of
advantages, such as
● generating pride and self-confidence among the people of a group, about the
group, themselves, and each other
● defining social standards and the behaviour that a group is expected to follow,
thus maintaining uniformity among the people
● limiting the chance of causing internal conflicts
● immunity to external control and influence
ACTIVITY 1
Ethnocentrism, if kept in check, cannot harm society. Only when it gets out of hand does it
pose any risk to other members of society, especially those belonging to the out-groups.
Can you think of any other examples of ethnocentrism?
Ethnic diversity was best represented in the multiple countries that participated in the 2010
FIFA Soccer World Cup.
Firstly, list four countries that participated in the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup (not all 32,
only the ones you can recall).
Secondly, list four cultural characteristics exclusive to each of these four countries. Rely on
your general knowledge when writing down these characteristics. Discuss/share your list of
characteristics in the Discussion Forum on myUnisa under “cultural characteristics”.
You should have listed the names of four countries that you can recall as having participated
in the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup.
Next to the names of these four countries, you should have listed the characteristics
exclusive to the country in question. These characteristics include the following: language,
flag, food, music, religion, currency and history.
EXAMPLE
Dominant cultures, whether they are strong majorities like the Turks in Turkey who oppress
the Kurdish minority or powerful minorities like the whites in South Africa who oppressed the
black majority during the apartheid years, provide examples of ethnocentrism. South Africa
is a good example of a country where the process of cultural integration was blocked and
ethnocentrism prevailed. The white minority, of European origin, had been dominating the
indigenous majority since the 19th century. At first, the different cultures did mix, but this did
81
not last for long; eventually the law prohibited it. Attempts to convert the indigenous peoples
to Christianity were actually the only form of cultural exchange that took place. The norms,
values and customs of the Western cultural group were imposed on the black indigenous
peoples.
During the apartheid period, the government introduced numerous pieces of legislation
based upon racial classification. For example, the Population Registration Act No 30 of
1990 divided the South African population into three main racial groups: whites, blacks,
Indians and coloured people (mixed race). Race was used for political, social and economic
purposes. Other apartheid legislation include the Group Areas Act of 1990 and the
Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act of 1949. The Group Areas Act determined where one
was allowed to live according to race. The Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act did not allow
marriage between person of different race and the Immorality Act of 1990 made sexual
relations with a person of a different race a criminal offence (South Africa History Online
2019:1).
The apartheid government came to an end in 1994 and was replaced by the constitutional
democracy. The image of the “Rainbow Nation” made popular by Archbishop Desmond Tutu
in 1994, is the most important symbol used to promote the ideology of a free, multiracial
democratic society.
1.7.4 ETHNIC DIVERSITY AND CRIME

In section, 1.9.3 above we saw that ethnocentrism is the absolutising of a specific
group's culture to the detriment of the cultures of other groups. Ethnicity can also
refer to the cultural distinctions between groups and peoples. Cultural goods like
territory, language, religion and political systems have frequently been the main
causes of large-scale violence, wars, contempt for human rights and crime. Next,
we look at ethnic cleansing.
1.7.5 ORIGIN OF ETHNIC CLEANSING

The term “ethnic cleansing” is a literal translation of the Serbo-Croatian phrase
etnicko ciscenje that originated in the 1990s to describe the brutal treatment and
slaughter of various civilian groups in the conflicts that exploded upon the
disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. These groups included the
Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbs in the Krajina
region of Croatia and ethnic Albanians later Serbs in the Serbian province of
Kosovo. The term has also been linked to the treatment by Indonesian militants of
the people of East Timor, many of whom were killed or forced to leave their
homes after citizens voted in favour of independence in 1999. Another example is
the plight of the Chechens who fled Grozny and other areas of Chechnya,
following Russian military operations against Chechen separatists during the 1990s.
The occurrence of ethnic cleansing in the 1990s was characteristic of the nature of
modern armed conflicts.
(Andreopoulos, George, J. Ethnic cleansing. War crime. https://www. britannica.
com/topic/ethic-cleansing)
ACTIVITY 2
What is your opinion about ethnic cleansing? Write down three ideas that you think are
important in your discussion about ethnic cleansing. Speak to people of different ethnic
groups and ask them what this phenomenon means to them. Remember, when asking the
opinions of others -, you should remain objective. This will ensure "honest" answers from
people.
82
First, you should have given your opinion on ethnic cleansing. After you have written down
three ideas about ethnic cleansing, you should have spoken to different groups about your
ideas and reflected upon the different opinions on this phenomenon.
1.7.5.1 Definition of ethnic cleansing

Ethnic cleansing means the expulsion, imprisonment or killing of an ethnic
minority by a dominant majority in order to achieve ethnic homogeneity.
Definition of ethnic cleansing:
https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/ethnic%20cleansing)
According to Quran (2019) ethnic cleansing refers to the expulsion of a group
from a certain area. Ethnic cleansing has not been defined nor is recognised as a
crime under international law, according to the United Nations (UN). Moreover, in
reality, the lines between ethnic cleansing and genocide are often blurred.
“Your motivation may be that you want the people out, but if in doing that you
intend to destroy the group, and then it's also genocide,” said James Silk, a human
rights professor at Yale Law School.
For the purpose of this study unit, ethnic cleansing is defined as an event where the
removal of people ranges from legal to illegal activities. These illegal activities bleed
into genocide, as mass murder is committed in order to rid the land of a specific
group of people.
1.7.5.2 Objectives of ethnic cleansing

The objectives of ethnic cleansing are culturally based, and are usually aimed at the
establishment of one group's cultural goods at the expense of those of another
group. Cultural goods like language, customs, religion and land ownership have
frequently been the main causes of ethnic violence. Ethnicity plays an important
role in violence.
The main purpose of ethnic cleansing is the establishment of ethnically
homogeneous lands, which may be achieved by any number of methods including
genocide. It is important to note that there is a difference between ethnic cleansing
and genocide by the intent of the perpetrator. The primary goal of genocide is the
destruction of an ethic, racial or religious group.
1.7.5.3 Ethnic cleansing in various countries

Africa is a highly diverse continent and home to hundreds of different ethnic
groups, which have often been involved in major conflicts. Given below are a few
recent examples of ethnic cleansing in Africa.
(1) Central African Republic (CAR)

Violence between Christian and Muslim Militias has beleaguered the Central
African Republic (CAR) since 2013. The CAR is an extremely poor country twice
the size of France, but with only 810 miles of paved roads. The country descended
into turmoil in 2013 when a Muslim rebel coalition, known as “Seleka” overthrew
Francois Bozize (the then-president and a Christian). After the coup, Christian
militias known as anti-balaka (“anti-machete”) formed to fight the Seleka.
The fighting eased in late 2018 when the country held peaceful elections. The
former prime minister, Faustin Archange Touadera then became the CAR's new
83
president. However, the sectarian violence has grown in recent months and
stretched to the central and southeast regions of the country. More than 300 people
have been killed and over 100 000 displaced since May 2017 (Gaffey 2017:4).
(Gaffey, C. 24 August 2017. Another genocide in Africa? Top U.N. officials warns
of religious war between Christians and Muslims IN Central African Republic.
http://www.newsweek.com.)
(2) Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)

A United Nations report stated that fighting in Kasai in central DRC has spawned
at least 80 mass graves. According to the report, 290 people were killed between
March and June 2019, among them 82 children. The UN investigators found that
children's fingers had been chopped off and their faces mutilated. Pregnant women
were stabbed and others raped. The Kasai region has been haunted by raids and
extra-judicial murders since Kamwina Nsapu (a local chief) was side-lined by the
Congolese government by a new set of laws implemented in August 2018.
Nsapu was a fears critic of President Joseph Kabila. When Nsapu's popularity
became a threat to Kabila's administration, he was shot dead outside his home.
This assassination has led to the creation of a new rebel group with the same name
as Nsapu. To fight Nsapu, the Congolese state created its own militia group called
the “Bana Mura”. The consequences for the communities caught between these
two groups have been disastrous. According to the DRC's Catholic Church, over 3
300 people have been killed and million others displaced since October 2018 (Essa,
A. 10 August 2019. Horrors of ethnic cleansing in the DRC. https://www. iol. co.
za/news/opinion/horrors-of-ethnic-cleansing-in-the-drc)
(3) South Sudan

The civil war in South Sudan started in December 2013, just two years after
independence from Sudan. The conflict broke out between forces loyal to
President Salva Kiir and supporters (rebels) of his former deputy, Riek Machar.
While both sides were accused of atrocities, the majority was committed by soldiers.
Tens of thousands of people were killed, and more than 1.9 million people fled the
country. It became Africa's largest migrant crisis. UN and United States (US)
officials argued that peacekeepers should be sent to South Sudan's Yei region to
protect the civilians form Kiir's forces, who were burning villages and slaughtering
men, women and children.
The UN did not send peacekeeping troops to Yei. Within weeks Yei became the
centre of a nationwide campaign of what the UN called “ethnic cleansing”. It
became the largest exodus of civilians in Africa since the Rwandan genocide in
1994. More than a million people fled to Uganda. The South Sudan government
has denied ethnic cleansing and human rights violations (Aljazeera. 18 0ctober
2019:2. South Sudan: UN, US failed to prevent ethnic cleansing. https://www.
aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/south-sudan-failed-prevent-ethnic-cleansing)
Ethnic cleansing is nothing but premeditated, orchestrated mass murder. It is a
crime against humanity under international law, whether it takes place during times
of war or times of peace. Ethnic cleansing is war waged against civilians who have
been identified as targets because of their nationality or religion. Civilians are
harassed and intimidated, their possessions are confiscated and they lose their jobs.
Some are driven out of their homes and residential areas, while others are forced to
84
fight to defend themselves. The most prominent technique of ethnic cleansing is

terrorism, and the methods used are mass murder, torture, ill treatment during
detention, looting, rape, castration and other forms of violence.
The attacks on white farmers in South Africa and Zimbabwe are also regarded as a
form of ethnic cleansing.
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
Statistics on farm attacks in South Africa
According to Wilkinson (2018:2), the South African Police Service (SAPS) did not collect
statistics on attacks and murders on farms and small holdings prior to 1999. In 1999, the
SAPS Crime Information Analysis Centre (CIAC) began collecting data on farm attacks.
However, different organisations have put together their own statistics and surveys. Much of
these are outdated, cover different time periods and fail to give detailed breakdowns of who,
within farming communities, is under attack.
● AfriForum Research Institute collected and assessed statistics for 2018/2019, recoding
399 attacks and 94 murders between 1 April 2018 and 31 March 2019.
● The SAPS's latest statistics show that there were 94 farm murders in 2018/2019 in South
Africa. (Wilkenson, K. 8 May 2019. Factsheet: statistics on farm attacks & murders in SA.
https://africacheck.org/factsheets/factsheets-statistics-farm-attacks-murder-sa)
ACTIVITY 3
State whether you think ethnic cleansing is justifiable and give reasons for your answer.
FOOD FOR THOUGHT
On 11 May 2008, a xenophobic episode (ethnic cleansing) took place in South Africa. Within
three weeks 80 000 people were displaced, 82 died and 890 were injured. Affected
foreigners were Mozambicans, Zimbabweans, Pakistanis, Somalis, Ethiopians and Indians
(http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic cleansing).
During the 2008 attacks on foreigners in South Africa at least 82 people were killed. In 2017
seven people were killed. Richard Ots, Head of the South African office of the International
Organisation for Migration (IOM), stated that the death toll has been lower in 2017 than in
2018, due to quicker police response. According to Ots, there are three main elements to
violence against migrants:
● xenophobic feelings
● criminal opportunism
● scapegoatism
These three elements require different, though complementary responses. (ISS Today:
Xenophobia once again jeopardises South Africa's interest in Africa. 2 March 2018. https://
www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2018-03-02)
Xenophobia (unreasonable fear, distrust or hatred of foreigners) can manifest itself in

several ways in a country, ranging from police brutality to actual ethnic cleansing. Recent
xenophobic violence in South Africa was primarily directed against foreigners living in some
of the poorest urban areas of South Africa. Unfortunately, it has also impacted on those with
legitimate work and study permits (http://www.xenophobia.org.za).
INTERESTING READING
For more information on instances of ethnic cleansing in the 20th and 21st centuries, visit:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic cleansing.
Ethnic cleansing is high on the agenda when human rights violations are discussed, and
individuals responsible for such activities must be answerable and subject to punishment for
85
their crimes. We have given just a few examples above; unfortunately, these are by no
means the only examples of mass murder masquerading as ethnic cleansing.
ACTIVITY 4
What is your opinion about the action a Rustenburg farmer took when he laid a complaint
against Julius Malema at the International Criminal Court in Den Haag after his persistent
singing of the "Kill the Boer" song on numerous occasions? (Read about the case in the link
below.)
https://mg.co.za/article/2010-08-09-sa-farmer-sends-affidavit-to-international-criminal-court
When preparing your answers, you should have approached this sensitive topic objectively.
First, you should base your argument on the information presented in the study guide and
on the link provided above.
Other interesting questions to think about: What is ethnic cleansing and why is it taking
place? Does the South African situation differ from that in other countries? To expand your
knowledge, visit the internet sites indicated in the study unit.
According to the International Criminal Court, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court and the United Nations, it is illegal to incite hatred and genocide.
INTERESTING READING
For more information on the contents of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal
Court go to: http://fromtheold.com/news/julius-malema-face-criminalcharges
1.7.6 EUROCENTRISM
Eurocentrism as a concept first came into existence during the 1980s. The word
was developed to describe the world from a Western or more specifically a
European mindset. Eurocentrism refers to a broad tendency to interpret the
histories and cultures of non-European societies from a European (or Western)
perspective. (https://www. encyclopedia. com/history/dictionaries-thesauruses-
pictures-and-press-releases/eurocentrism)
Common features of Eurocentric thought include
● ignoring or undervaluing non-European societies as being inferior to Western
● ignoring or undervaluing what Asians or Africans do within their own society
or seeing the histories of non-European societies simply in European terms, or
as part of "the expansion of Europe" and its civilising influence
1.7.7 CONCLUSION
Ethnicity embraces the aspects of a specific ethnic group of people with specific
cultural characteristics. Ethnic cleansing is not only confined to South Africa or
Africa. The holocaust in Germany and the wars in Yugoslavia, Bosnia and Burma
are a few other examples of such atrocities. Ethnic cleansing should not be
confused with genocide. Even though these concepts are different, they are related.
Ethnic cleansing is the removal of people from a specific territory. Genocide is
often considered as the subset of murderous ethnic cleansing. Therefore, it can be
said that ethnic cleansing bleeds into genocide, as mass murder is committed to
remove people from their land.
86

1. The objectives of ethnic cleansing are … based.
1. historically
2. culturally
3. genetically
4. biologically
2. Although ethnocentrism is practically present in all cultures, history has
shown us its tragic consequences. The worst and most extreme occurred in
…
1. DRC.
2. Rwanda.
3. Turkey.
4. Nazi-Germany.
3. What is one of the main characteristics of ethnicity?
1. clothes
2. language
3. food
4. music

1. 2
2. 4
3. 2
87
Learning unit 1.8
Crime in multicultural communities
Learningunit1.8

Contents
1.8.2 CRIME IN HOMOGENEOUS COMMUNITIES 89
1.8.3 CRIME IN HETEROGENEOUS COMMUNITIES 90
1.8.4 CONCLUSION 91
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● distinguish between communities with homogeneous and heterogeneous cultures
● discuss the crime phenomenon in homogeneous and heterogeneous cultures
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice questions to demonstrate your understanding and knowledge of the study
material.
1.8.1 INTRODUCTION
Criminal law, that is the set of laws that determine which actions or failure to
perform actions are criminal, is a social phenomenon linked to a specific
community. An action, for instance the removal of someone's property without
his/her permission, is regarded in Western communities as the crime of theft. In
certain traditional communities, the same action is regarded as permissible if the
person who took the property really needed it. All social groups impose certain
restrictions on their members. These restrictions will only be obeyed if the
individual can identify with them and understands their meaning and importance
for the healthy existence of the community.
Clearly, therefore, legislation and its application will be clearer and more readily
understandable to individual members of the group in a homogeneous
(monoculture) rather than a heterogeneous (multicultural) community.
88
LEARNING UNIT 1.8: Crime in multicultural communities
1.8.2 CRIME IN HOMOGENEOUS COMMUNITIES

The more homogeneous a community is, the closer to its traditional customs and
values its legislation or legal rules will be. The individual members of the
community will be more willing to obey the laws, because they believe in them. The
sociology literature tends to emphasise crime within a social context (social
disorganisation, subculture and social control theories). These theories suggest that
crime increases when a community's level of social control is weakened. Two
factors affect the level of social control within a community, namely the degrees of
racial and ethnic homogeneity, as well as religiosity. Within the context of racial and
ethnic homogeneity, social disorganisation theory suggests that cooperative social
relationships are the result of a feeling of being connected to others in a traditional
community.
A subculture is defined as a group that has adopted its own principles and tenets
within a traditional community. This type of group is a result of community
members who do not feel accepted by and connected to a conventional society.
Social control theory reasons that individuals are less likely to engage in crime
when they feel a strong connection to a traditional society. One common thread
among these three theories of criminal activity is the degree of racial and ethnic
homogeneity within a community. A community that is racially and ethnically
homogeneous and therefore similar in beliefs, norms and culture, should
experience less criminal activity (Trawick MW & Howsen, RM. 22 August 2008.
Crime and community heterogeneity: race, ethnicity and religion. Available at:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13904890900399324 (accessed on
10/04/2018).
The low crime figures in Japan illustrate how strongly the community identifies
with the criminal law. Until recently, Japan was a homogeneous society, oriented
towards the group rather than the individual. Cultural differences play no part in
causing crime in Japan. The Japanese know what is expected of them in particular
circumstances, and what reactions to expect; the community is therefore regulated
informally and well. The people traditionally have very strong ties with their
families, employers and the communities in which they live. This creates a safe
environment and guarantees success. In December 2011, for example, the number
of crimes in Japan between January and December dropped by 8.9% compared to
the previous year (Kyodo, December 2011 in Anon. Crime in Japan, Low crime
rates, honest society, murders, roppongi, the elderly and foreigners. Available at:
https://factsanddetails.com/japan/cat22/sub149/items818.html (accessed on 11/
08/2018).
INTERESTING READING
Japan is known as a homogeneous and stable society, characterised by conservatism and
cultural uniqueness. Statistically Japan represents the following ethnic groups: 98.9%
Japanese, 0.9% Koreans, 0.4% Chinese and 0.8% other groups (http://www. nationmaster.
com/graph/peo_eth_gro-people-ethnic-groups). This picture is bound to change because of
rapid globalisation. International migration not previously experienced is now taking place
and will begin to affect social reality in Japan (http://www. japanesestudies. org. uk/articles/
Burgess.htmlhttp://www.japanesestudies.org.uk/articles/Burgess.html).
A relevant question to ask is whether Japan will change into a multicultural society ("melting
pot") such as New York in years to come or whether its cultural uniqueness will be strong
enough to withstand these social changes and sustain the low crime figures.
89
Note the difference in the murder rates between homogeneous Japan and heterogeneous
Australia: Japan 0.004999933 per 1 000 people and Australia 0.0190324 per 1 000 people
(http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/cri_mur_percapcrime-murders-per-capita).
ACTIVITY 1
There were 1099 murders in Japan in 2009, according to statistics from the National Police
Agency (NPA), down 200 from the previous year, and a third of the number in 1994. This is
out of a population of 129 million, in the middle of the worst recession since the war. See the
link below:
http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/japan/100304/murder-japan
Read the following two statements:

● "Partly because the Japanese are so unified and homogenous, they accept and
internalize social controls. It is this attitude of obedience and impulse control
that matters most in the low Japanese crime rate. Guns or not, the Japanese are
simply the world's most law-abiding people."
● (http://www. davekopel. com/2A/Foreign/Japan-Gun-Control-and-People-
Control.htm.
● According to Japanese firearm laws, besides the police and the military, the only
other group that are allowed to possess guns are hunters and that possession is
strictly circumscribed. The police even check hunters' ammunition inventory to
make sure that no shells or bullets have been unaccounted for.
After you have read through the statements above and the links, list other possible reasons
that may explain the low murder rate in Japan.
You should list the possible reasons to explain the low murder rate in Japan.
1.8.3 CRIME IN HETEROGENEOUS COMMUNITIES

In a heterogeneous community, it is practically impossible to ensure that legal rules
or pieces of legislation include all the values and norms of all the various cultures.
This means that only some groups in the community will be able to identify with
the prescriptions of the legislation. It is almost impossible for the rest of the
community to make these formalised norms and values their own, because the laws
do not correspond with their own traditional practices. The norms and values of
the dominant culture in the community are usually reflected in the laws, and the
minority cultures therefore feel that they have been left out (Smith 1994:1041).
Drawing on data across 98 countries, Churchill and Laryea (2019: 1) did a study on
the nature of association between ethnic diversity and crime. The study has shown
that higher levels of ethnic and linguistic diversity correlate with a reduction in
crime rates. It has suggested that police interventions, education, experience and
openness, as well as law and order are possible reasons for the results. The study
further shows that higher levels of ethnic diversity (when properly managed) could
help reduce crime (Churchill, SA & Laryea, E. 2019. Crime and Ethnic diversity: Cross-
country Evidence. Crime and Delinquency. Sage.)
There is no simple link between immigration and crime. Most studies find that
larger immigrant concentrations in an area have no association with violent crime
and, overall, weak effects on property crime. However, immigrant groups that face
poor labour market opportunities are more likely to commit property crime. But
this is also true of disadvantaged native groups. The policy focus should therefore
be on the crime-reducing benefits of improving the functioning of labour markets
90
LEARNING UNIT 1.8: Crime in multicultural communities
and workers' skills, rather than on crime and immigration per se. There is also a
case to be made for ensuring that immigrants can legally obtain work in the
receiving country, since the evidence shows that such legalisation programs tend to
reduce criminal activity among the targeted group (Bell, B. 2014. Crime and
immigration. Do poor labour market opportunities lead to migrant crime?
Available at: https://wol. iza. org/uploads/articles/33/pdfs/crime-and-immgration
(accessed on 11/08/2018).
Let's look at an example:
Australia is a multicultural society, in which one out of every four Australians is a
post-war immigrant or descended from immigrants; there are 190 different ethnic
groups; and 90 different languages are spoken (ethnic groups in Australia: white
92%; Asian 9%; Aborigine and other 1 %)
(http://www.nationmaster.com/graph/peo_eth_gro-people-ethnic-groups.)
According to the University of Western Australia's Crime Research Centre, the
Aborigines make up less than 3% of the population, and they commit 20% of
violent crime in Western Australia (http://www. australian-news. com. au/
aborepresent.htm). The research centre also found that one in five assaults, one in
three robberies, and more than one in ten sexual offences are intra-racial. About
93% of these involve Aboriginal offenders and non-Aboriginal victims.
INTERESTING READING
According to figures released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS), the proportion of
Australians born overseas continues to reach new heights, with over 28% of Australia's
being population born overseas (http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS).
1.8.4 CONCLUSION
We can accept that legal regulations or laws in homogeneous societies will largely
correspond with community standards. Informal control will also play a greater
role in those communities. The appearance and extent of crime in Japan is a good
example of this. In a heterogeneous or multicultural society such as Australia,
criminal law will seldom reflect community values as a whole. The norms and
values of the dominant culture are usually represented in the legislation.

1. What is the set of laws called which can determine which actions or failure to
perform actions is criminal?
1. indigenous law
2. criminal law
3. traditional customs
4. value system
2. Which country is known as a homogeneous and stable society?
1. China
2. Japan
3. Germany
4. Italy
3. Which option below is a reason why all members of a heterogeneous com-
munity cannot adhere to the legislative prescriptions?
91
1. They do not acknowledge the dominant culture.

2. Their traditional practices are not acknowledged.
3. They do not internalise the norms and values.
4. Minority cultures may feel that they have been left out.
4. Low crime figures in Japan indicate how strongly the community identifies
with ...
1. Japanese culture.
2. criminal law.
3. family ties.
4. formalised norms.

1. 2
2. 2
3. 2
4. 2
92
Learning unit 1.9
Some cultural features affecting crime: personal
and impersonal supernaturalism
Learningunit1.9

Contents
1.9.2 BLACK MAGIC, MALEVOLENT MAGIC OR WITCHCRAFT 94
1.9.3 MUTI MURDERS IN SOUTH AFRICA 94
1.9.4 COMBATING THE CRIME 98
1.9.5 CONCLUSION 99
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● explain witchcraft as impersonal supernaturalism
● discuss the connection between malicious witchcraft and crime
● discuss muti murders in South Africa in terms of their nature, occurrence and
characteristics
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice questions to demonstrate your understanding and knowledge of the study
material.
1.9.1 INTRODUCTION
Faith and religion are often seen as synonymous. Essentially, they both refer to
people's relationship with the divine/supernatural. The supernatural refers to
everything that differs from what people regard as natural. Faith and religion have
certain elements in common in all societies; these are connected with human life
and survival. In this section we will focus on impersonal supernaturalism, in other
words belief in an impersonal supernatural force which manifests itself in magic
and magicians, and especially in witchcraft murders, ritual murders and medicine or
muti murders.
93
Since magic can be used to the benefit or the detriment of individuals and
communities, we distinguish between "white" or benevolent magic and "black" or
malevolent magic.
While you are studying this section, you should also revisit the module, Introduction
to Criminology, which deals with the problem of crime, offenders and victims (study
unit 1.4).
1.9.2 BLACK MAGIC, MALEVOLENT MAGIC OR WITCHCRAFT

Black magic/malevolent magic (or Dark Magic or Dark Side Magic) is a form of
magic or sorcery that draws on malevolent powers. It may be used for dark
purposes or malevolent acts that deliberately cause harm in some way (e.g. to kill or
injure, to cause misfortune or destruction or for personal gain without regard to
harmful consequences to other) (Witchcraft Terms and Tools-Black Magic, http://
www. witchcraftandwitches. com). The term “black magic” is sometimes used to
describe any form of ritual that some group or person does not approve of.
White or benevolent magic springs from the idea that everything in the universe is
infused by an intelligent, transcendental power. White magic is the ability of humans to
influence the flow of this power. The magical view of the world comes from the
knowledge, that everything on all levels of the reality is interconnected in a huge,
multilayer network of energy. What the mind perceives as being many isolated
objects, are in reality not isolated, but connected. A change of one object
influences and changes other objects. Therefore, it is possible to influence certain
point of the net by accumulating and directing of the energy flow into the other
point of the net. This flow can be created and consciously directed through the
magical work. The magic can be learned and the world can be influenced (Anon. To
learn White magic. https://www.white-magic-help-net.)
The distinction between black and white magic is debatable. For example, most
branches of the major religions of Christianity, Islam, Judaism and Hinduism would
argue that all forms of magic are evil or black magic. Some would claim that all
magic, whether called “black or white”, is essentially the same. Other feel that any
magic can have both good and bad consequences depending on who judges those
consequences (Witchcraft Terms and Tools-Black Magic. http://www.
witchcraftandwitches.com.)
The black community believes that magical forces exist in physical things such as
plants, insects, birds, animals and people. These objects are used in medicine or
mixed with other ingredients to form muti. Most black people believe that human
body parts make the strongest muti. The Tswana tribes generally use urine in magic.
People can be bewitched with their own urine, and cattle are kept safe with the use
of their own urine (Reyneke 1992:148–180; SAPS Museum 2000:1).
1.9.3 MUTI MURDERS IN SOUTH AFRICA

The term “muti” originates from the isiZulu word “umu thi”, which means tree,
bush, herb, poisonous concoction or medicine. In Va-Venda, the term “mushonga”
is used to describe a magic person. Ritual or “muti” murder is the term used by
researchers to distinguish these murders from other types of and categories of
murder (e.g. patricide, infanticide, the murder of a police official or a spouse) by the
fact that body parts are removed from the victim (Minnaar, 2019: 48).
Muti murders in South Africa are as old as the country's ethnic variety, and are still
being committed to this day. The seriousness of the problem shows in the
94
LEARNING UNIT 1.9: Some cultural features affecting crime: personal and impersonal
supernaturalism
international attention it attracts. A large American television network, ABC,

devoted much time to analysing the problem in a magazine programme called 20/
20, and referred to it as one of the raw wounds of South African society. In their
programme entitled The Witches of South Africa, the following interesting facts
emerged:
● Johannesburg, a modern city, is paralysed by fears of witchcraft.
● About 300 people, many of them children, have died in witchcraft murders in
South Africa. Among these victims are 11-year-old Sipho Molemohi of Johan-
nesburg (1999) and Willem de Lange, a 22-year-old man who disappeared from
Boksburg in August 1999 and was found in a shallow grave in the hut of a
witchdoctor in Ivory Park on the East Rand in January 2000.
(i) Albinism
Originating from the word “albus”, meaning white in Latin, albinism is a genetic
disorder resulting in a decrease or absence of pigmentation in the hair, eyes and
skin. Albinism mostly arises from mutations in genes encoding for proteins
involved in the synthesis or transport of melanin by melanocytes. This is
predominantly a problem for albinos living in South Africa who suffer both
emotionally and physically from dermatologic malignancies and must cope with
being hunted for their body parts as well (Cruz-Inigo, Ladizinski & Sethi 2011: 99).
A police officer has described the trauma that he and other officers experienced
when they discovered the remains to be those of a 13-year-old albino girl who was
killed for muti purposes. The beheaded body was found in a swallow grave. Inside
the traditional healer's room, the police found muti, buckets and bags with substan-
ces what appeared to be body parts. The girl was abducted by gunpoint by three
men who broke into their home at night.
Shange, N. 1 March 2018. Albino teen's head cut off. Cop tells of muti horror after
Swaziland arrests. Available at: https://www.pressreader.com/search
Throughout Africa, an unknown number of albinos, especially children, have been
the victims of brutal attacks and murder in the name of witchcraft, superstition and
wealth. The main driving forces behind these profiling crimes are ignorance, myths
and superstition, such as the beliefs that individuals with albinism possess
superpowers or that their body parts bestow fortune and health. Some common
myths and misconceptions are:
● Weaving albino hair into a net improves the chances of catching fish.
● Albino parts worn as charms bring good luck, fortune and health.
● Albino body parts are a necessary ingredient for witchdoctor potions.
● Albinos have magical powers and can cure diseases.
● Intercourse with an albino lady will cure HIV (AIDS) infections.
● Spitting on an albino prevents the condition in one's family.
● Albinos and their mothers are possessed by evil spirits. (Cruz-Inigo, Ladizinski
& Sethi 2011:80)
Sangomas and witchdoctors
In the past, Westerners thought that witches, witchdoctors and sangomas were all
the same. There are vast differences between them, however. Analysis shows that
sangomas operate within the law, while witches and witchdoctors do not (SAPS
Museum 2003:1).
95
(ii) Sangomas
In Africa, two terms are denoted: “inyanga” (male) or “sangoma” (female)
(Minnaar, A. July 2019. Servamus: 48). A sangoma as a practitioner of herbal
medicine has many different social and political roles in a community. Some of
these roles include divination, healing, directing rituals, finding lost cattle and
protecting warriors. The philosophy is based on a belief in ancestral spirits (http://
en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Sangoma). Both men and women can be called by the
ancestors to become a sangoma. A trainee sangoma trains under another sangoma
for a number of years. During the training and for the graduation, a ritual sacrifice
of an animal is performed. The spilling of this blood is meant to seal the bond
between the ancestors and the sangoma (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sangoma).
Sangomas have a sacred healing hut called an “ndumba” where their ancestors
reside. They wear specific coloured cloths to please each ancestor. Ancestors are
summoned by burning a plant called “imphepho”, dancing, chanting and playing
drums. Sangomas are able to access advice and guidance from ancestors for their
patients in three ways: possession by an ancestor or channelling, the throwing of
bones and dream interpretation (http://www. southafricalogue. com/travel-tips/
sangomas-the-south-african-shamen.html).
Patients receive muti – medication from plants and animal origins imbued with
spiritual significance. The medicine is said to help with physical and mental illness,
social disharmony and spiritual difficulties. Potions for love and luck are also
available. Muti can be drunk, smoked, inhaled, used for washing, smeared onto the
body, given as enemas, or rubbed into an incision. Some 300 sangomas and other
healers blessed Soweto's Soccer City in a ceremony for luck during the FIFA 2010
Soccer World Cup (http://www. globalpost. com/dispatch/south-africa/100810/
muti-wrld-cup-2010-soccer).
Some medical aid funds acknowledge sangomas and pay them for their services.
(iii) Witchdoctors
There is a need to deconstruct the term “witchcraft”, which is commonly
associated with muti murders. In the Western terminology, witchcraft is usually
linked to witches/wizards, witches' covens and Wiccan practices, including the
casting of spells, while Satanism (devil worship) is denoted by the term “black
magic” (Minnaar, 2019: 48).
A witchdoctor is essentially a sangoma whose services are used for evil purposes. It
is difficult to determine in advance whether a particular person is a sangoma or a
witchdoctor. Witchdoctors use human and animal body parts instead of herbs and
roots, like a sangoma. When human body parts are used, the implication is that a
murder was committed, which is of course irregular. The services provided and the
methods that witchdoctors use are generally unacceptable, but people continue to
avail themselves of these services nevertheless (SAPS Museum 2003:1).
Professor Niehaus of the Department of Anthropology at the University of
Pretoria cites people's yearning for wealth and power as the main reason for muti
murders. Muti murderers want to obtain money and power in that way (Louw
2008:11). Similarly, the people who buy the muti do so in the belief that it will
provide them with money and power.
Muti murders are so frequent in Limpopo that a house in the Vhembe district was
set up as a refuge for children whose parents have died in ritual (muti) murders
(Louw 2002:11). A police task team to investigate ritual murders in Limpopo was
96
supernaturalism
set up in June 2008 and completed its work in September 2008. On analysing the
dockets, murder cases were investigated; suspects were arrested, convicted and
given sentences of up to life imprisonment. Included in those cases where ritual
murder cases that were clearly proven beyond reasonable doubt, for example the
highly publicised case of State v Shumani Dzebu, Mukondeledi Phosa and other
co-accused for the murder of Maanda Sendedza and attempted murder of
Nyelisani Sidimela (http://www.info.gov.za/speeches/2008/08103013491001.htm).
To read more on the abovementioned court case, go to: http://why-we-are-
whiterefugees.blogspot.com/2010/02/muti-murder-death-of-maanda-sendeza.html.
Simon Fellows, author of a report entitled Trafficking body parts in Mozambique and
South Africa, is of the opinion that there is a deep-founded cultural belief that
human body parts make the medicine (muti) more effective and that this method
can solve any problem, from poverty to health issues. Witchdoctors, usually
working through a third party, actively seek human body parts from live victims.
The research revealed that the trade in human body parts was transnational. It
showed that body parts of people murdered in Mozambique were smuggled into
South Africa. Fellows is concerned that muti murders are shrouded by a code of
silence, where people are too afraid to speak out, allowing the practice to continue
with little or no consequences for the perpetrators (http://www. digitaljournal.
com/article/289298).
INTERESTING READING
Government and traditional healers represented by the National Traditional Healers
Organisation have formed an alliance against muti killings, following the death of 10-year-
old Kgomo Masego. The Minister for Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities,
Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya, said that African medicine is part of South Africa's culture, but
that this could not be used as an excuse to justify the killing of a human being to heal
another person. After about 901 body parts, especially breasts and genitals, were removed
from healers, Phephisile Maseko, National Coordinator of the National Traditional Healers
Organisation, expressed concern that their profession was increasingly being placed in
jeopardy each time such a case was reported in the media (http://www.sagoodnwes.co.za/
crime/sa_declares_war_on_muti_killings.html)
(iv) Appearance and application of muti

The age-old belief that human blood and body parts are essential for the
manufacture of medicine (muti) still persists today. Ritual murders are widespread,
and 33 traditional healers are currently serving long prison sentences for their part
in ritual murders. The motive often given for such murders is the need to obtain
body parts for making muti. The muti would then sometimes be used to strengthen
the position of traditional leaders under pressure from young people, or it would
be given to freedom fighters to ensure victory.
Blood is widely used for vitality, while the brain is used for political power and
success in business. The sexual organs, breasts and placentas are used to treat
infertility and bring about good luck. The virgin sexual organs of young boys and
girls are highly sought after, and are used for certain sexual activities (Factnet
Message Board 2003:9).
The body parts are chopped up, mixed with plant extracts and herbs and used
medicinally by witchdoctors and, in some cases, traditional healers.
The parts of the human body are used to secure certain advantages from the
ancestors. For example, a skull may be built into the foundation of a new building
97
to ensure good business, or a brew containing human parts may be buried where it
is believed it will ensure a good harvest. A victim's hands or parts of hands are
regarded as symbols of possession. The eyes of a victim symbolise vision and the
blood can give vitality (Minnaar, A. July 2019. Servamus: 48).
As with people, animals are also mutilated or maimed for muti, because some
people believe that a particular animal can be used magically to bring good or bad
luck (SAPS Museum 2003:1). The use of animal body parts is widespread. Muti
shops in Johannesburg are full of monkey skulls, baboon hands and the tails of
scarce reptiles (Factnet Message Board 2003:9). The belief exists that vultures are
clairvoyant. Muti witchdoctors use the bird's brains for a potion that can help
people predict the winning numbers in the lottery or the scores in a football game
(http://www.baxtering.com/?p=494).
According to Professor Anthony Minnaar (2018:48) the strength of the medicine to
be used is further enhanced if the victim is young and virile and if the parts are
removed while the victim is still alive. This ensure the potency of the medicine.
Research by the Institute for Strategic Studies (ISS) indicates that South Africa has
a frighteningly high rate of muti murders. Township children are the worst affected.
Children go missing every week, and it is speculated that many of them are victims
of muti murders.
Muti murders are very profitable, as people pay high prices for the body parts used
in muti. Witchdoctors do not necessarily commit all the murders themselves. Hired
killers are often employed for this purpose (Louw 2002:11).
The government's concern about this problem has led to the establishment of a
commission of investigation into witchcraft, violence and ritual murders after a
wave of such crimes took place in Soweto involving boys aged between one and six
years. The Minister for Women, Children and Persons with Disabilities,
Noluthando Mayende-Sibiya, is of the opinion that separate more serious charges
must be brought against people who kill and harvest body parts for muti. To read
more about the minister's opinion go to: http://www.mg.co.za/article/2010-03-23-
minister-calls-for-tougher-charges-muti-murder.
ACTIVITY 1
Would you consider consulting a witch-doctor to acquire more wisdom, political power or
bring yourself good luck? Give reasons for your decision.
Your personal opinion counts here. You should have listed the reasons for your decision.
1.9.4 COMBATING THE CRIME

According to Minnaar (2019:48) police officials in some rural areas are unwilling to
investigate not only muti murders, but also other witchcraft-related crimes. This
reluctance stems from a fear that they will be bewitched themselves by the
perpetrator. In addition, due to the secretive nature of muti murders, the victim's
bodies are never found. It is believed that a substantial number of missing children
who are never found are being trafficked, not for sex or labour trafficking, but for
the purpose of human body parts harvesting, namely muti murders. Human body
part muti is a lucrative business in South Africa. Depending on the body part usage
and intended end result, price range from R 9000 to as high as R 29 000. Most of
98
supernaturalism
the suspected muti trade in human body parts is conducted “underground”, which
makes is difficult to track down.
1.9.5 CONCLUSION
It is very difficult to determine the actual extent of magic, witchcraft and muti
murders. The fact that a task team was appointed to investigate the occurrence of
muti murder in the Limpopo province is a clear indication that muti murders do
take place. Human body parts will only be in demand as long as there is a market
for them.

