US ISSN 0034-9690

REVISTA
INTERAMERICANA
DE PSICOLOGIA

INTERAMERICAN
JOURNAL OF
PSYCHOLOGY

Volume 11 1977 N o .l
REVISTA INTERAMERICANA DE PSICOLOGIA
INTER AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

E D IT O R :
G o rdon E. Finley
D ep artm en t o f Psychology
F lo rid a In tern a tio n a l University
M iam i, F lo rid a 33199 USA

C O N SU L T IN G E D IT O R S:

Arrigo L. Angelini, Universidade de Sao Paulo, Brasil

Siephen A. A ppelbaum , Menninger Foundation, USA
Alfredo Ardila. Universidad Nacional, Colombia
Rubén Ardila, Universidad de Santo Tomás, Colombia
Angela M .B. Biaggio. Pontificia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
Luis A. Escovar, Universidad de Panamá, Panamá
O lio E. Gilbert, Universidad del Valle, Guatem ala
M ax A. González; Pontificia Universidad Católica, Perú
Fernando González- Reigosa, Florida International University, USA
Wayne H. H ohzm an, University of Texas, Austin, USA
Jetóm e Kagan. H arvard University, USA
Mauricio Knobel, Universidad Estadual de Campiñas, Brasil
William M. Kurtines, Florida International University, USA
Juan LaFarga, Universidad Iberoam ericana, México
Luis M. Laosa, E ducational Testing Service, USA
Robert M. Malmo, McGill University, C añada
Gerardo Marín, De Paul University, USA
Luiz F. Natalicio, University of Texas, El Paso, USA
Joao Batista A raujo e Oliveira, FINEP, Brasil
Charles E. Osgood, University of Illinois. U rbana, USA
A m ado M. Padilla, University of California, Los Angeles, USA
Harold Pepinsky, O hio State University, USA
Emilio Ribes, Universidad Nacional A utónom a de México, Iztacala, México
Washington L. Risso. Honduras
Aroldo Rodrigues, Pontificia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil
José Miguel Solazar, Universidad Central de Venezuela, Venezuela
June Louin Tapp, University of California, San Diego, USA
Jacob o A. Várela, Uruguay
Roderick Wong, University of British Colum bia, Canda

M A NA G h\'G E D IT O R :
G e rard o M arin
D ep artm en t o f Psychology
De Paul U niversity
2323 N. S e m in a ry A venue
Chicago, II. 60614 U S A
 REVISTA INTERAMERICANA DE PSICOLOGIA
INTERAMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY

1977 V ol. 11 N o. 1

Contents Page
Contenido Pagina
N o ta E d ito rial G o rd o n E. F inley 3
E d ito ria l N ote G o rd o n E. F inley 4
L a v a lid a ció n de la p re d ic ció n d el éxito
en las d iv ersas o c u p a c io n e s u sa n d o
los “te s ts ” d e riv a d o s d el m o d e lo de la
e s tru c tu ra del in te le c to de G u ilfo rd J a c o b o A . V arela 5
T h e a d u lt g ro w th e x a m in a tio n : A follow -
u p n o te on c o m p a ris o n s b etw een
ra p id ly a g in g a d u lts a n d slow ly aging
a d u lts a s defined by b o d y ag e R o b e rt F. M o rg a n 10
T e s t R á p id o B a rra n q u illa y “ R evised
B eta E x a m in a tio n ” en su je to s P u e rto ­
rriq u e ñ o s A n g e l V êlez D iaz 14
E sc a la de a c titu d e s h a cia la so cializació n
d e la m ed icin a II M a rta L. S c h u fe r d e P a ik in 18
E s tu d io c o m p a ra tiv o e n tr e e stu d ia n te s N é lid a R o d rig u e z F e ijô o ,
A rg e n tin o s y E sta d o u n id e n se s a trav és M a ria C. R ic h a u d de M inzi &
d e l “te s t” 16 P F de R. C a tte ll D o r in a S te fan i 23
N o n -a d a p tiv e a sse rtiv e n ess o f A n g lo -
A m e ric a n a n d M e x ic a n -A m e ric a n S p e n c e r K a g a n & C la re n c e
c h ild re n o f tw o ages R o m e ro 27
« C ro w d in g » a n d h u m a n so cial b e h a v io r W illia m G riffitt 33
T o w a rd a v e rid ica l p sy c h o lo g y : T h e
so c ial p sy ch o lo g y o f th e p sy ch o lo g ical
e x p e rim e n t Irw in S ilv e rm a n 41
In te rp e rs o n a l a ttra c tio n : D o we kn o w
a n y th in g a n d a re we g o in g a n y w h ere ? D o n n B yrne 48
B o o k Review : P erso n a lity D e v e lo p m e n t
in tw o C u ltu res (H o ltz m a n , D ia z -
G u e rre ro & S w a rtz , 1975) A n a M a ria In su a 56