1. Black magic is a form of magic that draws on ... powers.
1. malevolent
2. personal
3. community
4. medicine
2. Why are muti murders profitable?
1. They strengthen the position of traditional leaders.
2. People are willing to pay high prices for body parts.
3. Human blood makes medicine more powerful.
4. People blindly believe in their healing powers.
3. Prof Anthony Minnaar believes that the regular disappearance of township
children can be attributed to ...
1. muti murder or abduction.
2. prostitution and black magic.
3. black magic and muti murder.
4. prostitution and muti murder.
4. Blood in muti murders is widely used for…
1. success.
2. vitality.
3. farsighted.
4. victory.
99
5. Faith and religion have certain elements in common in all societies. These are
connected with ... and ...
1. human life; social skills.
2. survival; strength.
3. human life; survival.
4. hope; survival.
6. What is albinism? Also discuss the myths and misconceptions about albinos.
(10)

1. 1
2. 2
3. 4
4. 2
5. 3
6. Albinism is a genetic disorder resulting in a decrease or absence of pigmenta-
tion in the hair, eyes and skin. It mostly arises from mutations in genes
encoding for proteins involved in the synthesis or transport of melanin by
melanocytes.
Some common myths and misconceptions about albinos are:
● Weaving albino hair into a net improves the chances of catching fish.
● Albino parts worn as charms bring good luck, fortune and health.
● Albino body parts are a necessary ingredient for witchdoctor potions.
● Albinos have magical powers and can cure diseases.
● Intercourse with an albino lady will cure HIV (AIDS) infections.
● Spitting on an albino prevents the condition in one's family.
● Albinos and their mothers are possessed by evil spirits. (10)
100
Learning unit 1.10
Susceptibility of the family
Learningunit1.10
Ms E Joubert
Contents
1.10.1INTRODUCTION 101
1.10.2DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS 102
1.10.2.1Definition of family 102
1.10.2.2Definition of family system 103
1.10.2.3Definition of family structure 104
1.10.3HIGH-RISK DISORGANISED FAMILY SYSTEM 104
1.10.4CLOSED FAMILY SYSTEM 106
1.10.5DISENGAGED OR UNINVOLVED FAMILY SYSTEM 107
1.10.6FAMILIES WITH CLEAR BOUNDARIES 109
1.10.7ENMESHED FAMILY SYSTEM 110
1.10.8FEEDBACK ON ACTIVITY 2 111
1.10.9CONCLUSION 111
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● explain the concepts of family, family system and family structure
● identify the various family systems
● understand how the different family types can impact on criminal behaviour
ASSESSMENT METHODS
knowledge of, and insight into, the study material.
1.10.1 INTRODUCTION
The family as an institution is the most important primary group in society. One of
the main functions of the parents in the family is to socialise the children to live in
accordance with the accepted norms and values of society. The family should also
101
be a place of love, safety, security and support for members of the family. In many
cases, it fails miserably in these respects. Various factors can have an influence on
the family and adversely affect its functioning, such as poverty, unemployment,
overpopulation and urbanisation. Furthermore, moral and spiritual decline can
contribute to the disintegration of the family unit, which increases the likelihood of
behavioural disorders in children and young people.
With the exception of the police and the armed forces, the family is the most
violent social group in society. The family often does little to promote the child's
development and a great deal to impede it. Instead of socialising and educating the
child in accordance with the accepted norms and values of society, the family may
provide fertile ground for criminal behaviour.
In this study unit we pay attention to risk factors in the family which may make
some children more susceptible to victimisation, and to criminal behaviour, than
other children in a different type of family setup.
The nature of family life is never static; it is shaped by many factors and by the
historical and socioeconomic conditions in society. For instance, in South Africa,
the history of colonialism, the creation of migrant labour, the apartheid laws and
the HIV/AIDS pandemic have had an enormous impact on family life (Heuveline
2014; Rosa 2004:8).
Family members do not function in isolation, but have a reciprocal influence on
one another. We cannot pay attention, for instance, only to the influence of the
parent on the child, but should also consider the influence of the child on the
parent in order to get real insight into the problem behaviour of the child.
To determine the role of relationships, interaction and communication between
family members in causing crime, it is essential to analyse the family as a whole.
Systems theory provides a framework for studying the interaction between family
members (Thorman 1982:173). According to this approach, the family is seen as an
interactional system. The family unit is considered as a micro-system within which
individual members play particular roles that are essential to the survival and
vitality of the system.
1.10.2 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS

For the purposes of this study unit, it is essential to clearly define the basic
concepts of family, family system and family structure.
1.10.2.1 Definition of family

The family is an interdependent group of individuals, either traditional or modern,
who share sense of history, experience some degree of emotional bonding and
invent strategies for meeting the needs of individual members and the group as a
whole (Anon,[sa]a).
Regardless of the dramatic changes a family undergoes over their life span or the
specific form that the family takes, a number of predictable and identifiable tasks
must be adhered to. First of all, a clear identity for each individual and for the
family as a whole must be established. Secondly, the development of clearly defined
boundaries between the family and the outside world and also between the
members within the family is essential. Thirdly, the household must be managed,
which comprises chores, finances, conflict, solving problems, etc. Fourthly, the
emotional demands of family life should be managed. Families should also adjust
102
LEARNING UNIT 1.10:Susceptibility of the family
executing their tasks in response to normative and non-normative stresses

encountered over time (Anon,[sa]a).
In the 21st century, the modern family is defined as being more ethnically, racially,
religiously and stylistically diverse than - a generation ago. A family therefore may
or may not include two adults and children and may or may not be related by blood
(Anon 2015; Bartol & Bartol 2014:39).
South African courts and parliament have begun to recognise new types of family
forms that do not fit within the traditional definitions (Rosa 2004:7). The family is
a product of historical and cultural transformations. Family types include one and
two-parent families, adoptive families, childless families, cohabiting couples, gay/
lesbian families and extended families (Miller 2016). The Children's Act 38 of 2005
looks at the responsibilities and rights of all categories of parents, including those
parents who are married to each other (be it in a civil marriage, customary
marriages, civil unions) as well as those biological parents who were never in a
permanent, or any kind of relationship with each other. Sections 19 and 21 of the
Act addresses the responsibilities and rights of the biological mother and father,
(who are not married to each other) respectively (Khan,[sa]).
TAKE NOTE
● In South Africa, 33% of black households with children are single-parent families. Col-
oured households constitute 22%, 13% are white and 8% are Indian.
● An estimated 3.7 million orphaned children are living in South Africa, and this figure has
been increasing by 11% a year since 2002.
● 21% of single (never married) men and 51% of single women have young or unmarried
children.
● 54% of children (aged 0–17) indicate that their father is not part of their household.
● 41% of South African migrant workers return home at six-monthly or yearly intervals
(Shapiro 2015).
1.10.2.2 Definition of family system

For the purposes of this study unit, a family system may be defined as the
relationship between various family members, as well as their functioning,
communication and roles within the family boundaries.
Boundaries are invisible barriers which surround individuals and subsystems,
regulating the amount of contact with others (Gilles 2014; Anon, [sa] b; 2013;
Janzen & Harris 1997:37).
A family system consists of a hierarchy of subsystems, such as a husband-wife
subsystem, mother-child subsystem or father-child subsystem within the larger
family system. The family is a system that functions through the support of
subsystems, which develop over time. Subsystems are created by family members
joining each other to carry out various functions (Anon, [sa] a; Janzen & Harris
1997:31).
There are many roles to be filled in the family and each member may play several
roles in a number of subsystems, such as the couple subsystem, the parental
subsystem, the sibling subsystem and the parent-child subsystem. The role of the
parent may also be filled by the child's responsible relative (a significant other
person), such as a grandmother or aunt.
The functioning of any individual has an effect on the functioning of other parts,
or on the whole, of the family system, the reason for this being that all members
103
have different personalities, habits, perspectives and interpretations of events

(Gilles 2014).
1.10.2.3 Definition of family structure

For the purposes of this study unit, a "family structure" may be defined as the
various categories of individuals that constitute the family. In other words, a family
structure is the composition of the family, such as an intact family, a typical nuclear
family, an extended family, a single-parent family or a broken family.
1.10.3 HIGH-RISK DISORGANISED FAMILY SYSTEM

One of the family systems identified by Thorman (1980:41) is the disorganised
family system. In disorganised families there is a lack of leadership, guidance and
control. Parents in such a system are not able to provide direction and guidance to
their children. The parents do not assist the children in developing adequate
internalised self-control. Consequently, there are frequent attempts to control the
behaviour of children by means of variable forms of discipline.
There are no consistent guidelines in the home environment to which the children
must conform. One or both parents also attempt to control the children by
constantly threatening them with violence. Consequently, the source of control is
always external to the children instead of originating from within them. Under such
circumstances, children have no opportunity to develop behavioural standards of
right and wrong, and respond only through fear of physical punishment. Antisocial
and criminal patterns of behaviour result from this type of family system.
High-risk families have a number of problems which cut across many dimensions
of family life, and which they cannot cope with or manage. These families face
internal pressures (within the family) as well as external pressures (between the
family and the community). Those who live in a high-risk family always have the
feeling that something bad is about to happen. This foreboding is highly disruptive
because the anxiety it creates distorts reality. The perceptions and feelings of
children in these families are often ignored or rejected, and these children
eventually learn not to trust and not to feel (Siegel 2016:222–223; Kaplan & Girard
1994:23).
High-risk or disorganised families also face many day-to-day environmental stresses,
such as crime, violence, drug abuse, poor housing, and lack of transportation, lack
of education and job training, and low income. The more problems a family has,
the more stressed and overwhelmed it tends to be (Siegel 2016:222–223; Kaplan &
Girard 1994:23). Homes that are conflict-ridden and display a lack of
communication are more likely to produce delinquent children.
Important point (but not for examination purposes)
A crisis demands change in the family. For the already disorganised family a crisis can
contribute to
● lack of cohesiveness and closeness among members
● lack of positive conflict-management skills
● fights over "who is right"
● lack of time and positive interaction between the parents
● lack of family activities and quality time together
● experiencing stressed-out symptoms, including sleeplessness, lack of appetite, disorien-
tation, memory lapses, depression and anxiety
104
Guidelines for families to deal with a crisis:

● Talk openly and honestly. Poorly functioning families may not talk, may keep secrets, or
have many topics they cannot or will not discuss with each other.
● Develop a strong social network by participating in community organisations, accepting
help and supporting others.
● http://extension.udel.edu/factsheets/surviving-a-family-crisis-2/
Disorganised families may be overwhelmed by their difficulties. Seeing no alternatives or

solutions, they become negative, feel defeated and develop a low self-esteem.
When one or both parents in a family is/are in constant crisis, the family may be chaotic and
disorganised, and the children likely to be chronic delinquents. Such complete
disorganisation, however, is extreme (Anon, [sa]c; Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:132).
Children who do not receive the love, attention and support they need from their family
become very vulnerable. Vulnerable youths who lack parental guidance and support or
opportunities for positive involvement with peers will often turn to a gang to meet their needs.
Once a child is a member of a gang, it is very difficult to get him or her back into the family
fold. Vulnerable children may also abuse drugs and alcohol in an attempt to cope with family
and social problems, poverty, sexual problems or communication problems. Some young
people will use drugs specifically to ease the trauma and pain of unsatisfactory relationships
and the physical and emotional abuse arising from unhappy homes. They see alcohol and
drug use as a way to solve problems and fulfil unmet needs (Anon 2017). Such youngsters
will often come to the attention of their school.
INTERESTING READING
Recruiting young gangsters on the Cape flats
Many children and teens being recruited into gangs on the Cape Flats come from abusive
homes or have experienced neglect. The socio-economic circumstances in the suburbs in
which these gangs operate are exactly what allows these gangs to prosper as youths seek
social protection (Zinn 2014).
Recently there has been a rise in girl gangs on the Cape Flats; you can view the following
YouTube video in this regard:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Iv_BoH-T2to
ACTIVITY 1
Read the following information and relate it to the scenario:
The UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation) report
stated that a family is a kinship unit and that even when its members do not share a
common household, the unit may exist as a social reality (Sharma 2013).
Can you relate to the following scenario? A family in a developing country (South Africa) has
a married son living in Morocco; he sends money to his family in South Africa and
occasionally visits his country of birth.
Is he still being considered a member of the original family? In addition, would the offspring
of this person born in the foreign country experience the same sociocultural and
environmental exposure?
List the reasons for your response.
Some of the responses may include:

● Yes, he will always be a member of the original family; they are blood relatives.
● No, the newly established family unit is in a foreign country.
● Yes, the mother and father will uphold their culture and traditions.
105
● No, the mother and father can prefer to adopt to the new culture.
Engage fellow students on myUnisa and discuss similarities and/or differences in your
answers.
1.10.4 CLOSED FAMILY SYSTEM

The closed family system is another deviant family system distinguished by
Thorman (1980:34– 38; Anon 2007). It plays a significant role in the occurrence
and continuation of domestic violence.
A normal, open family system presents opportunities for open and honest
communication between family members. Family members are at ease when talking
to one another and sharing their ideas, attitudes and feelings. The system is flexible
and capable of adapting to changed circumstances. Family rules may be changed
according to circumstances. Moreover, the normal family system interacts with
other systems in society.
By contrast, the closed family system is highly rigid and inflexible. This family
system becomes isolated from its social environment. As a result of the loss of
external support systems and deficient internal resources, stress builds up in the
family until it reaches a point where it explodes into violence. Such a family does
not reach out for help from the outside. The inability of family members to solve
their problems leads to feelings of frustration and anger, which result in physical
aggression towards one another.
Children in the family are the most accessible targets for the parents' anger and
frustration. As a result of physical abuse of the children, the closed family
withdraws further from any contact with the community. Whatever happens
between family members remains behind closed doors. Because of the privacy of
such families, domestic violence may remain hidden. Violence in the family is
considered to be a family matter (Cantalupa, Martin, Pak & Shin 2006; Sacco &
Kennedy 1994:189).
Family murders are part of various cultures throughout the world (Moen 2017: 3).
Family murders typically occur in isolated family systems. Family murders are often
attributed to precipitating factors such as dysfunctional family dynamics, personal
psychological challenges and the availability of weapons (Moen 2017:3). Previous
studies have also indicated that accumulated neglect, physical punishment, abuse
and an absent father figure were apparent (Moen 2017:4). Closed families cannot
resolve problems such as marital conflict, alcohol or drug abuse, unemployment or
financial crises without help from the outside. The result is that the father, for
example, can see no way out other than to kill himself and his family. Such a person
experiences a sense of total futility.
The closed family system is often cold, strict and hostile. Fear that a rule might be
broken or a mistake made, dominates the atmosphere in the home. A child cannot
find self-expression in such a family system, because the system does not allow for
open displays of affection and any spontaneously affectionate responses are stifled.
The development of the child is impeded because family members cannot
emotionally nurture and support one another.
Such family systems are usually highly authoritarian. The children are under strict
and inflexible control. Physical violence is regarded as an acceptable means of
resolving internal problems.
Family systems and individuals function best when the parents provide leadership,
direction and rules for individual behaviour for their children, regardless of
106
whether there are one or two parents in the home. A system should not be so rigid
as to prohibit variability and change. However, it should also be sufficiently stable
and predictable to provide some guidelines based on which the individual members
can be clear as to what roles and behaviours are expected (Janzen & Harris
1997:73).
INTERESTING READING
Honour killings
In short, honour killings is the murder of a member of a family, due to the perpetrator's belief
that the victim has brought shame or dishonour upon the family.
The true incidence of honour killings is very difficult to determine. The data on honour
killings in most countries is not collected systematically, and many of these killings are
reported by families as suicide or accidents. Even though honour killings are often
associated with the Asian continent, especially the Middle East and South Asia, they occur
all over the world.
For more on honour killings please read the following:
https://www. globalcitizen. org/en/content/honour-based-violence-killings-women-girls-
pakistan/
1.10.5 DISENGAGED OR UNINVOLVED FAMILY SYSTEM

According to Minuchin (1974:54), all families may be represented on a continuum
of which the two poles represent the extreme boundaries, with the excessively
expanded boundaries of the disengaged family system at the one pole and the
enmeshed family at the other. Families who function within the normal boundaries
are located in the middle of the continuum. The various family systems may be
illustrated as follows:
FIGURE 1.10.1
Minuchin's classification of family systems
Disengaged Clear boundaries Enmeshed

expanded, diffused limits normal limits inappropriate, rigid limits
Source: Minuchin 1974:54
The terms "enmeshed" and "disengaged" refer to interpersonal styles of or

preferences for particular types of interaction. Family members function
independently of one another in a disengaged family system. The members are
loosely connected. In this family setup, the mother's functioning is characterised by
detachment, passivity, unresponsiveness and apathy (Anon, [sa] d; Minuchin,
Montalvo, Guerney, Rosman & Schumer 1967:354).
The disengaged family system tolerates many deviations from the family rules.
When rules are broken, the system is slow to respond. The child may, for example,
be engaging in delinquent behaviour and staying away from school without any
reaction from the family system. The family operates in a kind of vacuum as a
result of inadequate parental functioning.
On the positive side, children may develop a strong sense of autonomy within such
a family system, which supports independent functioning. Typically, these families
do not share in joint activities during leisure time. They do not have intimate
communication with each other in the sense that children do not talk about their
107
future plans or share their thoughts and feelings with their parents. Because of the
weak relationship between parent and child, parents often feel that they cannot "get
through" to their children. They feel that the children are not a part of the family,
because they stay in their own rooms or outside the house most of the time.
According to Minuchin (in Janzen & Harris 1997:76–77), disengagement in families
limits the normal protective functions of the family and sharply decreases feelings
of loyalty and the capacity to share with other members and to request help from
them when needed. The result is that the emotional distance between family
members does not allow the stresses experienced by one member to be shared by
other members, except when stress is unusually high and persistent. This means
that the disengaged family is an individually oriented family, with each member
being primarily concerned about his or her own interests. Individual members may
feel disrespected, misunderstood and alone. They may respond by further
withdrawal; consequently, distance between family members may increase and
power struggles or physical conflict may ensue. Given such a state of affairs, family
relationships deteriorate. Particularly during adolescence, these types of family
relationships and communication patterns may lead to intense conflict and
aggressive interaction between parents and children. Some adolescents may
become involved in drug abuse to escape from their unhappy, uncaring home life.
When the youngsters get into trouble at school for using drugs, they tend to blame
the parents for not being interested in their activities or school work, and for their
lack of affection and parental guidance.
A highly disengaged family system creates fertile ground for patterns of criminal
behaviour. Neglected children often develop anger issues due to their
circumstances. Improper emotional outbursts regularly get them in trouble with
school authorities and later with the law. These neglected children often join gangs
since this gives them a sense of belonging (Anon 2018). Many of the parents have
themselves committed offences and are therefore not as concerned about the
antisocial behaviour of their children as law-abiding parents would be.
Disengaged parents have little interest in their roles as parents. They set few rules
of behaviour for their children and do not supervise them properly. Rejecting or
neglectful parenting methods and child abuse are related to antisocial, aggressive
and violent behaviour in adolescents (Johnson 2016; Whithers 2014). The chaotic
condition of parental supervision and discipline is characteristic of family systems
in which juvenile delinquency occurs.
An uncaring attitude and slack or permissive supervision of children are typical of
parents of many offenders. These parents are not as concerned about their
children's activities as other parents; they are usually too busy or self-involved to
support their child at school functions, teach them life skills or encourage socially
acceptable behaviour (Walton 2012).
According to Cherry (2018), research indicated that permissive supervision from
parents can lead to children displaying low achievement in many areas, that is, more
aggression and less emotional understanding and that they can be more prone to
delinquency and substance abuse.
Proper supervision and well-balanced discipline safeguard children against a high-
risk environment. The absence of such supervision and discipline, as in the case of
the disengaged family system, leaves children more susceptible to criminal
influences. Parenting practices based on support and control, such as monitoring,
108
acceptance and strictness, are related to lower engagement of adolescents in

externalising problem behaviours, such as delinquency and aggression.
INTERESTING READING
The disengaged or uninvolved family can best be explained by means of the following
example:
Judy and Tebogo have been married for 12 years and have three children. Ever since Judy
met Tebogo he has had a drinking problem. After their marriage, he promised Judy that he
would go for help, which he never did. During the past 10 years the family was subjected to
turbulent circumstances. Tebogo`s interaction with Judy and the children was minimal,
seeing that he was intoxicated 90% of the time. When confronted he became violent, which
lead to him breaking valuables in the house and swearing at Judy and the kids. His constant
isolation from the family led to the disengagement of the family, in that he held back the
encouragement and support that his wife and children needed from him. Judy and the
children have to adjust to his behaviour on a daily basis depending on his mood.
It can be seen from this example how one member of the family can affect all the other
members of the family.
1.10.6 FAMILIES WITH CLEAR BOUNDARIES

This family system can be considered as normal and balanced, with clearly defined
but not rigid boundaries. Balanced families are characterised by strong marital,
parental and sibling subsystems (Hokemeyer 2011; Srinivasa, Scholte & Dubas
2006:112).
Studies have indicated that children fare better if they have strong relationships
with both parents. A strong relationship with both parents ideally ensures that
children will receive balanced adult support and guidance to enable them to cope
successfully with the challenges of the adolescent years, resulting in well-adjusted
young people.
Families with clear boundaries serve as a buffer against the development of
criminal tendencies. Children are less likely to violate the law if their parents clearly
define their expectations, have a close relationship with them, control their
rebellious behaviour, reward the learning of socially approved behaviour and
withhold rewards for socially unacceptable behaviour (Conklin 2004:187). Research
has also revealed that adolescents who have strong relations with both parents
generally have fewer behavioural problems than those who do not have strong
relations with their parents, regardless of whether or not the parents have strong
relations with each other (Hokemeyer 2011; Srinivasa et al 2006:123).
INTERESTING READING
The following are features that can make a family healthy, strong and successful (Swindol
2014):
● Commitment – family comes first.
● Safety – needs, trust and security of each member are important.
● Appreciation – love should be expressed verbally and nonverbally.
● Time together – quantity and quality are present.
● Spiritual wellness – parents model character and values.
● Coping skills – parents model positive strategies to handle pressures.
● Communication – family members should express who they are and what they need.
109
1.10.7 ENMESHED FAMILY SYSTEM

The highly enmeshed family system is characterised by an exceptionally close bond
between family members. An extremely enmeshed subsystem between mother and
daughter, for instance, may exclude the father to the extent that he becomes totally
detached.
In general, women assume the bulk of the responsibility of child upbringing and
are more intimately involved in their children's lives than are men; this enables
them to cultivate strong reciprocal ties with their children (Srinivasa et al 2006:123).
The mother in the enmeshed family system feels the need for a perpetual hold over
her children. She also controls her husband and pushes him out to the periphery of
the system. The formation of a parent-child coalition has been linked with
emotional distress, behavioural problems and maladjustment in children (Srinivasa
et al 2006:112). High levels of tension in the family could lead to assaults on family
members, as well as drug and alcohol abuse.
A major deficit of enmeshed family systems is that, although there may be an
increased sense of belonging shared by those involved, members also give up the
ability to act alone. With the loss of autonomy, this type of family system will not
be likely to explore, take chances and solve the problems that normally fall within
their range of activity. Enmeshed families also find it difficult to adjust to change
under stressful circumstances (Janzen & Harris 1997:76). Adolescents may perceive
such an environment as a prison that restrains and confines. They may become
rebellious, run away from home and get involved in street crime or criminal gangs.
Members of the enmeshed subsystem are discouraged from independent action
and from coping with problems on their own. This discourages creative thought
and individuality. This type of system reacts with excessive intensity to any
deviation from the rules. During adolescence, children may rebel against such a
suffocating and restrictive family system, which hampers teenage development.
This may give rise to domestic conflict and rebellious behaviour, and the teenager
may run away from home. If a mother retains an excessively strong hold on her
child, the child may never learn to function independently and responsibly as an
adult.
INTERESTING READING
Understanding enmeshment. https://www. newhavenrtc. com/parenting-teens/
understanding-enmeshment/
Can a family be too close? https://www. verywellfamily. com/can-a-family-be-too-close-
1695789
When parents make their children friend or spouse. https://www. psychologytoday. com/us/
blog/contemplating-divorce/201107/when-parents-make-children-their-friend-or-spouse
110
ACTIVITY 2
Read the following scenarios and identify which family system is applicable:
1. One night the police raided a nightclub and arrested a number of young people who
were heavily under the influence of drugs and alcohol. The police also discovered a
young girl of about 13 years of age, who was under the influence of drugs. They took
her to her parents' home. Instead of being grateful to the police for returning their
daughter safely, the father became utterly annoyed and irritable, scolding the police
for having spoiled his daughter's "fun".
2. The parents lived with their three children in a shack in Diepsloot. The parents were
charged with child abuse. Some of the allegations included the following: the parents
required one of the children to spend nights outside the house, sleeping with the dog
and eating outside because of low grades. The child was not allowed to use the bath-
room located inside the house; instead he was forced to use the restroom at the
garage on the highway. At times, he was chained to a tree. At the trial, the parents tes-
tified that they had no other alternative to discipline their defiant son.
1.10.8 FEEDBACK ON ACTIVITY 2

You can decide on one of two applicable family systems.
Choose between these two family systems:
● the disengaged family system
● the high-risk disorganised family system
Discuss your answer on the Discussion Forum and present your reasons.
1.10.9 CONCLUSION
We are all part of a family, be it big, small, extended, nuclear or multigenerational.
A family can be either a temporary arrangement lasting a few weeks, permanently
or forever. We become part of a family by birth, adoption, marriage or from a
mutual desire. One cannot choose a specific type of family. Each family has
strengths and qualities flowing from individual members and from the family as a
unit. The quality of the family life is a strong determent of criminal behaviour.

1. According to the systems theory, the family is seen as a/an ...
1. microsystem.
2. primary group.
3. interactional system.
4. intimate group.
2. The ... family system is very slow to respond when rules are broken.
1. disengaged family system
2. high-risk disorganised family system
3. closed family system
4. enmeshed family system
3. What can the final outcome of a closed family system be?
1. They seek the help of trauma counsellors.
2. Mother and daughter can exclude the father.
3. The father can kill himself and his family.
4. Vulnerable children abuse drugs.
111
4. Why is physical violence a common feature in non-functioning family

systems?
1. It agrees well with all family members.
2. It keeps a tight rein on problem children.
3. It helps the family to function optimally.
4. It is an acceptable means of resolving conflict.
5. Why do some young people in the high-risk disorganised family use drugs?
1. for experimentation
2. to ease trauma and pain
3. to impress their peers
4. to solve threatening problems
6. The enmeshed family is known as a suffocating family system for adolescents.
This may give rise to ...
1. suicide.
2. self-inflicted wounds.
3. rebellious behaviour.
4. emotional distress.
7. Discuss briefly the negative influence the closed family system can have on
children. (10)
● Describe what the closed family system consists of. (3)
● Why can children become targets for parents in the closed family system?
(3)
● Why are family murders linked to the closed family system? (3)
● Name one feature of the closed family system. (1)
8. Indicate how the disengaged or uninvolved family system can contribute to
juvenile delinquency. (15)
● Define the disengaged/uninvolved family system. (2)
● Indicate how this family system interprets broken rules. (4)
● Explain how family members function in these families (focus on ne-
glected children). (4)
● How can permissive supervision of children contribute to delinquency? (5)

1. 3
2. 1
3. 3
4. 4
5. 2
6. 3
7. Consult section 1.8.4 in order to prepare your answer.
8. Consult section 1.8.5 in order to prepare your answer.
112
Learning unit 1.11
Family structures
Learningunit1.11
Ms E Joubert
Contents
1.11.2STRUCTURAL CHANGES 114
1.11.3SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES 115
1.11.4BROKEN FAMILIES 117
1.11.5FAMILIES WITH SAME-SEX PARENTS 118
1.11.6CHILD-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS 119
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● understand the current changes in family structures
● recognise the role of specific family structures in the development of criminal behaviour
ASSESSMENT METHODS
1.11.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous study unit, "family structure" was defined by looking at the various
categories of individuals who constitute the family. Researchers have looked for the
causes of juvenile delinquency in deviant family structures. In the past it was
assumed that children from certain family structures, such as broken families
(where the father is absent) or single-parent families, run a greater risk of
committing crime than do children from a family that is intact. Family structures as
such are not, however, a main cause of criminal behaviour.
Recent research has shown that the link between the particular family structure and
criminal behaviour is neither direct nor simple. The situation is far more complex,
as the discussion in this study unit will show.
113
Culture also plays an important role in the particular type of family structure that is
prevalent in a society. One cannot simply assume that the nuclear family (husband,
wife and children) will necessarily be the ideal family structure in all cultures. In
many traditional black tribes, for example, multigenerational family structures are
more common than the nuclear family.
Family structures are not fixed entities either, but change continually, as shown
below.
1.11.2 STRUCTURAL CHANGES

As a result of the demands of changing living circumstances, drastic changes have
taken place in the family structure in recent times. Nowadays the traditional
patriarchal family in which the father is the breadwinner and the mother cares for
the children at home is far less common. Increasing numbers of women have
entered the labour market.
Single-parent households have become far more commonplace. More children are
being born to unmarried mothers than in the past, and more unmarried mothers
are deciding to keep their children instead of giving them up for adoption.
The relationship between family structure and crime is significant when
considering the high numbers of divorced and single parents. Of the 15 million
households were counted in Census 2011, only a third were “traditional” families
consisting of married parents and their children (Census 2011: Anon 2012).
With regard to changes in family structures, there has been a movement away from
the conventional single-family unit to variations which include single-parent and
multiple families.
In South Africa a process of structural differentiation has been taking place as a
result of the development of the mining industry, technology and increased
urbanisation. These factors have had a profound influence on family life.
The term family means different things to the different ethnicities in South Africa.
For most white South Africans family refers to the nuclear family. Asian and
mixed-race South Africans often see the extended family as their immediate family
and have multigenerational households. Black South Africans’ structural pattern of
the family varies even more depending on their ethnicity (Anon,[sa]e).
Domestic workers who live on their employers' premises are forced by
circumstances to leave their families at home with other family members. The
biological mother is therefore separated from her own children and usually only
visits them on weekends. The elderly grandparents who have to look after the
children often struggle to control them. Although more research needs to be done
in this field, it seems as if the inaccessibility of the biological parents in both rural
and urban areas is a contributing factor to juvenile delinquency and teenage
pregnancies (Le Roux 1995:7). A further feature of today's families, especially in
urban areas, is that the number of children per family has dropped drastically. Large
families are a heavy financial burden on the family, which contributes to the
children not receiving adequate parental attention and supervision. As a result of
modern medical science, families in developed areas are able to practise effective
contraception, thereby planning the family size.
We now look at the role of specific family structures, such as single-parent families
and broken families, in the development of juvenile delinquency.
114
LEARNING UNIT 1.11: Family structures
INTERESTING READING
Future directiveness within the South African domestic workers' work-life cycle: Considering
exit strategies:
http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1445-73772015000100005
Read more on the
National Contraception and Fertility Planning Policy and Service Delivery Guidelines:
http://www.partners-popdev.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/National-contraception-family-
planning-policy.pdf
1.11.3 SINGLE-PARENT FAMILIES

According to Annie (Siegel 2016:223) more than 30% of children live in single-
family homes.
Single-parent families are families with children under the age of 18 years, headed
by a parent who is widowed or divorced and not remarried, or by a parent who has
never married (Anon, [sa]f).
The reasons for single-parent families have also changed. Single-parent families
came about in the mid-20th century because of the death of a spouse. In the 1970s
and 1980s, most single-parent families were the result of divorce. However, more
and more single parents have never married. Adoption by single parents has also
soared. Many of these single parents live with an adult partner, often the father of
their child.
The most common type of single-parent family consists of the mother with her
biological children. Households headed by fathers are on the increase, reflecting
society's changing attitudes about the role of fathers in child rearing. Since 1960 the
number of single-father households has increased from less than 300 000 to more
than 2.6 million in 2011. Single-mother households have increased from 1.9 million
to 8.6 million in 2011 (Livingston 2013). A breakdown of the family is a social and
moral catastrophe and is at the root of many of the adjustment problems young
people experience. According to some studies, most gang members come from
single-parent homes. Some 70% of juvenile delinquents live in single-parent homes
or with someone other than their biological parents. Children from single-parent
households account for 72% of teenage murderers and 60% rape crimes and are
eleven times more likely to exhibit violent behaviour (Vangorodska, [sa]). Mothers
in single-parent families experience more pressure than mothers in nuclear families,
because they have to fill the roles of sole breadwinner and parent at the same time.
Under these circumstances the mother cannot pay sufficient attention to her
children and cannot supervise them effectively (Siegel 2016:224). In addition,
depression and anxiety over their desperate social and economic circumstances may
make it impossible for these mothers to give their children enough affection.
At one time, growing up in a broken home was considered a primary cause of
criminal behaviour. Nowadays, however, many criminologists consider family
conflict and discord as more important determinants of criminality than the family
structure (Siegel 2016:224). However, it cannot be denied that single parents may
find it difficult to provide adequate supervision. Children whose parents are
divorced are more likely to engage in delinquency, especially if they associate with
peers who engage in criminal activities. The lack of supervision in the aftermath of
divorce may expose some children to the negative influence of antisocial peers
(Siegel 2016:224).
115
Children who live with single parents often receive less encouragement and less
help with school work. Poor school achievement and limited educational
aspirations could contribute to delinquent behaviour. Such children tend to be
more prone to rebellious acts, such as running away and truancy. Parental deviance
has also been linked to a child's criminal behaviour.
As a result of a decreased income following the divorce, some divorced mothers
are forced to live in dilapidated and disorganised neighbourhoods which may place
children at risk of crime and drug abuse (Siegel 2016:224). In many cases, the
mother's income alone is not sufficient to provide for all the needs of the family.
Young women who are the only breadwinners in single-parent families are most
vulnerable to poverty.
INTERESTING READING
Read more on the demography of South Africa children:
http://www. ci. uct. ac. za/sites/default/files/image_tool/images/367/Child_Gauge/2006/Child_
Gauge_2016-children_count_demography_of_sa_children.pdf
In the lower socioeconomic classes, many single parents have a low level of
education or suffer from ill health and are unable to find employment. These
mothers and their children are in a very vulnerable position when it comes to crime.
Some women turn to prostitution in desperation. To sustain such activities, many
women turn to drug and alcohol abuse, with extremely negative consequences for
themselves and their children. As a result, these mothers are not able to care for
their children or to supervise them. The lack of parental care is detrimental to the
children's school work and they stop attending school. Many children are attracted
to gangs where they will enjoy the attention and protection that they often have to
do without at home.
Children living with a stepparent experience as many problems as those in single-
parent families and considerably more problems than those who are living with
both biological parents. Other contributing factors include inconsistent discipline,
poor supervision and a lack of a warm, loving and supportive parent-child
relationship. Parents who are supportive, and effectively control their children in a
non-coercive way, are more likely to raise children who refrain from delinquency
(Siegel 2016:222–225).
INTERESTING READING
Read about the advantages and disadvantages of single parenting:
https://www. modernmom. com/advantages-disadvantages-for-children-in-a-single-parent-
family-123822.html
Social scientists have found that many of the problems single-parent children are
experiencing are directly related to their poor economic conditions and not just to parenting
style. These children are at risk for the following:
● lower levels of educational achievement
● twice as likely to drop out of school
● more likely to become teen parents
● more conflict with their parent(s)
● less supervision from parents
● more likely to play truant
● more likely to abuse drugs and alcohol
● more likely to engage in high-risk sexual behaviour
● twice as likely to go to jail
● more likely to participate in violent crime
116
● more likely to commit suicide

● four times as likely to need help for emotional and behavioural problems
http://www.answers.com/topic/single-parent-families
ACTIVITY 1
If you, as a criminologist, were to address a meeting of single parents, what advice would
you give to these parents to help them reduce their children's vulnerability to crime?
You need to identify risk factors such as substance abuse, neighbourhood circumstances,
attitudes towards authority and abuse within the family structure, etc.
1.11.4 BROKEN FAMILIES

Broken families are the result of the death of one parent, divorce or separation, and
extramarital affairs (Bennet 2017). There has been much speculation about, and
much research on, the role of the broken family in causing juvenile delinquency.
Any disruption of an orderly family structure might have a negative impact on the
life of a child. Nevertheless, researchers in this field have been unable to come to
any clear conclusions about the relationship between broken homes and crime.
This can be attributed to inadequate research designs. Contradictory research
results, for example, could be explained by the fact that different types of samples
of adolescents are used, so that the research results of the various investigations
cannot be compared.
Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay (1932) were the first researchers to provide
significant evidence that broken families do not necessarily give rise to crime.
Research has shown that the absence of the father has the greatest influence on
daughters (Briggs 2010). Children from the middle and upper socioeconomic
classes are affected more than are children from the lower classes. Research
indicates that stepchildren have a greater risk for abuse than biological children.
Stepparents have less emotional attachment to their partner's children. Stepchildren
are overrepresented in cases of familicide, in which a spouse and one or more
children are killed (Siegel & Welsh 2014:198). Children from broken homes more
often display problem behaviour, such as improper conduct and hyperactivity, than
children from intact families. The reason for this is that family disintegration is
often accompanied by fighting, conflict, hostility and aggression, which are
conducive to a criminal orientation (Siegel 2014:222).
Children who are the victims of separation or divorce may be at an increased risk
of violent offending, especially if they have experienced a disadvantaged upbringing
that correlates with low family income, marital disharmony or parental criminality
(Theobald, Farrington & Piquero 2013).
Young people from a broken family where one of the parents has died, display less
disorderly behaviour than young people whose parents are divorced. In the case of
divorce, it is usually the intense marital disharmony that preceded the divorce that
is responsible for the child's increased susceptibility to involvement in crime.
The real issue is not whether the family is physically broken or not, but whether it
is psychologically or socially broken. Current researchers therefore focus on the
quality of family life rather than on the structure of the family. The longer fathers
who exhibit high levels of antisocial behaviour live with their children, the more
behavioural (conduct) problems the children display. In such cases, children are
117
exposed to genetic and environmental factors that heighten the risk of conduct
problems (Mackay, [sa]).
It is unlikely that criminal behaviour will emerge if the parents are involved in their
children's lives, if they show affection, apply consistent discipline and properly
supervise their children. Problems arise when the child is neglected and when the
child has not bonded with the parent.
We must necessarily come to the conclusion that the family structure as such does
not play a decisive role in the causation of juvenile delinquency. It is necessary to
study the family structure in conjunction with many other factors in the family that
may also have contributed to deviant behaviour. Overall, the quality of the family
relationships is a more important factor than the type of family structure and
should be analysed in order to explain the behaviour of family members.
1.11.5 FAMILIES WITH SAME-SEX PARENTS

Society is constantly changing. It is becoming increasingly common these days for
same-sex couples to adopt children. In cases where the couple consists of two
women, they may decide to follow the route of artificial insemination as this
ensures that one of the partners is the biological mother of the child.
Same-sex parents and their children can be confronted by anti-gay sentiments of
the community, peers, teachers and the church, which could lead to the child and
parents feeling rejected (Eggebeen 2012).
Studies conducted over the past 10 years that compared child outcomes of same-
sex and heterosexual adoptive parents came to the conclusion that numerous
methodological limitations make it difficult to do an accurate assessment (Schumm
2016). However, a study that followed 100 families (half were same-sex parents and
half were opposite-sex parents) of children who have been adopted from infancy,
came to the conclusion that children`s behavioural problems showed no difference
between the groups. No evidence suggested that children fared better or worse
depending on the sexual orientation of the parents (Compton 2016).
Based on the latest studies by international firms like the Pew Research Center,
Africa is still quite far from accepting the idea of same-sex marriages. According to
a study done by Pew Global Attitudes Project in 2007, at least 95% of
Tanzanians believe homosexuality is an unacceptable way of life. In another report
in 2013, the Pew Research Center concluded that, “Africans in predominantly
Muslim countries remain among the least accepting of homosexuality” (Ngugi
2018).
ACTIVITY 2 (EXAMINATION QUESTIONS MAY BE ASKED)

In your community, do people discriminate against children from same-sex parents as
opposed to children from traditional (husband, wife, children) families? If you answer is yes,
list the reasons that reflect the community’s attitude towards same-sex parents and their
children.
The answer will depend entirely on your experiences in the community.
To assist you with your answer, go to:
https://www.mja.com.au/system/files/issues/207_09/10.5694mja17.00943.pdf
118
1.11.6 CHILD-HEADED HOUSEHOLDS

The aftermath of the HIV and AIDS pandemic has led to a large number of
children being orphaned. Traditionally, orphaned children would be absorbed into
the extended family system. However, recently, the extended family capacity to care
for these children have been overloaded (Tsegaye in Motgotlane, Chauke, Van
Rensburg, Human & Kganakga 2010:24). There is widespread concern that these
newly established child-headed households will show a rapid increase as a result of
AIDS-related adult mortality in South Africa and elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa
(Meintjies, Hall, Marera & Boulle 2010:40). Bequele (in Motgotlane et al 2010:25;
Meintjies et al 2010:41) describes a child-headed household as a household
consisting of individuals 18 years and younger. One of these children will take up
the responsibility to provide leadership and sustenance for the household. The use
of child support grants to support households may also help explain the high
pregnancy rates among young female-headed households, (Hess & Luzze in
Motgotlane et al 2010:25).
In Africa, thousands of children are being orphaned as a result of diseases such as
AIDS as well as wars and genocide. In 2013, when South Sudan`s civil war started,
UN Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng said the
ongoing violence had transformed the conflict into an “ethnic war” and warned of
a “potential” for genocide (Anon 2013).
The outbreak of Ebola in West Africa during 2014–2015 left close to 4 000 African
children orphaned. It also spread through many countries, including Guinea,
Liberia and Sierra Leone (Anon, [sa]g).
INTERESTING READING
To read more on Africa's (Uganda) orphaned generation go to:
https://www. irishtimes. com/news/world/africa/uganda-s-grandparents-raise-generation-left-
orphaned-by-aids-1.2983829
A normal socialisation process cannot take place in a child-headed household.

There is no adult who can give the child guidance and who can tell him or her what
is right or wrong or what is regarded as acceptable or unacceptable behaviour in
society. Without a source of income, these children can be exposed to sexual
exploitation, early school dropout, pregnancy and stigmatisation. They may also
resort to crime to secure an income. The mere provision of food and
accommodation is not sufficient, because these children also need to receive
attention, love and education.
According to Blackie (Songa, Sibanda, Basdeo, Luyt, Hesselink, Dastile, Matetoa,
Mooki & Karels 2016:4) approximately 150 000 children live in child-headed
households in South Africa.
As a result of the AIDS pandemic, more and more children have to take care of
younger siblings or other children while caregivers are sick, dying or have already
died. AIDS orphans can be faced with several challenges:
● Emotional impact
Long before children are orphaned, they can experience many negative changes in
their lives, including emotional neglect. The death of a parent results in emotional
trauma. The new situation they have to adjust to often include little or no support
and they may even suffer exploitation and abuse. Psychological problems can
119
become more severe when a child is forced to separate from his or her siblings
(Kaur, Vinnakota, Panigrahi & Manasa 2018)
● Household impact
Basic needs such as those for shelter, food, clothing, health and education can be
compromised because of losing a parent to AIDS. AIDS orphans cannot
contribute financially to the household, and this can drive them to the streets to
work, beg or seek food. Often children have to take on the responsibility of doing
the housework, looking after siblings and caring for ill or dying parents.
● Education
Before children are orphaned they may leave school to attend to ill family members.
Children orphaned by AIDS may have their schooling interrupted or perform
poorly in school as a result of their situation. AIDS orphans may also miss out on
valuable life skills and practical knowledge that would have been passed on to them
by their parents. As they grow up they may experience social, economic and health
problems.
● Stigmatisation
AIDS orphans are often stigmatised by society. Social isolation experienced by
these children is exacerbated by the shame, fear and rejection, before and after the
death of a parent. Because of the stigma, children may be denied access to
schooling and health care – it is assumed that they are infected with HIV and that
their illnesses are untreatable.
● Family structures
Half of all people infected with HIV become infected before they turn 25;
developing AIDS and dying by the time they are 35. They leave behind a
generation of children to be raised by grandparents or other adult relatives, or who
are left on their own in child-headed households. African countries have traditional
systems in place which take care of children who lose their parents for whatever
reason. The demand for care and support is simply overwhelming, as HIV reduces
the caring capacity of families and communities by deepening poverty as a result of
medical and funeral costs as well as the loss of labour.
It is almost inevitable that children from these households will develop criminal
tendencies, unless the community steps in to care for them and to educate them.
An increase in the number of vulnerable and orphaned children creates
opportunities for crime. The social and economic conditions of being without
parental guidance, control and role models to assist in learning social mores all
contribute to the development of criminal tendencies (Schönteich 1999:23).
Crime also thrives under certain conditions and factors, such as a high population
density, poverty and unemployment. Other contributing factors are the presence of
drugs and firearms, as well as a culture of violence.
For children growing up under these circumstances, it would be very difficult to
avoid involvement in criminal activities, for instance theft of food and clothing by
shoplifting and residential burglary, or the theft of other items that can be traded or
sold for food, clothing or other necessities. Orphans in their teenage years may
even resort to mugging and robbery to make ends meet (Schönteich 1999:23).
120
INTERESTING READING
An orphanage may seem to be the answer to the AIDS orphan crisis.
Unfortunately, given the scale of the problem, this is an unsustainable response as the cost
of maintaining a child in such an institution is far greater than any other form of care. Most
people now believe that orphans should be cared for in family units, through foster families
and by adoption. A study conducted by Motgotlane et al (2010:25) corroborates the above
finding by stating that children – irrespective of the cause or nature of suffering – prefer to
suffer as a unit.
To read more on the AIDS orphan crisis read the following article:
https://www.unicef.org/southafrica/protection_6631.html
1.11.7 CONCLUSION
The aim of this study unit has been, firstly, to give an overview of contemporary
family structures. Secondly, it focused on the single-parent family, and finally it
discussed the role of the broken family in the development of criminal behaviour.
We indicated that research has not been able to provide evidence of a direct
relationship between family structure and criminal behaviour in children. The
quality of the family life is a stronger determinant of criminal behaviour.

1. Children from single-parent families are forced to grow up quickly. This can
lead to a ...
1. desire for excitement.
2. desire for truancy.
3. desire for independence.
4. desire for drug use.
2. Young people from a ... family display less disorderly behaviour than young
people whose parents are divorced.
1. dysfunctional
2. disorganised
3. enmeshed
4. broken
3. In 2010 the definition of the traditional family is no longer applicable. Which
type of family should also be recognised?
1. same-sex households
2. child-headed households
3. single-parent households
4. broken households
121
4. What do teenagers need to have for proper psychological functioning?

1. strong relations with their siblings
2. strong relations with their extended family
3. strong relations with both parents
4. strong relations with the mother
5. Which factor has contributed to an increase in family disintegration?
1. culture
2. multiple fathers
3. divorce
4. same-sex parents
6. Which factors in a broken family can be conducive to a criminal orientation?
1. fighting and marital conflict
2. aggression and frustration
3. hostility and aggression
4. conflict and violence
7. Explain the meaning of broken families and indicate how this family type can
lead to delinquency. (10)
● Prepare a brief definition of what a broken family entails. (1)
● Refer to research on stepparents and stepchildren. (3)
● State the influence of the death of a parent vs parents who are divorced.
(2)
● Mention the factors that can increase the risk of violent offending for chil-
dren or juveniles. (4)
8. Discuss five challenges that AIDS orphans have to face in their community.
(15)
Pay attention to the following aspects (you can also add reasons to your
response):
● role of the extended family (2)
● impact of high pregnancy rates (3)
● lack of source of income (3)
● exposure to sexual exploitation (3)
● early school dropout (4)

1. 3
2. 2
3. 4
4. 3
5. 3
6. 3
7. Prepare your answer by reading section 1.9.4.
8. Prepare your answer by reading section 1.9.6.
122
Learning unit 1.12
Styles of parenting and discipline
Learningunit1.12
Revised by: Mr L Bambeni

Contents
1.12.2FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO INADEQUATE PARENTING 124
1.12.2.1Youthful age of the parent 125
1.12.2.2Inadequate knowledge and insight in respect of the natural phases of
development of infants and children 126
1.12.2.3Criminal or other deviant behaviour of the parent 128
1.12.2.4Lack of relevant skills 131
1.12.2.5Parenting styles 132
1.12.3INADEQUATE DISCIPLINARY METHODS AS A FACTOR IN
DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR 135
1.12.3.1Excessive discipline 135
1.12.3.2Inconsistent discipline 138
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● identify the factors contributing to inadequate parenting
● explain how certain styles of parenting may contribute to juvenile delinquency
● identify the different forms of discipline and their relationship to criminal behaviour
ASSESSMENT METHODS
123
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Once you have read through this study unit, return to this glossary box and write
down the key words that describe the following parenting styles:
Authoritarian .......................................................................................................................
Permissive ..........................................................................................................................
Rejecting/neglecting .........................................................................................................
Democratic/balanced .......................................................................................................
1.12.1 INTRODUCTION
In this study unit the main emphasis is on identifying the deficiencies in parenting
styles of educating and dealing with the child, which may contribute to patterns of
criminal behaviour. A second main theme is the description of various styles of
discipline, which have a detrimental effect on the child.
Definitions of terms
● Parenting style
According to Spera (2014) parenting practices are specific behaviour employed by
parents to socialise children, whereas parenting style refers to the emotional
environment in which parents engage their children.
● Resilience
According to Ungar and Liebenberg (2011), resilience refers to an individual's
qualities that shows one's capacity to take part in a process that enables one to
overcome adversity. In other words, resilience exists in individuals to achieve
normal levels of psychosocial development. While resilience is not regarded as a
personal trait, the construct of resilience is concerned with enhancing abilities and
strengths (Panter, Brick & Leckman 2013).
● Emotional intelligence
Emotional intelligence has been defined by Birney, Downey, Hasen, Johnston and
Stough (2010) as a set of abilities that are involved in the regulation, management,
controlling and using of emotions in decision-making.
● Adolescence
Assadi, Smetena, Shahmansouri and Mahammand (2011) maintain that adolescence
is a period of changes in a parent-child relationship during which disagreeing and
bickering increase.
1.12.2 FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO INADEQUATE PARENTING

This discussion will show that a parent functions inadequately as a result of five
main factors, namely youthful age, lack of knowledge and insight in respect of the
natural development phases of infants and children, criminal or other deviant
behaviour by the parent, lack of problem-solving skills and incorrect parenting
styles.
124
LEARNING UNIT 1.12:Styles of parenting and discipline
1.12.2.1 Youthful age of the parent

According to the Justice Department of the United States of America (Office of
Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention) thousands of babies were born in
America to mothers under the age of 18. Four out of every five of these mothers
were unmarried and in many cases the father was also a teenager (Snyder &
Sickmund 1995:12). The proportion of teenage mothers was found to be higher
among the black population than among the white population. This is also the case
in South Africa. It stands to reason that young, teenage parents do not have the
same maturity, insight and readiness to accept parenthood as more mature people
in their twenties or older do. Moreover, teenage parents do not have the same
economic and social resources as more mature parents have (Siegel & Senna
1991:249).
The children of young, unmarried teenage mothers are at a particularly high risk of
becoming involved in criminal activities later in life, the reason being that a parent
who is herself still a child will probably not be able to provide her child with
appropriate guidance and security to socialise the child in accordance with the
accepted norms of society. If the teenage mother is living with an equally immature
young man, the possibility of victimisation of the child in the form of child abuse,
neglect and sexual abuse increases considerably. In cases where the man living with
the teenage mother is the biological father and acts in a supporting way, the risk of
the child developing antisocial tendencies is reduced.
Causes of inadequate single parenthood

The presence and ultimate rise of single parents across the world cannot be
attributed to a single reason. A number of causes lead to men and women raising
their children as single parents. Single parenthood can be either a choice or the
result of circumstances.
Many single men and women make a conscious choice to have children and then
raise them on their own. The choice for women becoming single parents is driven
by three factors: financial independence, a decrease in a man's earning power
compared to that of women, and a decrease in the stigma that was previously
associated with having a child or children out of wedlock. Men and women now
make a conscious decision to be single parents because they have decided that they
do not need a spouse to raise a child or have been unsuccessful in finding a suitable
spouse. Single men and women can also make a decision to be a legal guardian or
adopt a child. Furthermore, women can become pregnant by means of artificial
insemination rather than natural intercourse.
Divorce
Divorce is no longer a socially unacceptable practice. Generally, the mother is
awarded custody of the children. However, a less common, but realistic outcome of
divorce occurs when the male parent is given custody of his children (Colling,
Jeckin, Carter & Signal 2014; Nelsen, Erwin & Delzer 2012). Some of the factors
that can contribute to fathers being given custody of their children are:
● The father is a better parent than the mother.
● The father can offer better security for the children.
● The mother chooses her career over child rearing.
● The mother is unable to care for the children.
125
● There is mutual agreement between the parents.

● The children choose to live with their father.
● The children (especially boys) need a male role model more than a female one.
Unplanned pregnancy
More women than men become single parents as a result of unplanned pregnancies.
Unplanned pregnancy affects women of all ages. Unplanned pregnancy does,
however, occur more in teenage women than in mature working women. In the
past, women were expected to either give up their children for adoption or get
married to the father. With the financial freedom gained through the years, women
are now able to keep their children and raise them as single parents. Women,
however, do not always accept a child born through an unplanned pregnancy. Some
women make a decision to hand over the responsibility of raising an unplanned
child to the father. For example, a woman can give birth and leave her baby on the
father's doorstep or pretend to visit the father and leave without taking the baby
with her. This then leads to men becoming single parents through unplanned
pregnancy (Amoakohene 2013; Maurya et al 2015; Whitaker & Jackson 2014).
Death of a spouse
Death of a spouse is also a cause of single parenthood, for both males and females.
In the past, women became single parents when their partners died in work-related
circumstances, for example participating in a war. Men, on the other hand, became
single parents when their partners died during childbirth.
1.12.2.2 Inadequate knowledge and insight in respect of the natural phases of

development of infants and children
A person's past experiences play a major role in shaping most aspects of the person
and his or her personality. These characteristics include the person's attitudes,
perception of the world around him or her, interaction with other people, empathy
and emotional intelligence.
The above statement brings us to the understanding that criminal behaviour is also
a result of some of the aspects that affect a person's development, especially
personality and social development. Since these begin to develop during the early
stages, it is very important to explore a person's past experiences when we want to
understand that person's behaviour, e.g. why does that person engage in anti-social
behaviour and crime?
There are several personality theories that were proposed during the 18th, 19th and
the 20th centuries. These theories outline the social and personality development of
a person, but they are vague concerning the issue of the onset of criminal
behaviour in children. Furthermore, they have different and confusing views based
on the NATURE vs NURTURE debate (do we inherit our personal traits, or do
we just learn them from the outside world?).
This leaves a need for further academic research placing more emphasis on the
correlation between childhood development and experiences, and criminal
behaviour. Children are capable of committing serious crimes and there is a need
for that to be researched on a larger scale in Africa at large.
This theme explains the need for further study regarding the major role that is
played by early development and childhood experiences in learning criminal
126
behaviour i. e. what kind of upbringing has an influence on criminal behaviour?

When doing this, more emphasis should be placed on the factors that influence the
personality development of the delinquent child, i. e. the parenting style that the
child is exposed to and the nature of the environment in which the child is raised.
Some of the differences between schools are due to differences between the family
and neighbourhood backgrounds of their pupils: unequal social backgrounds in
general reinforce unequal conditions in schools themselves. Children and
adolescents are to some extent victims of circumstances inside and outside the
classroom, but they are not passive victims. Children and adolescents also make
choices about which school to attend, how much effort to put into their
schoolwork, and whether or not to attend school at all.
Read the interview conducted with a female student, Nomasango aged 16, below:
Interviewer: How did African teachers and fellow students respond to your
pregnancy?
Nomasango: Students made jokes about me, saying "How can a child of a
saved person get pregnant?" I just ignored them. The teacher said nothing, as
if nothing happened.
Interviewer: What are your hopes/dreams for your future?
Nomasango: I want my son to get more education, for him to be educated,
although I'm not sure what I want him to be in the future. I want him to look
after me because now I'm looking after and taking care of him. For myself, I
want to be a medical doctor. My subjects are Physics, Maths and Biology. I am
very good at them.
Interviewer: What do you think is necessary to enable you to achieve your
dreams?
Nomasango: To work hard at school so that I can get very good results in
grade 12 and get into university to study medicine, to be a medical
practitioner.
Interviewer: Do you have any concern about your own future or your child's
future?
Nomasango: No, I am not worried about my future nor about my child's be-
cause I know he will get what he wants and be what he wants to be in the
future. (Rechel B et al 2010:241)
Juvenile delinquency is one of the most crucial social problems in South Africa and,
therefore, needs to be studied on a larger scale. Child criminals often turn out to be
adult criminals if the necessary interventions are not made. If we want to have a
deeper understanding of the criminal child's behaviour, it is very important to first
explore that child's past in order to determine the factors that played a major role
in the development of his or her personality.
Personality development theories are very vague and ambiguous when it comes to
the explanation of how criminality develops among children. They do not ascertain
which children are more likely to engage in criminal activities later in life and which
factors have an influence on this tendency, or why, although they may explain the
factors that play a major role in personality development of the child.
Downely, Johnston, Hansen, Birney and Stough (2010) determined that low levels
of emotional intelligence have been linked to adolescents' involvement in problem
behaviour.
127
Uma (2013) found that children whose parents employ the authoritative parenting
style scored better on emotional intelligence compared to children whose parents
employed the authoritarian parenting style. Furthermore, Batool and Bond (2015)
also conducted a study among 225 adolescents and found that parents with high
emotional intelligence employ the authoritarian parenting style in their households.
Cleveland (2014) conducted a study among 215 females, which found a link
between high levels of aggression and low levels of emotional intelligence and
adolescents' involvement in problem behaviour.
Inadequate insight, understanding and knowledge in respect of children's phases of
development and dealing with the child in the various phases accompany the
problems related to youthful parents. For teenage parents, the pregnancy is usually
not planned and the teenage mother is not yet ready for motherhood. She may not
know how to handle the baby. This also applies to the teenage father, who has
often been forced rather reluctantly into the role of parent. The result is that an
immature parent has little patience with the child. Serious forms of child abuse are
common. The parent may, for example, hit the baby or put it on a hot stove plate
to punish it for having a wet nappy. These parents have no idea that babies have no
control over their bodily functions.
Rather than trying to find the cause of the baby's crying, the father may brutally hit
the child because he himself has not yet learned self-control. An example is the
extreme case of Kenneth Williams, who beat his two-month-old baby to death with
his bare fists. In that case the mother was 18 years old and the father 22 (Johnson
1996).
1.12.2.3 Criminal or other deviant behaviour of the parent

Violent and criminal behaviour
A study by Choe, Zemmerman and Davnarian (2012) found that positive adult
involvement is a protective factor of resilience by moderating the effects of violent
behaviour among South African youth. This is because the attitude of South
African youth towards violence is more likely to be influenced by those around
them (Choe 2012). Moreover, high parental care and low parental overprotection
contribute positively to increasing resilience among some sample adolescents who
experienced trauma (Sun, Fan & Zhu 2012).
A number of studies have shown that children of delinquent or criminal parents are
more likely to display criminal behaviour themselves. For example, research by
West and Farrington has shown that the parents of a significant number of juvenile
offenders had themselves committed criminal offences (Siegel & Senna 1991:247;
Siegel 2004:148). This in-depth study of 356 English youths revealed that only
8.4% of the sons of noncriminal fathers had criminal records, compared with some
37% of young people who had criminal parents.
Parental criminality has a powerful influence on their children's delinquent
behaviour. Farrington (cited in Siegel 2004:148) found for instance that schoolyard
aggression or bullying may be both intergenerational and intragenerational. Bullies
have children who bully others and these second-generation bullies grow up to
become fathers of children who are bullies, so perpetuating a never-ending cycle of
violence.
Laub and Sampson (in Siegel & Senna 1991:248) found that delinquency in the
parents, especially relating to drug abuse, had a strong influence on the delinquency
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of the children. Deviant behaviour by the parents disrupts the process of social
control which may, in turn, lead to criminal behaviour in the children.
According to Siegel (2004:148) the cause of intergenerational deviance is still
uncertain. There is no certainty about the nature and causal relationship between
parental and child deviance. Environmental, biological, genetic, psychological or
childrearing factors may all be responsible for the linkage between generations.
However, the quality of family life may be the most important factor in
determining children's behaviour.
One should take into account that not only biological factors but also
circumstances in the environment can play a role in the development of criminal
behaviour. Since both the parents and the children are being subjected to the same
social and economic conditions, similarities in their behaviour are not surprising
(Siegel & Senna 1991:248).
Parents who are unable to deal with the stresses of life, who abuse alcohol or drugs,
who are facing financial problems and poor housing conditions, and who suffer
from mental disorders and depression do not have the competence to care for and
raise their children properly. Children from such families run a greater risk of
involvement in crime than do children growing up in less desperate circumstances
(Siegel & Senna 1991:254).
Resilience
Ritter (2010) refers to resilience as the ability to bounce back and continue
functioning or successfully adapt irrespective of challenges or unfavourable
circumstances, good outcomes irrespective of circumstances with risks, sustained
competence under threat.
According to Ahmad, Bangash and Khan (2009), some women do not differ from
men in the ability to handle stress and have the same emotional resilience; however,
the popular belief is that men are more emotionally intelligent than women. The
same belief is held in many resilience studies (Morano 2010; Abukuri & Laser 2013;
Von Soest, Mossige, Stefansen, & Hjemdal 2010; Waaktaar & Torgersen 2012),
stating that men are more resilient than women.
Gera and Kaur (2015) found that the relationship between parenting style and
resilience is not significant. Both paternal and maternal permissive parenting styles
are more positively related to physical aggression among girls than boys (Braza,
Carreras, Munoz, Pascual-Sagastizabal & Sanchez-Martin 2015).
Substance abuse
Children are severely affected by problems associated with alcohol and other
substance abuse in their families. Different problems such as stuttering, fear, bed-
wetting, tantrums and fighting can occur at different developmental stages. Similar
problems occur in children of drug-abusing parents (Janzen & Harris 1997:323).
The problems these children experience may not be solely attributable to drug
abuse or alcoholism, but also to the ensuing poverty and family disorganisation.
Children are affected by the general atmosphere of unhappiness and by parental
quarrelling and fighting, as well as the parents' lack of interest in them. Even when
parents do pay attention to the children, they are inconsistent: sometimes spoiling
them, sometimes punishing them. Some children react in a negative, acting-out
manner, seeking attention by negative behaviour, forcing parents to pay attention
to them, distracting the parents from drug abuse, alcoholism and their problems
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with each other and defining the child as the problem instead (Janzen & Harris
1997:325). Improper prenatal care has also been linked to delinquency, such as
mothers who abuse alcohol or take drugs during pregnancy. These babies
sometimes have learning disorders, which may contribute to juvenile delinquency.
Parenting and sexual abuse

According to Kisanga (2012) child sexual abuse (CSA) is an international public
health problem that has spread to a number of countries, needing collective
measures to address it.
According to UNICEF (2010) the Zimbabwean police reported that CSA
continues to increase. The South Africa Police Service (SAPS) report for 2008/
2009 indicated that South Africa had the highest number of baby and child rape
cases in the world.
Richter and Dawes (2008:86) reported that the high levels of unemployment in the
South Africa result in family stress, which lead to punitive behaviour towards
children. This is supported by Mork, Sjogren and Svaled (2013:367), who stated
that unemployment and underemployment are significant household stressors that
cause maladaptive behaviour to deal with CSA in the family.
Smith (2010:264) indicate that parents of sexually abused children may experience
feelings of guilt, sadness, worthlessness, uncertainty and that they have immense
difficulties in channelling their anger. Similarly, Pretorius, Chauke and Morgan
(2011) state that mothers of sexually abused children experience a significantly high
level of psychological distress, and conclude that CSA is a major long-term stressor
for parents.
Carvalho, Galvao and Cardoso (2009: 500) concur that mothers reveal inexplicable
and deep pain as evidenced by their difficulties in overcoming the experience of
seeing their daughters who have been victimised and abused.
Tavkar and Hansen (2011:195) indicate that upon hearing that a child has been
sexually abused, the non-offending mother may feel immobilised, overwhelmed,
experience severe emotional trauma and may also develop a variety of symptoms,
such as clinical depression, loss of trust in the safety of others, anxiety and severe
guilt for not noticing that her child has been sexually abused.
In line with the above, McDonald and Tijerino (2013) spoke of depression,
isolation, self-harm and other negative effects of CSA; all these effects are common
to survivors of sexual violence.
A study conducted by McDonalad and Tijerino (2013:9) revealed a subtle
difference between men's and women's response to CSA. It found that both
genders who had been victims of CSA showed equally adverse mental health
outcomes.
Mothers observed that their children were left with frightening memories, constant
feelings of being endangered and that they were unable to trust people, especially
men. The mothers also experienced that CSA affects children's education: their
attention span, behaviour and mental status showed that they could not
concentrate in class, as evidenced by the failure to perform academically at school.
Children felt vulnerable, helpless, unsafe, and they experienced trauma, and were
anxious and tend to withdraw from other children. They also experienced
flashbacks of the abusive incidents.
According to Pretorius et al (2011:8), the society, community, neighbours and
friends often blame mothers of sexually abused children for allowing sexual abuse
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of the children to happen. These researchers' results are contrary to other studies,
where neighbours and family members were found to be supportive. Myrick and
Green (2013: 199) argue that non-offending mothers, after disclosure of CSA, need
support from therapists and other professionals throughout the process of
investigation and immediately after disclosure. Valuable social support may include
support groups, treatment providers and survivors' advocates.
1.12.2.4 Lack of relevant skills

Lack of problem-solving skills
Research by Loeber and Dishion (in Siegel & Senna 1991:245) confirmed that boys
who were reported by both parents and teachers as being aggressive were typically
raised by parents with poor problem-solving skills who used inconsistent methods
of discipline. Families that apply harsh and inconsistent methods of discipline also
experience additional social problems related to delinquency, such as parental
substance abuse and deviance.
According to Patterson (in Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:123), parenting skills
involve the following seven elements:
1. Notice what the child is doing.
2. Monitor this over long periods.
3. Model social-skill behaviour.
4. Clearly state house rules.
5. Consistently provide relevant punishment for transgressions.
6. Reinforce conformity.
7. Negotiate disagreements so that conflicts and crises do not escalate.
Failure to adequately perform these parenting skills often leads to delinquent
behaviour. Patterson (in Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:123) provide convincing
clinical evidence of the lack of parenting skills among families with an antisocial
child. These parents were not very attached to their children and, therefore, lacked
the motivation to be effective. They also lacked basic parenting skills. The parents
of children who stole, for example, did not consistently provide reasonable
punishment for transgressions. Even when they noticed and accepted that their
child stole, they often did not follow up with punishment. When they did punish
the child, they would yell, scold, threaten and even physically assault the child
(Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:124).
Lack of social and emotional skills

According to Barnhart, Raval, Jansari and Raval (2013), parents across varying
cultures have different socialisation goals for girls and boys, which affect parenting
style. Interestingly, Lesch and Jager (2013) found that in South Africa, traditional
gender roles are still important in many communities. Males are still expected to be
providers, while women are expected to care for the family. According to these
traditional gender roles, it is more accepted for women to show affection and
nurturance than men. There are also differences in the way boys and girls express
their resiliency. For example, McEvie (2014) examined the impact of bullying
among youth and found that girls are more resilient compared to boys by showing
less involvement in violent behaviour; boys are also less likely than girls to develop
anxiety and depression.
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According to Naghava and Redzuan (2011), parents provide more information

about feelings to their female children than to their male children, and, therefore,
girls have more experience in experiencing and expressing their feelings. The
information they gathered also showed that, girls are better at using words to label
emotions, while boys are generally unaware of their emotions as well as those of
others.
Expression of emotion retracts from the differences in the way girls and boys are
socialised. Stories are often used as socialisation tools (Fernandez-Berrocal, Latorre,
Montanes & Sanchez-Nunez 2008) and parents use more emotionally charged
words when reading to girls.
Family members learn to be violent through lack of exposure to beneficial
problem-solving skills. Violent parents often display deficits in problem-solving
skills. Maiuro et al (in Herzberger 1996:112) found that violent men lacked the skill
to assert their rights in a positive way and to make legitimate requests of others.
The lack of knowledge about how to assert oneself, combined with the men's
generally high levels of anger and hostility, contribute to explosive home situations.
Hansen et al (in Herzberger 1996:112) found that abusive parents showed the least
ability to derive effective solutions to a range of interpersonal, financial and stress-
related concerns. In turn, children who are exposed to poor problem-solving skills
will be at a disadvantage in subsequent relationships, and are, therefore, likely to
turn to violent tactics themselves.
Lack of emotional intelligence

A study by Alegre (2011) reports that parents with high responsiveness, emotion-
regulated coaching and healthy levels of demandingness are related to higher
emotional intelligence scores, while negative demandingness is associated with
lower emotional intelligence. For this study, the expectation was that adolescents,
whose parents employ negative parenting styles, would score low on the emotional
intelligence measure and those whose parents employ positive parenting styles
would score high on the emotional intelligence measure.
Emotional intelligence can be regarded as the set of skills that people employ to
succeed, as it helps the development of both personal growth and interpersonal
relationships Sung (2010). Salami (2011) adds that a student with a high level of
emotional intelligence will have self-acceptance, relate well with others, have
autonomy and master their environment. Studies on human development have
recorded that the developmental period of adolescents is characterised by negative
emotions, self-perception and heightened emotionality among adolescents.
Therefore, emotional intelligence serves as a protective factor for adolescents who
are experiencing challenges.
1.12.2.5 Parenting styles

Parenting style can be defined as the manner in which parents express their beliefs
about how to be a "good" or "bad" parent. These beliefs influence how parents
interact with their children, what they feel their role as a parent should be, and
what they should expect from their children. Parenting styles may vary depending
on each parent's culture, family history and society's values about "good" and "bad"
parenting (http://members.aol.com/rehuxley/hand.html).
Davids, Roman and Leach (2015) found that negative parenting approaches were
associated with maladaptive behaviour of children and adolescents. In terms of the
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predictive aspects of parenting styles, Rinaldi and Howe (2012) compared mothers'
and fathers' unique parenting styles in terms of internalising, externalising and
adaptive behaviour in their children, and found that maternal permissive parenting
and authoritarian parenting significantly predict externalising behaviour, while a
paternal authoritative parenting style promotes adaptive behaviours. Furthermore,
both Mckinney and Renk (2008) found that when both parents adopt an
authoritative parenting style, children will have very positive outcomes. In addition,
if one parent is authoritative, this may act as a buffer for children in problematic
homes where the other parent may be less optimal in parenting.
In South Africa, research focusing on parenting is limited to parenting styles and
parental behaviour and their effects on child outcomes (Latouf 2008; Makwakwa
2011). Studies, which specifically focused on the associational qualities between
parenting styles and child outcomes, have shown that in early childhood, an
authoritative parenting style was associated with acceptable behaviour of children
in a sample of five-year olds (Latouf 2008). During adolescence, authoritative
parenting explained the variance in resilience for black and white adolescents
(Kritzas & Grobler 2007).
The four parenting styles

Researchers have found that there are four parenting styles, namely authoritarian,
authoritative, permissive and uninvolved (Jogo, Davison, Brockman & Page 2011).
In addition to the four broad styles of parenting, Barnhart, Raval and Jansavari
(2013) add that parents from varying cultures socialise boys and girls differently.
Through socialisation, children do not only learn values and norms of the society;
they also learn how to cope with life challenges and situations. According to
Mohammadi, Samavi and Azadi (2013), coping positively in life can be considered
a result of resilience.
Each style has its strengths and weaknesses. Let us look at each style in turn.
(a) Authoritarian parenting style

Authoritarian parents set firm and consistent limits. Their style of discipline can be
referred to as "action discipline". They are quick to take action and consider
negotiation with children to be a sign of disrespect. As authority figures, they feel
that they must control what a child does, demand obedience rather than inspire
respect, and punish inappropriate behaviour.
Harsh parents may communicate to their children a parenting philosophy that
favours harsh discipline or a hostile personality that fosters aggressive behaviour.
This type of parenting style might result in the child learning a set of aggressive
disciplinary behaviours that are used in a reflexive, unthinking way. It creates
conditions under which violence may be elicited (Herzberger 1996:108). The child
adopts the aggressive style of interaction from the parent and not just specific
behaviours.
Authoritarian parenting is associated with aggression outside the home,
exaggerated shyness, low self-esteem and difficulty taking part in social situations
among children (Darling 2014). Darling (2014) states that authoritarian parents are
of the view that children possess a strong will, are self-indulgent and they value
obedience to higher authority.
Darling (2014) also states that parents who employ the authoritative parenting style
are strict, consistent and loving. Authoritative parents are flexible in adjusting the
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expectations they place on the child to suit the needs of the child. The child is
given the opportunity to voice his/her views although this does not sway his or her
decisions.
Ritchie and Bachanan (2011) add that adolescents of parents who use an
authoritative parenting style are associated with high scores in measures of
competence and mental health when compared to those who perceive their parents
as permissive (see the section on permissive parenting below). This emotional
adjustment and high score self-esteem and mental health somehow signifies
resilience. Eisenberg, Chang, Ma and Huang (2009) agree with this notion, and
maintain that in many samples, the authoritative parenting style is associated with
positive developmental outcomes such as fewer behavioural problems.
(b) Permissive parenting style

The permissive parenting style emphasises good relationships and communication
with children. This type of discipline can be referred to as "relationship discipline".
The weakness in this style of discipline is the parents' inability to set consistent
limits and to get children to cooperate. As a result, they feel frustrated and can be
taken advantage of by other family members. Essentially, they believe that "good"
parents make sacrifices for their children and that love is all you need to discipline
children.
(c) Rejecting/neglecting parenting style

This type of parent can be described as physically uncaring, unavailable to meet the
needs of children, overly critical and condemning. In general, this style of parenting
refers to a lack of emotional involvement and adequate care for children. These
parents typically spend little time with their children, and even when they do spend
time with them, they engage in less affective and more negative interaction.
A number of researchers have found a relationship between parental rejection and
aggressive delinquent behaviour. According to McCord, McCord and Howard (in
Kratcoski & Kratcoski 1996:131), sons of rejecting parents frequently exhibit
aggressive behaviour.
Children who have been subjected to abusive treatment often turn into child
abusers themselves when they become parents, because they have internalised the
notion that severe physical punishment is an acceptable part of child-rearing. It was
also found that intra-family violence was more likely to occur in homes
characterised by inadequate family functioning. Problems in the low-functioning
families include disagreements over money matters, inappropriate disciplinary
measures, substance abuse and lack of meaningful communication between family
members (Kratcoski & Kratcoski 1996:132).
(d) Democratic/balanced parenting style

The democratic or balanced parenting style is based on democratic concepts such
as equality and trust. According to this parenting style, parents and children are
"equal" in terms of their needs for dignity and worth, but not in terms of their
responsibility and decision-making ability. The underlying principle is teaching
children independence and responsibility. Parents have expectations, and do not
make demands, in order to gain a child's cooperation and respect. They place
realistic standards of parenting and values of "good enough" above perfection. The
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democratic parenting style strives towards a balance between love and limits. Too
much love can lead to an enmeshed family system and parents may feel that they
are losing control. Too many limits can lead to parents becoming rigid and
dictatorial.
ACTIVITY 1
What type of disciplinary style did you experience as a child?
.................................................................................................................................................
How has the style of parental discipline you were subjected to as a child affected your life as
an adult?
.................................................................................................................................................
Feedback will differ for each student. Refer to section 1.12.2.5 to identify the applicable
parenting style upon which to base an opinion.
1.12.3 INADEQUATE DISCIPLINARY METHODS AS A FACTOR IN DELINQUENT

BEHAVIOUR
The methods used within families to control youthful behaviour can have a
significant bearing on children's activities. In this section, two major detrimental
disciplinary methods will be discussed: excessive discipline and inconsistent
discipline.
1.12.3.1 Excessive discipline

Discipline is seen as excessive when punishment is excessively stringent and cruel.
Severe corporal punishment has a particularly humiliating effect on the child and
contributes to a hostile attitude towards the parent. It may also adversely affect the
child's self-confidence and independent thinking.
Patterson and his co-workers (in McWhirter, McWhirter, McWhirter & McWhirter
1993:167) found that a child who has been punished excessively bonds poorly with
the parent. In the absence of such bonding, the child cannot succeed in accepting
the community values and in developing internal control mechanisms. The parents'
action teaches the child to be antisocial, because the parents serve as role models
for violent behaviour. Such a child will also learn to respond with violence when
other family members act in a hostile and aggressive way towards him or her.
Acquired aggressiveness functions as a means of survival in such an environment.
Under these circumstances the child learns early in life that it is normal to hit
others.
In such a hostile environment, the child does not have the courage to communicate
openly with his or her parents for fear of punishment. A number of researchers
have found that children who feel inhibited towards their parents and therefore
cannot discuss important issues with them are more likely to participate in deviant
activities such as smoking and drinking. Poor parent-child relationships are a
reflection of disharmony in the home (Siegel & Senna 1991:247).
Some researchers suggest that occasional and moderate physical aggression will
neither harm children nor promote their aggressive behaviour. Only high
intensities of physical punishment are destructive. Baumrind et al (Herzberger
1996:110) suggest that it may not be the physical aggression itself that damages the
child, but rather the corresponding parental characteristics. Abusive parents use
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reason less often as a disciplinary tool, display anger more frequently and vary their
discipline towards the child less often. These parents model violence and anger.
They also fail to teach alternative conflict resolution strategies. As a result, children
exposed to violence may fall back on the only tool they know during subsequent
conflicts (Herzberger 1996:110).
The potential of corporal punishment to disrupt the parent-child relationship is the
main disadvantage of its use. The painful nature of corporal punishment can evoke
feelings of anger, fear and anxiety in children (De Zoysa, Newcombe & Rajapakse
2006:6). Corporal punishment has been significantly associated with adolescents'
depression symptomatology and distress. A study by Straus (2000) (cited in De
Zoysa et al 2006:6) revealed that the higher the level of corporal punishment
experienced by a teenager, the greater the level of depression. Studies have
indicated that depression is often a delayed response to the suppression of
childhood anger from being physiologically hurt by adults whom the child loves
and on whom he or she depends for nurturance and life itself.
Coercive disciplinary techniques such as corporal punishment have also been
associated with decreases in children's level of confidence and assertiveness as well
as increased feelings of humiliation and helplessness (De Zoysa et al 2006:6). The
association between corporal punishment and children's aggression has been the
topic of many research studies. Corporal punishment is thought to predict an
increase in children's aggression because it models aggression. Early experiences
with corporal punishment may lead to the modelling and legitimising of the use of
violence throughout an individual's life. According to De Zoysa et al (2006:6), the
experience of corporal punishment in childhood has been shown to be the
strongest predictor of adolescents' aggression eight years later. A study by Straus et
al (1997) (cited in De Zoysa et al 2006:7) has shown that the more corporal
punishment children experienced, the greater their antisocial behaviour was
subsequent to such discipline. This effect was consistent across all ethnic groups in
the study.
However, many of these studies did not take into account the possibility that
aggression and other behavioural problems in children may lead parents to use
corporal punishment rather than vice versa. The child may have been aggressive
and antisocial even before the start of corporal punishment. Parental corporal
punishment may have been due to the child's temperament, rather than the child's
antisocial behaviour being due to corporal punishment (De Zoysa et al 2006:7).
There also appears to be a strong tendency for parents who had experienced
corporal punishment in their own childhood to continue that practice with their
own children. Furthermore, childhood experience of corporal punishment has
been associated with an increase in an individual's likelihood of acting violently
with an adult intimate partner. Studies have indicated that parents who avoided
applying corporal punishment would be more likely to engage in verbal methods of
behaviour control, such as explaining and reasoning. Talking to children has been
associated with an increase in the neural connections in the brain and the children's
cognitive performance.
According to Straus (2001) (cited in De Zoysa et al 2006:7), corporal punishment
of children aged between two and six will have the most adverse effects on the
children's cognitive development.
Straus and Gimpel (1992) (cited in De Zoysa et al 2006:7) have postulated that
experiencing corporal punishment in childhood increases the probability of
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children becoming alienated, depressed and violent, which, in turn, may result in
low educational performance.
Only longitudinal studies can determine scientifically the outcome of corporal
punishment during childhood years. It must be taken into consideration that not all
people exposed to strong risk factors will eventually develop violent tendencies.
This resilience may partly be due to protective factors that blunt the impact of risk
factors. Thus, protective factors can act as buffers of risk because they interact with
risk factors in predicting the occurrence of a problem. Perpetrator-related risk and
protective factors include demographic variables, such as gender, socioeconomic
status of the family, race, number of children in the family, personal history
variables, perpetrator personality and mental health variables including
temperament and genetic factors, psychological functioning, parenting style, beliefs
and emotional state (De Zoysa et al 2006:8).
Child-related risk and protective factors comprise the following (De Zoysa et al
2006:9):
(i) demographic variables, including gender and age
(ii) personality and mental health variables, including temperament and genetic
factors, as well as development disabilities
(iii) perception and acceptance of parent's disciplinary message
De Zoysa et al (2006:26) found in their study of 1 319 children that increasing
levels of corporal punishment were directly associated with a child's psychological
maladjustment. Research findings confirmed that experiencing corporal
punishment, belonging to a violent community and/or witnessing domestic
violence can exacerbate the levels of psychological maladjustment (De Zoysa et al
2006:29).
Parents who reason with their children and calmly discuss conflict provide
alternative models of resolving disputes, and in this way decrease the likelihood that
more aggressive conflict strategies will be used. Larzelere (Herzberger 1996:111)
found that preadolescents and adolescents who received frequent spankings but
infrequent rational discussions, displayed the most aggression towards their parents.
Rational discussion, however, was limited in its effectiveness in reducing aggression.
ACTIVITY 2
Do you think that parents should be prohibited by legislation from using corporal punishment
on their children?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
Debate this issue with your fellow students and lecturer on the myUnisa website for this
module. It will be interesting to see how people from different cultures feel about this issue!
Students' opinions are subjective. The purpose of this activity is to stimulate debate.
Refer to section 1.12.3.1 as a reference upon which to base your arguments.
137
1.12.3.2 Inconsistent discipline

Inconsistent discipline is strongly related to criminal behaviour. Inconsistent or
changeable discipline means that a parent prohibits the child from doing something
under one set of circumstances, which would otherwise be allowed under different
circumstances. The parenting style varies between excessive punishment and
extreme permissiveness.
Jenkins (Siegel & Senna 1991:266) found that assaultive and aggressive juveniles
came from families that were punitive and rejecting and that used extreme and
inconsistent measures of physical punishment. Property offenders generally had
family backgrounds characterised by poverty and by neglectful parents who were
frequently alcoholics, promiscuous and irresponsible.
In some families one adult undermines the efforts of another adult to set limits on
a child's behaviour. One of the parents is harsh and punitive, and exerts strict
control over the child. The other parent disagrees with the harsh and punitive
approach and is very warm and permissive, even when the child is misbehaving.
The result of such a style of discipline is that whenever the stricter parent is absent,
the child is out of control. In some cases, a residing grandparent actively sabotages
the efforts of the parents to set limits upon the child's behaviour.
When a new step-parent joins the family, the "my-child and your-child" pattern
emerges (Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:131). The wife is not allowed to punish her
husband's child and he is not allowed to punish her child. The result is that the
children manipulate the parents to obtain favours, and both parents tend to be
overly permissive with their own children. In this way all the children in the
household get out of control. Rules are not consistently stated and enforced and
the child often breaks the rules outside the house, and may even become involved
in various illegal activities. According to Patterson (Trojanowicz & Morash
1992:131), multi-offending juvenile delinquents often come from such families.
Research carried out by Loeber and Dishion (Siegel & Senna 1991:245) confirms
that aggressive boys characteristically have parents with poor problem-solving skills
who apply inconsistent discipline. Families that apply harsh and inconsistent
discipline also experience additional social problems related to criminal behaviour
such as alcohol and drug abuse, as well as other delinquent behaviour.
Nye (Siegel & Senna 1991:245) found that mothers who threaten to discipline a
child but fail to follow through are more likely to have delinquent children than
parents who apply discipline consistently.
Research by Patterson and his co-workers (Wilson & Herrnstein 1985:230)
indicates that parents of antisocial children are less likely than other parents to
establish clear rules, to monitor compliance with rules and to punish transgressions.
Instead, the parents in the group investigated were inclined to nag or natter,
alternated with an unexpected smack or loss of privileges. Patterson et al (Wilson &
Herrnstein 1985:230) are of the opinion that nagging instead of effective discipline
is common among parents who are in part less attached to their children, in part
unable to effectively control behaviour and in part feeling overwhelmed by a
succession of minor problems.
Tittle (Siegel & Senna 1991:245) established that children are more likely to be
deterred by fear of parental disapproval than by the threat of legal sanctions. This is
linked to considerable evidence that consistent discipline and strict supervision are
related to conventional patterns of behaviour in young people, whereas
inconsistent and limited supervision is a strong indicator of criminal behaviour.
138
Young people who believe that their parents are aware of and take an interest in
their activities and their friends, supervise them and punish their transgressions will
be less inclined to commit crime than young people who believe that their
antisocial behaviour will go unnoticed. We can conclude that strict and severe, as
well as permissive or variable, styles of discipline are causally related to delinquency.
As regards emotional intelligence, a study by Alegre (2010) among 329 participants
suggests that adolescents with parents continuously ignoring them when in need of
emotional support, develop lower emotional intelligence. Furthermore, lower
emotional intelligence is developed by adolescents of controlling parents whose use
negative and harsh discipline. These adolescents struggle with the ability to
understand and regulate their own emotions.
1.12.4 CONCLUSION
In this study unit we paid attention to inadequate parenting, parenting styles and
styles of discipline which may be conducive to criminal behaviour in children. In
respect of inadequate parenting, we looked at the youthful age of parents,
ignorance of and lack of insight into the development of children, deviant
behaviour by parents and lack of problem-solving skills. We also discussed different
parenting styles that have an adverse effect on children and increase the risk for
criminal behaviour. Finally, we discussed the negative effect of excessive and
inconsistent discipline on children and that these forms of discipline can push a
child towards antisocial behaviour.