El contenido de este núm ero fue seleccionado por el editor anterior.

The contents o f this issue were selected by the form er editor.
 La Revista In te r a m e r ic a n a de P sicología es pub licad a p or la S ociedad ln teram erican a de
Psicología ( S . I .P .) p a ra fa cilitar el in te rca m b io d e inform ación profesional y científica
entre los p s ic ó lo g o s de las A m éricas y p a ra p ro m o v er el d e sa rro llo de la Psicología en el
Hem isferio O c c id e n ta l. L a Revista se publica c a d a seis m eses con a rtículos de to d a s las
áreas de la p s ic o lo g ía . L o s m an u scrito s que pueden ser publicados p o r lo general p erten e­
cen a u n a de tr e s c a te g o ría s: A rtículos O riginales (teóricos, revisiones, em píricos, clínicos,
educacionales o p ro fe s io n a le s de n o m as d e 20 páginas); In fo rm es Breves (500 palabras); y
Revisiones de L ib r o s (p o r invitación). A quellos artículos q u e sean relevantes a los tem as y
preocupaciones d e la P sicología In tera m e rica n a o que reflejen cierta co laboración in te r­
nacional re c ib ir á n especial atención. L os m anuscritos p u e d en escribirse en E spañol,
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cia com ercial d e b e enviarse al G erente de la Revista.

T he In tera m erica n Jo u rn a l o f P sychology is published by th e Interam erican Society o f

Psychology ( S .I .P .) to facilitate the exchange o f scientific a n d professional inform ation
am ong p sy c h o lo g ists th ro u g h o u t the A m ericas a n d to prom ote th e developm ent of P sycho­
logy in the W e s te rn H em isphere. T h e jo u rn a l is published sem i-annually and accepts
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A rticles w hich a re relevant to the th em es and concerns of In teram erican Psychology o r
w hich reflect a cross-national c o lla b o ra tio n a re encouraged. M anuscripts may be su b ­
m itted in S p a n ish , Portuguese, or E nglish. A nnual subscription is US$10.00 for indivi­
duals; U S $20.00 fo r institutions. All su bscription orders, a d d ress changes, and other
com m ercial co rre sp o n d e n c e should be addressed to the M anaging E ditor.
 3

N O T A E D IT O R IA L

A p a rtir de este núm ero reiniciam os la publicación c o n tin u a d a de nuestra R evista