1. Which of the following behaviours is entirely indicative of the permissive pa-
renting style?
1. firm, consistent boundaries, equality, trust and caring
2. dignity, worth, disagreements over money and dictatorial conduct
3. good relationships, communication and consistent discipline
4. sacrifices by parents, relationship discipline and love
2. Indicate which of the following statements are incorrect with regard to incon-
sistent disciplining of children:
a. In some households, grandparents often actively sabotage the efforts of
parents to set limits upon a child's behaviour.
b. The parenting style varies between excessive negotiation and extreme
permissiveness.
c. When a new step-parent joins the family, often a "my-child and our-child"
pattern emerges.
d. Children manipulate their parents to obtain favours when discipline is
inconsistent.
e. Children often break rules outside the house, and may even become in-
volved in crime.
Choose the most correct option:
1. b & c
2. b & e
3. c & e
4. a & d
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3. Which factor that contributes to inadequate parenting, is not included in the

list below?
1. inadequate knowledge and insight in respect of the development of
children
2. the different parenting styles
3. criminal and other deviant behaviour of the parent
4. lack of problem-solving skills
4. Research by Loeber and Dishion confirms that boys who were reported by
both parents and teachers as being aggressive were typically raised by parents
with poor who used ...
1. listening skills; inconsistent rules.
2. disciplining skills; unfair rules.
3. punishment skills; harsh discipline.
4. problem-solving skills; inconsistent discipline.
5. Which parenting style is described in the following statement?
"My parents treat me with respect and trust me enough to give me adequate
independence and responsibility."
1. authoritarian
2. permissive
3. rejecting
4. democratic
6. Describe the most important elements of different parenting styles. (10)
7. Discuss the factors contributing to inadequate parenting. (15)

1. 4
2. 1
3. youthful age of the parent
4. 4
5. 4
6. Please refer to section 1.12.2.5 “Parenting styles”.
7. Please refer to section 1.12.2 "Factors contributing to inadequate parenting".
140
Learning unit 1.13
Family relationships, marital conflict and child
abuse
Learningunit1.13
Revised by: Mr L Bambeni

Contents
1.13.2FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS 142
1.13.3MARITAL CONFLICT 144
1.13.4CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT 146
1.13.4.1Forms of child abuse 147
1.13.4.2Causes of child abuse 147
1.13.4.3Consequences of child abuse 150
1.13.4.4The effect of abuse according to gender 151
1.13.4.5Age at onset of abuse 152
1.13.4.6Criminal behaviour as a result of abuse 152
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● discuss the negative relationships in the family that promote criminal behaviour
● explain how conflict and violence in the home encourage antisocial tendencies in
children
● recognise the short-term and long-term effects on children of child molestation and child
neglect
ASSESSMENT METHODS
knowledge of and insight into the study material.
141
GLOSSARY OF TERMS
Neglect ........................................................................................................................
Physical abuse .............................................................................................................
Emotional abuse ...........................................................................................................
Sexual abuse..................................................................................................................
Read through this study unit, and then return to this glossary box to briefly define
each term in your own words.
1.13.1 INTRODUCTION
The study units in this theme of your study guide should not be approached in
isolation. Each study unit has a different focus, but the same underlying theme
being the negative influence of parent-child interactions on the child, which
contributes to the development of criminal behaviour. The preceding study units
dealt with disturbed parent-child relationships. This study unit deals with the
influence of disrupted family relationships, family conflict and domestic violence
on the development of the child and the way in which this may contribute to
criminal behaviour or delinquency. The emphasis is on conflict, violence and
neglect, which victimise the child and give rise to delinquent behaviour.
1.13.2 FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS

Children need to experience warm, intimate and supportive relationships with their
parents. Young people who do not feel close to their parents or who experience a
lack of family cohesion are more likely to commit crime than children who have a
closer bond with their parents (Siegel & Senna 1991:245).
Salami (2017, http://www.scielo.org.za/pdf/saje/v37n3/01.pdf) states that:
In connection with the above statement (although authors did not formulate a hy-
pothesis to measure mothers' readiness to participate in the socio-education
development of their children), it becomes imperative to authors to acknowledge
and to highlight the role that mothers play, given that children do not live in isola-
tion. Given that many children are raised without the presence of a father figure,
women in South Africa have to go the extra mile to ensure that their children expe-
rience some level of childcare.
Makofane (2015: 27) notes that “child-rearing in South Africa has been
characterized by multi-caregivers in the lives the children such as grandmothers and
members of the extended family”.
In support of the above statement, children who experience a lack of family
cohesion are more likely to commit crime, than children who have a closer bond
with their parents.
Research has shown that family conflict, hostility, limited warmth and too little love
are related to criminal behaviour. Hanson (Siegel & Senna 1991:246) has found that
the colder and more distant the father-son relationship, the greater the probability
that children in the family will be arrested for criminal behaviour.
Volker (2014:2) postulates that fathers who report more child-focused parenting
attitudes, in comparison to more traditional or authoritative attitudes, reported a
high level of perceived involvement with their child. Roman, Makwakwa and
Lacante (2016:9), however, mention that there are stronger relationships between
142
LEARNING UNIT 1.13:Family relationships, marital conflict and child abuse
mothers and their children than between father (and other caregivers) and their
children.
Smith and Walters (Siegel & Senna 1991:246) found that the factors that distinguish
a group of non-offenders from a group of juvenile delinquents relate to the
following:
1. a lack of a warm, loving, supportive relationship with the father
2. the father's minimal level of involvement with the children
3. the mother's high level of involvement, where offenders reported that they
felt closer to the mother and were more often disciplined by the mother than
the father
4. broken homes
Smith and Walters (Siegel & Senna 1991:246) conclude that a stable, intact family,
characterised by loving, supportive parent-child relationships, helps to protect the
child against crime.
Research by Slocum and Stone (Bartollas 1993:269) confirmed that children from
loving homes conform more strongly to societal norms than children from less
affectionate families.
Laub and Sampson (Siegel & Senna 1991:246– 247) found that the quality of the
family life, including children's supervision, closeness to the parents and discipline,
were more important determinants of conformity or criminal behaviour than the
structure of the family, for instance the absence of the father. Negative parent-child
relationships have been related generally to delinquency.
A literature review by Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber (Bartollas 1993:268) shows
that 12 out of 15 studies reported a significant relationship between parental
rejection and crime. According to Nye, rejection by the father is more strongly
related to delinquency in the child, than is rejection by the mother. Other
researchers, however, concluded that rejection by the mother shows a stronger link
to crime than does rejection by the father.
According to Johnson (Bartollas 1993:269), the strength of the father-child bond is
more predictive of involvement in crime, especially in the case of sons.
McCord, McCord and Zola (Bartollas 1993:269) state that only a small percentage
of juvenile offenders reported loving relationships with their parents. The authors
also concluded that parental love is less obvious in the families of offenders, than
in those of non-offenders.
Many researchers have pointed out the absence of emotional support and love in
the childhood histories of abusive people. Kruttschnitt, Ward and Sheble (in
Herzberger 1996:115) found that "abusive-resistant youth" (those who were abused
but did not become involved in violent criminal behaviour) were more likely to
have had close relationships with siblings or involvement in team sports, through
which support could have been derived.
In 1986, Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber (http://www.gcc.state.nc.us/juvcorr.htm)
reviewed approximately 300 family and delinquency studies. They concluded that
the greatest predictors of future delinquency were lack of parental supervision,
parental rejection and negative parent-child involvement. Poor marital relations,
parental criminality, lack of parental discipline and parental absence were also
identified as having moderate levels of influence on children's subsequent
behaviour.
143
The early childhoods of individuals with an antisocial personality disorder

(psychopathy) are characterised by poor parenting, including rejection, neglect, lack
of love and inconsistent actions by the parents (Holmes 1994:353).
One should not jump to the conclusion that poor parenting causes the
development of antisocial personality disorder. It may also be that the child's
problem behaviour forced the parent to act inappropriately in an attempt to gain
control over the child. Furthermore, both the parent and the child may have the
same abnormal genetic material, which could give rise to their antisocial behaviour.
1.13.3 MARITAL CONFLICT

The starting point in this discussion is conflict between husband and wife, but this
also influences the rest of the family as a system. Whatever happens between
mother and father also affects other family members. Unhappiness, disharmony
and conflict between the spouses trickle down to the children. Tension between
husband and wife causes many parents to act destructively towards their children.
Research by Alsegeest and Grobbelaar (2015:843) showed that arguments about
money represent one of the most common reasons for divorce. South African and
several Western cultures consider communication about money as uncivil and
taboo – even more so than sex and death. The scientific results show that both
genders consider men to be superior concerning financial behaviour. The women
indicated that they are not as self-confident with regard to their own ability and
knowledge of financial management, despite major advances in the empowerment
of women and the fact that many women are breadwinners in their homes. The
indication by men that they have little faith in their wives' abilities to discern
between luxuries and essentials was statistically significant (Alsegeest & Grobbelaar
2015: 843). Asemgeest and Grobbelaar (2015: 843) also found that the greater the
income contribution of the wife, the more she will feel at liberty to discuss
household financial affairs with her husband.
The following is information on civil and customary marriages, civil unions and
divorces for 2016, based on data from the South African national marriage
registration systems of the Department of Home Affairs (DHA) and data of
divorces granted by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development.
The information on marriages and divorces is important for understanding the
formation and dissolution of marital relationships and implications on the
household structure and composition.
In total, 139 512 civil marriages were registered in South Africa in 2016, most
(58%) of which were solemnised by DHA marriage officers. The highest number
of civil marriages was registered in Gauteng (36 413), followed by KwaZulu-Natal
(21 440) and Western Cape (20 565), and the lowest was registered in Northern
Cape (4 278). The majority of civil marriages in 2016 for both bridegrooms (113
738) and brides (120 501) were first-time marriages, with women generally entering
into marriage at a younger age than men.
The number of registered customary marriages was 3 978 in 2016, which increased
by 14,7% from a total of 3 467 recorded in 2015. The majority (85,7%) of
bridegrooms were older than their brides, with the gap in median ages at customary
marriage much wider than other types of marriages. The number of registered civil
unions in South Africa in 2016 was 1 331, most of which were registered in
Gauteng (494) and Western Cape (358), and lowest in Limpopo (17) and Northern
Cape (15).
144
With regard to divorces, the data showed that 25 326 divorces were granted in
South Africa in 2016. Generally, there was an increase in the proportion of divorces
for black Africans and a decline for the white population group from 2003 to 2016.
Divorces were mainly from people who had married for the first time. There were
more wife, than husband plaintiffs, with husbands generally getting divorced at a
later age than wives. The provincial distribution shows that Western Cape (6 224),
Gauteng (5 816), KwaZulu-Natal (4 314) and Eastern Cape (3 352) were the
provinces with the highest number of divorces granted. About 22 750 children
aged younger than 18 years were affected by divorces that took place in 2016
(Statistics South Africa 2018: 8).
Family members spend much of their time in one another's company and a great
deal of interaction takes place. The family is a heterogeneous group of both
genders and various ages and personalities who have to get along with one another.
The couple, as well as the other family members, knows one another's weaknesses
and vulnerabilities. This is conducive to conflict escalating to the level of violence
(Sacco & Kennedy 1994:189).
Investigations have revealed that the poor quality of home life, in terms of marital
adjustment and harmony, affects the children more than it does the family structure.
Research has confirmed that parents whose marriages are characterised by security,
ongoing communication and the absence of conflict produce children who have a
strong sense of security and who can function independently (Siegel & Senna
1991:247). Unfortunately, intra-family conflict is a common experience in most
families.
Nye (in Bartollas 1993:268) has found that conflict between parents is a stronger
predictor of criminal behaviour in the child than is a broken home. A child's
perception of the marital happiness of his or her parents is a significant factor in
the child's own (self-reported) criminal activities. According to research, children
who grow up in maladjusted homes in which they observe conflict and violence
tend to display emotional disorders, behavioural problems and social conflict
(Siegel & Senna 1991:247). There is very little difference between the behaviour of
children who have observed violence between parents and those who have
themselves been abused.
Marital violence is of a cyclical nature. The intimate relationships in which family
members are involved increase the likelihood of violent interactions being repeated
(Sacco & Kennedy 1994:194). Violent behaviour serves as self-reinforcement for
the child who observes violence, as he or she will learn that violence is an effective
means of enforcing subservience. The effect of marital violence is emotional and
psychological as well as physical (Sacco & Kennedy 1994:195). Victims of domestic
violence experience many forms of victimisation, such as fear, trauma and stress.
Violence is a far greater threat when it occurs in an environment which individuals
would define as "safe".
As a result of marital conflict children may also be victimised in the form of abuse
and neglect. Tension in the family may also contribute to the children developing
problems with concentration and learning at school, as a result their school work
will suffer. They also find it difficult to maintain positive peer relations (Siegel &
Senna 1991:242).
Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber (in Siegel & Senna 1991:243) identify the following
four broad categories of family functioning that are conducive to criminal
behaviour in the children:
145
1. families that are torn apart by marital conflict or disintegration of the family
2. parents who experience emotional problems and neglect their children (poor
supervision and discipline)
3. families that feature interpersonal conflict
4. parents who themselves commit crime and model deviant behaviour for their
children (for example prostitution and theft)
1.13.4 CHILD ABUSE AND NEGLECT

Severe physical punishment and abuse have occurred throughout history. Child
abuse and neglect are a consequence of serious marital conflict and poor parent-
child relationships. The longer the abuse continues, the more serious its effect on
the child (Siegel & Senna 1991:251).
There is evidence from a number of sub-Saharan countries that child neglect is a
serious social problem and that the legislative approach to it is inadequate. In
Kenya, ANPPCAN (2000) surveyed adults and children separately, and found that
neglect was the most commonly cited form of child maltreatment by adults, with
just over a fifth of all children reporting some form of neglect by guardians. A
decade after this study, the problem remains, with 17 678 cases of child neglect
reported in 2010/2011 (The Star, 4 May 2012).
According to ANPPCAN-Uganda, 35% of offences recorded against children were
designated ‘neglect', compared with 24% related to domestic violence and 13% for
defilement. In examining the operation of law and policy in Uganda, Tanzania,
Kenya and Ethiopia, common cross-national problems of weak child protection
laws, deficient implementation, poor knowledge of the law and corruption were
noted (Laird 2016:47).
There exist many manifestations of child neglect, including non-compliance with
health care recommendations, failure to seek appropriate health care, deprivation of
food resulting in hunger, and the failure of a child physically to thrive. Other causes
of concern include the exposure of children to drugs and inadequate protection
from environmental dangers. In addition, abandonment, inadequate supervision,
poor, hygiene and being deprived of an education, have all been considered as
evidence of neglect (Okeke & Salami 2017:1).
South Africa is one of the nations in the world where fathers' low participation in
the socio-educational development of their children is particularly pronounced
(Okeke & Salami 2017:1). This problem can be traced to the time when many black
families were marginalised during the apartheid era. Even after a democratic
government came to power in 1994, the problem would seem to be increasing as
statistics show that 50% of children in South Africa grow up in households where
there is no fatherly support (Okeke & Salami 2017:2).
According to a UNICEF 2010 report, Zimbabwean police reported that child
sexual abuse (CSA) continues to increase.
The South Africa Police Service (SAPS) report for 2008/2009 indicated that South
Africa had the highest number of baby and children rape cases in the world. The
2010 SAPS statistics show that 21 538 rape cases related to the rape of children
under the age of 18 years (Masilo & Davhana-Maselese 2016:1).
146
ACTIVITY 1
What do you think the short and long-terms consequences of rape are for babies and
children?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
After you have gone through this learning unit, discuss this with your peers and on
the myUnisa Discussion Forum to hear different views.
1.13.4.1 Forms of child abuse

Various forms of abuse may be distinguished, such as neglect, physical abuse,
emotional abuse and sexual abuse. Neglect is a passive form of abuse. It refers to
deprivation, such as inadequate food, shelter or medical care. It also includes
emotional neglect, such as a lack of attention and love, disparagement or belittling,
name calling, withholding contact and approval, fear-instilling techniques,
unrealistic expectations and other extremely inconsistent actions (Bartollas
1993:273).
Physical abuse includes actions against the child, such as biting, kicking, hitting,
strangling, pinching, burning, throwing the child against a wall or threatening the
child with a weapon (Bartollas 1993:273). Sexual abuse involves child exploitation
such as rape, molestation, prostitution and exposure to pornographic materials by
the parents, guardians or other family members.
Arkow (in Bartol & Bartol 2008:306) is of the opinion that there is a link between
child and pet abuse in dysfunctional families. Abusers often frighten a child into
secrecy by threatening to harm or kill their pets or their spouse if the child reports
them to the police.
In a study conducted by Boyes, Clucver, Loening and Meinck (2016:1) they
postulated that perpetrators of physical abuse were most commonly primary
caregivers, followed by teachers and relatives. Perpetrators of emotional abuse were
most commonly primary caregivers, followed by relatives and teachers. Perpetrators
of sexual abuse (including forcing participants to watch pornography and
unwanted sexual touching) were most commonly peers and intimate partners.
Forced sex was mainly perpetrated by strangers, relatives and intimate partners.
The most common locations for physical and emotional abuse were the home, followed by
schools and in communities. The locations for sexual harassment, being forced to watch
pornography, unwanted sexual touching and unwanted genital touching were primarily within
the community and at school. However, forced sex was reported to have happened mainly
in the home or at school.
1.13.4.2 Causes of child abuse

The causes of child abuse are complex. There is no single cause of or solution to
the problem. The phenomenon occurs in all cultures and at all socioeconomic
levels. Although it appears that certain factors are often present in families in which
child abuse takes place, too little research has been done on families in which child
abuse does not take place. Therefore, families in which violence is a regular
147
occurrence are not being scientifically compared with families in which violence
does not occur.
ACTIVITY 2
After reading through the paragraph below, discuss whether these power relationships are
present within the family with your peers. Do children have power?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
Compare your discussion points with the information available throughout this
learning unit and see where you agree or disagree with the literature available.
Some causes of child abuse are discussed below.
In a patriarchal family system, the father traditionally has greater authority than the
mother. He has the right to make decisions and to lay down rules, which are
binding on other family members. The father, in the highest position of authority,
assumes that he has the right to impose his authority on family members in
subservient positions, for instance by violent means.
A cyclical pattern of violence may be noticed. It appears that parents who had
themselves been abused in childhood will also abuse their children. There has been
some evidence that many abused children develop into adults with a propensity for
aggressive and violent behaviour. The behaviour of the parents who abuse their
children can often be traced back to negative experiences in their own childhoods,
such as physical abuse, lack of love, emotional neglect or sexual molestation. Such
parents are unable to separate their own childhood trauma from their relationships
with their children (Siegel & Senna 1991:253).
Children in an isolated and alienated family run the risk of being abused. Such
families have no social support system outside the family itself, such as relatives,
friends, neighbours or professional helpers to whom the parents can turn in times
of crisis. Serious financial problems, marital conflict and medical or psychological
problems may seem insurmountable if the family is left to its own devices. In
combination with poor problem-solving skills, stress in the family may escalate to
physical violence and even family murders.
Children living with unrelated adults such as stepparents and boyfriends or
girlfriends can also be at risk. Stepparents do not always have strong emotional ties
with their non-genetic children. Often there is no emotional benefit from the
parent-child relationship for the adult (Siegel 2004:345).
Maltreatment of children is a complex problem with neither a single cause nor a
single solution. It cuts across racial, ethnic, religious, and socio-economic lines.
Abusive parents cannot be categorised by sex, age, or educational level. Many
abusive parents describe themselves as being alienated from the extended families,
and they lack close relationships with persons who could provide help in stressful
situations. The relationship between alienation and abuse may be particularly acute
in homes where there has been divorce or separation, or in which parents have
never actually married. Abuse and punishment in single-parent homes was found
to be twice that of two-parent families. Parents who are unable to cope with
stressful events, such as divorce, financial stress, recurring mental illness and drug
addiction are most at risk (Siegel & Welsh 2014:179).
148
Factors that may aggravate this situation are parents who are incapable of dealing
with a stressful lifestyle and who resort to alcohol or drug abuse. Additional
problems include mental disorders, low intelligence, economic pressure and poor
housing (Siegel & Senna 1991:254). Gil (in Bartollas 1993:274) identified a number
of situations in his research, which were present in 97.3% of reported cases of child
abuse:
1. psychological rejection by the parent, which leads to repeated abuse of the
child
2. parents administering discipline while in an uncontrollable rage
3. mentally or emotionally disturbed parents
4. the child's misconduct and sustained negative behaviour, which give rise to
the abuse
In families where child abuse takes place, one parent is usually aggressive and the
other passive. The passive parent defends the aggressive parent and denies the
realities of the family situation. Instead of looking for help, the passive spouse
clings to the aggressive partner and strives to keep the family intact. The passive
spouse acts as if he or she is a prisoner in the marital relationship and has been
given a life sentence and therefore no attempt is made to leave the aggressive
spouse (Bartollas 1993:276).
● Corporal punishment
Corporal punishment of children in the form of hitting, punching, kicking or
beating is socially and legally accepted in most countries. In many countries, it is a
significant phenomenon in schools and other institutions and in penal systems for
young offenders.
The United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) requires states to
protect children from all forms of physical or mental violence while they are in the
care of parents and caregivers. In addition, the CRC requires states to protect
children against cruel and degrading punishment, including corporal punishment.
Since then at least another ten countries such as Namibia, South Africa and
Zimbabwe have abolished it, and judgments from constitutional or supreme courts
condemning corporal punishment in schools and in the penal system have been
handed down. In 2000, Israel's supreme court declared all corporal punishment
unlawful. Ethiopia's 1994 constitution asserts the right of children to be free of
corporal punishment in schools and institutions of care. Corporal punishment in
schools has been also banned in Uganda, according to the World Report on
Violence and Health (2018: Np)
These factors include the financial, cultural and the relational obstacles in the
general public's perception of men as child abusers. Studies have equally shown
that men and fathers involved in the care and education of children are often
viewed with great suspicion, even in circumstances where men appear to be doing
well. One of the male teacher participants in Joseph and Wright's (2016: 216) study,
believes that men who teach young children are generally regarded with suspicion.
While such views are difficult to escape, these researchers believe that less
suspicion is directed towards men who teach at the primary school level, than at
higher levels. They also believe that if men in early childhood education adopt a
professional attitude as well as an effective teaching style, there is likely to be less
149
suspicion from parents, teachers and the public at large (Joseph & Wright
2016:216).
1.13.4.3 Consequences of child abuse

The immediate and visible consequences of child abuse are physical injuries,
malnutrition, emotional depression and even death. Less obvious is the
psychological influence that it has on young minds. It encourages the victim to use
aggression as a way of solving problems. Such a child does not develop the capacity
to feel empathy for others, and the experience of abuse diminishes the child's
ability to deal with stress. It makes him or her susceptible to aggressive and violent
behaviour in the future (Siegel & Senna 1991:265).
A significant amount of literature suggests that being the target of abuse is
associated with subsequent episodes of delinquency and violence. The more often
a child is physically disciplined and the harsher the discipline, the more likely they
will engage in antisocial behaviour. The effects of abuse appear to be long term.
Exposure to abuse early in life provides a foundation for violent and antisocial
behaviour in late adolescence and adulthood. Kids who are abused are likely to
grow up to be abusers themselves (Siegel & Welsh 2014:204).
When a parent abuses a child, it weakens the bond with the child and this in turn
reduces the child's sensitivity to parental expectations of appropriate behaviour
(Sacco & Kennedy 1994:198).
Victimised children do not receive the love and care from their parents that are
necessary for healthy growth and development. They often feel insecure and that
they have been let down. They sometimes struggle all their lives to find the care,
which they never experienced as children. They often have a poor self-image and
suffer from feelings of guilt, anxiety, depression and intense internal conflicts, sleep
disorders, weight loss or gain and ill health. They also tend to have poor social
relationships. Sometimes the emotional problems of these victims as adults are so
severe that they have difficulty functioning within a family, social and institutional
environment (Bartollas 1993:279).
Aversive behaviours, such as commanding, disapproving and threatening, are much
more common among abusive families than among other families. According to
Reid (Herzberger 1996:112), abusive parents are far more frequently irritated with
their children and often fear that they will lose control. Parents who get used to
expressing anger and disapproval of their children are in danger of abusing them.
Smith (2010:264) demonstrates that parents of sexually abused children may
experience feelings of guilt, sadness, worthlessness and uncertainty in that they
have immense difficulties in channelling their anger.
A number of researchers have documented that a particular child may be singled
out as the object of abuse (Kratcoski & Kratcoski 1996:191). One possible reason
for this is that the child bears a striking physical resemblance to a former husband
or lover of the abusive parent/caregiver.
Parental cruelty will cause the child to avoid the parent and this will in turn reduce
parental supervision of the child. Such children may vent their frustrations and
repressed anger onto their classmates and may also run away from home. Running
away is a means of coming to terms with neglect, physical abuse and sexual abuse.
The young victim may see running away as the only way to deal with an intolerable
problem (Bartollas 1993:279; Bartol & Bartol 2008:307). When juveniles find
150
themselves on the streets without job skills, there is a considerable risk that they
will grasp at any criminal opportunity which offers monetary gain for survival.
More than one member of the family may be abused at a given time or may
experience both physical and sexual abuse at the same time. A child may be abused
by a sibling as well as a parent (Janzen & Harris 1997:289). Stanley and Goddard
(in Janzen & Harris 1997:290) found that the abused children themselves
demonstrated violence or aggressive behaviour towards siblings or other children.
Kempe and Kempe (in Bartollas 2002:240) are of the opinion that abused and
neglected children tend to be deficient in their language development, have learning
problems, are more disobedient, do not accept authority easily and have more
conflict with their peers.
Teachers who have worked with abused children list the following problems:
difficulty in concentrating, an aloof attitude, little or no confidence, emotional
outbursts, lack of internalised rules and they are often destructive to property
(vandalism).
Do you think it is possible that the abused child can actually become involved in bullying-re-
lated behaviours at school? The answer is yes! Research confirms this statement: Baldry
(2003:727) found in her Italian study that an abusive father was a risk factor for both bullying
and victimisation. Dussich and Maekoya's (2007:505) study conducted in Japan, South Afri-
ca and the United States found that most children who were physically harmed during child-
hood had a much greater chance of becoming involved in bullying behaviours. Bullying can
thus be seen as a coping mechanism for many abused children.
1.13.4.4 The effect of abuse according to gender

In general, boys have more opportunities and sources, both inside and outside the
home, from which to learn to behave aggressively. Boys more readily imitate the
aggression they observe in others. Boys also learn to feel less guilty and receive less
parental disapproval for aggression than girls (Herzberger 1996:118).
Girls from violent homes experience more somatic symptoms and become more
withdrawn and dependent than boys do. In contrast, boys are more likely to act out
the aggression they witness. Boys are much more likely to receive abusive treatment
and to engage in more aggression towards both family and non-family members
than girls, whose level of aggression tends to be lower. Strauss et al (in Herzberger
1996:118) found that fathers' physical punishment of teenagers, unlike that inflicted
by mothers, led to more abuse overall against spouses and children in the
succeeding generations. Other researchers found the opposite effect. Simons et al
(in Herzberger 1996:119) found that mothers' harsh parenting had stronger
negative effects on the next generation than that of fathers. However, Kalmuss (in
Herzberger 1996:119) finds no specific effect of the gender of the parent in her
study of spouse abuse.
Many abused children turn to drugs and alcohol in order to escape the pain and
anger they experience. Widom (in Bartollas 2002:241) found that abused females
were at increased risk for drug offences.
Deviant sexual behaviour is often the result of sexual abuse. Promiscuity also
appears to be high among female sexually abused victims. Female abused victims
can become attracted to prostitution because they sometimes view themselves as
151
"damaged goods". Even though prostitution is self-destructive behaviour, the

sexual abuse victim takes control by making strangers pay for sex (Bartollas
2002:241).
1.13.4.5 Age at onset of abuse

Researchers (Bartollas 2002:237; Bartol & Bartol 2008:305) are of the opinion that
children between three months to three years of age are most at risk of being
abused. Teenagers can also be abused but can protect themselves in many instances.
The effect of the family on delinquency of a child depends not only on the gender
of the child and the type of crime involved, but also on the age of the child. Gold
and Petronio (in Trojanowicz & Morash 1992:134) found that younger boys'
delinquent behaviours are more strongly influenced by their relationships with their
mothers, while older boys' behaviours are more strongly influenced by their
relationship with their fathers.
Children who experienced violence in their early years seem to be more
maladjusted than those whose abuse began later. One of the primary
developmental tasks in infancy and toddlerhood is learning about attachment.
Parents who abuse their children cannot establish a sense of security and
attachment in their relationships with their children. Erickson (in Herzberger
1996:118) found that children who were abused during infancy exhibit less
confidence and assertiveness in school and less creative initiative, than children
whose abuse began during the preschool years or later.
ACTIVITY 3
Collect four newspaper clippings or internet articles on child abuse. List the age of the
victims abused by their loved ones. Do you agree that the young belong to the most
vulnerable age group?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
FEEDBACK ON ACTIVITY 3:
You can do an internet search or consult your local newspapers to complete this
activity. Students should engage with their peers on myUnisa to discuss these issues.
1.13.4.6 Criminal behaviour as a result of abuse

Although definite support for a direct causal relationship between an abusive
childhood and delinquency is lacking, researchers generally agree that abuse and
neglect may have a profound effect on behaviour in later years (Siegel & Senna
1991:265). Exposure to excessive physical aggression and emotional chaos in early
childhood provides the foundation for various forms of violence and antisocial
behaviour. Neglect has a negative impact on the child's emotional development. It
leads to truancy and disruptive behaviour at school. It encourages running away
from home, and can cause so much pain that the child resorts to alcohol or drugs
to escape from the situation (Bartollas 1993:278).
Neglect and abuse, especially sexual molestation, also cause such severe self-
rejection in the victims that they turn to self-destructive behaviour such as
prostitution and suicide. Neglect and abuse create so much anger that the victim
later commits aggressive acts against others (Bartollas 1993:278).
152
Experiencing violent family interactions teaches the child that violence can be used
as a means of achieving certain objectives. A child who observes marital violence
may begin to see it as a legitimate way of resolving conflict (Sacco & Kennedy
1994:199).
Many questions remain unanswered about the abuse-delinquency link. Even
though an association has been found, it does not necessarily mean that most
abused children become delinquent. Many do not, and many delinquents come
from what appear to be good homes. It is also possible that the abuse-delinquent
link is spurious, and the two factors are connected because of some external
influences. For example, kids who are abused may want to escape punishment by
running away and living on the streets. Runaways have a greater chance of getting
involved in delinquency and drug abuse. What appears to be the effect of abuse is
then actually the effect of running away from home (Siegel & Welsh 2014:205).
An investigation conducted in Philadelphia in 1975 revealed that 82% of juvenile
offenders in the sample had been abused as children (Siegel & Senna 1991:266).
A psychiatrist, Richard Jenkins, checked the records of 1 500 juveniles who had
been referred to a mental health clinic in Chicago. Of this group, 445 had been
referred to the clinic by a juvenile court because of aggressive and offensive
behaviour. Jenkins found that the parents of this group had inflicted severe
punishments and rejected the children, and had administered extreme or
inconsistent discipline. Offenders who had committed crimes against property
came from families characterised by poverty. In these families the parents were
often alcoholics and/or sexually promiscuous. They neglected their children and
acted irresponsibly (Siegel & Senna 1991:266).
Aggressive and delinquent behaviour is the means by which many abused or
neglected children act out their hostility towards their parents. Some join gangs,
which satisfy a sense of belonging and allow for pent-up anger to be expressed in
group-approved delinquent acts (Siegel & Senna 1991:265).
A provocative study by Heath, Kruttschnitt and Ward (in Herzberger 1996:117)
examined the self-reported television viewing habits of violent male criminals and
non-incarcerated men. They found that those who reported watching aggressive
television programmes during childhood and early adolescence and experienced
parental abuse, were the most violent adults.
Widom (in Herzberger 1996:109) found that young adults who had been physically
abused or neglected were significantly more likely to have been arrested for a
violent crime than youths who had not experienced this. Furthermore, adults who
were abused as children, particularly men, showed an increased tendency towards
aggressive behaviour against non-family members. People who are exposed to
violence may also become self-destructive, biting, cutting or burning themselves or
banging their heads against a wall.
These studies suggest that violent interaction methods may be taught to other
family members and that the methods will be generalised to a variety of
relationships and situations. The more forms of violence to which children are
exposed, the more likely it is that they will manifest violence themselves, either in
youth or in adulthood (Herzberger 1996:110).
● The shaken infant

Shaking is a prevalent form of abuse seen in very young children. The majority of
shaken children are younger than nine months old. Most perpetrators of such
153
abuse are male, though this may be more of a reflection of the fact that men, being
on average stronger than women, tend to apply greater force than women when
shaking children. Intracranial hemorrhages, retinal hemorrhages and small “chip”
fractures at the major joints of the child's extremities can result from the very rapid
shaking of an infant. Such injuries can also arise from a combination of shaking
and the child's head hitting a surface. There is evidence that about one third of
severely shaken infants die, and that the majority of the survivors suffer long-term
consequences such as mental retardation, cerebral palsy or blindness (World Report
on Violence and Health 2018:61).
Suggested interventions
There is a need for family counselling services in all communities in South Africa
and in the Eastern Cape in particular. These counselling services need to work
through house-to-house visitations and any other possible means to ensure that
caregivers and parents are guided and encouraged to maintain positive and cordial
relationships within the home. Both Salami and Okeke (2017:8) add that if possible,
extra-marital affairs should be outlawed in Africa to entrench the relationships of
married couples.
There is the need for societal reorientation regarding the fact that fathers'
participation in children's socio-educational development should not be measured
by hands-on home care alone, but also through other aspects such as human,
financial, social and protective contributions. Both Salami and Okeke (2017:8) add
that this could be achieved through government and non-governmental
organisation intervention by way of launching proactive awareness campaigns using
all possible media outlets. Finally, Okeke and Samali (2017: 8) suggest that South
African boys should be further encouraged to acquire higher education certificates
in order to get more lucrative job opportunities that will empower them to satisfy
their desire to provide for their family. Those that cannot acquire much education
should be empowered through vocational training to acquire the same.
1.13.5 CONCLUSION
In summary, the research on delinquency and family relationships offers ample
evidence that family life is most important for a child's development, because an
inadequate family life may produce delinquent children (Siegel & Welsh 2014:206).
In this study unit, we described the negative family relationships that promote
delinquency in the child and analysed the role of marital conflict in the causation of
criminal behaviour. We then examined child abuse and neglect. Various forms of
abuse were distinguished. We looked briefly at the causes and consequences of
child abuse, and finally we explained the effect of a history of abuse and neglect on
the child in relation to antisocial behaviour.
154

1. A study done by Nye, which investigated the relationship between parental re-
jection and future criminal activity in children, showed that rejection by the ...
is more likely to lead to delinquency in a child, than rejection by the ...
1. father; grandmother.
2. mother; father.
3. grandmother; brother.
4. father; mother.
2. Choose the most correct option.
Teachers who have worked with abused children list the following problem
behaviours found in these children:
1. swear at teacher, break the rules and avoid other children
2. find it difficult to concentrate, lack of confidence and vandalism
3. fight with everyone, very nervous and emotional outbursts
4. have not internalised rules, bully other children and steal
3. Choose the most correct option.
Loeber and Stouthamer-Loeber identify broad categories of family
functioning that are conducive to criminal behaviour in the children:
1. families that are torn apart by marital conflict or disintegration of the
family
2. parents who experience emotional problems and neglect their children
3. families that experience a lot of interpersonal conflict
4. parents who are criminals and model deviant behaviour for their
children
5. All of the above.
4. ... has a negative impact on the child's development and can lead to truancy
and disruptive behaviour at school. It also encourages running away from
home, and can cause the child to turn to alcohol and drugs to escape from a
painful situation.
1. Sexual abuse
2. Physical abuse
3. Emotional abuse
4. Neglect
5. Maltreatment of children is a complex problem and cuts across racial, ethnic,
religious and … lines.
1. socio-political
2. socio-economic
3. socio-cultural
4. socio-geographical
6. Discuss the effect of child abuse according to gender.(10)
7. Discuss the tendency toward criminal behaviour as a result of child abuse.(15)
155

1. 4
2. 2
3. 5
4. 4
5. 2
6. Please refer to 1.13.4.4: The effect of abuse according to gender.
7. Please refer to 1.13.4.6: Criminal behaviour as a result of abuse.
156
Learning unit 1.14
Gender and crime
Learningunit1.14
Compiled by Prof AE Hesselink

Revised by Dr Lebogang Morodi
Contents
1.14.2CRIME TRENDS IN TERMS OF GENDER 159
1.14.3REASONS FOR MEN COMMITTING MORE CRIME THAN WOMEN 160
1.14.3.1Increase in number of females imprisoned 161
1.14.4TRADITIONAL THEORIES (VIEWS) OF GENDER AND CRIME 162
1.14.4.1Biological theories 162
1.14.4.2Sociological theories 163
1.14.4.3Psychological theories 163
1.14.4.4Emancipation of women 163
LEARNING OUTCOMES
After studying this study unit, you should be able to
● define the concepts of gender, crime and theory
● indicate the differences in the crime rates for men and women
● explain why men commit more crime than women
● discuss the increase in the number of females imprisoned
● highlight the distinctive factors pertaining to female incarceration
● discuss traditional theories(views) of gender and crime in terms of biological, sociologi-
cal and psychological theories
● discuss the emancipation of women as a factor in female crime and discrimination in the
criminal justice system
ASSESSMENT METHODS
157
KEY CONCEPTS
Gender
There are various definitions of the term ‘‘gender’’. The concept of gender stems from the
Latin word ‘‘genus’’, which means ‘‘kind’’, ‘‘type’’ or ‘‘sort’’. It refers to the classification of the
sex of a person corresponding to masculine or feminine features.
The World Health Organisation (WHO) (nd) defines gender as “the socially constructed
characteristics of women and men – such as norms, roles and relationships of and between
groups of women and men". It varies from society to society and can be changed.
According to Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) it defines
gender as ‘the relations between men and women, both perceptual and material. Gender is
not determined biologically, because of sexual characteristics of either women or men, but
is constructed socially. It is a central organizing principle of societies, and often governs the
process of production and reproduction, consumption and distribution’.
The Hadassah Brandeis Institute (nd) refers to gender as a portrayal of maleness or feminity.
Generally, gender refers to persons, separating everybody as fitting to one group or the
other in a firm dual way. Nonetheless, words, sentiments, individual features,
establishments, authority arrangements, and social arrangements can all be pronounced as
gendered. Times of sociological and feminist philosophy have drawn a difference between
sex and gender. The former notion (sex) describes biological features, while gender
describes the social creation and exhibition of felinity (femininity) or machismo (masculinity).
Harewood (2014:11) indicates that gender studies have sought to discover and expound the
association between sex, sex class, and gender. As gender connotations at all level of
social life and exploration are conservatively related to denotations of sex, it is evident that
gender also mentions sex in some way; and yet researchers differ about precisely how this
is so. The mission of ensnaring the biotic from the social and vice versa has long
preoccupied gender researchers, largely because of the way lay considerations of gender
appear to inescapably slot into biology and reproduction.
Theory
Theory can be defined as a conceivable or methodically tolerable general norm or body of
principles presented to expound occurrences (Merriam-Webster, nda).
1.14.1 INTRODUCTION
The incidence of crime worldwide is much lower among women than among men.
It is evident that men outnumber women when it comes to offending.
Internationally, female offenders constitute a small section of the criminal
population. For decades, researchers interested in criminal behaviour have ignored
this issue in their pursuit for the reasons of crime. Where attempts were made to
explain these differences, separate explanations were usually given for female crime,
particularly with reference to the biological, hereditary and psychological factors
and social factors relating to the emancipation of women.
The feminist movement's aim was to negotiate equal rights for women. It focused
specifically on discrimination and unequal treatment of females in the criminal
justice system. Feminists endeavour to expound crime along power relations
whereby men are the main group. The focus was on the differences in crime
between men and women, and they also question crime theories, which elucidate
criminality in diverse ways in terms of of gender.
In this study unit, crime trends and traditional theories on gender and crime are
discussed. Feminist views and postmodern explanations of gender and crime are
158
LEARNING UNIT 1.14:Gender and crime
highlighted. The nature and extent of crime as it manifests among men and women
are also examined.
1.14.2 CRIME TRENDS IN TERMS OF GENDER

When women and crime making headlines in South Africa, it usually concerns
women who are victims of domestic violence and rape. Nevertheless, women also
commit criminalities and end up doing prison time (Hopkins, 2017a:1).
International practice concurs with the idea that men commit more violent and
aggressive crimes than women. In general, men are overrepresented in violent
crimes at almost a 9 to 1 ratio. However, worldwide it appears that the gender void
may be narrowing for offences. Young girls are becoming more violent, expanding
female subcultures (gangs), more use of drugs and, particularly, alcohol, and the
neglect of gender role expectations by the society.
In South African correctional centres, the number of female inmates constitutes
approximately 2% of the total inmate population. This is much lower when
compared to international figures (Judicial Inspectorate Annual Report, 2008/
2009:11).
Makou, Skosana and Hopkins (2017:np) indicate that the Judicial Inspectorate for
Correctional Services is the body tasked with overseeing South Africa’s correctional
services, inspecting and reporting on how inmates are handled. The inspectorate’s
current annual report records that South Africa had 236 functioning prisons at the
end of March 2016, with seven (7) “under some form of renovation” at the time.
According to the 2015/16 Judicial Inspectorate for Correctional Services report,
the data on the status of prison facilities are as follows:
South African prison facilities

Total number of prisons 243
Operational prisons 236
Female prisons 9
Youth facilities 14
Source: 2015/16 Judicial Inspectorate for Correctional Services report
Towards the end of 2016, South Africa’s inmate populace was at 157 013 persons.
The majority were men at 152 889, with women making up 2.6% (Makou, Skosana
& Hopkins 2017:1). Hopkins (2017:1-2) regards women prisoners as a population
cluster that is usually overlooked by the authorities. Their desires, opinions and
tussles hardly feature in South African feminist dialogue, even in the ordinary
discussion in society. Pollsmoor prison in the Western Cape is known for its
congestion at 300% beyond its volume. Approximately 740 of the 8 465 inmates
are women. Nationally, 3 029 women or 2.3% of the whole population, are
imprisoned (2015/16 Judicial Inspectorate for Correctional Services Report).
Prince (2011:1–2) indicates that the number of convicts has increased rapidly to a
record high in 2011). The Department of Correctional Services statistics show that
the number of women prisoners – unsentenced and sentenced – had toppled a
five-year record by the end of February, with 3 703 locked up across the Republic.
Women who commit fraud, theft, money laundering and shoplifting are at the top
of female offenders. There were 1 667 of them, trailed by 1 378 imprisoned for
159
aggressive crimes, comprising murder and aggravated assault. During this period,
the government expressed concern- about the growing number of women in
conflict with the law. Mapisa-Nqakula (the Minister of Correctional Services from
2009 to 2012) said that, “Women represent the fastest growing category of
offender population in our country. It is for this reason that we have started to pay
a bit more attention to the issues surrounding women in conflict with the law.”
1.14.3 REASONS FOR MEN COMMITTING MORE CRIME THAN WOMEN

Posey (2017:1–2) indicates that in the field of criminology, it is established that men
perpetuate more crime than women. A Penn study published recently in the journal
Criminology is the first to show that men’s lower resting heart rate partially explains
their higher rate of criminal offending. For many years, some psychologists
attributed the gender gap in criminal offending to differential parenting. “We give
little girls toys and little boys toy guns,” says Raine (in Penn Arts & Sciences & the
Perelman School of Medicine) “But this is not the complete answer. Biological
variables like heart rate are at play, and the more we begin to pay attention to the
biological contributions to causes of crime, the more we may understand and
ultimately prevent, the higher crime rates in men.” “Explaining the gender gap in crime:
The role of heart rate”, the study by Olivia Choy at Nanyang Technological University,
goes beyond traditional socialisation theories to address the limited understanding.
The observed data was collected from a subsample of 1 795 participants in the
Mauritius Child Health Project. Children in the project were born between 1969
and 1970 and were recruited into the study from Mauritius, when they were three
years old. The resting heart rates of 894 children were recorded when they were 11
years old and were reviewed 12 years later when the children were 23-year-old
adults. The heart rate data was appraised alongside the study participants’ self-
reported criminal activity and their official conviction records for criminal
offending, including violent crime and drug-related crime. The study found that
resting heart rate accounted for five to 17% of the gender difference in crime.
Becker and McCorkel (2011:79) indicate that women commit considerably less
crime than men. The crime committed is characteristically less serious, less violent,
and less lucrative. This has been the case for as long as social researchers have been
quantifying crime. It is also believed that socialisation, cultural differences and
factors such as greed affect the human male and plays an important role in
explaining male criminal behaviour. Aggressive behaviour in men, especially male
offenders, can be connected to the effect of testosterone, genetic components, the
cultural-family factor in male hostility, ferocity and fighting throughout history,
politics, and how men relate to women and children in general (Bartol & Bartol
2008:59).
According to Prince (2011:2), the Tshwaranang Legal Advocacy Centre attributed
the increase in the number of women incarcerated for commercial crimes to
numerous aspects, including the worldwide economic crunch. Work losses and
women having to supplement the family income after retrenchment might be a
motivation for resorting to crime. Partners who have a dependence of some sort or
simple avarice (greed) at times also pressure women into criminality. It was also
established that these women have to continue with the crime, for instance, stealing
from their companies, to appease their spouses.
160
ACTIVITY 1
In recent times a significant number of females have been entering the correctional facilities
for committing different crimes. Why do you think this is?
FEEDBACK ON ACTIVITY 1.1
Refer to section 1.14.4 of the study guide for the answer.
1.14.3.1 Increase in number of females imprisoned

The question to be asked is: Why is the female offending population increasing?
Not only are females committing serious crimes, but sentencing, the criminal
justice system and the public’s view on their participation in criminality have also
increased. Distinctive complications and issues relating to female prisoners include
domestic violence, abusive intimate relations and economic reliance (Siegel &
Bartollas 2011:200).
According to Siegel and Bartollas (2011:202), incarcerated women have normally
had a disturbed family life – being products of ‘‘at-risk’’ children, fragmented
homes and a poor welfare system. As adolescents, they were mostly exposed to a
form of punitive discipline and abuse, which frequently continued into their adult
life. This is because most female inmates were victims of domestic violence prior
to their incarceration. Some female offenders show mental problems, even severe
psychopathology.
Incarceration for women may lead to severe anxiety and anger because of being
parted from families and loved ones, and being helpless to function in normal
female roles. Unlike men, who express anger outward, female offenders may
choose more self-destructive acts (e. g. self-mutilation and suicide) to cope with
their problems. A vital aspect of prison life for many women is coping with fear
and violence (Siegel & Bartollas 2011:204). It is believed that female offenders use
the following three ways of negotiating and coping with a life of imprisonment:
1. Adopted style: Female offenders relate to other prisoners and take pleasure in
their relations. Not many of these women report having problems with cor-
rectional officers.
2. Convict style: Female offenders spend time with only one or two others, or
alone, and, as with the adopted style, these women benefit from their relations
with other inmates. However, unlike the adopted class, they are likely to have
difficulty in dealing with correctional officers.
3. Isolated style: These women favour being alone when not locked up in cells
and alienated from other prisoners. They feel that they have no control over
their prison environment.
Hopkins (2017:1; Artz, Hoffman-Wanderer & Moult, nd: 3) indicate that there are
roughly 4 000 female prisoners in South Africa, a minute cluster compared to the
approximately 157 000 male convicts. About one third of women prisoners are
awaiting trial. Not a lot of research has been conducted into women’s paths to
prison. Of the 53 women inmates interviewed in Hard Times, a research report on
women prisoners in Pollsmoor conducted by University of Cape Town’s Health
and Justice Unit, 32% were imprisoned for murder and 50% were sentenced for
‘aggressive crime’. Seventy-five per cent of women prisoners were in prison for the
first time. Of the 243 prisons in the country, on 22 provide for female inmates.
161
Because the women inmate population is relatively small and relatively nonviolent,
it is an often-overlooked cluster (Hopkins, 2017: 2).
1.14.4 TRADITIONAL THEORIES (VIEWS) OF GENDER AND CRIME

The feminist criminology was a response in opposition to an aged, traditional male
chauvinism within the academia. Women were indiscernible or present as marginal
figures or prostitutes when discussed by conservative criminologists. Furthermore,
when women were discussed it was in simple sexist stereotypes, which were
broadly and unkindly disseminated. Feminist criminology was victorious in
developing and establishing this evaluation, although it has been more complicated
to incorporate it into mainstream criminology.
Female crime and delinquency have traditionally been viewed as an emotional or
family related issue, and the few ‘‘true’’ female delinquents were regarded as "sexual
quirks" whose criminal activity was a function of having masculine qualities and
characteristics. Criminology was traditionally dominated by men, who focused on
explanations for the crimes of men by including only men in their studies
traditionally dominated criminology. Theories to explain criminality among women
date from approximately the middle of the 19th century. Explanations of
criminality among women initially differed from those in respect of men.
Criminality among women was explained in terms of biological and social factors
and later also psychological factors.
Traditional theories are indeed useful in explaining overall patterns of female and
male offending, and they shed some light on why female levels of offending are
lower than for males. However, these approaches are less enlightening when
seeking answers for a variety of both subtle and profound differences in female and
male offending patterns. Why are serious crimes against property and against
persons so much less a feature of female offending? Male criminal participation in
serious crime greatly exceeds female involvement, regardless of data source, crime
type, level of involvement, or measure of participation. Women are far less likely to
be involved in serious offences, and the monetary value of female thefts, property
damage, drugs, injuries, is typically smaller than that for similar offences committed
by men.
Another perspective relates to sex-role theory. Thompson (2016:1) explains the
dissimilarities in offending in terms of the differences in gender socialisation,
gender characters and gender distinctiveness. The rules and principles related to
traditional femaleness are not favourable to criminality, whereas the norms and
values connected with traditional masculinity are more likely to lead to criminality.
1.14.4.1 Biological theories

According to -Siegel and Welch (2011:152), female offenders were seen as being
subjected to biological influences (more so than male offenders), andwere regarded
as highly sexualised beings.
Thomas (1923) submitted an analysis of female offenders that highlighted sexuality,
with promiscuity being commonly compared with delinquency. The work focused
on prostitution and soliciting; these activities were perceived as distinctive traits of
female offending. It is theorised that female offenders were ‘‘cold, calculating and
amoral, manipulating and deceitful ... they had failed, in essence, to learn
appropriate female roles and required greater control and oversight" (Newburn
2007:302). The swift social transformations resulted in improved awareness of the
162
deprivations that people and women were exposed to. This frustration resulted in
the disorganisation of women’s lives and potentially in delinquency (more often
sexual delinquency). There was a dark figure relating to female hidden crimes (e.g.
poisoning of their victims) and that their crime was a response to their own
sexuality, genetics and psychological cosmetics. Through sexual intercourse, women
are able to cultivate the skilfulness and the resistance to deceive men, and women
(University of Glasgow, nd) initiate or inspire most of male offending.
1.14.4.2 Sociological theories

The Law Teacher (2018:1-3) indicates that the study into the sociological theories
of crime before the Chicago School of thought had not taken into account the
social context or environment of people, but paid attention to other aspects –such
as biology, spiritualityand utilitarianism. This has resulted in the divergence of
sociological assumptions from individualism and the significance it has had on
policies and social and political matters linked to the possibility of people
perpetuating criminal acts or deviating from the conventional norms and values of
the society. In South Africa (during the past 25 years of democracy) we have
observed a significant escalation in the number of offences. The rise in employing
law enforcement agencies like the Hawks showed that people are violating the law-.
The South African government’s goal to curb crime, victimisation and restore law
and order has resulted in mechanisms such as increasing the legal age for drinking
alcohol from 18 to 21. This also resulted in the legalisation of dagga in South
Africa in order to govern its use and distribution.
According to Lumen Learning (2019:5) sociological theories of deviance are
defined as those assumptions making use of the social environment, setting and
context and the pressures generated or produced from the same setting to justify
deviant behaviour. For example, women in Africa often commit offences such as
prostitution because of economic need (University of Glasgow, nd).
1.14.4.3 Psychological theories

Sigmund Freud, the founder of psychoanalytic theory, described women as passive,
narcissistic, masochistic and morally weak and unable to exercise self-control. He
also asserted that these negative qualities have a biological basis; in so doing, he
reinforced the negative perceptions of women as being by nature criminal or
deviant. Freud’s tenets have been largely rejected by modern psychology and
psychiatry. Nevertheless, the perception persists in both traditional and
contemporary theories that female crime is of a pathological nature; that is, that
women are ‘‘sick’’ and need psychological treatment (University of Glasgow, nd).
1.14.4.4 Emancipation of women

South African History Online [SAHO] (2017: 1) indicates that it is only over the
last four decades that women’s role in the South African history has, slowly, been
afforded some acknowledgement. Until that time the chronicle of women’s partisan
association, their tussle for independence from subjugation, for civic privileges and,
prominently, for gender impartiality, remained overlooked in history manuscripts.
Not only did most of these records lean seriously towards white political growth to
the disadvantage of studies of the history and socialisation of whites with other
groupings, but they also paid attention to the successes of men on their soldierly
163
adventures or in their leadership capability, essentially leaving women out of the

country’s history. This ‘invisibility’ of women demands some justification. The
South African society has, generally speaking, traditionally been conservatively
patriarchal (macho). In other words, it was men who had power to control in
society. Women were regarded as subservient (secondary) to men. Women’s role
was first a domestic one; it involved child nurturing and seeing to the well-being,
nourishing and upkeep of the family. They were not expected to concern
themselves with anything outside the home setting – that was the sphere of men.
SAHO (2017:2) indicates that commercial activity by women outside the home was
tolerable, though not considered ‘feminine’. Conversely, with the growth of the
industrialised economy, the development of cities and the expansion of the
migratory labour arrangement, these prescriptions should be ousted. The year 2000
was a milestone year in which we fêted the significant Women’s March to the
Union Buildings in Pretoria 50 years ago. Women throughout South Africa had put
their names to lobbies, thus indicating resentment and frustration at having their
self-determination of movement regulated by the reviled official passes. The
heroism of these women who risked formal punishment such as imprisonment and
even prohibition is applauded here. So too are their logistic abilities and their
community-consciousness – they were weary of remaining at home, helpless to
make important reforms to a way of life that discriminated against them mostly
because of their racial status, but also based on class and sexual category.
1.14.5 CONCLUSION
Social researchers and criminologists concur that the gender gap in criminality is a
worldwide phenomenon. Women are always and everywhere less likely than men to
perpetuate acts of criminality. In this study unit, we looked at the different crime
rates for men and women. Men commit more crime than women throughout the
world; with men also committing more serious offences, which result in greater
injury and loss. This trend also applies to South Africa. Increased female
imprisonment and unique problems experienced by female offenders were also
discussed. We also paid attention to traditional and more recent theories/views of
gender and crime. We pointed out that initial attempts were aimed at providing
different explanations for the criminal behaviour of men and women. The
biological, sociological and psychological theories as well as the emancipation of
women as interesting aspects were also discussed.

1. What is a common factor associated with incarcerated women?
1. substance abuse
2. limited education
3. limited work opportunities
4. oppression
164
2. Which factor(s) contribute(s) to females committing less crime than male?

1. oestrogen levels
2. socialisation abilities
3. internalising of problems
4. subjugation
3. Which country in the world has the highest number of female inmates?
1. South Africa
2. America
3. Canada
4. Australia
4. How many female correctional centres are operational in South Africa?
1. 8
2. 6
3. 12
4. 10
5. Traditionally, female crime was explained according to which of the following
factors?
1. psychological and biological
2. feministic and social
3. biological and feministic
4. biological and social
6. Explain the reasons why men commit more crimes than women. (10)
7. “Women represent the fastest growing category of offender population in
South Africa”. Elaborate this statement. (15)

1. 1
2. 3
3. 3
4. 1
5. 4
6. Refer to section 1.14.4 of the study guide.
165
Learning unit 1.15
Feminist views of crime
Learningunit1.15

Contents
1.15.2PREMISES OF THE FEMINIST SCHOOL OF THOUGHT 167
1.15.3FEMINIST CRIME PERSPECTIVES 168
1.15.3.1Liberal feminism 168
1.15.3.2Phenomenological feminism 169
1.15.3.3Marxist feminism 169
1.15.3.4Socialist feminism 170
1.15.3.5Radical feminism 170
1.15.3.6Contemporary feminist criminology 170
1.15.3.7Postmodern and other types of feminism 171
1.15.4EVALUATION OF FEMINIST CRIME PERSPECTIVES 171
1.15.4.1The contribution of feminism to criminology 171
1.15.4.2Criticism of feminist crime perspectives 172
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● recognise the different feminist views of crime in terms of their basic premises
● explain the main points of criticism against feminist views of crime
● discuss the contributions of feminism to the development of criminology and the feminist
perspective
ASSESSMENT METHODS
166
LEARNING UNIT 1.15:Feminist views of crime
1.15.1 INTRODUCTION
Criminology has traditionally been associated with male offenders. For a great part
of the 20th century, most researchers who conducted research studies were men.
The collection of criminological literature and studies relates to male offenders.
Women, certainly, have been invisible for much of criminology’s account. Female
offenders were seen to be an abnormality. Most of them were involved in crimes
such as prostitution, running away, which leads to sexual promiscuity, premarital
sex and crimes of sexual passion, such as killing a husband/spouse or boyfriend
(Siegel & Welsh 2011:146).
The feminist movement has made an important contribution to the development
of postmodern criminology. Initially it focused on discrimination against women in
society, and later on the criminal justice system. Feminists also drew attention to
the fact that women commit far fewer crimes than men do; and they were
especially critical of existing crime theories, which could not explain female crime
adequately.
1.15.2 PREMISES OF THE FEMINIST SCHOOL OF THOUGHT

Feminism is defined as a way of viewing the universe – it is not strictly a sexual
orientation. To be a feminist is to incorporate a female psychological view with an
understanding of those social issues that influence mainly women. Feminism views
gender in terms of relationships of power where men are the dominant group, and
this leads to discrimination and inequality in the treatment of women. Feminists
attempt in particular to develop a feminist approach to criminology. They highlight
that criminology was historically the product of the experiences and views of
economically advantaged white men, and that this led to subjective and unfair slant
on the discipline of criminology.
It is important to consider the role of patriarchy and women’s economic
marginalisation when discussing the starting point of female offending. It is,
furthermore, essential to understand the diverse and manifold ways in which
women’s lives are prearranged, controlled and shaped, as regards the following:
● The home: Sociological literature discusses the numerous ways in which wom-
en’s lives are controlled in the private, familial world of the home.
● In public: There are three interrelated aspects of concern, namely; (1) the male
quasi-monopoly of power and violence, especially the high levels of fear re-
ported by women in relation to physical attack and sexual violence by male
perpetrators; (2) the view of reputation and ‘‘name’’, mainly the ways in which
traditionally girls and women have been ‘‘kept in their place’’ through male con-
trol over reputation; and (3) the belief of divided areas – the idea that men and
women function in different spheres and are subjected to different rules.
● At workplace: The following three ways are noted, namely (1) the majority of
women have to manage both home and work responsibilities; (2) most supervi-
sors of women’s work are male; and (3) women are subjected to sexual
harassment in the workplace.
● In social policies: An array of social policies have traditionally been organised in
ways that support women’s roles.
Therefore, the aforementioned ways can assist to understand the exceedingly
forced and proscribed environments that women have generally occupied in
167
modern society, and this should aid in gaining a better understanding of female
criminality. Critique of existing criminology includes the following:
● the failure to theorise about or conduct empirical studies of female offending
● a disregard for female victimisation and, predominantly, male violence against
women
● an overemphasis on the impact of the criminal justice system on male offenders
1.15.3 FEMINIST CRIME PERSPECTIVES

Feminist intellect can be differentiated from traditional male-dominated work
according to the ‘‘generalisability approach’’, or the ‘‘add women and stir approach’’.
This approach is utilised to comprehend male versus female offending in the
following ways (University of Glasgow, nd: 9).
● Gender is an unusual and complex social, historical and cultural product and is
linked to biological sex differences and reproductive capacities.
● Gender relations and gender arrange social life and social institutions in elemen-
tary ways.
● Gender relations and creations of masculinity and femininity are not balanced,
but founded in men’s superiority and social and political-economic dominance
over women.
● Systems of knowledge echo men’s views of the natural and social world; the pro-
duction of information is thus gendered.
● Women should be at the centre of intellectual examination and should not be in-
visible or mere accessories to men.
In turn, criticisms of the generalisability approach include the following:
1. It overlooks ethnic and financial variation.
2. It fails to focus on the different structural circumstances of men and women.
3. It ignores the racial and class inequalities that are important in explaining pat-
terns of offending.
4. It cannot attend to the essential issue of the differential rates of male and fe-
male offending.
It is argued that studying women unconnectedly from men would lead to continued
marginalisation and to the perpetuation of a male-dominated criminology. Ever
more, academia’s focus on female crime could have the inadvertent and uninvited
result of increasing public and criminal justice attention, meaning that women
offenders would be treated as being ‘‘doubly deviant’’ because they are alleged to
have broken the law and transgressed their gender roles.
1.15.3.1 Liberal feminism

Liberal feminism perceives gender role socialisation to be the main source of men’s
domination; and men’s social roles (i. e. aggressive and competitive) are assigned
more social status and power than women’s roles (i. e. passive and nurturing).
Liberal feminism highlights political, social, legal and economic inequality between
women and men, and views female offending as a result of gender role socialisation
that is linked to fewer prospects of committing crime (Tibbetts & Hemmens
2010:584).
Liberal feminists hold that females are less criminally disposed than males because
their social roles provide them with fewer opportunities to commit crimes (Siegel
168
& Welsh 2011:159). According to liberal feminism, females are not as criminally
inclined as their male counterparts because of limited and restricted social roles and
fewer opportunities to commit crime. It is suggested that as the roles of women
become more comparable with those of men, so will their crime patterns change as
female criminality is driven by influences that are equivalent to influences in male
criminality (Siegel & Welsh 2011:159).
1.15.3.2 Phenomenological feminism

Phenomenological feminism focuses on discrimination in the judicial system,
especially in its treatment of young girls, who often receive more severe penalties
than boys for less serious offences on the pretext that this is necessary for their
protection. For example, it has been established that adolescent girls received more
severe penalties than boys. In addition, the criminal justice system discriminates
against girls by convicting them for minor sex offences.
Long-term research over a period of 30 years has shown that juvenile girls who are
suspected of statutory offences (e. g. sexual promiscuity, vagrancy, being
ungovernable – note that these behaviours are not considered criminal when
committed by adults) are charged and prosecuted more readily than boys by the
police. It was found that the police tend to be protective towards girls, with the
result that they are prosecuted more readily for any offences that may be regarded
as contrary to their socially determined gender roles. Juvenile courts detain juvenile
girls for minor offences because they assume that the girls are sexually
promiscuous and need to be punished and controlled. Mann also found that girls
who run away from home are detained more often and punished more severely
than boys who run away.
Traditional criminologists, on the other hand, believed that adult women were
treated more leniently by the criminal justice system and were therefore arrested,
prosecuted and sentenced less often. This may also be presented as a reason for the
low crime rate among women. Some men are sentenced to prison readily and
spend most time in detention than women. Better controlled research, however,
shows that penalties are imposed independently of gender, race and age, and that
penalties are more related to the previous criminal record and the seriousness of
the offence committed.
1.15.3.3 Marxist feminism

Marxist feminism argues that women’s oppression is the result of their subordinate
class status within capitalist societies. The capitalist method of production
determines class and gender relations that finally disadvantage women because
women reside in the working class instead of the ruling class. Marxist feminists
theorise that women’s subordinate class status may coerce them to commit crime as
a way of supporting themselves economically (Tibbetts & Hemmens 2010:584).
Evidence on prostitution confirms that many women, especially black women,
practise prostitution because of their extremely poor economic position. Older
men often seduce young women who are in economic need and recruit their
services for prostitution. Many women also end up in prostitution as an easy way to
earn an income and to escape from extremely tedious low-paid work.
169
1.15.3.4 Socialist feminism

Socialist feminism unites radical and Marxist perspectives and perceives women’s
oppression because of affiliated sex- and class-based inequalities. Class and gender
are related and also structure society; thus socialist feminists seek to analyse the
ways in which gender relations are determined by class and vice versa. Within
criminology, socialist feminists view causes of crime within the framework of
interacting gender- and class-based systems of power.
Socialist feminists believe that the structuring of the community into social classes,
as well as the economic structure, leads to gender inequality, which results in the
oppression and control of women by men. Men have more legal and illegal
opportunities to commit crime than women have, because men are the dominant
group and have the most social and economic power. The low female crime rate is
linked to women’s low status and position of power in the social and economic
community.
1.15.3.5 Radical feminism

Radical feminism postulates that patriarchy and male dominance are main causes of
women’s oppression. According to this view, women experience discrimination
because of social relations and interactions that are determined by male power and
privilege. Radical feminists often outline manifestations of patriarchy in crimes
against women, such as domestic violence, rape, sexual harassment and
pornography. Therefore, female involvement in crime is often indicated by
victimisation, at the hands of men (Tibbetts & Hemmens 2010:584).
1.15.3.6 Contemporary feminist criminology

Contemporary feminist criminology highlights the development of new
hypothetical tools and the use of extensive scientific approaches to women’s issues.
Men developed theoretical criminology about men. This demonstrates that
conventional theories are not overall explanations of human behaviour, but an
exclusive understanding of male conduct. A single cover has emerged for men and
women, even though their social realities are extremely different.
Three modes of conceptualising sex or gender in feminist theory are important in
contemporary feminist criminology, namely:
1. Class-race-gender inequalities (multiple inequalities): Here inequality is viewed
as an interconnected, interlocked and reliant matter, rather than isolated or
discrete. These approaches are limited to the main inequalities of class, race
and gender, but also include age, sexuality and physical ability/disability. There
seems to be some insistence that each person is located in a medium of mani-
fold social associations, in other words that race and gender are just as
important to an analysis of white men as they are to black women.
2. ‘‘Doing’’ gender: This relates to the quality of social situations (because of so-
cial organisation) and a way of legitimating the fundamental partition of
society. Gender is a custom, a systematic and chronic achievement, not a set
of qualities, or a variable, or a role. However, it is only representative through
interaction. This mode informs the increasing body of work on masculinity.
Thus, crime may be viewed as a practice through which meticulous articula-
tions of gender (flairs of masculinity or femininity) are ‘‘done’’.
170
3. Sexed physiques (bodies): Here, they seek to establish sex differences while
circumventing biological essentialism (that sex differences revolve around
gendered differences in behaviour and status). The allegedly gender-neutral
penal policies and practices are linked to definite male bodies, eminence is giv-
en to sex differences and that they may dominate further parts of social life
and practice too.
1.15.3.7 Postmodern and other types of feminism

Postmodern feminism in contrast with the other feminist perspectives questions
the existence of any one ‘‘truth’’ including women’s oppression. Postmodern
feminists reject rigid and set categories and universal concepts in favour of multiple
truths, and analyse the effects of discourse and symbolic illustration on claims
about knowledge. Within criminology, postmodern feminists cross-examine the
social construction of concepts such as crime, justice and deviance, and confront/
dispute accepted criminology truths (Tibbetts & Hemmens 2010:584– 585). In
addition, African feminism and critical race feminism focus on the experiences of
black women and women of colour, and perceive women’s oppression in relation
to concurrent gender- and race-based disadvantage (Tibbetts & Hemmens
2010:585).
1.15.4 EVALUATION OF FEMINIST CRIME PERSPECTIVES
1.15.4.1 The contribution of feminism to criminology

The following five main contributions of feminism to criminology are highlighted:
● a focus on gender as an important principle of contemporary society
● the importance of power in the formation of social relations
● greater sensitivity to the ways in which the social context shapes human
relationships
● recognition that social reality is a process and the development of scientific
methods that take this into account
● commitment to social change as an important aspect of feminism
Feminists pointed out that both positivist and critical criminology have failed to
explain the low crime rate among women. In addition they pointed out the
following:
● most theories attempt to explain crime in terms of male experiences.
● - different explanations are offered for offences by men and by women.
● - both the juridical and the non-juridical concepts of crime should be taken as
points of departure, therefore helping develop a more integrated approach to
criminology.
● the inequalities and discrimination against women in the criminal justice system,
which sensitised the criminal justice system to guard against these factors.
● attention should be given to hidden offences against women such as domestic
violence and sex offences.
● that there should be focused, special attention on women as the victims of
crime. In fact, many feminists feel that the term ‘‘victim’’ is not appropriate and
that they should rather be called ‘‘survivors’’ because this term has a more posi-
tive connotation.
171
● the unfairness of expecting female victims in particular to defend themselves

against crime, especially when this relates to freedom of movement.
1.15.4.2 Criticism of feminist crime perspectives

Research studies point out that there is no feminist theory as such, but rather a
variety of feminist schools of thought, such as the liberal, radical, Marxist and
socialist, which have a feminist perspective on gender that is not included in
mainstream criminological theories.
Another criticism levelled relates to the fact that there is no inclusive feminist
theory. Feminists focus mainly on descriptive studies of women’s involvement in
crime. Moreover, the focus on women as victims of crime is criticised as being
excessive, especially in respect of domestic violence and rape. Victims of other
violent crimes are frequently disregarded. Feminists also tend to pay too little
attention to offences committed by women. Male violence against women is seen
as an important aspect of the feminists’ dominant proposition that male supremacy
and the use of power (or the lack thereof) expounds criminality among women,
which is a very narrow observation.
Another point of reproach has been that female crime has not increased
significantly as as more social opportunities have been created for women. Feminist
criminologists have been unable to explain the origin of inequality and the division
of labour between men and women. Radical feminism has been criticised for
assuming that male dominance is universal, although anthropological studies have
shown that women in fact have a great deal of power in matriarchal communities
(Gehring 2016).
1.15.5 CONCLUSION
The feminist school of thought has made an important contribution to the
development of postmodern criminology. Its adherents were especially critical of
existing criminological theories that attempted to explain crime by focusing on the
criminal behaviour of men as well as presenting different explanations for crime
among men and among women. Feminists focused attention on the unequal
treatment of women in society and in the judicial system as well as the treatment of
hidden crime against women, such as rape and domestic violence. Various feminist
perspectives of crime may be identified that are criticised for not being theories as
such. Feminist perspectives such as the Marxist, socialist and radical perspectives
focus in particular on gender in terms of unequal power relationships where men
are the dominant group. In South Africa, no significant research has been done on
the feminist views of crime.
Women in Africa are very vulnerable to offences such as domestic violence and sex
offences because of cultural factors and traditional laws, which regard women as
subservient to their husbands and male family members. According to traditional
law, husbands are entitled to chastise their wives, and marital abuse and rape are not
considered crimes. The rights of women are still largely being rejected in most
African countries in Africa, and legislation to protect the natural and constitutional
rights of women is often inadequate or non-existent.
172

1. Which feminist perspective questions concepts such as crime, justice and devi-
ance as criminological truth?
1. postmodern feminism
2. black feminism
3. Marxist feminism
4. contemporary feminism
2. Which mode of contemporary feminism forms the majority of work in mas-
culinity in criminology?
1. class-race
2. ‘‘doing’’ gender
3. sexed bodies
4. sexed gender
3. Traditionally, true female offending was ascribed to ....
1. sexual strangeness
2. family-related matters
3. emotional problems
4. masculinity
4. Women’s oppression is the result of male dominance and patriarchy. This view
is representative of ...
1. liberal feminism.
2. socialist feminism.
3. radical feminism.
4. Marxist feminism.
5. Females are not as criminally inclined as their male counterparts because of
their restricted social roles and fewer opportunities to commit crime. What
does this statement represent?
1. liberal feminism
2. socialist feminism
3. radical feminism
4. postmodern feminism
6. Define the concept “feminism” and discuss the views feminists represent.
(10)
7. Explain the reasons why criminology as a discipline relates more to male of-
fenders than to female offenders. (15)

1. 1
2. 2
3. 1
4. 3
5. 1
173
Learning unit 1.16
Postmodern explanations for gender and crime
Learningunit1.16

Contents
1.16.2AGNEW’S GENERAL STRAIN THEORY 175
1.16.3GOTTFREDSON AND HIRSCHI’S GENERAL CRIME THEORY 177
1.16.4HAGAN’S POWER CONTROL THEORY 178
1.16.5MOFFIT’S DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY 179
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● discuss some postmodern explanations for gender and crime
● discuss Agnew’s general strain theory
● discuss Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory
● identify the focal points of Hagan’s power control theory
● discuss Moffit’s developmental theory
ASSESSMENT METHODS
1.16.1 INTRODUCTION
The feminist movement criticised traditional theories for their inability to explain
the phenomenon of female crime; postmodern theories therefore focus on a
general explanation of male and female crime encompassing all social classes and
cultures. In this study unit, we will briefly examine Agnew’s general strain theory, as
well as Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory.
174
LEARNING UNIT 1.16:Postmodern explanations for gender and crime
1.16.2 AGNEW’S GENERAL STRAIN THEORY

The general strain theory (GST) embraces the vision that multiple sources of strain
interrelate with an individual’s emotional qualities and reactions to generate
criminality. Robert Agnew recognises the micro-level (individual level) influences of
strain. Agnew attempts to elucidate how individuals who experience stress are
prone to commit crime. Agnew presents a more general explanation of criminality
among all strata of society, rather than confining his views on crime to the lower
socioeconomic classes (Siegel 2011:154).
According to Agnew, involvement in crime is the direct result of negative affective
states, namely feelings of anger and frustration that surface amidst destructive
social relationships. These negative affective states are independent of one another
and they may overlap. In brief, the following multiple sources of strain exist (Siegel
2011:154–155):
1. Failure to achieve positive valued goals: The desire for fame and wealth but
lacking the financial and educational resources to achieve this might cause
strain. Involvement in crime might help to achieve these goals of fame and
wealth.
2. Disjunction between expectations and achievements: When people compare
themselves to their peers who are financially or socially in a better position,
strain might be experienced and diversion to criminality to achieve these goals
might be a natural outcome.
3. Removal of positively valued strain: The loss of a significant other (i.e. a pa-
rental figure or a good friend) may cause strain, and subsequently
involvement in crime to compensate for this deep loss.
4. Presentation of negative or noxious stimuli: Personal experiences of child
abuse or family or peer conflict/rejection may cause feelings of strain and
stress which might evoke criminal involvement or tendencies.
Related and applied to gender and crime, Agnew attempted to develop Merton’s
strain theory further by showing that different types of strain, and the way in which
individuals adapt to them, contribute to crime across all social classes. Broidy and
Agnew showed that the general strain theory is partly based on the oppression of
women, and that it can therefore explain female crime as well as the high crime rate
among men. They explain the differences in crime rates between men and women
as follows:
● Men and women experience different types of strain, and men’s experience of
strain leads more readily to violent and property crimes, while women’s experi-
ence is more likely to lead to family violence and violence against the self, such
as drug abuse.
● On an emotional level, men and women respond differently to strain. Although
both groups experience anger, this emotion is accompanied by depression, anxi-
ety and guilt among women, which lessens the possibility of aggression and
violent crime. For example, women and young girls who run away from home
more readily display self-destructive and escapist behaviour.
● Men are more likely to react to strain or anger by committing serious property-
related and violent crime, because they adapt differently to strain, social support
mechanisms, and social control and crime opportunities.
Not all people who experience strain will commit crime. This is especially true of
women. Women experience just as much strain as men, and sometimes even more
175
strain, especially financial strain and victimisation, and although this is extremely
conducive to serious crime, they commit less crime. They experience different
types of strain than men and react differently to them. Women are especially
vulnerable to gender-based discrimination, more restrictions on their actions and
freedom, excessive demands from others (especially family members and
colleagues), poor working conditions and salaries, and fewer networking
opportunities. In comparison with women who do not commit crime, female
offenders have more opportunity for crime, less social control and more exposure
to crime, for example by associating with offenders.
The fact that men and women differ in how they experience strain, and that
women react differently to it than men do, also explains the higher incidence of
crime among women with a low income. Men experience more conflict that is
interpersonal with peer groups, more intense financial strain, and criminal
victimisation, all of which are conducive to especially violent crime and serious
property crimes.
Experiencing a specific type of strain can lead to crime among women, while it may
have little effect on male criminality, but the difference is only one of degree. More
investigation is needed with regard to the following:
● how much and what types of strain are experienced by men and women
● how they adapt to strain, as well as to criminal versus noncriminal behaviour
● why they react in a certain way to strain
In evaluating the GST, a prevalent issue remains the theory’s ability to explain
gender differences in the crime rate. Females experience as much, if not more strain,
frustration, and anger as do males, but their crime rate is much lower. Thus, there
might be gender differences in a) the relationship between strain and criminality)
the capability to manage the effects of strain. It seems that not all bases of strain
ignite anger as foreseen by Agnew. Even though females may experience more
strain, males may be more affected by interpersonal stress (intimacy problems).
There is confirmation that stress influences both males and females uniformly; yet
the extent to which it leads to criminal behaviour is more prevalent among males
than females. Once presented with comparable varieties of strain, males and
females react with a different assemblage of negative emotions. Females may be
socialised to internalise stress, blaming themselves for their troubles; males may
experience equivalent strain and alleviate it by side tracking criticism with
aggression. Accordingly, males may route to criminality in the facade of stressors of
any extent, but only acute levels of strain produce violent responses from women.
Males may associate with peers when they are faced with strain, while females are
not as much prone to disclose this to others. Male bonding with peers may in fact
boost their involvement in deviant behaviour, a risk that females evade (Siegel
2010:197).
ACTIVITY 1.2
We hear on the news of a group of armed men exchanging gunshots with the police. Some
escaping while others being arrested for most types of crimes, which are violent in nature.
For example, in Cash-In-Transit robbery, more than 10 to 15 robbers are involved and their
gender is male. Do you think men who commit violent crimes are more strained than women
are, concurring to the general theory postulated by Agnew? Can this behaviour be
apportioned to financial difficulties men experience of being unemployed?
176
Refer to section 1.16.2 of the study guide.
1.16.3 GOTTFREDSON AND HIRSCHI’S GENERAL CRIME THEORY

Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory (GCT) is one of the most
significant theoretical announcements of the past two decades. It explains why
some individuals enter into chronic offending (due to a lack of self-control), and
others living in similar circumstances are able to defy criminal activity (due to
sufficient self-control ability). The important link here is the inclination to commit
crime, which may relate to two underlying traits: an impulsive personality and a lack
of self-control. The GCT explains all types of crime and deviance, from lower-class
gang delinquency to sexual harassment in the corporate community. This theory
incorporates notions of criminal choice, criminal opportunity, socialisation and
personality thus, an ideal theory to explain issues pertaining to gender and crime
(Siegel 2011:243).
The GCT as developed focuses on a lack of self-control, which leads to crime and
other deviant behaviour. They see lack of self-control as something that differs
from person to person, and is characterised by impulsive, insensitive physical (not
intellectual) behaviour, a tendency to take risks, lack of foresight and nonverbal
behaviour. The extent to which a person will become involved in crime or other
deviant behaviours, such as alcohol abuse and gambling, will depend on individual
circumstances and opportunities, but it is a lack of self-control that is the impetus
for crime.
A lack of self-control leads to crime if there are opportunities for crime, especially
when performing routine activities. People with low self-control get pleasure from
risky, exciting or thrilling behaviours with immediate gratification. They are more
likely to benefit from criminal acts, which require sneakiness, quickness, swiftness,
and power, than law-abiding acts, which require enduring study and cognitive and
verbal skills. Research shows that there is a significant correlation between lack of
self-control and crime, and that Gottfredson and Hirschi’s theory can, therefore,
explain male and female crime.
There are racial and gender differences as regards crime rates. However, there
seems to be scant evidence that males are more impulsive than females although
females and males differ in many personality traits. Some research findings have
found gender differences in the association between self-control and crime, but the
GCT predicts that no such differences should occur. Looking at it from another
perspective, males who persist in crime display different characteristics from female
offenders. ‘‘Women seem to be influenced by their place of residence, childhood
and recent abuses, living with a criminal partner, selling drugs, stress, depression,
fearfulness, their romantic relationships, their children, and whether they have
suicidal thoughts’’ (Siegel 2011:244– 245). In comparison, men are more likely to
persist because of their criminal peer associations, their carrying of weapons,
alcohol abuse, and aggressive feelings. Impulsivity may not single-handedly be able
to explain why males and females persist at different rates.
ACTIVITY 1.3
Discuss how lack of self-control may lead to criminal behaviour as suggested by
Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory.
177
Refer to section 1.16.3 of the study guide.
1.16.4 HAGAN’S POWER CONTROL THEORY

John Hagan and colleagues developed a critical feminist model that utilises gender
differences to explain the commencement of criminality. Hagan’s analysis is that
crime and delinquency rates play a role in: a) class position (i. e. power); and b)
family functions (i.e. control). The connection between power and control is that
parents duplicate power relationships within the family as these power
relationships are mostly held by the parents themselves within the place of work.
Thus, a position of power and authority at work is linked with control at the
household. Parents’ work experiences and positions of power are then revealed in
their children’s gender roles and class position within society in general. Hagan and
his colleagues’ premises have received much attention within the criminological
society as they promote a fresh approach to the study of criminality that embraces
gender differences, class position and the structure of the family (Siegel 2011:214–
215).
In patriarchal families, fathers assume the conservative role of breadwinners, while
mothers tend to have unskilled jobs or stay behind at home to manage household
tasks. Mothers are likely to control the behaviour of their daughters, while
conceding more freedom to sons. Thus, the parent-daughter relationship can be
perceived as groundwork for the ‘‘cult of domesticity’’, which makes girls’
involvement in delinquency dubious, while boys are freer to diverge as they are not
subject to motherly controls. Girls growing up in patriarchal families are socialised
largely to fear legal sanctions, while boys in these families display behaviours that
are more delinquent although they have better access to legitimate adult behaviours,
such as working at part-time jobs or possessing their own transportation. In
addition, without these legitimate behavioural vents, girls who are despondent or
disgruntled with their status are required to search for risky role exit behaviours,
including such troubled actions as running away and contemplating suicide (Siegel
2011:214).
In egalitarian families (where the husband and wife distribute and share positions
of power at home and in the workplace), girls achieve a type of liberty that mirrors
reduced parental control. These families generate girls whose law-violating
behaviour reflects that of their brothers. In an egalitarian family, girls may have
better prospects to engage in legitimate adult-status behaviours and have less need
to act upon deviant role exits. Hagan deems that these roles and relationships also
arise in female-headed households with absent fathers. Hagan and his colleagues
established that when fathers and mothers hold likewise-valued decision-making
and managerial positions, the likeness between the rates of their daughters’
delinquency and their sons’ delinquency is furthermost. Middle-class girls are the
most expected to violate the law as they are less strictly controlled than their
counterparts in the lower socioeconomic classes are. In households where both
parents hold positions of power, girls are more likely to have the same hopes of
career success as their brothers. Accordingly, siblings of both sexes will be
socialised to take risks and engage in other behaviour related to delinquency (Siegel
2011:214).
178
1.16.5 MOFFIT’S DEVELOPMENTAL THEORY

Most young offenders pursue one of two paths, becoming either adolescent-limited
offenders or life-course persisters. Adolescent-limited offenders may be
painstakingly usual teenagers who get into minor scuffs and engage in what might
be considered rebellious teenage behaviour with their friends. As they reach their
mid-teens, adolescent-limited offenders/delinquents start to imitate the antisocial
behaviour of more disturbed teens, only to diminish the frequency of their
offending as they prime to around age 18 (Siegel 2010:232).
Moffit’s life-course-persistent (LCP) theory emphasises that persistent delinquent
and adult offenders display manifestations of biting and hitting at age four;
shoplifting and truancy at age ten; selling or using drugs and stealing cars or parts
of cars at age 16; robbery and rape at age 22; and fraud and child abuse at age 30.
These life-course-persistent offenders continue their antisocial behaviour under all
kinds of conditions and in all situations. Most of these offenders exhibit
neurological problems during their childhoods, including difficult temperaments as
infants, ADHD as children, and learning problems during their later school years.
LCP offenders lack social and interpersonal skills, experience judgement and
problem-solving deficiencies, are plagued by psychological problems and are
known to commit a wide range of aggressive crimes over their lifetime (Siegel,
2010:232). These individuals are mostly rejected and avoided by their childhood
friends; and their parents, teachers and carers become exasperated and give up on
them. Furthermore, disadvantaged homes, inadequate schools and violent
neighbourhoods exacerbate the development and persistence of antisocial patterns.
An early onset of antisocial behaviour is associated with pervasive mental and
interpersonal problems, academic failure, involvement with deviant peers,
substance abuse, depressive symptoms, health risks, sexual behaviour and work
failure (Siegel 2011:232). Moffit finds that life-course-persisters combine family
dysfunction with severe neurological problems that predispose them to antisocial
behavioural patterns. These afflictions can be the result of maternal drug abuse,
poor nutrition, or exposure to toxic agents such as lead. Therefore, it is not
surprising that life-course-persisters display social and personal dysfunctions,
including lower-than-average verbal ability, reasoning skills, learning ability, and
school achievement (Siegel 2010:232).
Moffit (Siegel, 2011:232) states that the bulk of juvenile offenders follow a second
developmental path – they begin offending during their adolescent years and stop
offending around their 18th birthday. These juveniles are considered adolescent-
limited (AL) offenders. Their developmental histories do not show the early and
persistent antisocial problems that members of the LCP group manifest, although
the violence displayed by these offenders may be equal to those belonging to the
LCP group. The AL delinquent is most likely during the teen years to be involved
in offences that denote adult privilege and demonstrate autonomy from parental
control. Examples include vandalism, drug and alcohol offences, theft, running
away and truancy. AL offenders are also more likely to participate in offences that
are profitable and rewarding; however, they are quick to learn that they have
something to lose if they continue offending into adulthood. These delinquents
have learnt to get along with others – an adjustment response to modern teens’
social context.
Moffit’s theory has been developed mainly on the developmental trajectories of
males. The LCP pattern of behaviour is far more likely to be followed by males
179
than females (10 males to 1 female), while gender difference is insignificant for the
AL pattern (approximately 1.5 males to 1 female). This means that the vast
majority of female delinquents appear to fit the AL pattern.
INTERESTING READING
Skierlik shooter gets 169 years
Johannesburg - Skierlik shooter Johann Nel was sentenced to 169 years in jail, the SABC
reported on Friday.
The sentence includes four life terms. The 19-year-old earlier this week pleaded guilty in
the Mmabatho High Court in Mafikeng to killing four people and wounding several others
in a January 14 shooting spree.
The attack, believed to have been racially motivated, was carried out in the Skierlik infor-
mal settlement near Swartruggens in the North West.
Source: News24Archives
Go to https://www. news24. com/SouthAfrica/News/Skierlik-shooter-gets-169-

years-20081121 for more information on this story.
1.16.6 CONCLUSION
In this study unit, we discussed the postmodern theories as possible explanations
for gender differences in criminality. Agnew’s theory hypothesises that men and
women experience diverse types of stress, and that they respond inversely to these,
which in turn influences their behaviour. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s theory on lack
of self-control, crime prospects and an inclination for criminality established that
girls have much more self-control than boys, are less inclined to take risks, have
fewer opportunities for crime and are less inclined to commit crime. In addition,
Hagan’s power control theory views gender differences in crime as a function of
financial power and parental control, whereas Moffit’s pathways to criminality
assumptions expound the commencement of antisocial behaviour to adulthood
persistence in criminality.