Interarnericana de Psicología. Para mí fu é u n g ra n placer el a c e p ta r la invitación d é la J u n ta
D irectiva de la sociedad Interarnericana de Psicología de ser el cuarto e d ito r de esta revista
después d e las excelentes contrib u cio n es de C ari F. H ereford, L uiz F. N atalicio y H o ra cio
J.A . R im oldi. Espero lograr m an ten er y au m en tar el a lto nivel científico y profesional que
mis predecesores han sentado y el p ro d u c ir una excelente revista con la colaboración de los
im p o rta n te s psicólogos que form an pa rte del gru p o de E d ito re s Consultores.
N u e stro objetivo será el publicar los m ejores trabajos de la Psicología Interarnericana.
De e sta m anera esperam os facilitar el desarrollo de la psicología científica en to d as las
A m éricas y el resducir el aislam iento científico y profesional p ro m o v ien d o c om unicación y
co la b o rac ió n internacional.
P a ra im plem entar estos objetivos seguirem os acep tan d o m an u scrito s en todas las á reas
de la Psicología. Los m anuscritos que se considerarán para su publicación estarán en u n a
de tre s categorías: A rtículos originales (teóricos, revisiones, em píricos, clínicos,
educacionales, profesionales q u e no excedan 20 páginas). In fo rm es cortos (500 p alab ras); y
Revisiones de L ibros (por invitación). En especial nos in teresan aquellos artículos q u e sean
relevantes a los tem as y p reocupaciones de la Psicología In terarnericana o que reflejen
co lab o ració n trans-nacional. Los m anuscritos pueden ser escritos en E spañol, P ortugués, o
Inglés.
T a n to yo com o los E ditores C o n su lto res deseam os invitar a nuevos y a antiguo s a u to re s a
enviarnos sus m anuscritos p a ra su posible publicación. N u e stro rol lo percibim os co m o
teniendo dos objetivos principales: P rim ero , el seleccionar los artículos m ás interesantes
para nu estro s lectores en to d o s los países de las A m éricas. Segundo, el servir e n u n a
c apacidad educativa proveyendo sugerencias constructivas y detallad as que le sirv a n al
a u to r p a ra increm entar sus h abilidades científicas y su c a rre ra profesional.
P a ra facilitar este proceso, los m anuscritos se e stu d ia rá n d en tro de un p roceso
c entralizado. T odos los m anuscritos deb en enviarse al E d ito r q u ién a su vez los e n v ia rá a
dos revisores. Inform es m ás d e ta lla d o s pueden en co n trarse e n la c o n tra -p o rta d a de éste
núm ero de la revista.
F inalm ente, deseo expresar m is agradecim ientos a la F a c u lta d de A rtes y C iencias de
F lorida In tern atio n al U niversity por haberle provisto a la rev ista de u na oficina to ta lm e n te
e q u ip ad a así com o con una secretaria y al C entro de A suntos In tern a cio n a le s d e la m ism a
U niversidad p o r los fondos p a ra ciertos gastos d e la O ficina E d ito rial de la revista. V icky
E skenazi tam bién se m erece un ag radecim iento especial p o r su concienzuda lab o r co m o
secretaria d e la revistó d u ra n te el ú ltim o año.
Al te rm in a r esta nota e d ito rial deseo indicar que el c o n te n id o de éste así com o del
p ró x im o n úm ero de la revista c o n tie n en artículos a ce p ta d o s p a ra su publicación p o r el
a n tig u o ed ito r, H oracio J.A . R im oldi.
G o rdon E. F inley
E d ito r
4

E D IT O R IA L NOTE

W elcome t o t h e re su m ed p u b lic a tio n schedule o f the R evista, it h a s been with a great deal
o f pleasure t h a t I h a v e accepted the in v ita tio n o f the B oard of G o v ern o rs to becom e th e
fo u rth E d ito r o f th e R evista, follo w in g in the excellent fo o tstep s o f C arl F. H ereford. Luiz
N atalicio, a n d H o r a c io J.A . R im oldi. 1 look forw ard to m ain tain in g and enhancing the
high scientific a n d pro fessio n al s ta n d a rd s set by m y predecessors a n d , w ith the assistance o f
our o u tsta n d in g B o a rd o f C o n su ltin g E ditors, to p ro d u c in g a tru ly exciting Revista.
Our E d ito ria l P o lic y will be to publish th e best th at In tera m e rica n Psychology has to
offer. O ur g o a ls a re to facilitate the d ev elo p m en t o f scientific psychology th ro u g h o u t the
Am ericas a n d t o re d u c e scientific a n d professional iso latio n th ro u g h com m unication and
c ro ss-n a tio n a l c o lla b o ra tio n .
In p u rsu it o f th ese goals, w e will con tin u e to a cc ep t m an u scrip ts in all areas o f
Psychology. A c c e p te d m an u scrip ts n o rm ally will fall w ithin th ree categories: O riginal
Articles (th e o re tic a l, review, e m p irical, clinical, e d u ca tio n a l, or professional-norm ally not
exceeding 20 ty p e w ritte n pages), Brief R eports (500 w ords); a n d Book Reviews (by
invitation). A rtic le s w hich are re le v an t to th e them es a n d concerns o f Interam erican
Psychology o r w h ic h reflect a c ro ss-n a tio n a l c o lla b o ra tio n are en co u rag ed . M anuscripts
m ay be s u b m itte d in S panish, P o rtu g u e se , o r English.
The B oard o f C o n su ltin g ed ito rs a n d 1 m ost strongly e n co u rag e new as well as published
a u th o rs to fo r w a rd m ansucripts f o r c o n sid era tio n . We see ourselves as having tw o E ditorial
roles. The f irs t is th e selective ro le in w hich we strive to b rin g to th e readership the most
interesting a rtic le s fro m th ro u g h o u t th e A m ericas. The second is the educative role in which
we strive t o p ro v id e detailed a n d co n stru ctiv e advice w hich will serve to enhance the
scientific skill a n d professional c are er o f the a u th o r.
To facilitate th is process, the R ev ista has re tu rn e d to a cen tralized m anuscript processing
procedure. A ll m an u scrip ts should be sen t to th e E ditor w h o n o rm ally will send them out to
two review ers. In fo rm atio n on th e subm ission procedure and on m an u scrip t prep aratio n
may be fo u n d o n the back cover o f th is issue.
Finally, I m o st gratefully w ould like to th an k Florida In te rn a tio n a l University's College
of A rts a n d Sciences for furnishing th e R evista with a fully equipped office a n d with
secretarial a ssista n ce and FlU 's In tern a tio n a l Affairs C e n te r fo r o p e ra tin g funds fo r the
Editorial O ffice. W e all are indeb ted to Vicky E skenazi w h o has served m ost
conscientiously a s secretary to th e Revista du rin g the p a st year.
In c o n clu sio n , I w ould like to n o te th a t the contents of th is issue, as well as of the next
issue, were accepted by the previous E ditor, H oracio J.A . Rim oldi.
G ordon E. Finley
E ditor
Revista Interamericana de Psicologia, 1977, ì ì , /. 5