1. Negative affective states related to feelings of anger and aggression are linked
to ...
1. Moffit’s developmental theory.
2. Hagan’s power control theory.
3. Agnew’s general strain theory.
4. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory.
2. Rejection by peers and neurological and psychological problems are associated
with ...
1. adolescent-limited offenders.
2. life-course-persistent offenders.
3. adolescent-course offenders.
4. life-course-limited offenders.
180
3. Which theory perceives peer associations, alcohol abuse, aggressive feelings

and carrying of weapons as factors linked to male criminal behaviour?
1. Agnew’s general strain theory
2. Moffit’s developmental theory
3. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory
4. Hagan’s power control theory
4. Gender differences in crime, economic power and parental control are factors
associated with ...
1. Hagan’s power control theory.
2. Moffit’s developmental theory.
3. Agnew’s general strain theory.
4. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s general crime theory.
5. Females tend to internalise their stress and they blame themselves for their
problems while males alleviate their stress via aggression deviation. This prin-
ciple is representative of the ... theory.
1. general strain theory
2. general crime theory
3. developmental theory
4. power control theory
6. Explain Moffit’s life-course persistent theory and link it to juvenile girls' in-
volvement in youth misbehaviour. (10)
7. Discuss the role patriarchy plays in perpetuating domestic violence in South
Africa with reference to Hagan’s theory of power control. (15)

1. 3
2. 2
3. 3
4. 1
5. 1
181
THEME 2
Drugs and Crime

Contents
Learning unit 2.1: Global extent of drug use and substance abuse 184
Learning unit 2.2: Psychoactive substances and the dangers (risks) associated
with drug use on a physical and social level 198
Learning unit 2.3: The link between drugs and crime 211
Learning unit 2.4: The implications of drugs for the criminal justice
system 225
Learning unit 2.5: Modern prevention strategies in the fight against drug
abuse 237
183
Learning unit 2.1
Global extent of drug use and substance abuse
Learningunit2.1
Revised by M Zitha
Contents

2.1.2 DEFINITION OF KEY CONCEPTS 185
2.1.3 DRUG USE AS A UNIVERSAL PHENOMENON 186
2.1.4 THE DRUG PROBLEM: A WORLDWIDE EPIDEMIC 187
2.1.5 DRUG TRENDS WORLDWIDE 188
2.1.5.1 The drug situation in Africa 189
2.1.5.2 Drug abuse by minors 192
2.1.6 SOUTH AFRICAN DRUG POLICY 193
2.1.7 AN OVERVIEW OF COMBATING ILLICIT DRUG TRAFFICKING IN
SOUTH AFRICA 194
2.1.8 CONCLUSION 196
LEARNING OUTCOMES
After completing this theme, you should be able to
● demonstrate a universal understanding of drug problems
● understand the implications of drug-related problems
● discuss the global magnitude of drug abuse
● discuss the dangers associated with drug use on a physical and social level
● discuss the link between drugs and crime
● discuss the impact of drug abuse on the criminal justice system
● discuss modern prevention strategies
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice questions to demonstrate your understanding and knowledge of, and insight
into, the study material.
184
LEARNING UNIT 2.1: Global extent of drug use and substance abuse
2.1.1 INTRODUCTION
The use of drugs, drug trafficking, production and cultivation of illicit substances
have proven to be a global phenomenon that affect public health, development and
security, especially in developing countries. The UNODC report (2016:np) found
that the most cultivated drug crop worldwide is cannabis. In addition, it was
reported that during the period 2009–2014 more than 49 countries reported opium
poppy cultivation. While globalisation has offered nations unprecedented
opportunities, especially regarding trade, it has also created social problems within
many countries, one the worst of which must be the problem of drug or substance
use and abuse. South Africa has experienced problems with drugs in the past, but
the birth of a new democracy in 1995 and the adoption of a new regime together
with the lifting of sanctions opened South Africa up to the world and contributed
to greater exposure to illicit substances (Maiden 1998:1). This observation is
corroborated by the empirical evidence that Ramlagan, Peltzer and Matseke
collected in the late 1990s, which revealed that there has been an increase in
substance abuse and drug-related matters (2010:40). Ryan (1997:1), associated with
the Institute of Security Studies, postulated that South Africa's re-entry into the
international community exposed it as a "paradise emerging market and transit
point for illicit drugs". It is clear that South Africa is faced with a serious problem
regarding drug usage and abuse. Ryan's observation is backed by the United
Nations World Drug Report of 2014, which indicates that 7,06% of South Africa's
population abuses narcotics of some kind, and one in every 14 people are regular
users. The use and abuse of drugs have a detrimental effect on the health of the
abuser, the direct family and the community (UNODC 2014:79). As Lander,
Howsare and Byrne (2013:194) explain, “the effects of a substance use disorder
(SUD) is felt by the entire family”. Even though organised crime is complex, drug-
related criminals find new opportunities and adapt to “developments in society
such as globalisation, advances in technology and new drug policies and initiatives”
(UNODC 2010:5). The process of globalisation makes the production and
distribution of both legal and illegal substances much easier, thus contributing to
society's efforts to fight the "war on drugs". Globalisation has placed communities
under constant pressure to seek remedial measures in an attempt to create order
out of the disorder caused by drug-related crime. According to the UNODC
(2012:5), when the demographic profile of a given society changes – which is the
case in South Africa – it is highly likely that drug use behaviour may also be
affected.
It is important that you understand the following concepts before you continue
studying this study unit.
2.1.2 DEFINITION OF KEY CONCEPTS

Alcohol: Ethyl alcohol or ethanol is produced from fermented yeast, sugar and
starches and is found in beer, wine, and liquor (Walters 2010:41).
Cannabis: In terms of Article 1, paragraph 1 of the United Nations 1961
Convention, ‘Cannabis plant' means any plant of the “genus Cannabis whereas
Cannabis is a tobacco-like greenish or brownish material made up of the dried
flowering tops and leaves of the cannabis (hemp) plant.” (UNODC 2007:4)
Cocaine: Cocaine is a fine white or off-white powder that acts as a powerful
stimulant. It is extracted from the leaves of the coca plant. Cocaine can be snorted,
injected or smoked (freebasing) (UNODC 2007:6; Walters 2010:41).
185
THEME 2: DRUGS AND CRIME
Ecstasy: It is defined as a psychoactive stimulant, usually made in illegal

laboratories. While the drug is usually distributed as a tablet, it can also be in a
powder or capsule form (UNODC 2007:7).
Drugs or psychoactive substances: According to the United Nations Office on
Drugs (UNODC 2007:3), drugs are chemical substances that affect the normal
functioning of the body and/or brain. The “chemical ingredients in a drug interact
with receptors in the central and peripheral nervous systems to bring about a
change in physiology” (Walters 2010:31; 65).
Heroin: Heroin comes from the milky sap of the egg-shaped seed pod in the
opium poppy, which is refined into a brown or white powder or black sticky
substance. Before it is distributed to users, heroin is mixed and cut with sugar, baby
powder, starch, quinine, or even strychnine to reduce the purity (Walters 2010:47).
It is an addictive or ‘psychedelic' drug, which refers to drugs that alter users' state
of consciousness and produce different kinds of hallucinations (UNODC 2007:10).
Illicit drug: The term ‘illicit drug', according to the United Nations International
Dug Control Program (UNDCP 1997:11), is “used to describe drugs which are
under International Control (and which may or may not have licit medical
purposes) but which may or may not have licit medical purposes) but which are
produced, trafficked and/or consumed unlawfully”.
Nyaope: It is a popular drug in South Africa. Nyaope is comprised of a cocktail of
anti-retroviral drugs, milk powder, rat poison, bicarbonate soda, pool cleaner, and a
mixture of either heroin or dagga (Masombuka 2013:58).
Methamphetamine: It is a type of stimulant in a group of substances composed
of synthetic stimulants that were placed under international control in the
Convention on Psychotroptic Substances of 1971. These substances are from the
group called amphetamines, which includes amphetamine, methamphetamine,
methcathinone and the “ecstasy”-group substances (UNODC 2016).
2.1.3 DRUG USE AS A UNIVERSAL PHENOMENON

This study unit examines drug use as a universal phenomenon, affecting almost all
societies across the world. It is a difficult task to determine the extent of substance
use and abuse within societies as drug users are generally reluctant to disclose their
drug habits. Thus, efforts to ascertain the level of drug use and abuse in a particular
community turn to two sources of information that give an indication of the level
of substance abuse. By consulting statistics (which only account for reported cases),
it is possible to get a better indication of a society's drug problem. Firstly, statistics
on drug seizures and drug arrests and, secondly, statistics on the demand for
treatment give us an indication of drug use levels within a community. Treatment
demand refers to cases where drug-dependent individuals are involved in drug
treatment on either a voluntary or compulsory basis. On a voluntary basis they
choose to enter into treatment, and on an involuntary basis they are forced into
treatment by relatives, employers, medical practitioners or the criminal justice
system. Statistics cited in this discussion are based on drug seizures reported to the
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), including the Central
Drug Authority, which puts emphasis on highlighting the challenge of available and
reliable data on drug demand and use in South Africa (CDA 2013:13). Van
Heerden and Minnaar concur with the finding and postulate that South Africa
relies on the data provided by the statistical data of drug treatment when published
by institutions such as SANCA and SACENDU (2016:20).
186
TAKE NOTE
An individual's addiction or drug dependence often becomes known for the first time when
the user commits a crime or displays deviant behaviour. After committing a crime, whether
as a result of the effect of the substance or in order to gain access to substances, the user
may come to the attention of the authorities and the criminal justice system. However, while
drug-related crimes such as possession and dealing are indicated in police statistics, crimes
committed while the offender is under the influence of a substance are not always recorded
as such.
2.1.4 THE DRUG PROBLEM: A WORLDWIDE EPIDEMIC

Most countries face a drug problem. The controversy on drug use and controlled
drug use began in the early 1960s (Waters 2014:393) and to this day scholarly
debate on the issue is ongoing. While the extent and characteristics of the drug
problem may differ from country to country, abuse trends (especially among
juveniles) are the same. In the section on the South African drug situation, we will
stop to look at some drug trends that are unique to this country. However, let us
start our discussion by looking at the actual extent of the drug situation worldwide.
Although there are challenges in the accurate estimation of the prevalence of
substance abuse, in 2014 the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC) projected that more than 247 million people between the ages of 15
and 64 have experimented with at least one form of drug. Further, this means that
the finding represents an increase of 39 million users since 2006. By 2016, 183
million people had used cannabis, 34 million had used amphetamines and 33
million had used opiates. Van Loggerenberg (2012:409-412) asserts that “drugs that
are mostly used are either 'uppers' (such as cocaine and methamphetamine), and
'downers' (the opioid group including heroin) and hallucinogens, that is the 'all-
rounders' such as LSD. As a result of limited law enforcement in the African region,
the trafficking of opiates through Africa has continued (INCB 2014:44). It is clear
that the use of substances is complex, which calls for a multifaceted solution.
Measures put in place, such as the treatment and prevention programmes, must
acknowledge the complexity of the issues at hand in order to be effective.
INTERESTING READING
Health impact of drug use
The prevalence of injecting drug use (IDU) varies considerably around the world, both
between and within countries. An estimated 12 million people inject drugs. Further, the
187
combined UNODC/WHO/UNAIDS/World Bank estimate for 2014 with regard to the number
of people who inject drugs (PWID) was found to be 11.7 million of the population aged 15–
64. PWID has a negative impact on the overall health status of the users including a high
risk for non-fatal and fatal overdoses, which in some cases may cause premature deaths
(World Drug Report 2016:14). This fact is emphasised in the 2010 World Drug Report,
which states that there is a global problem of lack of sufficient drug treatment facilities.
2.1.5 DRUG TRENDS WORLDWIDE

The following drug trends can be seen in various countries. In India,
Buprenorphine is a concern. Buprenorphine, an analgesic, is the main drug of
abuse and it is injected by abusers. The substance is five times more addictive than
morphine and, when taken with alcohol, can be fatal. Buprenorphine is also
trafficked and abused in tablet form in France, where the Narcotics Control Board
estimates 20– 25% of the drug sold commercially as Subutex is being diverted to
the black market (Associated Press 2007).
The number of Americans abusing prescription drugs nearly doubled from 7.8
million in 1992 to 15.1 million in 2003. In 2005 Oxycodone, a painkiller sold under
the trade name OxyContin, and Hydrocodone, sold as Vicodin, were used by 7%
of all college students (Associated Press 2007). The number of high school and
college students abusing illicit drugs has declined, only to be replaced by a high and
increasing level of abuse of prescription drugs by both adolescents and adults. In
North America the widespread abuse of prescription drugs, especially the narcotic
Fentanyl, which is 80 times as potent as heroin, has been blamed for a spike in
deaths.
In Scandinavia, the demand for flunitrazepam, a sedative sold as Rohypnol and
widely known as a date-rape drug, is increasingly being met by unauthorised
production. According to the International Narcotics Control Board, Iran has
emerged as the world's highest user of opiates. They report that 2.8% of the
population uses illicit cocaine and heroin, most of it from Afghanistan. The Iranian
government is aware of the problem and is taking appropriate action (Associated
Press 2007).
In spite of most countries' growing awareness that drug control is necessary, some
countries still do not meet international standards. Bolivia plans to introduce a drug
control policy which increases both the marketing and the use of coca leaves. The
Narcotics Control Board warned Bolivia that by doing so it would violate
international drug conventions. The Bolivian mission to the UN lodged a protest
and insisted that the country had a right to produce coca commercially for legal
purposes such as flavouring. Keep this statement in mind as you work through this
study unit. A comprehensive understanding of the extent of drug use and abuse
requires a review of several indicators. In addition, it is important to look at the
overall drug situation rather than merely the trends of individual drugs.
ACTIVITY 1
Is drug use a universal problem? If yes, which dugs are mostly used or abused in your
country? Scan the media articles from newspapers, magazines, etc. Keep a record of as
many cases of drug-related incidents you can identify. These can include crime statistics,
drug smuggling and drug busts at airports. Share your articles on the Discussion Forum
and engage on your findings in the different countries.
188
ACTIVITY 1 FEEDBACK
Feedback will differ from each student.
2.1.5.1 The drug situation in Africa

The problem of drug trafficking – and in particular cocaine – in Africa has been a
problem for years. According to the World Drug Report (2016), cocaine trafficking
via Africa has regained momentum and there are clear signs of an increase in the
trafficking of cocaine to Asia, particularly to East and South East Asia and the
middle East. This finding supports Zilney's notion that drug supply to a country,
including the routes used to smuggle drugs, depends on the demand of specific
country (2011:180). Cocaine seizures increased from 0.8 ton in 1998 to 5.5 tons in
2007, reflecting the rapidly growing importance of West Africa as a transit area. In
2014, cocaine seizures in Africa fell to 1.9 tons. It is reported that the decline in
seizures in cocaine trafficking does not necessarily give a true reflection of the
decline in trafficking. However, it could be a reflection of a weak rule of law in a
particular state (World Drug Report 2016:103). In addition, the report reveals that
drug trafficking affords organisations involved power and profits and other
resources that reinforces corruption and in turn ‘buys' them protection from law
enforcement agents.
South Africa faces the same drug problem as the rest of the world, and the
globalisation of crime has further contributed to an increase in drug trafficking and
drug use. Why is South Africa so vulnerable to the drug threat posed by the rest of
the world? With specific reference to drugs imported into South Africa, the end of
apartheid aided in opening up the country to drug trafficking and allowed
traffickers to use it as a transit point for illicit drugs from Asia and South America
going to the consumer markets of Western Europe and North America (Reyskens
2012:1). This new development affected the informal and indirect patterns of social
control, with South Africa becoming the biggest hub for illicit drug trade and
distribution (Peltzer, Ramlagan, Johnson & Phaswana-Mafuya 2010:4). Other
SADAC member countries involved in drug trafficking include Angola,
Mozambique, Namibia, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The above-mentioned
countries are reported to be trafficking mostly cocaine. Research found that drug
traffickers preferred these countries because their routes are viewed as 'safer' to use
(Peltzer et al 2010:4). Research further revealed that Nigerian traffickers are mostly
responsible for the availability of heroin and cocaine into Southern Africa
(Reyskens 2012:1). The main method of smuggling cocaine into South Africa is by
using drug mules; with the drugs being concealed in the traveller’s luggage, picture
frames and baby milk formula (INCB2011b:48). This creates doubt as to the
effectiveness of enforcing South Africa's laws and controls at border posts. Locally,
we have seen growth in the use and abuse of a new drug called nyaope, sometimes
also referred as 'whoonga' especially among the youth from disadvantaged
communities. This is further proof that drug use and crime are associated with
societal problems.
It has also been reported that Lesotho, Swaziland and Tanzania are involved in the
exporting of marijuana (Seshata 2013: np). Africa has proven to be ‘rich' with
mineral resources, yet unemployment and poverty are rife. According to Montana,
Schulze, Zwane and Mclellan (2012:1) “Africa is rich in gold, diamonds, oil and
many other coveted natural resources. Yet, it has not managed to capitalise on its
wealth: its infrastructure is underdeveloped, and its people languish in poverty”.
189
The economic imbalances might have contributed to the high rate of organised
crime and drug trafficking syndicates. Although socioeconomic disparities are
highly linked to substance abuse, developed societies are also struggling with the
increasing patterns of substance abuse (World Drug Report 2010:16).
The drug situation in South Africa

“South Africa is by far the largest market for illicit drugs within the sub-Saharan”
(Nel 2003:117). According to the UNODC (2017:15), drug trafficking mostly
peaked in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when new “business opportunities”
emerged. However, in South Africa, drug trafficking and abuse have escalated after
the democratic election in 1994. Minnaar postulates that since 1994 South Africa
has played an active role in exporting drugs, such as cannabis (1999:12). This is
evident from the fact that there are hardly any substances that cannot be bought in
most parts of the country (Hübschle 2011:13) The changes in the political
landscape, economic and social structures make the country more vulnerable. This
notion is supported by the UNODC research, which states that when “the
demographic profile of a society changes, drug use and abuse behaviour may also
change” (2012:5). Various media reports have revealed that a new trend by drug
syndicates has emerged, where South Africans are used as drug mules – some even
knowingly – to smuggle drugs between countries. (Tsotetsi 2012). It has also been
stated that this period has witnessed a concomitant relaxation of strict controls of
land, air and sea borders, the enhancement of international trade and commerce,
and the influx of new cultural trends among the more affluent segments of the
population" (ISS 2007:Np).
High rates of unemployment and poverty in South Africa also contribute to the
increase in drug distribution. Poverty contributes to drug pushing and the
economic benefits of being involved in the drug trade tend to outweigh the
disadvantages of being caught and punished. In addition, low socio-economic
status has been found to be a risk for substance abuse, especially the abuse of
alcohol, cannabis, tobacco and other substances (Redonnet, Chollet, Fombonne,
Bowes & Melchior 2012:231). Profits from the drug-related market have proved to
exacerbate corruption of the social and economic network in a country (Alvarez
2011:36). Unfortunately, involvement in this kind of lifestyle comes with lucrative
benefits that might tempt corrupt government officials and many members of
communities. The increase in worldwide communication, globalisation of trade and
transport, and the movement of people across South African borders have
provided fertile ground for illegal drug trafficking and the spread of drug abuse in
the country (Tshwane Substance Abuse Forum 2007). However, it is important to
emphasise that some of the drug traffickers are “often pushed into that lifestyle by
the failure of states to provide them with viable alternatives to make a decent
living” (Lehloenya 2016:11), Reyskens supports the finding and mentions that
enticing people who are living in poverty to get involved in such dealings is easy
because of the potential monetary rewards (2012:np). Interaction with illicit supply
organisations increases chances for crime and encourages a “subtle and gradual
erosion of a person's respect for the law” (Walters 2014:117). The differential
association theory hypothesises that associating with criminal offenders is one of
the primary means by which criminal attitudes and beliefs are transferred to non-
offenders.
190
Reasons for greater exposure to drugs

The opening of international borders to South Africa has contributed to the
greater exposure of drugs in Africa. As early as 1997, at a workshop on the illegal
drug trade in South Africa, it became apparent that neighbouring countries
acknowledged that South Africa has entered the war on drugs. South Africa had
already become a market for substances such as crack, cocaine, heroin and ecstasy.
Just over two decades later substance dependency statistics reveal that the drug
consumption of cannabis, cocaine and tik is twice the global average and second to
none in Africa (UN World Drug Report 2014). The average age of people with a
drug dependency in South Africa is 12 years. While the age of patients undergoing
treatment in Gauteng ranged from 9 to 82, the proportion of patients aged 10 to
19 increased to 29%, according to the South African Community Epidemiology
Network on Drug Use Report (March 2017). The main drugs being abused are
cannabis, methamphetamine, heroin and cocaine. As Hübschle (2011:3) states,
there is hardly any substance that cannot be bought or smuggled in the urban
centres of the country. Major contributions to this situation could be high demand,
as well as the easy access to South Africa by drug smugglers (Zilney 2011:180).
TAKE NOTE
A clear link exists between illegal immigrants entering a country and the prevalence of drugs.
It has further been proven that drug and human trafficking contributes significantly to illegal
immigration.
In 2005, South Africa was identified as the African country with the most systematic means
of collecting data on drug abuse (Alcohol and Drug Abuse Research Unit 2005). This data is
acquired by scientists from the Alcohol and Drug Abuse Research Unit and monitors trends
in the use of alcohol and other drugs in various regions in South Africa and Southern Africa.
Surveys also take associated health and social consequences into account. However, as in
the case of alcohol use, accurate comprehensive and up-to-date data on the nature and
extent and consequences of the use of drugs other than alcohol in South Africa is not
available. This is a very important factor as it will affect the identification of trends and
patterns regarding the use and abuse of substances, including separating regular from
occasional users. According to De Neuilly-Rice (2008), alarming increases in heroin
treatment are being reported, and the age of those individuals seeking treatment shows a
steady decrease.
In Gauteng the average age of heroin abusers in treatment centres is currently 24 years of
age but the percentage of youths younger than 19 years of age being treated for heroin
abuse has shown increases in recent years. Redonnet, Chollet, Fombonne, Bowes and
Melchior found that SACENDU reports (including the SANCA treatment centres' statistics)
focusing on the treatment centre data from 2008– 2014 indicate that there has been a
decrease in treatment admissions from 2010– 2011; however, a dramatic increase in
treatment admissions was reflected in 2012 and continued for 2013 and 2014.
According to the 2010 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report, South Africa is the
largest consumer of mandrax in the world (INCB 2010:555). Further, there are significant
quantities of synthetic drugs that are illicitly manufactured and abused, especially
methaqualone (mandrax), methcathinone and methamphetamine (INCB 2011:49).
The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reported that South Africa was the
world's third-largest leading country in terms of cannabis seizures during 2006. Cocaine
originating from São Paulo, Brazil, is also regularly seized at OR Tambo International Airport
in Johannesburg. News 24 (2009) reported that a total of R107 million worth of drugs and
chemicals have been seized at OR Tambo International Airport. The substances that were
seized were used as a precursor in the manufacturing of drugs such as ecstasy and crystal
meth (tik). It has been stated that heroin from Asia enters Africa mainly through countries in
191
East Africa. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNDOC) has identified Nairobi
Airport (Kenya) and other airports and harbours of the African island states that are major
ports of entry for heroin from countries such as Afghanistan.
SARS spokesperson, Adrian Lackay (2009), stated that the chemicals were transported into
South Africa on flights from India and Dubai to OR Tambo International Airport as cargo
shipments, and that these drug incidents demonstrate the need for SARS Customs to
strengthen its border control capabilities and to work with other relevant stakeholders'
agencies like the South African Police Service to combat the illicit trafficking of narcotics and
other illegal goods. Unfortunately, to date the state of affairs have not changed. Due to
various developments, such as globalisation and the advancement of technology, the drug
issue is now more sophisticated. The OR Tambo International Airport is still an important
hub for illicit deliveries. Moyo (2018: np) reported that even though South Africa is battling
with drug trafficking, the multi-disciplinary approach to safety and security at the OR Tambo
International Airport is yielding results. Moyo further reported that members of the South
African Police Service and crime intelligence and SA Revenue Services Customs had
intercepted a suspect with drugs worth an estimated R1.8 million in two large parcels; the
suspect was from Gautamala and was on a flight from São Paulo to Beira, Mozambique.
According to the International Narcotics Control Board report (INCB) (2011:44), West
African and Pakistani suppliers have introduced heroin in South Africa due to its addictive
nature and high profits. In recognition of the seriousness of drug-related problems in Africa,
the African Union implemented its Plan of Action on Drug Control and Crime Prevention for
the 2013-2017 period, which provided a strategic framework to guide the development of a
drug policy together with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) , in terms
of which tailored programmes in the region were rolled out, including the Container Control
Programme (INCB 2014:44).
Read the following articles: https://writepass.com/journal/2016/08/how-globalization https://

www.quora.com/what-factors-influence-drug-trafficking
www.unrisd.org/80256B3C005BCCF9 and identify the contributory factors to drug trafficking

in South Africa and its neighbouring countries. Give reasons for your findings.
FEEDBACK
Compare your findings with the reports posted by fellow students in the Discussion Forum.
2.1.5.2 Drug abuse by minors

Globally, substance use and abuse by young people has always been a political and
public concern (Tshitango & Tosin 2016:1). The concern is mainly about the
potential damage that these substances might have on young people’s psychological
and emotional development, as well as the potential short- and long-term effects
associated with the use of substances (Tshitango et al 2016:1). Peer pressure is one
of the main factors that contribute to youth substance abuse. Hoberg (2001:253)
points out that adolescents “constantly seek reassurance and acceptance by peers”.
Arnett (2001:403) indicates that the predominant need to experiment and “see
what it is like” and the influence of peers in this regard are widely recognised as a
contributing factors to drug abuse. Engelbrecht’s research (2017:5) about South
African drug abuse trends made the following findings:
√ Children who have one alcoholic parent have a 60% chance of becoming one;
this percentage rises to 80% if both parents are alcoholics.
√ 50% of Grade 11 learners admitted that they have used alcohol in the last year.
√ School kids who use alcohol or drugs are three times more involved with violent
crimes.
√ 31% of school leaners drink socially.
192
√ 60% of Grade 8–11 learners in Cape schools who abused alcohol had to repeat
their grade.
√ By the age of 18 more than 60% of teenagers have become drunk. 30% have
used school or work time to drink.
The above-mentioned findings illustrate the seriousness of substance use and abuse
by young people. One contributory factor might be the specific culture in which
users grow up – cultures differ in the degree to which they arouse inner tension
and adjustment problems in their members. In addition, according to Gottfredson
and Hirschi, low self-control has its origins in inadequate parental control and
socialisation, which may result in substance use and abuse. Given the high cost of
some illegal drugs, it makes sense that some users might commit economic crimes
in order to pay for their drugs.
2.1.6 SOUTH AFRICAN DRUG POLICY

South African legislation has attempted to curb the use of and trade in drugs.
South Africa substance dependency statistics show that drug consumption is twice
the global average and second to none in Africa (UN World Drug Report 2014);
this could be at least partly ascribed to the fact that South Africa is viewed as one
of the main transit routes in Africa for various drugs (UNODC 2015:45). In an
attempt to combat the problem, the South African government has strengthened
its policies on drug control. For example, the South African Drugs and Drug
Trafficking Act (140/1992) was replaced by the Prevention of and Treatment for
Substance Abuse Act 70 of 2008, which was promulgated on 01 April 2013. This
new Act aims to cover new and existing challenges regarding the prevention of
drug abuse and addresses gaps which existed in the Act of 1992 (Tshitangano &
Tosin 2016:2). As stated previously, illicit drugs are being distributed from various
locations worldwide. Hence, the International Control Board (INCB), which is
tasked with controlling and monitoring narcotic drugs internationally is mandated
to compile the so-called Yellow List, which aims to list all the drugs under its
control (International Narcotics Control Board 2015:3). Addressing substance use
and abuse calls for a multifaceted and balanced approach in order to curb the
problem. Thus, in 2013 South Africa adopted a National Drug Master Plan. The
following strategies are recognised by the National Drug Master Plan 2013–
2017:28:
√ demand reduction or reducing the need for substances through prevention that
includes educating potential users, making the use of substances culturally unde-
sirable (such as was done with tobacco) and imposing restrictions on the use of
substances (for example by increasing the age at which alcohol may be used
legally)
√ supply reduction, or reducing the quantity of the substance available on the mar-
ket by, for example, destroying cannabis (dagga) crops in the field
√ harm reduction, or limiting or ameliorating the damage caused to individuals or
communities who have already succumbed to the temptation of substance abuse.
This can be achieved by treatment aftercare, and reintegration of substance
abusers/dependents within society
INTERESTING READING
Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment. Available at: https://www.journals.elsevier.com.
193
Treatment barriers identified by substance abusers assessed as a centralized intake unit.

Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov
2.1.7 AN OVERVIEW OF COMBATING ILLICIT DRUG TRAFFICKING IN SOUTH

AFRICA
A significant element of exploring and combating illicit drugs is the establishment
of legislation and national capacities implementation (INCB 2014:45). In the 1990s
all political declarations, action plans and resolutions adopted under the auspices of
the United Nations to address the world drug problem in general identified the
fundamentals that will assist with the fight against drug problem, that is “ full
compliance with, and application of the provisions of the three international drug
control convention and the implementation of all identified principles”(INCB
2014:8). Almost all the countries belonging to the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) signed a protocol on the combating of illicit drug trafficking
on 24 August 1996. This illustrates the extent of the drug problem on the African
continent. The only country which did not participate was Angola.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol allows for
mutual cooperation between the member countries in the fight against drug
trafficking. According to Sinyani (1997:1) of the Zambian Drug Enforcement
Commission, this protocol will facilitate the process. He postulates that the only
way to create an effective drug policy that can combat drug use and trafficking in
Africa is to liaise with and ensure cooperation between the various role players and
law enforcement agencies. The protocol not only outlines possible directions for
the Southern African Development Community, but also urges countries to revise,
debate and consider new approaches to the handling of drug offenders and the
combating of the drug problem.
While South African law does distinguish between possession and use and dealing
in drugs, according to Snyman (1989:413– 415) it is necessary to first understand
and distinguish between use and possession before we can really be able to
understand the concept and implications of a charge of dealing in illegal substances.
Use and possession are treated as a single offence in the Drugs and Drug
Trafficking Act 140 of 1992, as was the case in the Abuse of Dependence-
Producing Substances and Rehabilitation Centres Act 41 of 1971. Possession is
defined as keeping, storing or having in one's custody or control or supervision an
illegal substance. Possession furthermore consists of two elements, namely a
physical or corporeal element (detentio) and a mental element (animus). The
animus relates to the intention of the possessor. Use refers to the voluntary intake
(by whatever means) of the illegal substance. Mens rea (intent) is required for the
crime of possession or use of dependency-forming drugs. Dealing in illegal and
dependence-producing substances is a more serious offence than the use or
possession of drugs, and incurs heavier penalties. The dealer is seen as committing
the prohibited act for personal gain, while the drug dependent who uses or
possesses the substance is not motivated by profit. Dealing in a substance thus
includes performing any act in connection with the collection, importation, supply,
transportation, shipment, administration, exportation, cultivation, manufacture or
prescribing of that substance. The legal response to the challenge of trafficking in
drugs is found in harsh penalties such as direct imprisonment for extended periods.
The worldwide trend towards imprisoning drug traffickers and drug users is echoed
in South Africa's legislation (Monyakane 2016:230). Monyakane further examines
194
the sentencing or penal effects of the drug nyaope, which was included in Schedule
I and II of the South African Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act 140 of 1992.
Nyaope was categorised as illegal only in March 2014 with the modification of the
Drug and Drug Trafficking Act of 2014 (Government Gazette 2014). Nyaope
users and traffickers are now punished in the same manner as any other traffickers,
namely through direct imprisonment. This was made possible by the South African
legislature by inserting nyaope ‘ingredients' into Schedule I and II of the Drug and
Drug Trafficking Act. Advocate Mthunzi Mhanga reports that the intention of
such inclusion is to ensure that South Africa would be on par with advanced
jurisdictions such as America where the designer drug issue is a substantial
challenge (Monyakane 2016:230).
The South Africa Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act (Act 140 of 1992) stipulates that
it is an offence to “supply substances to anyone while knowing or suspecting they
will be used for the manufacture of illegal drugs”. This Act further alludes to and
“prohibits any person from converting property that he or she knows or suspects
to be gained from the proceeds of drug trafficking”, and it makes “dealing in
dangerous and undesirable drugs an offence punishable by up to 25 years'
imprisonment. The maximum sentence for the possession of drugs is 15 years. The
amendment of the Act results in “prohibiting any possession and dealing in any
mixture that contains chemical substances that have the same effects as the
prohibited and illegal substances”.
Other relevant laws governing drug trafficking include:
√ Institute of Drug-Free Sport Act, 1997 (Act 14 of 1997)
√ Road Transportation Act, 1997 (Act 74 of 1997)
√ The Criminal Procedure Act, 1977 (Act 51 of 1977)
√ The Criminal Procedure Act, 1977 (Act 51 of 1977) with special reference to
the Witness Protection Programme established in terms of Section 185A
√ The Extradition Amendment Act, 1996 (Act 77 of 1996)
√ The International Co-operation in Criminal Matters Act, 1996 (Act 75 of 1996)
√ The Prevention and Treatment of Drug Dependency Act, 1992 (Act 20 of
1992)
√ The Proceeds of Crime Act, 1996 (Act 76 of 1996)
In addition, South African law and the definitions in the relevant legislation do
make provision for the distinction between the villain and victim (Collison
1993:383). The problem arises, however, when the villain goes undetected. This
occurs when the offender commits a crime which appears not to be drug-related.
The offender who commits a crime in order to support a drug habit may pass
through the criminal justice system without the authorities acknowledging his or
her drug problem. It is this category of offender that poses a problem to the
system and may be responsible for the high recidivism rate in South Africa.
In its efforts to eradicate illicit drug manufacturing and trade, the South African
government established the Chemical Monitoring Programme to regulate and
monitor the legitimate trade in precursor chemicals (Tshwane Substance Abuse
Forum 2007). The Tshwane Substance Abuse Forum was established in June 2006
in terms of the National Drug Master Plan as a Local Drug Committee.
The South African National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence
(SANCA) presented its plans and priorities for 2010 explaining the challenges they
face with regard to substance abuse. At the time, SANCA was in the process of
195
developing a national research policy to approve, screen and monitor research. Six
manuals were developed to use in SANCA awareness and prevention programmes.
A Community Development Manual was developed as well as a Human Resources
Manual. SANCA also developed a database and standardised statistical forms. An
internal accreditation system for SANCA staff was in the final stages of
development. SANCA was also in the process of implementing a new financial
policy.
Collison (1993:384) states that when problem drug users are drawn into the
criminal justice system they lose their status as victims and are seen as villains. Thus,
instead of receiving treatment they are punished, and deterrent measures such as
imprisonment are implemented. This large number of drug-related cases processed
by the criminal justice system has a serious impact on the system. We will examine
the extent of the problem in the next study unit.
2.1.8 CONCLUSION
From a study of the extent of drug use and abuse in other countries and South
Africa, it is clear that they have not yet won the war against drugs, nor have they
found a completely effective way in which to handle and treat the drug offender in
an integrated justice system. Because it is so difficult to fight the cause of the
problem (drug trafficking and dealing), society has to settle for second best. This is
the enormous task of attempting to treat the symptoms or effects of drug abuse. In
the next study unit, we look at psychoactive substances and the dangers associated
with drug use on a physical and social level.

1. Various research studies reveal that the average age of experimenting with
drugs in South Africa is …
a. 12.
b. 13.
c. 14.
d. 15.
2. Nel (2003) found that … is by far the largest market for illicit drugs within
the sub-Saharan countries.
a. Angola
b. Lesotho
c. Nigeria
d. South Africa
3. There are numerous variables that can contribute to one’s involvement with
substance abuse. However, research conducted by Redonett et al (2012) high-
lights … to be a risk for substance abuse, especially the abuse of alcohol,
cannabis, tobacco and other substances.
a. low socio-economic status
b. peer pressure
c. disorganised neighbourhoods
d. corruption
196
4. Which of the following is not a contributory factor towards the increase in

drug trafficking?
a. lack of parental supervision
b. unemployment and poverty
c. economic benefits
d. stringent border control measures
5. Which one of the following statements is not one of the objectives of the Na-
tional Drug Master Plan 2013–2017?
a. demand reduction or reducing the need for substances through preven-
tion that includes awareness
b. supply reduction or reducing the quantity of the substance available on
the market
c. supply reduction or increase the need for substances through awareness
programmes.
d. harm reduction, or limiting or ameliorating the damage caused to
individuals
6. Discuss the drug situation in South Africa. (15)
7. Discuss the Substance Abuse Strategies as recognised by National Drug Mas-
ter Plan 2013–2017. (10)

1. a
2. a
3. a
4. a
5. c
6. Refer to section 2.1.6.1.
7. Refer to section 2.1.7.
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Learning unit 2.2
Psychoactive substances and the dangers (risks)
associated with drug use on a physical and social
level
Learningunit2.2
Compiled by Mrs Moitsadi Zitha

Contents
2.2.1 INTRODUCTION AND KEY CONCEPTS 199

2.2.2 CLASSIFICATION OF SUBSTANCES AND THEIR EFFECTS 200
2.2.2.1 Central nervous system depressants (CNSDs) 200
2.2.2.2 Central nervous system stimulants (CNSSs) 201
2.2.2.3 Central nervous system hallucinogens (CNSHs) 201
2.2.3 PATH OF DRUG ADDICTION 202
2.2.4 INDIVIDUAL DRUGS AND THE DANGERS (RISKS) ASSOCIATED WITH
THESE SUBSTANCES 203
2.2.4.1 Crack 203
2.2.4.2 Rohypnol (flunitrazepam) 204
2.2.4.3 Gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB) 205
2.2.4.4 Heroin 205
2.2.4.5 Inhalants 205
2.2.4.6 Ketamine hydrochloride 206
2.2.4.7 Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD/ACID) 206
2.2.4.8 Marijuana (dagga, cannabis) 207
2.2.4.9 Ecstasy MDMA 207
2.2.4.10Methamphetamine 208
2.2.5 DRUGS AND ALCOHOL ABUSE AMONG THE SOUTH AFRICAN
YOUTH 208
198
LEARNING UNIT 2.2: Psychoactive substances and the dangers (risks) associated with drug use on a
physical and social level
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● explain the meaning of drug abuse and drug dependence
● identify dangers or risks associated with drug use on a physical and social level
● categorise the various drugs or psychoactive substances and explain the physical and
emotional effects they have on the user
● identify and discuss individual drugs and the dangers associated with these substances
ASSESSMENT METHODS
choice and paragraph-type questions to elaborate on your understanding and
2.2.1 INTRODUCTION AND KEY CONCEPTS

For a non-drug-user, it may be difficult to understand the effect of substances on a
user and the associated irrational behaviour, mood swings, unpredictability and
deviant behaviour, which may present themselves in people abusing drugs.
Before we look at the bodily consequences or effects of drugs or psychoactive
substances, we must first define certain key concepts.
Key concepts
The following definitions need to be examined in order to understand the world of
drug addiction: drug addiction, drugs and psychoactive substances.
Drug addiction
Buddy (2018:1) regards drug addiction as an advanced illness of the brain that is
chronic or difficult to cure. Sufferers of this condition experience obsessive/
compulsive urges, which not easy to control as they crave the substance they are
hooked on. They commonly continue to search and indulge in substance abuse,
despite the profound destructive effects and consequences. For purposes of this
study unit, drug addiction refers to the physical and/or psychological dependence
on a wide variety of substances of either a legal or illegal nature.
Drugs or psychoactive substances

According to Science Daily (2019:1), a psychoactive drug is also known as or
referred to as a psychotropic substance. It is defined as a chemical substance acting
mainly on the human central nervous system. This drug changes the way in which
the brain operates, causing non-permanent changes in behaviour, temper (mood)
and awareness or alertness and responsiveness. Such substances (drugs) are used
recreationally to intentionally change the person’s awareness. Alcohol and
marijuana are well-known examples of psychoactive drugs. Entheogens is a
concept applied to describe specific plants and chemicals for spiritual purposes etc;
a category of drugs inducing any form of spiritual experience directed at growth
and development, as opposed to the recreational use of similar substances. The
World Health Organisation (WHO) regards psychoactive substances as drugs when
administered into the person’s system; it alters the psychological thought processes,
for instance, the ability for cognition. This is the most neutral and descriptive
terminology for the whole group of drugs that are either lawful or prohibited.
Drug offenders and drug-using offenders
199
A criminological approach was adopted when defining the substance user as a drug
offender. The assumption is that because an illegal substance is being used, or a
legal substance (prescription medicine) is being illegally used, the user is
committing a crime. Criminologists use the terms ‘‘drug offender’’ and ‘‘drug-using
offender’’ interchangeably. Drug addiction is actually an illness (in fact, it is called
the ‘‘mental illness of the 20th century’’). A broad description of the drug offender
is that this individual is someone who is dependent on a psychoactive substance for
whatever reason (social, individual or environmental) and who commits a crime by
either using an illegal substance, using a legal substance illegally, or committing a
crime to obtain the substance or as a result of the effect of the substance.
It is important to remember that different drugs have different effects on the user’s
appearance, functioning and the way in which they perceive stimulus and their
environments. Some drugs may have a more detrimental effect on the user and
make the user more likely to commit a criminal act. We will now distinguish
between the different categories of drugs and show how their pharmacological
compositions may contribute to or make the user more prone to deviant or
criminal behaviour.
2.2.2 CLASSIFICATION OF SUBSTANCES AND THEIR EFFECTS

There are two main categories of drugs. The first category includes legal substances
such as alcohol, prescription drugs and household preparations such as solvents
(glue, eraser fluid, paint thinners and various aerosol sprays). The second category
includes illegal substances. This category can be subdivided into further categories,
each typified by the effect that the substances in this group of drugs have on the
user. It is important to know about the different categories of drugs, their dangers
and the effects they have on the user in order to be able to properly identify the
type of drug dependence in a particular case.
According to Hartney (2018:2) drugs can also be categorised based on four criteria,
namely:
● their common effects
● their similarity (likelihood) to cause addiction
● their chemical make-up, composition or structure
● according to US Drug Enforcement Administration Schedules I–V
Categories of psychoactive drugs

Five categories of psychoactive drugs are depressants, stimulants, hallucinogens,
narcotics (opioids), and dagga (cannabis/marijuana). For the purpose of this study
unit, only three will be discussed, namely depressants, stimulants and hallucinogens.
The various drugs or substances can be classified into three groups, namely central
nervous system depressants (CNSDs), central nervous system stimulants (CNSSs)
and central nervous system hallucinogens (CNSHs). Let us start by looking at the
effect of these substances and the forms of crime they may be associated with.
2.2.2.1 Central nervous system depressants (CNSDs)

The central nervous system depressants include alcohol, narcotics, opium, heroin,
morphine, Pethidine, codeine, hypnotics (sleeping tablets, barbiturates and
tranquillisers, painkillers) and inhalants to name a few.
200
The drugs mentioned above are known as downers, because they slow down the
user’s physiological/biological structure. Their effects include minimised feelings of
tension, relaxation of muscles and relief of anxiety. The user’s pulse and heart rate
drops, breathing is shallow and he or she becomes slow, sleepy and has reduced or
slow impulses. People using these drugs will build up a tolerance to these
substances.
Over-usage results in as slow/shallow breathing, rapid and weak pulse, coma and
even mortality (Hartney 2018:2).
Signs of withdrawal from the central nervous system depressants include the
following:
● tremors
● convulsions
● nausea and perspiring
● stomach contractions
● diarrhoea
● muscle discomfort
● risky cases contain psychological mix-up, ecstasy and faulty cardiac system
ACTIVITY 2.1
Explain what meant by the term 'psychoactive drugs' and mention the effects associated
with these substances.
Refer to section 2.2.1 in the study guide under the heading ‘Drugs or psychoactive
substances’ and section 2.2.2.
The next category of substances has a contrary effect to the CNSDs and instead of slowing
the user down, the substance stimulates the user.
2.2.2.2 Central nervous system stimulants (CNSSs)

Central nervous system stimulants are known as ‘‘uppers’’ and they speed up the
user’s biological system. Hartney (2018:2) indicates that groups of drugs stimulants
comprise nicotine, cocaine, caffeine and amphetamines. The effects of these drugs
include heightened consciousness, temper enhancement of excitement, high energy,
bodily response of increased heart rate and blood pressure. However, when not
taken in moderation, these drugs may cause irritability, hallucination, palpitation
(heart) chest pain and even death of a user. The user develops a tolerance to these
drugs and needs to use more and more to get the desired effect. Withdrawal from
stimulant substances leads to severe withdrawal symptoms.
The last category of substances that may contribute to crime are the central
nervous system hallucinogens.
2.2.2.3 Central nervous system hallucinogens (CNSHs)

Central nervous system hallucinogens include marijuana, also known as dagga,
‘‘grass’’, ‘‘joints’’, ‘‘zol’’, ‘‘skyf ’’ and ‘‘boom’’. Other CNSHs are LSD, PCP and
various plants and seeds that grow in South Africa, such as ‘‘malpitte’’ and morning
glory. The user does not build up a physical tolerance to these drugs but rather a
psychological addiction. They may also experience flashbacks and experience
hallucinations even when they are not under the influence of a CNSH. As far as
201
this category of hallucinogens is concerned, Hartney (2018:3) indicates that the

effects on the central nervous system are serious and include paranoia,
depersonalisation, hallucinations, erratic behaviour, increased heart rate and blood
pressure. Excessive intake/use may cause in problems of thinking and speaking,
amnesia (memory loss), depression and weight loss.
2.2.3 PATH OF DRUG ADDICTION

The path of drug addiction is a unique individual process and not all users become
dependent from the outset. A person does not become a drug addict after one
episode of use, although with some substances such as heroin, dependence is
quicker.
Drug addiction takes the following path:
1. learned behaviour
2. experimentation – normally starting with soft drugs such as dagga
3. occasional use
4. frequent use
5. build-up of tolerance
6. progression to more frequent use and harder substances
The path of addiction or dependence is associated with behaviour that is learned
during interaction with those in the user’s environment. The user is introduced to
the drug scene by an acquaintance, a friend or a family member. The user is
socialised into the use of the substance and learns the ‘‘hows and how nots’’.
During experimentation the individual may be under the misconception that
experimentation is safe, normal, and not immediately addictive (‘‘I can stop any
time I like’’).
At the stage of occasional or social use, the user will not actively try to obtain the
drug, for example by looking for someone who sells drugs, but will use the
substance when offered it. He or she uses the drug in a social context comparable
to people drinking together at a social function. When the substance abuse reaches
the phase of regular use, the user moves a step further along the path of addiction.
The user seeks out the substance and will keep a stash or ready supply of the drug.
If not stopped, this phase is followed by dependency.
The features of drug addiction

The American Society of Addiction indicates the features of drug addiction, as
follows:
● incapacity to continually refrain from the drug of preference
● behavioural control impaired
● craving for the substance of choice
● disappearing/diminished sense of acknowledgement of serious own behavioural
issues and relations with others
● an emotional reaction not operational (Buddy 2018:1)
It is difficult to determine how drug dependence will develop in an individual, in
other words whether and, if so, how quickly a user will become addicted. This is
also known as the pathway of addiction. Complex and unique individual
differences between users make the process or development of a drug addiction
202
difficult to predict. The biogenic, neurochemical and psychosocial factors that are
so unique to each person all influence the pathway of addiction.
The meaning of drug addiction in society has also changed. Before 2000 South
African society was not exposed to as many varieties of drugs as it is nowadays.
Thus, patterns of drug addiction or dependence have changed. We know that the
new designer drugs such as ecstasy are linked to the rave culture and therefore
influence the younger generation who are part of the rave scene. Users are
becoming younger and are being exposed to drugs more frequently than were
previous generations.
At the point where dependence or addiction has developed, the drug constitutes a
major part of the user’s personal life. It is important that any intervention, such as a
drug prevention or support programme, be instituted before this stage is reached.
Now that we understand the process by which the user becomes a dependent, and
have identified the different drug categories, we can take an in-depth look at the
various substances and their effects. Up to this point, we looked at the three
categories of substances, namely CNSSs, CNSDs and CNSHs, and their general
effects. We now examine individual drugs and the dangers associated with these
substances.
ACTIVITY 2.2
The path of drug addiction is a unique individual process. Outline the path drug addiction
assumes in a logical or sequential way.
Refer to section 2.2.3 in the study guide.
2.2.4 INDIVIDUAL DRUGS AND THE DANGERS (RISKS) ASSOCIATED WITH

THESE SUBSTANCES
Research studies indicate that the abuse of hard drugs, such as heroin, cocaine,
methamphetamine or ‘‘tik’’ and a combination of dagga and heroin known as
nyaope by youth, has reached distressing stages.
Alcoholism and numerous drug abuse have been associated with the disturbing
level of criminality and exposure to violence, with cannabis and alcohol being the
most abused substances in South Africa (SACENDU 2009).
2.2.4.1 Crack
Crack is the street name given to cocaine that has been processed from cocaine
hydrochloride to a ready-to-use free base for smoking. Crack cocaine is processed
with ammonia or sodium bicarbonate (baking soda) and water and heated to
remove the hydrochloride. This produces a form of cocaine that can be smoked.
The term ‘‘crack’’ refers to the crackling sound heard when the mixture is heated.
On the illicit market, crack, or rock, is sold in small, inexpensive dosage units.
Smoking this form of the drug delivers large quantities of cocaine to the lungs,
producing effects comparable to those of an intravenous injection of the drug. The
effect, which is felt almost immediately after smoking, is very intense but does not
last long. There is great risk associated with cocaine use, whether the drug is
ingested by snorting, injecting or smoking.
Excessive doses of cocaine can lead to seizures and death from respiratory failure,
stroke, cerebral haemorrhage or heart failure. There is no specific antidote for
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cocaine overdose. Evidence suggests that users who smoke or inject cocaine may
be at even greater risk than those who snort it. Cocaine smokers suffer from acute
respiratory problems including coughing, shortness of breath and severe chest
pains with lung trauma and bleeding. In addition, compulsive cocaine use may
develop even more rapidly if the substance is smoked rather than snorted. The user
who injects cocaine is at risk of transmitting or acquiring the HIV infection if
needles or other related equipment are shared with HIV-infected users.
2.2.4.2 Rohypnol (flunitrazepam)

Anderson (2018:1; Anonymous 2015:1) indicates that Rohypnol’s common name is
flunitrazepam. It is a drug available on the streets with different names such as
Forget Me Pill, Lunch Money Drug, Mexican Valium, roach, wolfies, pingus, Green
Beans or date rape drug, just to mention a few.
According to Anderson (2018:1), “Rohypnol is an intermediate-acting
benzodiazepine with general properties similar to those of Valium (diazepam)”. It
was once incorrectly referred to by the term “minor tranquillizers”.
As of the start of the 1990s, this drug was illegally used to minimise serious medical
illnesses/psychological disorders marked by depressed mood.
The reason why Rohypnol is called the date rape drug

Anderson (2018:1) indicates that loss of memory (partially or total) is an anticipated
outcome of using this drug. It is responsible for incomplete loss of human memory.
Its users are incapable and unfit to recall particular happenings they encountered
while under the influence of Rohypnol.
This reaction is particularly risky and life threatening when flunitrazepam is taken
to aid in sexual assault incidents. Victims of such crimes are incapable of
remembering incidents pertaining to the assault itself and the attacker. This drug is
accessible as a white pill that dissolves without showing colour, taste, or smell. It is
designed as an oval shape, coated in a soluble substance, light green with a blue
central part.
Like other benzodiazepines such as Valium, Librium, Xanax, and Halcion,
Rohypnol’s pharmacological effects include sedation, muscle relaxation, reduction
of anxiety and prevention of convulsions. However, Rohypnol’s sedative effects are
approximately 7 to 10 times more potent than those of diazepam (Valium). The
effects of Rohypnol appear approximately 15 to 20 minutes after administration
and last approximately four to six hours. Some residual effects can be found 12
hours or more after administration.
The effects of Rohypnol

Anderson (2018:1) states that Rohypnol is commonly taken orally. It is frequently
mixed with other substances such as alcohol. The usage of this drug causes dire
effects, including:
● amnesia
● impaired judgement
● slurred speech
● slow reaction
● narcolepsy (drowsiness/sleep)
● loss of motor control
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● lack of coordination
● confusion
● gastrointestinal disturbances
Higher doses may produce respiratory depression. The chronic use of Rohypnol
can result in physical dependence, and withdrawal may occur when the drug is
discontinued. Rohypnol impairs cognitive and psychomotor functions affecting
reaction time.
2.2.4.3 Gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB)

Gamma hydroxybutyrate or GHB is a naturally occurring element of human cells
and wine. It is used mostly in the form of chemical salt (Na-GHB/K-GHB), which
is taken as a depressant. Its effects are similar to those of alcohol. It is taken as a
sleep aid and by weightlifters (body-builders) to serve as supplement. The drug is
usually used at clubs, pubs, bars and parties where it is mixed into alcoholic drinks.
This drug is available as an odourless, colourless liquid that may be mixed with
alcohol and given to unsuspecting victims (targets) prior to sexual assault. Victims
become incapacitated because of the sedative effects and the victims are unable to
resist sexual assault. This substance is called by different manes like G, Blue Verve,
The Experience or Liquid E or X.
It causes enormous bodily harm. The negative effects of GHB include nausea,
amnesia, loss of consciousness, sweating or even a coma (Anderson 2018:1). For
more information on this drug, visit https://www. health24. com/Lifestyle/Stree-
drugs/Psychoactive/GHB-20120721.
2.2.4.4 Heroin
According to Anderson (2014:1– 2) heroin or diacetylmorphine is extracted from
the morphine alkaloid located in opium. It is highly addictive. Its common or street
names include H, smack, brown sugar and horse.
The effects of heroin usage in large doses include that the user feels a sense of
euphoria (“the rush”); short-term effects include a drowsy state, mental operation
becoming clouded as a result of depression of the brain, respiratory depression,
constricted pupils and nausea. Overdosing may result in shallow breathing,
hypotension, muscle spasms, coma, convulsions and even mortality (Anderson
2014:1).
2.2.4.5 Inhalants
Inhalants are a chemically diverse group of psychoactive substances composed of
organic solvents and volatile substances found in more than 1 000 common
household products, such as glues, hairspray, air fresheners, lighter fluid and paint
products. While not regulated under the Controlled Substances Act in the USA,
many states have placed restrictions on the sale of these products to minors.
Inhalants may be sniffed directly from an open container or ‘‘huffed’’ from a rag
soaked in the substance and held to the face. Alternatively, the open container or
soaked rag can be placed in a bag where the vapours concentrate before they are
inhaled. Although inhalant abusers may prefer one particular substance because of
the odour or taste, a variety of substances may be used because of their similar
effects, availability and cost. Once inhaled, the extensive capillary surface of the
lungs allows rapid absorption of the substance, and blood levels peak rapidly.
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Entry into the brain is so fast that the effects of inhalation can resemble the
intensity of effects produced by intravenous injection of other psychoactive drugs.
The dangers of using inhalants are that the effects of inhalant intoxication resemble
those of alcohol inebriation. These include stimulation and loss of inhibition,
followed by depression. Users report distortion in perceptions of time and space.
Use of inhalants may lead to headaches, nausea or vomiting, slurred speech, loss of
motor coordination and wheezing. A characteristic ‘‘glue sniffer’s rash’’ around the
nose and mouth may be visible. An odour of paint or solvents on clothes, skin and
breath is sometimes a sign of inhalant abuse.
If highly concentrated amounts of the chemicals in solvents or aerosol sprays are
sniffed, they can directly induce heart failure and death. They may also cause death
from suffocation by displacing oxygen in the lungs and then in the central nervous
system, causing breathing to cease. The chronic use of inhalants has been
associated with a number of serious, long-term and often irreversible health
problems. These include hearing loss, brain and central nervous system damage,
bone marrow damage, liver and kidney damage, and blood oxygen depletion.
Inhalant abuse is common among children and adolescents. Inhalants are readily
available, inexpensive and easy to conceal. Therefore, for many, they are one of the
first substances abused.
2.2.4.6 Ketamine hydrochloride

Anderson (2018c:1) defines ketamine as a dissociative anaesthetic drug that has
been accessible through medical prescription for both veterinary and human usages.
Its abuse can result in potent visual hallucinations intensified by the milieu stimuli.
Unconsciousness and coma may happen. In small doses, ketamine may result in the
following effects:
● repetitive uncontrollable eye movements
● depressed psychological phase
● drowsiness
● slurred speech
● slow reflexes
● senses of calmness and relaxation, relief from pain
These factors may lead to risk of heart attack or stroke, coma or death.
Psychological dangers include hallucinations, dreamlike states and feelings of
invulnerability, psychological near-death experiences, paranoia and aggressive
behaviour.
2.2.4.7 Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD/ACID)

Lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) is a powerful hallucinogen. It was manufactured
in 1938 by Dr Albert Hoffman, a chemist who also accidentally discovered its
hallucinogenic effects in 1943. Because of its structural similarity to a chemical that
is present in the brain and the similarity of its effects to certain aspects of psychosis,
this substance was used as a research tool to study psychological disorders.
LSD is sold in tablet form (usually small tablets known as ‘‘microdots’’), on sugar
cubes, or in thin squares of gelatine (commonly referred to as ‘‘window panes’’). It
is sold under more than 80 street names including ‘‘acid’’, ‘‘blotter’’, ‘‘cid’’, ‘‘doses’’,
and ‘‘trips’’, as well as names that reflect the designs on the sheets of blotter paper
(Carteblanche 2016; Valentine 2007).
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Dangers of the use of LSD are the physical reactions that may include dilated
pupils, lowered body temperature, nausea, goose bumps, profuse perspiration,
increased blood sugar and a rapid heart rate. During the first hour after ingestion,
the user may experience visual disturbances with extreme mood swings. The user
may also suffer impaired depth and time perception, with distorted perception of
the size and shape of objects, movements, colour, sound, touch and the user’s own
body image. When under the influence of LSD, the user’s ability to make sound
decisions and recognise common dangers is impaired, making the user susceptible
to personal injury. The effects of higher doses last for 10 to 12 hours. After an LSD
trip the user may suffer acute anxiety or depression for a variable period. Users
may also experience flashbacks, which are recurrences of the effects of LSD, days
or even months after taking the last dose.
2.2.4.8 Marijuana (dagga, cannabis)

Dagga is the most commonly used drug in both America and South Africa. This
drug is now legalised in South Africa. It is usually mixed with heroin. The terms
‘‘marijuana’’, ‘‘dagga’’ or ‘‘cannabis’’ refer to the leaves and flowering tops of the
cannabis plant. A tobacco-like substance produced by drying the leaves and
flowering tops of the cannabis plant, marijuana varies significantly in its potency,
depending on the source and selection of plant materials used.
Dangers associated with the use of marijuana are that it contains known toxins and
cancer-causing chemicals that are stored in the fat cells of users for up to several
months. Dagga users experience the same health problems as tobacco smokers,
such as bronchitis, emphysema and bronchial asthma. Some of the effects of
marijuana use include increased heart rate, dryness of the mouth, reddening of the
eyes, impaired motor skills and concentration, and frequent hunger. Extended use
increases risk to the lungs and reproductive system, as well as suppression of the
immune system. Occasionally, hallucinations, fantasies, and paranoia are reported.
2.2.4.9 Ecstasy MDMA

Ecstasy is a Schedule 1 synthetic, psychoactive drug possessing stimulant and
hallucinogenic properties. It possesses chemical variations of the stimulant
amphetamine or methamphetamine and a hallucinogen, most often mescaline.
The effects of using this type of drug may be severe, such as damaging certain parts
of the brain, resulting in serious depression and memory loss. It can furthermore
cause restlessness, anxiety and severe hallucinations. One of the dangers of the use
of MDMA is that users may result in severe dehydration or exhaustion. Users also
report after-effects such as anxiety, paranoia and depression. An ecstasy overdose is
characterised by high blood pressure, faintness, panic attacks and, in more severe
cases, loss of consciousness, seizures and a drastic rise in body temperature.
Overdoses can be fatal, as they may result in heart failure or stroke.
The effects of long-term ecstasy use are currently being investigated. Recreational
users may be at risk of developing permanent brain damage that may manifest itself
in depression, anxiety, memory loss and other neuropsychotic disorders. In
addition, it has been found that heavy MDMA users suffer from memory problems
that persist for at least two weeks after they have stopped using the drug.
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2.2.4.10 Methamphetamine
Methamphetamine can be smoked, snorted, injected or taken orally, and its
appearance varies depending on how it is used. It is a white, odourless, bitter-
tasting powder that dissolves easily in water. Another common form of the drug is
crystal meth or ‘‘ice’’.
Methamphetamine is a dangerous, sometimes lethal and unpredictable drug. Like
cocaine, meth is a potent central nervous system stimulant. It represents the fastest
growing drug threat today and similar trends are experienced in the Cape Flats with
tik. Methamphetamine use increases the heart rate, blood pressure, body
temperature and rate of breathing, and frequently results in violent behaviour in
users. Meth also dilates the pupils and produces temporary hyperactivity, euphoria,
a sense of increased energy and tremors. High doses or chronic use has been
associated with increased nervousness, irritability and paranoia. Withdrawal from
high doses produces severe depression.
Chronic abuse produces a psychosis similar to schizophrenia and is characterised
by paranoia. The user may pick at the skin, is self-absorbed, and experience
auditory and visual hallucinations. Violent and erratic behaviour is often seen
among chronic, high-dose meth abusers. The most dangerous stage of the binge
cycle is known as ‘‘tweaking’’.
2.2.5 DRUGS AND ALCOHOL ABUSE AMONG THE SOUTH AFRICAN YOUTH
Engelbrecht (2017) indicates that apart from the frequent escalation of the usage of
drugs on an annual basis, what is more shocking relates to the negative
repercussions of drugs on the wide society. Drugs impact negatively on the
psychological and physiological wellness of the entire populace. According to
Sherley Anderson (an accredited addictions counsellor at Akeso Clinic in
Umhlanga), the use of drugs by South African young people remains a significant
problem that is rising statistically. The World Drug Report of the United Nations
(2017) revealed that one in every two children have experimented with drugs or
alcohol, and the most startling of these revelations is that children as young as 12
years are already experimenting with alcohol and drugs. The report further
highlighted the following issues relating to the epidemic of drug and alcohol abuse
by South African youth:
● SANCA observed an increase in 19–20-year-old alcoholics.
● 18–22-year-olds are the group reflecting the heaviest alcohol abuse.
● The starting age of abuse is 12 years and younger, and drug dealers are targeting
schools.
● More than 60% of teenagers have become drunk.
● 30% have used school time or work time to drink.
A new drug that is taking South Africa by storm it is called flakka. A brief
discussion about it and its effect is presented below.
Flakka – the ‘zombie drug’

Mthethwa (2017) reports that a new drug has made in-roads in Durban, namely
flakka, or the “zombie drug”. It is a mixture of crack and heroin drugs, described
as a newer generation version of bath salts. It can be taken in one of two ways:
either as smoked powder or as tablets. - Sam Pillay (anti-drug activist, founder and
director of Anti-Drug Forum South Africa) has the following to say: “We have
208
experienced it with some people who come to our centre and their drinks were
spiked. After drinking that, they displayed those symptoms of flakka; they started
feeling the effects of flakka. They turn into zombies and become abusive and
violent and they were imagining things and hallucinating.”
The effects of flakka

According to Mthethwa (2017), the effects of this new drug include behavioural
and mood changes. It may result in extreme agitation, jerking muscles, delirious
thoughts and profound paranoia. Numerous studies have been conducted on this
drug and are available on the internet or on YouTube. For example, you can watch
the YouTube video Fiction becomes reality Alert … the zombie drug … is already in Brazil.
2.2.6 CONCLUSION
In this study unit, we have examined the various psychoactive substances and their
effects. It is important to note that the effect on the user is influenced by the user’s
state of mind at the time of use, the amount of the substance used and the quality
of the drug. It is difficult to state how drug dependence will develop in an
individual, as many complex and unique individual differences between users make
the process or development of a drug addiction difficult to predict. Different
biogenic, neurochemical and psychosocial factors influence the path of drug
dependence.

1. … is processed with ammonia or sodium bicarbonate (baking soda) and water
and heated to remove the hydrochloride.
1. Mandrax
2. Crack
3. Rohypnol
4. Gamma hydroxybutyrate
2. … are examples of psychoactive drugs.
1. Flakka and nyaope
2. Alcohol and marijuana
3. Cocaine and ecstasy
4. Lysergic and methamphetamine
3. Abuse of this drug causes a number of adverse effects in the abuser, such as
loss of motor control, lack of coordination, confusion and gastrointestinal
disturbances.
1. Marijuana
2. Ketamine hydrochloride
3. Crack
4. Flunitrazepam
4. Which drug when taken excessively produces a psychosis similar to schizo-
phrenia and is characterised by paranoia?
1. Ecstasy
2. Lysergic
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3. Methamphetamine
4. Heroin
5. The "zombie drug" refers to …
1. nyaope.
2. flakka.
3. cannabis.
4. the rush.
6. Define the term “drug addiction”. (5)
7. Discuss the classification of drugs and their likely effects when taken exces-
sively. (15)
8. Elaborate on the effects of Rohypnol and the reason why it is called the date
rape drug. (10)

1. 2 – Refer to section 2.2.4.1 in the study guide.
2. 2 – Refer to section “key concepts” in the study guide.
5. 2 – Refer to section 2.2.5 in the study guide.
6. Refer to section “key concepts” in the study guide.
7. Refer to section 2.2.2 in the study guide.
8. Refer to section 2.2.4.2 in the study guide.
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Learning unit 2.3
The link between drugs and crime
Learningunit2.3
Revised by Mrs M Zitha

Contents

2.3.2 RESEARCH ON THE DRUG-CRIME LINK 216
2.3.2.1 A drug-using lifestyle 216
2.3.2.2 Two complex behaviours 217
2.3.2.3 Nexus between drugs and crime 218
2.3.2.4 Non-causal connections 218
2.3.2.5 Systemic crime 219
2.3.2.6 Psychopharmacological crime 219
2.3.2.7 Economic-compulsive crime 220
2.3.3 THE DIRECT SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF DRUG USE AND
ABUSE 220
2.3.4 THE COST OF DRUGS TO SOCIETY 220
2.3.4.1 The adverse social consequences of drug abuse 221
2.3.4.2 Child abuse 221
2.3.4.3 Role of particular drugs in crime 222
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● demonstrate an in-depth understanding of the relationship between drugs and crime
● identify critical factors relating to the nexus between drugs and crime
● identify the various contributory factors of drug abuse
ASSESSMENT METHODS
211
2.3.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous study unit, we examined the primary outcomes of drug abuse,
namely the physical and psychological/mental effects of the various substances on
the user. In this study unit, we look more closely at the secondary effects of
substance abuse, namely the social consequences of drug abuse. Given the
multifaceted relationship between drugs and crime, it is not surprising that it is
often difficult to separate the two aspects. In addition, it is important to
acknowledge and understand that the drug-crime relationship is formidably
complex. A number of studies that have questioned the effectiveness of drug
treatments and their effectiveness (Allen 2007:29) support the notion that there is
not a simple causal link between drugs and crime.
We need to look at the consequences of drug abuse to understand the problem that
society faces. We have already examined the physical effects of drug abuse. While
the social consequences of drug abuse may not be immediately evident, drugs have
a detrimental effect on the user, the community and society as a whole. Thus, drug
abuse by one member of society has a ripple effect on the rest of the community.
As regards the actual drug user, the substance often brings about the total
destruction of his or her life.
Explanations of drug-crime relationships assume that “any connection observed
between drugs and crime is illusory, spurious, and non-causal” (Walters 2014:110).
This relationship may be attributed either to the fact that one of them causes the
other, that both are part of a reciprocal causal network, or because both correlate
with the same third variable. Different explanations have been offered in an
attempt to account for drug-crime relationships, namely parallel developmental
processes, age, general deviance, low self-control, societal labelling, and response
lifestyle.
We look at these explanations in some more detail below:
1. Parallel developmental processes

Research has found that developmental criminology is embedded in the
mainstream criminology and positivist social science and studies. In addition, there
is a relationship between biological, psychological and social factors and offending
across the life course, that is, from conception to death (France & Homel 2009:1)
In this case substance abuse and crime are embedded in parallel, yet independent,
social networks. Ford (in Walter 2014:110) uncovered partial support for the
argument that parallel developmental processes between crime and drug abuse
account for drug-crime connections.
212
LEARNING UNIT 2.3: The link between drugs and crime
The figure below illustrates the schematic diagram of the epiphenomenal view of
drug-crime relationships:
Adapted from Walter (2014:110)

Research into the nature and extent of the links between drugs and involvement in
criminal acts reflects the long-standing political concern about drug issues. First,
many of the research studies have been underpinned by ontological assumptions
about the pharmacological properties of drugs (Hunt & Baker 2001:175). Another
route followed a hypothetico-deductive approach, which sought to test the
associated hypothesis that “narcotic addiction causes, or contributes very strongly
to an increase in crime” (Nurco in Allen 2007:24). Goldstein's view in Collings
(2016:29) is that “drug abuse can lead to crime, crime can lead to drug abuse and/
or that drug abuse and crime are not causally related, but that violence is intrinsic
to any involvement with illicit substances”.
2. Age
The use and abuse of drugs is a global problem amongst the youth. Age is inversely
related to deviance. There is a universal tendency for criminal involvement to peak
during teenage years and then decrease afterwards. This means that child offenders
have the highest crime rate, but as they mature their offending rate declines (Siegel,
Welsh & Senna 2003:43).
Adolescents use drugs for many reasons including curiosity because it feels good to
reduce stress, to feel grown up or to fit it (Masombuka 2013:40). According to the
South African Community Epidemiology Network on Drug Use Report (2017: np)
“the average age of experimentation in South Africa is 12 and decreasing. While the
age of patients undergoing treatment in Gauteng ranged from 9 to 82, the
proportion of patients aged 10 to 19 increased to 29 percent”. Other studies
revealed that the abuse of illicit drugs happened to be more prevalent among
young people aged between 15 and 35 years, with the numbers more concentrated
between the ages of 18 and 35 (United Nations International Drug Control
Programme 1998:16).
213
South Africa is no exception. Jordan (2013:1) emphasises that the use and abuse of
substances by teenagers can be “associated with both violent and income
generating crimes by youths”. Jordan (2013:1) also found that the substance abuse
rate in South Africa among teenagers is spiralling out of control and that most
children start experimenting with drugs at the age of 12. Furthermore, it was
reported that between 2% and 9% of these teenagers were abusing cannabis. The
abuse and use of nyaope has also been on the rise among South African
communities, especially the youth. The substance is mostly popular in Tshwane,
particularly in Atteridgeville, Mamelodi and Soshanguve but has also spread to
other parts of the country. There are various forms of using nyaope: in some cases
it is smoked with tobacco, or is combined into various concoctions by mixing it
with dagga and heroin and other harmful substances such as antiretroviral tablets
(Masombuka 2013:58; Health24 2014; Mokwena 2015:138).
3. General deviance
General deviance may not account for every instance of drug–crime overlap, but it
would appear to be a viable explanation under some circumstances. While deviance
has always been a fact of life, societal intervention and participation in the handling
of child offenders has gained most of its momentum in the last few decades.
Unfortunately, many of these children face multiple disadvantages with complex
needs as well as barriers to rehabilitation, education, training and employment
(Krisberg 2005:73). Research has shown that children who have been involved in
deviancy at the age of 13 and 14 years had the strongest likelihood of becoming
adult criminals (Tracy & Kempf-Leornard 1996:138).
FIGURE 2.3.1
Elements of general deviance syndrome
Source: Adapted from Walter (2010:112)
214
Garb and Crim (1966:44) indicated that “offenders became criminals because of
the addiction; they did not become addicts because they were criminals”. Some
criminologists maintain that the incidence of drugs and crime does not necessarily
mean that ‘drugs cause crime’. It merely means that drugs and crime are more
inclined to co-exist and that the causal classification may even be vice versa
(Newburn, in Allen 2007:27).
Hammersley et al (1989:1040) assert that day-to-day crime was a better explanation
of drug use than drug use was of crime … All drugs tend to be associated with
crimes. This may in part be due to the ‘need’ for drugs leading to crime but it is also,
probably in greater part, due to the income from crime leading to greater
expenditure on drugs.
4. Low self-control
According to the low self-control theory of crime, the two main predictors of
experimenting with drugs at a fairly young age are impulsivity and volatile temper.
These two dimensions might have a direct or indirect effect on the prediction of
the use and abuse of drugs later in life. Although low self-control, like age and
general deviance, may partly explain the overlap between drugs and crime it is not a
complete explanation for drug-crime relationships (Walter 2010:112).
5. Societal labelling
Lack of social and political power might leave those involved in drug and substance
abuse open targets for negative societal labelling. Labels such as “drug addicts” and
“criminals” could inflate the correlation between drugs and crime, establishing a
self-fulfilling prophesy capable of leading drug users to consume more drugs and
criminals to commit more crime and emulate that which they are labelled for
(Walter 2010:112). Substance use and abuse is further strengthened through social
interactions with peers and the modelling and reinforcement of substance use
behaviour, thus promoting positive attitudes toward such practices (Brown,
Esbensen & Geis 2010:282)
6. Response style
Studies that have been cited as evidence for the existence of a drug-crime
connection have measured the incidence and/or frequency of drug use and crime
with self-report measures. Cooper (2015:71) contends that part of the reason for
South African children breaking the law by using illicit drugs is the fact that
material and economic transformation and redistribution has yet to occur in the
post-apartheid period.
ACTIVITY 1
(a) The saying "drug abuse: a journey into nowhere" was coined by Dr De Miranda, a
South African expert in the field of drug addiction, and a recovered addict himself. The
very term illustrates the futility of the drug abuser's lifestyle and the struggle to find
meaning in life.
Discuss how the quotation speaks to the relationship between drugs and crime.
(b) Today, learners in society face many challenges in their daily lives; one of the principal
challenges is the constant exposure to drugs. Research shows that one out of every
four learners from schools in Gauteng, South Africa, has used one of the psychoactive
substances on at least one occasion.
215
Discuss how the above experience in the learners' life leads to crime.
Post your responses on the Discussion Forum.
TAKE NOTE
Often children with severe drug problems slip through the cracks: the drug abuse is
disguised or goes undetected and related problems and deviancies are misdiagnosed. The
actual cause of the deviant or destructive behaviour is not identified. Many of these children
end up in the criminal justice system, sometimes being sent to prison.
2.3.2 RESEARCH ON THE DRUG-CRIME LINK

Research on the drug-crime link can be placed into broad categories that look at a
drug-using lifestyle, the study of two complex behaviours, the nexus of crime and
the non-causal connections.
We start by examining the drug-using lifestyle.
2.3.2.1 A drug-using lifestyle

According to an early report by the British Executive Summary, imprisonment is
"common to a drug-using lifestyle". The report indicates that half to three-quarters
of intravenous drug users have been incarcerated at least once and that drug
offenders form a large percentage of those who become recidivists (they turn back
to crime). Literature shows that there is a relationship between drug misuse and
criminal conduct (Sarker & Faller 2016:93). Furthermore, criminal behaviour has
been sustained by the increasing use of illegal drugs. Drugs and crime are linked in
a number of ways. In most cases drug users commit crime in order to feed their
craving by either stealing or robbing people, including their significant other. We
must bear in mind that the link between drug use and crime is complex. Factors
such as poverty, unemployment, peer pressure, lifestyle, personality disorders and
cultural variables play a vital role in encouraging such behaviour. Authors such as
Inciardi (1981) and Clinard and Meier (1975) have identified the use, effect and
possession of, and trafficking in drugs as contributory factors in the increase in
crime. They view the use of drugs and/or alcohol as a major contributory factor to
the increased levels of crime in society.
Extensive follow-up studies by other researchers conducted in Baltimore found
that heroin users showed high rates of criminality during periods when they actively
used drugs and lower crime rates during periods of non-use. They also refer to
studies by Johnson (1985), which indicate a clear correlation between the quantity
of drugs used and the number of crimes committed. According to the World Drug
Report, both heroin and cocaine globally have the most serious impacts on society
in terms of the demand for treatment for addiction, hospitalisation, overdoses,
drug-related involvement in organised crime and drug-related violence.
According to Clinard and Meier (1975:321), criminal involvement becomes a way
of life for most drug users. Research findings indicate that drug dependency
contributes to deviant behaviour such as prostitution, drug dealing and possession,
assault and child abuse (Ovens 1992:85). It should, however, always be kept in
mind that there is more than one explanation for drug-related crime, and a drug-
crime lifestyle should be viewed from the lifestyle theory perspective (Walters
1994:7). In this model, a lifestyle is defined as a “routinised pattern” of cognitive-
behavioural interactions. The drug and criminal lifestyles are viewed as partially
overlapping in the sense that they share some of the same behavioural and
216
cognitive traits and features. It should be noted that even when separate terms are
used to describe different facets of behaviour and cognition, the similarities
between the two lifestyles tend to be greater than the differences.
Research has frequently shown that drugs can contribute to crime, through
● being in possession thereof or dealing in them
● committing a crime under the influence of them
● committing a crime in order to gain access to drugs (such as committing theft
to buy drugs)
The most problematic issue is that violent crimes, including murder and domestic
violence, often occur when the perpetrators have used and are under the influence
of the substance(s) (SANCA 2010).
The next category of research looks at the combination of two complex behaviours,
namely drug abuse and crime.
ACTIVITY 2
In your opinion, is there any correlation between unemployment, poverty, lifestyle and peer
pressure?
FEEDBACK
Please give reasons for your response and compare your findings at the Discussion
Forum for activity 2 on myUnisa.
The following articles will assist in forming your arguments: https://www.reddit.com; https://
borgenproject.org/addiction-poverty: p17-18; https://www.teendrugrehabs.com and https://
reader.elsevier.com
2.3.2.2 Two complex behaviours

There is little doubt that the connection between drugs and crime is complex.
Inciardi (1981:10) postulates that drugs and criminality go hand in hand and that
there are two levels of drug-related crime. He states that, firstly, crimes are
committed to obtain drugs. Illegal substances are bought and sold, and theft and
robbery are committed to get money to buy drugs. Secondly, crime may be
committed by those under the influence of such substances. The causal relationship
between crime and drugs, however, is not clearly defined and there are various
interpretations of this phenomenon. McMurran (1996:211) believes that a model
that traces a direct causal relationship between substance abuse and crime is
ineffective and too simplistic. It also incorrectly addresses the association between
these "two complex behaviours".
TAKE NOTE
While substance abuse may be a contributory factor in many crimes, it cannot necessarily
provide a simplistic explanation for the roots of crime (McMurran 1996:219). It is important
to determine whether there is a direct causal relationship between the offender's substance
abuse and the crime prior to placing him or her in a rehabilitation programme. We also need
to bear in mind that not all drugs are equally criminogenic; however, by the same token
there are some crimes that have a clear connection with the abuse of drugs.
217
2.3.2.3 Nexus between drugs and crime

Ovens asserts that the nexus between drug dependency and crime is increasingly
prevalent and a real concern worldwide (2015:39). Walters (1994:1) talks about the
nexus between drugs and crime. According to Walters (1994:1), a psychologist and
expert on substance abuse in the United States, before concluding that there is a
causal nexus between drugs and crime, it must be demonstrated that these variables
are correlated or connected in some way. He comes to the following conclusions:
● Crimes can be committed by drug users whose judgement, self-control or ability
to inhibit violent impulses is affected by the chemical substances they are using.
Criminal involvement may cause or facilitate drug use.
● Drugs and crime have a reciprocal relationship and the effects of drugs on
crime are bidirectional (they affect each other) rather than unidirectional (one
affects the other).
● The high cost of supporting a drug habit may lead to the user committing
crimes to gain access to the substance(s).
● Drug involvement causes crime because of the level of violence found in the
drug business.
● Drugs are used to eliminate fear, apprehension and other deterrents to criminal
action.
Although numerous studies demonstrate a consistent relationship between drugs
and crime, particularly violent crimes, “the nature of that relationship continues to
elude researchers and practitioners today” (Kinlock, O’ Grady and Hanlon
2003:900).
2.3.2.4 Non-causal connections

Non-causal connections between drugs and crime are proposed in several
Portuguese studies concluded by Da Agra in 2002 (Stevens, Trace & Bewley-Taylor
2005:3), who states: "There is a complex system of connections between drugs and
crime with no generalisable link that explains all drug-related crime."
Other researchers who have suggested that drugs and crime are common elements
of a deviant or delinquent lifestyle support this view. These scientists advocate that
drugs are not causally linked to crime, but rather that underlying social factors,
including inequality and deprivation, produce both problematic drug use and crime
(Stevens, Trace & Bewley-Taylor 2005:4).
Science is often conceptualised as a means of arriving at some indisputable truth.
Although science is one way of accumulating knowledge, it has limitations. As
Hammersly (2008:np) puts it: “There is no guarantee of us ever knowing the truth
about something because our perception of reality is so heavily influenced by our
experiences, prejudices and personal limitations.”
ACTIVITY 3
In your opinion, do you think there is link between crime and substance abuse? Please give
reasons for your argument. Let us discuss our different views under the Discussion Forum
on myUnisa.
ACTIVITY 3 FEEDBACK
The relationship between substance abuse and crime is a difficult one to establish. Current
evidence about the development of drug use and offending behaviour is constrained by
design flaws in published studies, particularly the absence of suitable control groups (Pierce
218
et al 2017: 314) This research further suggests the necessity for longitudinal studies with a
non-drug user comparison group to observe the systematic past of drug use and offending.
Pierce et al (2017:310) postulates that “while cross-sectional studies can provide
information on the extent of the drug– crime association and its strength for different
subgroups and offences, the aetiological debate requires longitudinal data to establish the
timing of events and to gain knowledge on how the differences between users and non-
users evolves over a person's lifetime”. This debate illustrates the necessity of more
comprehensive research in order to understand the nature of the drug-crime connection,
which will in turn contribute to the development of policy responses and treatments for
optimal intervention or interruption of the pathway of this phenomenon (Pierce et al
2017:314).
2.3.2.5 Systemic crime

The first link we can look at is the most obvious due to the criminal nature of drug
possession. Systemic crimes are committed within the functioning of illicit drug
markets, as part of the business of drug supply, distribution and use. These include
drug law offences and crimes committed in violation of drug (and other related)
pieces of legislation.
In terms of the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act 144 of 1992, drug possession is
(a) the keeping, storing or having in one's custody or control or supervision of an
illegal substance
(b) the dealing in, possession of and use of dependence-producing substance(s)
(c) performing any act in connection with the collection, importation, supply,
transportation, shipment, administration, exportation, cultivation, manufac-
ture or prescribing of that substance
Drug law offences and the violations of drug laws account for a significant
proportion of law enforcement and criminal justice resources and, by drawing
resources away from other areas, may impact on the commission of other crimes.
They may include offences such as drug use, possession, cultivation, production,
importation and trafficking, but also other related offences such as illicit
manufacture/trafficking of precursors or money laundering. Drug driving (driving
under the influence of drugs) offences are also theoretically included in this
category.
Systemic crime also includes drug markets. Because of their illicit status, certain
types of crime other than those associated with drug supply and distribution may
deeply affect a neighbourhood or a local community. Systemic criminality refers
mainly to violent acts such as assaults, and homicides committed within the
functioning of illicit drug markets, as part of the business of drug supply,
distribution and use. Indeed, violence as a strategy of control is used in various
situations including territorial disputes, punishment for fraud, debt collection and
clashes with the police.
The next drug-crime link is associated psychopharmacological crime or crime
committed under the influence.
2.3.2.6 Psychopharmacological crime

Although psychopharmacological violence is most strongly associated with alcohol
use, illicit or illegal (acute or chronic) drug use, and particularly the use of
stimulants, may also lead to criminal behaviour by exacerbating existing
psychopathological and social problems, or by increasing the risk of paranoid or
psychotic episodes. Thus, people who have underlying personality disorders and
219
who use substances are more likely to be negatively influenced by this substance
use. The last level in the drug-crime link relates to economically motivated crimes.
These crimes are induced by the victim's own drug use.
2.3.2.7 Economic-compulsive crime

Economically motivated crimes have often been considered an inherent
consequence of drug dependence, and a reduction in these crimes is usually seen as
a measure of success for many interventions targeting dependent drug users.
Indeed, dependence on an expensive substance can lead users to engage in criminal
acts to obtain the money they need to fund their drug habit. They may resort to
both consensual crimes, such as drug selling or prostitution (where criminalised),
and acquisitive crimes such as shoplifting, robbery and burglary. This category also
includes the forging of prescriptions and the burglary of pharmacies by drug users.
Now that we understand the drug-crime link, we can look at the secondary effects
of drug use and examine the direct social consequences.
2.3.3 THE DIRECT SOCIAL CONSEQUENCES OF DRUG USE AND ABUSE

There is serious cause for concern considering the wide prevalence of substance
and illegal drug use and the potential addictive behaviours and health consequences
(Ford & Schroeder 2009:29). Scientific studies reveal that the use of drugs is one of
a number of factors that may explain why people commit criminal acts (Deitch,
Koutsenok & Ruiz 2010:394) and the World Drug Report confirms the health risks
posed by abuse (2015:5).
The direct social consequences of drug use and abuse include the following:
● crime
● social disintegration of societies
● impaired social functioning
● health risks (such as HIV/AIDS and STDs)
● interpersonal violence in the form of child abuse and family violence
● deviant behaviour (such as crimes committed under the influence of substances)
When we look at the consequences of drug abuse, we see that drug abuse is not a
substance problem but a people problem. Thus, solutions to the problem of drug
abuse should be seen in this context. Although many of these characteristics are
known drivers of substance use, chronic substance use exacerbates these factors as
the lives of affected individuals spin out of control. In addition, it was found that
drug dependence often leads to reduced functioning and increases the risk for a
self-perpetuating cycle of poverty, criminality, low productivity and health problems
(UNODC 2017:4). Dependence on substances has significant adverse social,
psychological and/ or physical implications (Marimuthu 2015:83).
In the following sections, we will look at the consequences of drug abuse such as
drug-related crime, social disintegration, impaired social functioning, health risks
such as HIV/AIDS, child abuse, and family and interpersonal violence. We start by
looking at the cost to society.
2.3.4 THE COST OF DRUGS TO SOCIETY

An apparent major benefit of drug treatment, aside from the recovery of the
patient and the subsequent health and social implications is the element of cost, as
research studies indicate that spending on treatment is cost-effective (UNODC
220
2015:33). Drug use has enormous financial implications for individual communities
within a country and for the country as a whole. One should not only consider the
cost of users who become a burden to their families and the community, but also
the cost of drug-related crime. This is not only indicative of the global drug
problem, but also an indication of the challenge to states and legislators to combat
the problem.
2.3.4.1 The adverse social consequences of drug abuse

While it is fairly easy to identify the cost of drug abuse to society, the adverse social
consequences of drug abuse are less tangible and harder to define. Both drug abuse
and crime are related to a similar set of sociodemographic and personality variables
such as poverty, poor career or income prospects, low self-esteem and poor social
integration.
Apart from the cost of illicit drug use to the criminal justice system, drug abuse
also contributes to a loss of productivity, which has a negative effect on the
country's economy. Drug abuse by workers may increase the incidence of
workplace accidents, absenteeism and disciplinary problems. The problem may be
further compounded by factors within the work environment such as stress,
organisational norms and co-worker norms, which may cause people to take drugs
because of their stress levels. Additional consequences of drug abuse are the loss of
earnings of victims of drug-related crime and the loss of earnings of users due to
drug-related illness.
Other indirect victims of substance abuse are the family members of the drug user,
with the child being the most vulnerable victim of all.
2.3.4.2 Child abuse

Very little research had been conducted on the link between child abuse and drug
abuse. However, the limited research has illustrated that there is a definite link and
that the drug dependence of a parent or caregiver has an effect on family
functioning and parenting or caregiving skills (Ovens 1995).
Although alcohol as a psychoactive or mood-altering substance has not been
discussed in this study unit, it is believed that the spate of child rapes and the
increasing incidence of child abuse in South Africa are often committed while the
perpetrator is under the influence of alcohol and/or drugs. There is a greater need
for caregivers to be educated about the dangers of psychoactive substances in
respect of the moods, behaviour and level of responsibility of users. When abused,
psychoactive substances may produce the following side effects:
● Alcohol results in impaired social, interpersonal and economic functioning, and
mental and physical deterioration.
● Narcotics result in a loss of interest and feelings of rage and shame.
● Hypnotics remove sexual inhibitions and if larger doses are taken, they may pre-
cipitate aggression.
● Tranquillisers and barbiturates may lead to depression; the chronic abuse of bar-
biturates causes personality changes, general apathy and mood swings.
● Stimulants such as cocaine leave the user with profound feelings of irritability,
paranoid delusions, aggression and homicidal behaviour.
These substances and effects have a particular influence on, and impede, caregiving
and parenting skills. Prenatal abuse of substances may have a major detrimental
221
effect on the unborn foetus. South African law does not consider the abuse of
drugs during pregnancy as a crime. The drug-dependent mother is held criminally
responsible only if she commits a crime such as drug dealing or is found in
possession of illegal substances. She is not held responsible for any damage to the
unborn child. Besides the harmful effect on the child, the child may be born
dependent on the substances and may suffer from withdrawal symptoms.
INTERESTING READING
The following articles provide more information regarding this phenomenon.
Born to do drugs: Overcoming a family history of Addiction. Available at: https://www.
drugrehab.com
Surviving the Secret Childhood Trauma of a Parent's Drug Addiction. Available at: https://
psmag.com
2.3.4.3 Role of particular drugs in crime

Given the high cost of some illegal drugs, it makes sense that some drug users
might commit economically oriented crime in order to pay for their drugs (Walters
2010:116). In addition, Walters postulates that “just as drug use can cause crime, so
too can crime cause drug use” (2010:118). South Africa is no different in terms of
specific drug-related crimes; there is no clear indication on what constitutes drug-
related crimes (Van Heerden et al 2015:16).
According to Stevens et al (2005), there is a continuing debate over the effects of
particular drugs on psychopharmacological violence. Research shows that being
intoxicated affects ones' mental capacity. For example, most offenders are
apprehensive about breaking the law, but being intoxicated reduces their fear and
anxiety, which might facilitate the commission of a criminal act. Alcohol in
particular has shown an “increase of false courage” and in most cases leads to
violent confrontations; heroin is capable of calming one's nerves before a robbery;
and cocaine can sharpen attention and promote a sense of invulnerability prior to
breaking into a home or building (Walters 2010:118). In addition, the use of
“crack” is related to the increase in robberies and the increase in drug dealing
(UNODC 2016:96).
Cannabis is thought to have a lower level of association with crime, as cannabis
intoxication reduces aggression. This finding correlates with a decline in the
number of arrests and court cases associated with cannabis-related offences
(UNODC 2016:51). On the other hand, withdrawal from cannabis and related
mental health problems may be linked to increased aggression in some cases.
Deviancy
A large proportion of psychopharmacological induced crime is probably linked to
alcohol use. It has been shown to reduce inhibition and increase aggression, and is
much more widespread than the use of illicit drugs (Stevens et al 2005). However,
the majority of drug-related crime is attributed to dependent users of cocaine and
heroin.
The debate of the under-researched phenomenon regarding the relationship
between drug use and violent crime is ongoing. Even though it is clear that some
connections exists between the two, a stronger relationship was found between
drug use, shoplifting, general theft and drug dealing than between drug use and
other crime (UNODC 2016:95).
222
2.3.5 CONCLUSION
In this study unit, we examined the secondary effects of drug abuse. We explored
the social consequences of drug dependency. It is evident that besides the direct
effect of the substance on the user's moods, feelings, perceptions and behaviour,
drug use or dependence has much more far-reaching effects that impinge upon the
lives of those who live with the user and the community in which he or she resides.
Drug dependency has far-reaching implications that extend to the community in
which the user lives. We also examined the relationship between drugs and crime, a
phenomenon which is of direct relevance to Criminology students who try to come
to grips with this complex phenomenon.
In the next study unit we will explore the drug offender's contact with the criminal
justice system.

1. According to research … is inversely related to deviance.
a. labelling
b. child abuse
c. age
d. poverty
2. Which of the following drugs is associated with the increase in robberies?
a. crack
b. nyaope
c. heroin
d. dagga
3. According to the … of crime, the two main predictors of experimenting with
drugs at a young age are impulsivity and volatile temper.
a. low self-control theory
b. response style
c. general deviance theory
d. systematic theory
4. Which exponent (s) advocate (s) that there is more than one explanation for
drug-related crime, that a drug-crime lifestyle should be viewed from the life-
style theory perspective and that there is more than one explanation for drug
related crime?
a. Allen
b. Cooper
c. Seshata
d. Walters
5. The Drug Trafficking Act 144 of 1992 defines the possession of drugs as ...
a. offences and crimes committed in violation of drug legislation.
b. offences such as driving under the influence of drugs.
c. offences such as the supply and distribution of drugs.
d. offences such as dealing in, possession of and the use of dependence-pro-
ducing substance(s).
223
6. Give a detailed explanation of drug-crime relationships. (15)

7. Discuss the direct social consequences of drug use and abuse. (10)

1. c
2. a
3. a
4. d
5. c
224
Learning unit 2.4
The implications of drugs for the criminal justice
system
Learningunit2.4
Revised by: Lebogang Mpuru

Contents

2.4.2 IMPACT OF DRUG-RELATED CRIME ON THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE
SYSTEM 225
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● •discuss the impact of drug-related crime on the criminal justice system
● • discuss the relevance of strategies for the early identification of drug-related offences
● •discuss the measures to deal effectively with drug-related cases
● •explain the value of rehabilitation and treatment to avoid recidivism
ASSESSMENT METHODS
2.4.1 INTRODUCTION
Up to this point we have looked at the effect of substances on both the user and
on the community around the user. In this study unit we look at the intervention
that takes place when the drug user commits a crime and the criminal justice
system is required to step in and protect the interests of society.
2.4.2 IMPACT OF DRUG-RELATED CRIME ON THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE

SYSTEM
Drug-related crime has a major impact on a nation's criminal justice system.
According to the SAPS annual report (2016:8), South Africa has become the origin
of and destination for drug trafficking routes. This is caused by the increase in drug
manufacturing laboratories on the continent that produce synthetic drugs, such as
225
methamphetamine (locally known as ‘tik'). For instance, the United Nations Office
of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reported that there has been an increase in seizures
of cannabis, marijuana and cocaine at the OR Tambo international Airport in
Johannesburg. Moreover, SAPS statistics reported that in 2015–2016, a total of 259
165 people were arrested for drug-related offences. Although the breakdown of
these arrests was not recorded according to drug types, it was revealed that
cannabis contributed to a staggering 65% of cases.
The Department of Correctional Services (DCS) recorded that in 2015 there were
twice as many people imprisoned in the Western Cape for possession of narcotics,
while in Gauteng, 942 people were arrested for narcotics. However, there are no
accurate statistics available pertaining to drug-related offences for incarcerated
people in the DCS. In the United States, the estimated arrests for drug-related
crimes between 2015 and 2016 were 1 572 579, of which 84.7% were for the
possession of a controlled substance, while 15.3 % were for drug distribution and
manufacturing (FBI Uniform Crime Report 2017: 1). As a result, it was revealed
that there has been an over-incarceration in the DCS due to the repressive drug
laws and the ‘get tough' policing approach, which in turn increased pressure on the
police to make more arrests (Pouthier 2015:7).
According to the 1991 American report of the National Task Force on
Correctional Substance Abuse Strategies, drug dependents are involved in crime
three to five times more often than non-users. Furthermore, there is a significantly
higher arrest rate for drug dependents than for arrestees who are not involved in
drug use. The report notes that substance abuse accelerates and increases the level
of criminality among those already involved in crime.
This problem is not unique to the United States of America, and countries such as
Britain also experience problems in dealing with drug offenders. A study
conducted by the Ministry of Justice (2017), recorded speculative figures that an
estimated 75 000 drug users in England and Wales are arrested every year, and that
this number is expected to rise steadily in the coming years. The estimated costs of
drug-related crimes in England and Wales range up to £13.5 billion, while the
criminal justice system has budgeted over £300 million to combat these crimes.
Another study conducted by O'Hagan and Harwick (2017:1–5) reported that two
in five prisoners admitted to having committed numerous offences in prison to
obtain money to purchase drugs. This in turn increases violence such as assaults
and blackmail in prison and undermines the security of prisoners and staff. These
crimes add to the heavy load that the system has to deal with.
FURTHER READING
Armentano, P. 2017. Marijuana Arrest Data Absent from Latest FBI Uniform Crime Report.
Available at: http://blog. norml. org/2017/09/25/marijuana-arrest-data-absent-from-latest-fbi-
uniform-crime-report/.
ACTIVITY 1
What do you think are the implications of increases in drug-related crimes for the criminal
justice system?
.................................................................................................................................................
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226
LEARNING UNIT 2.4: The implications of drugs for the criminal justice system
A study conducted by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime has shown that “14%
of people in South Africa who injected drugs were living with HIV". Moreover, a study
conducted by the StepUp project in Pretoria reported that, based on anecdotal evidence,
there is a high prevalence of Hepatitis C among people who inject drugs (Mail & Guardian
2017:1–3). It was also revealed that the criminalisation of drugs essentially makes criminals
become unreachable and invisible, thus impacting on the effectiveness of the criminal
justice system. Moreover, this prevents offenders from getting access to HIV prevention
programmes and harm reduction services. These harm reduction services and programmes
have been proven to have a profound effect in curbing HIV transmission among people who
use drugs, particularly the drug known as “Bluetooth” commonly transmitted through sharing
of needles (Olusegun & Grover 2017:5).
● In Portugal, the decriminalisation of drugs has led to a 50% decrease in the in-
carceration of drug offenders, with a decrease in opioid overdoses, and a further
“18% per capita decrease in social costs related to drug abuse” (Lauritsen &
Rosenberg 2016:383).
ACTIVITY 2
What are your views on the decriminalisation of cannabis in South Africa?
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................................................
● Engage with fellow students on myUnisa and compare your answers. Discuss
similarities/differences with them.
One can also speculate about the number of cases that have come to the attention
of the police, and how many could have gone undetected. Too often, as previously
mentioned, the drug user passes through the criminal justice system undetected.
For this reason, a pre-sentence investigation and report facilitates the effective
sentencing of drug users. This strategy allows for more flexible sentencing and the
rehabilitation of this category of criminals (the court is given insight into who the
offender is as a person so as to impose an appropriate sentence).
The pre-sentence investigation and report are directed at helping the court to
decide on the best action to take in respect of the person it is sentencing. It
contains information which is generally not taken into account when determining
guilt or innocence. The information assists the court to understand the character
and personality of the accused; to identify his or her problems and needs; to shed
light on the individual's social environment; and to reveal the probable
fundamental causes of the commission of the crime. This shows that the
investigation and subsequent report provide a basis on which the court may make
its final decision.
In England, the Crown Court makes the use of pre-sentence investigations and
pre-sentence reports compulsory in drug-related cases or where drug use is
suspected. In South Africa, the implementation of similar measures would be
invaluable for purposes of sentencing, and for setting treatment plans and
programmes during the period of incarceration. However, this occurs too seldom
because of limited resources.
227
INTERESTING READING
Dr David Bayever of South Africa's Central Drug Authority (CDA) (23 June 2017) revealed
the following:
● South Africa has the top 10 narcotics and alcohol abusers in the world – “double the
world norm”.
● At least 15% of South Africans have a drug problem and this number is expected to rise.
● 50% of school learners admitted to drinking frequently.
● School kids who often use drugs and alcohol are three times more likely to be influenced
by and engage in violent behaviour.
According to the Automobile Association (2017:1), the increase of road fatalities as a result
of substance abusers indicates that awareness campaigns and education services have
been ineffective in their efforts to reduce the drug problem. Moreover, this limited control
contributes to major implications in our criminal justice system when crimes are committed
under the influence of alcohol. The Road Traffic Management Corporation’s (2017) statistics
on annual road traffic deaths have revealed that road crashes and fatalities are frequently
caused by human factors, such as jaywalking pedestrians (38.8%), hit-and-run crashes
(18.5%), high speed (14.1%), reckless overtaking in the face of oncoming traffic (6.9%),
drunk driving or driving under the influence of drugs (3.6%), and driver fatigue (2.2%).
One of the side effects of alcohol abuse on the brain is the suppression or depression of
control mechanisms. Drinking alcohol impairs the rational thinking capacity of the consumer.
Another side effect is the suppression of muscle co-ordination and motor reflex. This causes
a failure to exercise caution while driving and hence an increase in the number of motor
vehicle accidents due to alcohol abuse. Road accidents are not only caused by driving
under the influence. According to the 2017 Automobile Association report, there are other
contributory factors such as
● motorists driving recklessly or disobeying the rules of the road
● ignorance or negligence by pedestrians by not being visible to cars
● pedestrians taking chances by crossing roads when it is unsafe to do so
According to the Drive Alive campaign (2017:1), the reaction time after a person has
consumed three drinks is impaired by two to four times. Research conducted by the
Department of Transport revealed that Africa has the highest road death rate per population
in the world, and that 32.2 people per 100 000 of the population are killed in road accidents.
It has been predicted that road accidents will rise by at least 80% by 2020.
The South African government is trying to reduce the death toll due to driving under the
influence by implementing new regulations, such as the demerit point system. This new tool
could be an effective measure to curb dangerous behaviour. Drivers who get caught will
receive up to 12 demerit points. According to this system, once you have received 12
demerit points your driver's license will be suspended; if it has been suspended three times
it will be revoked.
The demerit point system has been documented in countries such as Spain, where the
system came into force in 2006. Change was observed within the first two years of its
implementation, with a decrease in casualties of 11%. New South Wales in Australia also
implemented the system in 1999 (Breathalysers 2010). It restricted alcohol advertising and
introduced broadcasting bans. It also regulated retail sales of alcohol.
Although each country has its own policies and plans when dealing with substance abuse
(Morojele & Ramsomaar 2016:551– 553), below are some of the policies and legislation
designed to prevent drug-related crimes in South Africa:
228
Relevant policies and legislation Focus/objectives

The National Drug Master Plan (2013-2017) Outlines policies of the government to
address substance use problems.
The Prevention of and Treatment for Substance Establishment and registration of pro-
Abuse Act, 2008 grammes and services, including
prevention, early intervention, and fa-
cilitate collaboration among
government departments and other
stakeholders.
The National Liquor Act, 2003 Focus is on regulation of the liquor
industry.
Provincial Liquor Bills/Acts Provision of liquor licenses for retail
sale of alcohol; establishment of Liquor
Boards; establishment of liquor officers
and inspectors, etc.
Education Laws Amendment Act, 2007 Provides for random search, seizure,
and drug testing at schools.
National Road Traffic Act, 1996 Deals with matters related to drinking
and drug use while driving; breath tests,
blood tests and recognition of signs of
drug use, etc.
Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act, 1992 Prohibition of use of drugs and posses-
sion, dealing/supply, manufacture,
search and seizure.
Drug-related crimes are often detected in smaller towns, but more often in the
urban areas characterised by nightclubs, shebeens and taverns. South Africa has an
estimated 182 000 illegal shebeens. SAPS Statistics 2015– 2016 reveal that 1 156
arrests related to drugs in Gauteng were made in the urban residential areas, inner
city (including shopping centres and malls) or informal urban residential areas
(SAPS 2016:80).
The National Treasury (2017:1–2) states that tax rates on alcohol beverages have
increased consistently during the past years and continue to rise. According to
Parry and Dewing (2006:41-46) and Corrigal, Ward, Stinson, Frantz, Lund, Flisher
and Joska (2007:3) the increase in alcohol taxes can positively reduce crime, road
accidents, industrial injuries and dropping out of school. In addition, reducing the
trading hours for alcohol sales have shown a decrease in alcohol-related assaults
and murders (Parry & Dewing 2006:41–46).
The 2017–2018 Road Traffic Report (2017:1-5) revealed the following:
● The road death toll during the 2017/2018 festive season decreased to 1 527,
which indicates an 11% decrease from the previous year.
● From 1 December to 15 January 2018 the number of fatal crashes and fatalities
increased from 34% to 37%, while fatalities amongst drivers increased from
23% to 27%.
● Moreover, there were significant fatalities amongst drivers between the ages of
25 and 34, and a decline amongst drivers between the ages of 35 and 49.
Although there was a decline in the number of fatalities in seven of the
nine provinces, the Western Cape and the North West provinces, how-
ever, recorded an increase of 7% and 11% respectively between 2017 and
2018 (SAPS 2018:1–7).
229
Recommended reading:
SA drug abuse trends paint a grim picture. 2017. Available at: https://
boksburgadvertiser.co.za/297238/sa-drug-abuse-trends-paint-grim-picture.
The parole report of a drug offender

See the following parole report completed for a drug offender for the purposes of
early release. The parole report fulfils the same function as a pre-sentence report,
as it individualises the way in which the drug offender is handled. However, in the
case of parole, the report facilitates the process of decision-making on the
offender's release. The parole report provides the parole board with a profile of the
offender and circumstances which may impede/improve his or her chances of
successful integration back into society. In the case of drug offenders, it is essential
for a parole board to be informed of the offender's drug use and the prognosis for
successful release and integration back into society. (Fox & Stinchcomb 1994:498;
Pickard, Ahmed & Foddy 2015). This is necessary as the recidivism rates for drug
offenders tend to be higher than those for offenders who do not use drugs.
Example of a parole report: Mr P
1. Contact with inmate

Mr P volunteered to join the Unisa treatment group in June 1997. This group is part of a pilot
study for the proposed establishment of drug clinics or treatment facilities within the Department of
Correctional Services to deal with the handling and treatment of drug offenders and to address
drug-related issues. He joined in all the discussions and made a valuable contribution to the group.
During discussions about the crimes he committed, he showed an understanding of his actions and
their implications.
2. Mr P: a profile
Mr P comes from a good family. His father is a successful businessman. His family reside on a
smallholding outside Pretoria from which they run a successful business. Mr P attributes his
criminal behaviour to rebelliousness and a desire for adventure during his teenage years. He left
home at 16 and moved into a flat with his girlfriend. His job (working at a nightclub) exposed
him to negative and criminal elements. His girlfriend placed a lot of pressure on him to provide her
with material things that were beyond his financial means. All these factors, together with his age
and inexperience, snowballed and placed him in a situation which he could not cope with. While
he saw his involvement in crime escalating, he still believed that he could control the situation. He
became involved in a drug subculture and his continued drug abuse finally escalated and he became
addicted. This contributed to his involvement in crime. His age and lack of experience impeded his
futile attempts to eventually go straight when he realised the full implications of his actions.
Mr P has spent three years in prison, and has lost many years of his youth; years that can never be
recovered. He feels a great deal of remorse about his crimes and how they have affected his parents
and siblings. He has admitted that he is a great disappointment to his family. Yet the family does
not hold his past against him and would like to assist him in his return to society.
During his incarceration he has been a model prisoner, and has completed various courses and
training programmes. He has learned to do stained-glass work and during his spare time he
makes stained-glass articles. My assessment is that Mr P has matured in prison. He is no longer
the teenager who believed he would live forever and could do anything he liked without having to
face the consequences. He has paid dearly for his mistakes.
230
He has been relatively unscathed by the prison environment. His good upbringing and his family's
solid values have probably contributed to him not being influenced more severely by the negative
effects of prison life than he has been.
He had access to drugs in prison but decided to stop using them. This is the reason for his joining
the Unisa group. His drug use has been treated and at this stage he has been rehabilitated to a
point where his release should be successful.
Mr P's age makes it important for him to be released as early as possible for the following reasons:
● His age and lack of experience contributed to his crimes; he is not inherently bad.
● He needs to plan his life. This issue will be dealt with during the Unisa group programmes.
● His relative youth will make it easier for him to be accepted back into society.
3. Justification for release

Mr P's age makes him more impressionable than the more hardened offenders and it is not in his
best interests to remain in the company of such people. The current correctional strategies are not
facilitating his rehabilitation. With reference to the magistrate's remarks in the court transcript,
the court stated that he had acted in a reckless manner and should be punished to set an example
to other car thieves; he required rehabilitation. Furthermore, the magistrate clearly stated that Mr
P should not be "broken down". Prior to entering the Unisa group, Mr P had not been given the
intensive rehabilitation to which the magistrate referred. The system does not facilitate
rehabilitation and his social worker does not have the time to implement the necessary programmes.
It is my opinion that these sessions could be facilitated just as successfully within the community if
he is released.
With the intensive release preparation and release assistance he will receive in the Unisa group,
and with Mrs T, a social worker, willing to work with him, it is my opinion that he is ready to be
reintegrated into society. It is my suggestion that Mr P be considered for placement on parole in
terms of Sections 276[I][i]/267.A[3] and 287[4][b] of the Criminal Procedures Act 51 of
1977, with the following factors being taken into consideration:
● the level of danger the offender presents to society
● the offender's level of self-sufficiency
● the offender's chances of employment and place of residence
The inmate meets the requirements for a successful release, as will be further illustrated in the
report. It is requested that if Mr P does not qualify for parole, he be given a parole date. This will
give him something to work towards. A parole date with requirements set by this Committee will
give his incarceration some purpose (rehabilitation and successful return to society as a law-abiding
citizen). It is also my opinion that he should see a psychologist on a weekly basis. Certain issues
which were highlighted by a clinical psychologist, Dr K, have never been adequately addressed. Dr
K recommends intensive individual psychotherapy. If we assist Mr P with these problems prior to
his release, and give him a set parole date, he should be successfully prepared for his release.
These recommendations take the magistrate's comments into consideration and it is requested that
they be considered in this matter.
4. Release options
Because of his age and personality, it is important to set clear goals for Mr P to work towards. Mr
P would benefit from a form of intensive and close supervision, including both continued support
and surveillance upon release, as stipulated by Sherron's addiction treatment model (Fox &
Stinchcomb 1994:498; Pickard, Ahmed & Foddy 2015). The recommendation mentioned above
is in line with the principles stipulated by the Adult Parole Board of Victoria, Australia. The
Board postulates that the purpose of parole is to ensure that offenders receive the management and
231
supervision required to support their transition from prison to the community and to provide the
important function of monitoring/surveillance of the parolee's behaviour (Rhyan et al 1995:51).
Mr P is still young and should have the opportunity to become a law-abiding member of society
and, even more importantly, to make a contribution to society.
5. The motives for punishment

The motives for his punishment, as discussed below, have been considered in the recommendation.
6. Retribution
Mr P feels genuine remorse for the crimes he has committed. He accepts sole responsibility and
blames himself entirely for his deeds. He is concerned about the harm he has done to his family.
He acknowledges the harmfulness of his actions to society and himself.
7. Rehabilitation
Parole is more effective as a rehabilitative measure than full-term imprisonment. It would be more
beneficial to release the inmate now, with the stipulated therapy and control, than later without
these. He is young and has learnt that his behaviour was wrong.
8. Protection of society
Even though Mr P's crimes were serious, he was a juvenile and a first-time offender. In my
opinion his sentencing was not in line with Zinn's triad, which stipulates that the interests of the
offender and the community and the nature of the crime must all be considered when imposing
sentence. An appeal launched by his attorneys emphasises this point. The harsh sentence he was
handed down underlined the need to protect society, but in my opinion he is not a threat to society.
A spate of car thefts in the community put pressure on the court to impose the sentence it did. Mr
P's escape from court was not premeditated, and when the opportunity presented itself, he
impulsively took it. His escape fits his psychological profile: he was immature and impulsive rather
than inherently deviant (he is found not to be psychotic).
9. Is the inmate suitable for parole?

It is my opinion that the prisoner is a suitable candidate for parole release and that if he has
contact with the Unisa group and the assistance it offers, he has a good chance of being successfully
integrated into society. His family offers a supportive environment to which he could return and he
has a career opportunity that will give his life structure and purpose. He is not the young,
rebellious child that he was when he was first imprisoned. In the final analysis, the use of therapy
and monitoring (offered by the Unisa group) should enable him to
● adapt back into society
● cope with integration problems he may encounter
10. Does the inmate fully understand conditional release?

Mr P fully understands the implications and conditions of his release and is willing to adhere to
the rules of his conditional release. He understands the benefit of being supervised and of the
control mechanisms in respect of his reintegration into the community.
11. Will the inmate benefit from parole supervision?

The inmate will benefit from this form of release since he and his family receive the services of a
support system.
232
12. Does the inmate have a favourable attitude towards society?

Mr P is positive about his integration back into the community. He has a large support group in
the form of his family, friends and church.
13. Does the inmate want to be considered for parole?

Mr P has expressed a desire to be placed on parole with the concomitant restrictions.
14. Will the inmate agree to abide by the rules and regulations?
Mr P agrees to abide by the rules and regulations. Mr P understands his crimes and their
consequences.
15. Parole plan

The ideal plan would be compulsory visits to Mrs T (the social worker) and the criminologist at
Pretoria Central Prison on a fortnightly basis. If a parole date is set, recommended programmes or
any appropriate self-development stipulations set by the Parole Board will be met.
16. Environment to which the inmate will return

Mr P will be returning to a supportive environment. With his family's support and the
professional support outlined by the proposed parole plan, he should be successfully integrated into
society.
17. Inmate's residence upon release

Mr P will be living on his parents' property and will enter the family business, which is expanding
at present. All parties are committed to ensuring that he meets the proposed parole requirements.
This option will offer him a well-adjusted and supportive environment.
18. Employment programme

Mr P has the opportunity to enter the family business. His parents will elaborate on this point.
19. Proposed treatment programme

The treatment programme will follow a multidisciplinary approach where specialists in all relevant
fields will be involved in helping the offender to integrate back into the community and will assist
him to lead a crime-free lifestyle. The treatment programme is presently in an experimental stage
and is being conducted by myself and Mrs T (the social worker), who has many years of experience
in the field of working with offenders, their counselling and treatment.
After release the ex-offender has the option of maintaining contact with the programme for further
assistance if necessary and may undertake to do voluntary work for the programme. Mr P has
expressed a desire to do voluntary work.
The report is a true reflection of my interaction and communication with Mr P over the last ten-
and-a-half months. See annexure of correspondence and testimonials of friends and family of Mr P.
It may be of interest to you to know the outcome of Mr P's case. He was granted early release and
successfully integrated back into society. A follow-up of the case three years later found him to be a
productive, crime-free member of society.
2.4.3 CONCLUSION
Drug abuse and drug-related crime have implications for our criminal justice
system. Drug offenders need to be dealt with separately in order not only to punish
233
them and ensure that justice is served, but also to individualise their treatment. The
use of pre-sentence reports and parole reports facilitates the individualisation of
punishment. Because of the high recidivism rates among drug offenders, they
require special attention in the criminal justice system and individualised sentence
plans and treatment programmes. Currently in South Africa the overburdened
criminal justice system cannot adequately deal with drug offenders. Therefore, it is
important that the government and the community sector assist the criminal justice
system in reducing crime and ensuring a safer neighbourhood for vulnerable
citizens.
Remember that while the punishment of the drug offender is a reaction to crime, and rehabil-
itation efforts form part of secondary prevention measures, measures to prevent or curb
drug-related crimes before they are committed form part of primary crime prevention. Now
that we have looked at the effect of the drug offender on the criminal justice system we can
move on to examine modern prevention strategies in the fight against drug abuse in the next
study unit.

1. Which province has the highest number of drug-related crimes?
1. Gauteng
2. Western Cape
3. Eastern Cape
4. Limpopo
2. The objective of the … is to facilitate the process of decision-making on the
offender's release.
1. parole report
2. pre-sentence report
3. psychological report
4. SAPS report
3. In terms of Sections 276[I][i]/267.A[3] and 287[4][b] of the Criminal Proce-
dure Act 1977 (Act 51 of 1977), the following factors should be taken into
consideration before an offender is reintegrated into society:
1. the offender's level of self-sufficiency
2. the age and personality of the offender
3. the negative effects of prison life on the offender
4. the parole board's recommendations
4. What does Zinn's triad principle state?
1. The offender is eligible for release if he/she is remorseful.
2. All factors or circumstances that may impede chances of successful inte-
gration must be taken into consideration.
3. The interests of the offender and the community and the nature of the
crime must all be considered when imposing sentence.
4. The presiding officer must be objective when passing a sentence.
234
5. What is the main objective of the National Drug Master Plan 2018–2020?
1. It provides for random searches to be carried out.
2. It deals with matters related to drinking and drug use while driving;
breath tests, blood tests and recognition of signs of drug use, etc.
3. It focuses on regulation of the liquor industry.
4. It outlines policies of the government to address substance abuse
problems.
6. Briefly discuss the impact of drug-related crime on the criminal justice system.
(10)
7. Discuss the contributory factors of driving under the influence of drugs and
alcohol. (15)

1. 2
2. 1
3. 1
4. 3
5. 4
6. Drug-related crime has a major impact on a nation's criminal justice system.
South Africa has become the origin of and destination for drug trafficking routes.
This is caused by the increase in drug manufacturing laboratories in the continent
that produce synthetic drugs such as methamphetamine (locally known as ‘tik'). For
instance, the United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reported that
there has been an increase in seizures of cannabis, marijuana and cocaine at the OR
Tambo international Airport in Johannesburg. Moreover, SAPS statistics reported
that in 2015–2016 a total of 259 165 people were arrested for drug-related offences.
These crimes add to the heavy load that the system has to deal with.
The increase of road fatalities as a result of substance abusers indicates that
awareness campaigns and education services have been ineffective in their efforts
to reduce the drug problem. Moreover, this limited control contributes to major
implications in our criminal justice system when crimes are committed under the
influence of alcohol.
7. Drinking alcohol impairs the rational thinking capacity of the consumer. One of
the side effects of alcohol abuse on the brain is the suppression or depression of
control mechanisms. Another side effect is the suppression of muscle co-
ordination and motor reflex. This causes a failure to exercise caution while driving
and hence an increase in the number of motor vehicle accidents due to alcohol
abuse. Road accidents are not only caused by driving under the influence. Other
contributory factors according to the 2017 AA report are the following:
● motorists driving recklessly or disobeying the rules of the road
● ignorance or negligence by pedestrians by not being visible to cars
● pedestrians taking chances to cross roads when it in unsafe to do so
Furthermore, the Road Traffic Management Corporation (2017:1) statistics on
annual road traffic deaths revealed that road crashes and fatalities are frequently
caused by human factors such as jaywalking pedestrians (38.8%), hit-and-run
crashes (18.5%), high speed (14.1%), reckless overtaking in the face of oncoming
235
traffic (6.9%), drunk driving or driving under the influence of drugs (3.6%), and
driver fatigue (2.2%).
236
Learning unit 2.5
Modern prevention strategies in the fight against
drug abuse
Learningunit2.5
Revised by: Ms NP Magagula

Contents

2.5.2 THE COMPLEXITY OF DRUG ABUSE IN SOUTH AFRICA 238
2.5.3 MODEL FOR PREVENTING DRUG ABUSE 239
2.5.4 MODERN APPROACHES TO PREVENTION 239
2.5.4.1 An integrated approach to preventing substance abuse 240
2.5.4.1.1 Demand reduction 240
2.5.4.1.2 Supply reduction 241
2.5.4.1.3 Harm reduction 241
2.5.5 INTERVENTIONS BY GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS 241
LEARNING OUTCOMES
● explain drug prevention from a socio-environmental approach
● recognise modern approaches to prevention
ASSESSMENT METHODS
KEY CONCEPTS
Drug: Any dangerous dependence-producing substance or any undesirable dependence-
producing substance (Section 1 of the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act 140 of 1992).
Furthermore, Helfgott (2008:306) regards a drug as a substance that has mood-altering,
psychotropic, or psychoactive effects.
237
Drug abuse: The sustained or sporadic excessive use of drugs including the illicit and
unlawful use of drugs (Section 1 of the Prevention of and Treatment for Substance Abuse
Act 70 of 2008).
Prevention: A proactive process that empowers individuals and systems to meet the
challenges of life’s events and transitions by creating and reinforcing conditions that
promote healthy behaviour and lifestyles (NDMP 2013–2017: 19).
2.5.1 INTRODUCTION
This study unit emphasises that drug abuse is a problem that directly affects an
individual. However, according to the sociobiological perspective it is also
important to acknowledge the complex relationship between the individual and the
environment (Burke 2014:17). The environment would include the community at
large, i.e. the parents, family, school, church, peers, and the workplace, whereas the
individual factors would include gender, age, level of intelligence, body structure
and personality type (Burke 2014:17). Prevention programmes therefore need to
comprehensively cater for all the mentioned factors in order to combat the scourge
of substance abuse.
Although many different crime prevention programmes exist, individual factors
within drug users must be considered and the programme must be flexible enough
to provide for these differences. In the next section a South African perspective of
the drug abuse phenomenon is presented. We will also look at the various
intervention programmes established in this regard.
2.5.2 THE COMPLEXITY OF DRUG ABUSE IN SOUTH AFRICA

The increase in substance abuse is a worldwide phenomenon; unfortunately, South
Africa is not immune to this phenomenon. The crime statistics from the South
African Police Service indicate that there is a 12.9% increase of drug-related crimes
from April 2007 to March 2017 (SAPS Crime statistics 2017: 1). The impact of this
problem is a huge concern for a developing country such as South Africa. Since
there is a link between drug abuse, poverty, crime, unemployment, dysfunctional
family life and reduced productivity, drug abuse threatens an individual’s right to
life, freedom and security (Khosa, Dube & Nkomo 2017:73-74). It is clear that the
nature of drug abuse is complex and is affected by various factors in the abuser’s
life, including the individual, family, peers, school, community and the environment.
These characteristics in an individual’s life function as either risk factors or
protective factors in that they may either push towards or protect the individual
from substance abuse. For example, it would be easy for an individual to abuse
drugs in a disorganised community lacking social cohesion, an environment that
lacks social control, or a dysfunctional family that readily has alcohol and drugs
available (Maree 2013:72).
Because of the existence of these complex characteristics, it is necessary to adopt a
multidisciplinary approach to address the drug problem in society. It is not only the
task of schools to educate scholars as to the dangers of drugs, or of the police to
prevent drug use, or of the courts to impose punishment for related offences, or of
Correctional Services to implement the punishment; society needs to become more
involved in protecting its values and supporting the efforts of all the role players.
The multidisciplinary approach enables all role players to become involved in the
fight against drugs.
238
LEARNING UNIT 2.5: Modern prevention strategies in the fight against drug abuse
2.5.3 MODEL FOR PREVENTING DRUG ABUSE

Criminology has borrowed the three prevention categories from the health model
(International centre for the prevention of crime 2015:21). According to Stevens,
Trace and Bewley-Taylor (2005:1) the process consists of three levels of action. The
three levels can be outlined as follows:
● Primary prevention: includes programmes that are focussed on changing the in-
dividual and the environment so that the initial risk of substance abuse is
reduced (NDMP 2013–2017:19). The main aim for this level is to prevent drug-
related crime before it happens (Stevens et al 2005:1).
● Secondary prevention: includes intervention programmes where individuals at
risk are identified and assisted (NDMP 2013–2017:19).
● Tertiary prevention: includes programmes for individuals who are already within
the criminal justice system with the aim of preventing relapse (International
centre for the prevention of crime 2015:21).
INTERESTING READING
An example of this multidisciplinary approach is when the MEC for Social Development in
SA urged communities, local government and law enforcement officers to cooperate in
fighting the scourge of drug abuse during an event in Mabopane on the International Day
Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking held in partnership with the Local Drug Action
Committees (LDACs) and community development workers, which was attended by more
than 500 families.
https://www. iol. co. za/news/south-africa/gauteng/community-cooperation-needed-to-fight-
drug-scourge-9990139
ACTIVITY 1
The purpose of this activity is to get your opinion on the definition of prevention and the
value of a multidisciplinary approach in fighting drug abuse:
● Explain the term "prevention" in your own words.
● What is your understanding of the three levels of action?
● Do you think external factors such as family, peers, school and the community
play an important role in influencing an individual to abuse drugs? Motivate
your answer.
In addition to the information provided in this study guide, kindly refer to other online
platforms and come up with your own definition that will cover all the important aspects of
prevention and the levels of actions.
Consult additional sources in order to support your response on how external factors such
as family, peers, school and the community may either protect or push an individual to
abuse drugs.
2.5.4 MODERN APPROACHES TO PREVENTION

Effective prevention is more important than treatment, and is ultimately cheaper
for all. It is therefore important as a country to shift our focus to a comprehensive
and multidisciplinary approach that will deal with the drug problem by including
the three levels of action. The National Drug Master Plan (NDMP) was established
in accordance with Section 3 (4) of the Prevention and Treatment of Substance
Abuse Act 70 of 2008 as an intervention to combat substance abuse. This will
uplift the standard of the country in the fight against substance abuse in order to
239
meet the requirements of the international bodies and to meet the specific needs of
South African communities. The Central Drug Authority (CDA) is an advisory
body, which was established in accordance with Section 53 of the Prevention and
Treatment of Drug Dependency Act 70 of 2008. The mandate given to the CDA is
to assist in the fight against substance abuse in South Africa, by monitoring the
implementation of the National Drug Master Plan (Social Development 2018:1).
The CDA makes sure that the different departments and stakeholders facilitate the
different programs, and reports all these activities to parliament through the
minister of social development. For more details on the functions of the CDA,
kindly refer to Section 56 of the Prevention and Treatment of Substance Abuse Act
70 of 2008. Follow the link below for more information on the CDA and the
Prevention and Treatment of Substance Abuse Act 70 of 2008:
● http://www.dsd.gov.za/cda/
● http://www2. saflii. org/za/legis/hist_reg/poatfsaa70o2008rangnr283908/
poatfsaa70o2008rangnr283a2a2013996.html
The NDMP views prevention as various interventions that
● focus in an essential and balanced way on the individual and the environment
(group/community)
● focus on individuals as subjects who can contribute positively to preventive
action
● support community systems within which preventive action occurs
● involve targeted groups in the prevention planning and implementation
● combine demand reduction (e. g. through programmes that enhance life skills
and that reduce socioeconomic inequalities) and supply reduction (e.g. through
control/law enforcement and poverty alleviation)
● are implemented at one or more of the following three levels: primary, secon-
dary and tertiary level
2.5.4.1 An integrated approach to preventing substance abuse

The Prevention and Treatment of The National Drug Master Plan proposes the
following strategies that broadly addresses the prevention of drug abuse (NDMP
2013–2017:29):
2.5.4.1.1 Demand reduction

This approach is aimed at reducing the need to use substances by educating
potential users, making substances undesirable and enforce restrictions on the use
of substances. This strategy clearly relates to primary level prevention where
necessary steps are taken to change the individual and the environment in a way
that will reduce the demand for substance abuse (Coetzee 2013:162).
In reducing the demand for substance use, the onset of substance abuse is delayed.
This may result in fewer young people turning to drugs. A practical example of
such a regulation is the control over the smoking of tobacco products in public
places or in any motor vehicle with a child under the age of 12 years (Section 2 of
the Tobacco Products Control Amendment Act 23 of 2007).
Refer to these articles for additional information:
•https://www. health24. com/Lifestyle/Stop-smoking/Faqs/What-is-the-law-
regarding-smoking-in-South-Africa-20120721
240
•https://www. iol. co. za/news/south-africa/western-cape/new-sa-smoking-laws-in-

two-weeks-13640266
2.5.4.1.2 Supply reduction

This approach is aimed at reducing the quantity of substances available on the
market for potential users. The South African Police Service (SAPS) is the leading
stakeholder in this strategy, as they make an effort to regulate and minimise the
supply of drugs in the country (Matsenyane 2014:22). The law enforcement
activities related to this may be the setting up of regular roadblocks where vehicles
are searched, and drugs found are confiscated.
2.5.4.1.3 Harm reduction

This approach focusses on restraining and controlling the damage caused to
individuals and the community at large. The aim is to provide intervention for
those who have succumbed to the temptation of substance abuse and ensure that
they do not use again (Coetzee 2013:166–168).
For this strategy to be beneficial, at-risk groups may be identified and targeted by
means of a programme that will be administered according to their specific needs.
This will also halt the path of drug addiction. The abuser is less likely to progress
to more serious drugs, especially when intervention takes place as soon as possible.
After receiving treatment, abusers may be reintegrated back into society.
The overall objective of the NDMP is to (NDMP 2013–2017:22)
● ensure coordination of efforts to reduce the demand, supply and harm caused
by substances of abuse
● ensure effective and efficient services for the combating substances of abuse
through the elimination of drug trafficking and related crimes
● strengthen mechanisms for implementing cost-effective interventions to em-
power vulnerable groups
● ensure the sharing of current good practices in reducing harm including social
ills related to substance abuse
● provide a framework for the commissioning of relevant research
● provide a framework for monitoring and evaluation
● promote national, regional and international cooperation to reduce the supply
of drugs and other substances of abuse
2.5.5 INTERVENTIONS BY GOVERNMENT DEPARTMENTS

As mentioned in paragraph 2.5.3 above, the Prevention of and Treatment for
Substance Abuse Act 70 of 2008 makes provision for a comprehensive national
response for combatting the scourge of substance abuse in South Africa. The Act
provides for the establishment of mechanisms and programmes, particularly
focussing on prevention activities and empowering communities by giving them
access to and sharing information on how to deal with challenges of substance
abuse, as well as the education of the youth on how to handle substance abuse
issues (Matsenyane 2014:16). This approach is based on the belief that once people
are made aware of the dangers and negative consequences of drug abuse they will
choose not to use such substances. While this approach is successful in some cases,
in others this information only makes persons better informed about the drug
culture and makes it easier for them to access drugs. The sharing of information
241
also helps communities to know the relevant treatment centres and seek their
services as and when needed.
The Act furthermore provides for the formation of prevention programmes, early
intervention treatments, re-integration programmes and for the CDA, as the
regulatory and advisory board in the implementation of the NDMP. Members of
the CDA include 18 national departments, three other national government entities
and 13 experts on substance abuse appointed by the private sector (NDMP 2013–
2017:24).
The following national departments are responsible for drawing up operational
plans that are in line with the core functions of the NDMP for approval by the
CDA (Social Development 2018:2). Follow the link below for a detailed list of all
the government departments involved.
● http://www.dsd.gov.za/cda/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=
110&Itemid=138
ACTIVITY 2
Follow the link provided in section 2.5.5 above. Identify a national government department
intervention. Explain by using examples how the national government department used the
integrated approach to address the drug problem.
An example of an integrated approach implemented by a national government is when the

Department of Education drafted policies in schools that prohibited learners to use drugs on
the school premises (demand reduction). Accessibility and availability can be regulated
through the collaboration of other departments like the SAPS (supply reduction). Also,
learners at risk can be identified so that educational programmes can be presented to them;
an example of this is the Ke-Moja programme (harm reduction).
TAKE NOTE
It is very important to familiarise yourselves with facilities that offer assistance to drug and
alcohol addicts in your area. Drug and alcohol addiction affects people differently, hence it is
vital to have diverse rehab centres that vary in their approach, methods and principles. In
the previous study units, it was clear that most South Africans were struggling with drug and
alcohol abuse and the dire effects abuse has on their relationships and lives. Therefore, it is
imperative to know where to acquire the necessary intervention. Depending on the length of
abuse and severity of addiction, there are various drug rehab programmes available within
each drug rehab centre to treat specific addiction.
Here are some rehabilitation centres/facilities in South Africa:
Alcohol & Drug Addiction [Alcoholics Anonymous SA]
National Helpline: 0861435 722 (HELP AA)

Al-Anon
This is for families and friends of problem drinkers.

24 Hour helpline: 0861 25 66 66
alanongso@africa.com
Narcotics Anonymous SA
242
This is a non-profit organisation for recovering drug addicts who

meet on a regular basis to help each other stay clean.
Helpline: 083 900 69 62 (MY NA)
South African National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence
SANCA provides an affordable and specialised prevention and treat-

ment service for alcohol and drug dependence.
WhatsApp number: 076 535 1701
Landline: (011) 892 3829
E-mail: sancanational@telkomsa.net
2.5.6 CONCLUSION
We have come to the realisation that any effective drug prevention initiative must
be able to adapt to the unique situation in which the substance abuse takes place.
Substance abuse is a complex problem influenced by various factors. However, the
same factors that contribute to drug abuse may also help to prevent drug abuse. We,
therefore, hope that you have a better understanding of the complex phenomenon
of substance abuse.
To criminologists, the link between drugs and crime remains a complex
phenomenon. Is there a link between the two variables, or is it that the world in
which the drug user lives is shared by criminals? It is up to you as a second-year
student to form your own opinion on the argument.
We ended our discussion of drugs by briefly looking at the South African
perspective on prevention interventions. We identified a basic structure for
effective prevention strategies and the interventions prescribed by the Prevention
of and Treatment of Substance Abuse Act 70 of 2008. However, thinking back to
the study unit on the global state of drug abuse, you will realise that existing drug
strategies are not effective enough to curb this societal problem.

1. Factors such as family, peers, school, community and the environment may
push or … the individual towards or away from substance abuse.
1. influence
2. predispose
3. protect
4. harm
2. Which three levels of action are generally required for prevention?
1. harm, supply and demand
2. parents, families and the community
3. primary, secondary and tertiary
4. risk factors, protective factors and individual factors
243
3. Which strategies form part of the integrated approach to preventing substance

abuse?
1. risk factors, protective factors and individual factors
2. parents, schools and the community
3. demand reduction, supply reduction and harm reduction
4. the individual, police and families
4. Which statement is correct with regard to the overall objectives of the Nation-
al Drug Master Plan (NDMP)?
1. Increase the demand, supply and harm caused by substances of abuse.
2. Strengthen mechanisms for implementing cost-effective interventions to
empower vulnerable groups.
3. Exclude targeted groups in drafting intervention and prevention
programmes.
4. Intervention is implemented only at secondary and tertiary levels of
action.
5. Identify the correct statement:
1. The Central Drug Authority (CDA) is an advisory body that was estab-
lished in accordance with Section 53 of the Prevention and Treatment of
Drug Dependency Act 70 of 2008.
2. The South African National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Depend-
ence (SANCA) is an advisory body that monitors the implementation of
the National Drug Master Plan (NDMP).
3. Reports on all activities by stakeholders and government departments
are submitted to parliament through the minister of justice and constitu-
tional development.
4. The Tobacco Products Control Amendment Act 23 of 2007 provides
for the formation of prevention, early intervention treatments and re-in-
tegration programmes.
6. What is the NDMP and how does it view prevention of alcohol and drug
abuse as diverse interventions? (10)
7. Discuss the integrated approach to preventing substance abuse and provide
your own examples. (15)

1. 3
2. 2
3. 3
4. 2
5. 1
6. Refer to section 2.5.4 in this study unit.
7. Refer to section 2.5.4 in this study unit.
244
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In expanding your knowledge and areas of conceptual understanding, we aim to

Critical learning outcomes

you will develop a comprehensive system of positive law-abiding values such

Specific learning outcomes

The nature of the study package

Community management of high-

Learning unit 1.1: Introduction to high-risk offenders 2

1.1.1 INTRODUCTION TO HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS 3

1.1.1 INTRODUCTION TO HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS

1.1.2 WHO ARE HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS?

1.1.3 CAN WE REALLY KNOW HIGH-RISK OFFENDERS?

1.1.3.1 Risk assessment tools

1.1.3.2 The problem of risk prediction

1.1.3.3 Criteria and evidence for "dangerousness"

while there are significant issues involved in "knowing" high-risk or dangerous

1.1.4 PERSPECTIVES ON RISK AND DANGEROUSNESS

1.1.4.1 Criminological and legal approaches to risk and dangerousness

1.1.4.2 Psychological framing of high-risk offenders and dangerousness

1.1.4.3 Sociological understanding of risk and dangerousness

● The social construction of risk and the role of the media

1.1.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

4. establishing sufficient criteria and evidence upon which to base judge-

1.1.7 SELF-ASSESSMENT ANSWERS

6. Refer to sections 1.1.1 and 1.1.2 in this unit.

1.2.2 KEY CONCEPTS

1.2.2.1 Risk assessment

therapeutic interventions, parole decision-making, community supervision and the

1.2.2.2 Actuarial scales or instruments

1.2.3 WHY RISK ASSESSMENT?

and correctional practitioners and researchers because of its capability of

FOOD FOR THOUGHT

1.2.4 RISK ASSESSMENT: AN INACCURATE PRACTICE

Risk assessment is a fundamental and important function to reduce recidivism and to

Engage with fellow students on myUnisa with regard to their answers.

1.2.5 ASSESSMENT PRINCIPLES

1.2.5.1 The needs principle

1.2.5.2 The risk principle

1.2.5.3 The responsivity principle

addition, Hesselink-Louw (2004:95) maintains that the responsivity principle refers

1.2.5.4 Criminogenic needs

1.2.6 TYPES OF RISK ASSESSMENT

criminogenic needs) are substance abuse, interpersonal conflict and antisocial

1.2.7 FACTORS RELATED TO RISK PREDICTION

1.2.7.1 Static risk factors

1.2.7.2 Dynamic risk factors

1.2.7.3 General risk assessment criteria for reoffending behaviour

Committing the crime in a A lack of self-control Dysfunctional personal and/

1.2.8 COMMUNITY PROTECTION THROUGH PARTNERSHIP

Level 1: Ordinary risk Level 2: Local inter- Level 3: Multi-agen-

1.2.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

Choose the correct options.

At the age of 13 years, Leo joined a local group of friends in his

1.2.11 SELF-ASSESSMENT ANSWERS

1.3.2 COMMUNITY PROTECTION RISK MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES

1.3.2.1 Supervision and monitoring

such as correctional programmes, stricter conditions, increased supervision and

Victim protection Providing relevant information, per-

1.3.2.2 Key components of effective risk management

What can you remember?