LA V A L ID A C I O N D E LA P R E D IC C I O N D E L E X IT O EN LAS
D I V E R S A S O C U P A C IO N E S U S A N D O LOS T E ST S D E R I V A D O S
D EL M O D E L O D E LA E S T R U C T U R A D E L IN T E L E C T O DE
G U IL F O R D
Ja c o b o A. V arela1
M ontevideo, U ruguay
Este trabajo presenta una discusión de los diversos m étodos utilizados e n la predicción del
é x ito en diversas ocupaciones y luego analiza la im portancia del m é to d o tradicional y de
un m étodo deI sistem a utilizando las habilidades mentales de G uilford. Los datos de 37
em pleados dem uestran que el m é to d o de sistem a con los datos de las habilidades prim arias
es superior e n predecir el nivel de d esem peño de los em pleados que los m étodos mas
tradicionales.

This paper presents the different m eth o d s u tilize d in order to p redict success in different
occupations a n d then analyses the value o f the traditional m ethods versus a system s m e th o d
that lakes in to account G u ilfo rd s m e n ta l abilities. Data fr o m 37 e m p lo y e e s show that the
system s m e th o d is superior to the traditional ones in predicting j o b success.

La validación de tests para la selección de perso n al se ha realizado, e n el p a sa d o , em pleando

un m odelo que es derivado directam ente del m étodo usado en el la b o ra to rio . Hay varias
variantes del m ism o, pero la m ás clásica, es la que se llam a la validez d e predicción. Esto
consiste en c o n tra ta r personal usando para ello un determ inado test q u e se estim a está
relacionado c o n el cargo en cuestión, d ejar al m ism o tra b a ja r seis m eses y luego, estable­
ciendo un criterio p a ra m edir el resultado en el trab a jo , hacer una c o rre la c ió n entre el resul­
ta d o del test y el criterio.
O tro tipo de validez consiste en hacer lo m ism o con un gru p o de p e rso n a s que ya se halla
trab a ja n d o , calcular una correlación sim ilar c o n un criterio, y con base en ello hacer pre­
dicciones so b re quienes deben ser elegidos p a ra dicha tarea. Luego se c o n tra ta n personas
que poseen dicho a trib u to en el nivel que se considera a decuado y, v a rio s meses después, se
calcula una nueva correlación con el criterio establecido.
Un tercer tip o de validez es llam ada validez de contenido. Este es el caso típ ic o de exám enes
de conocim ientos en los que se incluyen preg u n tas que reflejan el c o n te n id o del m aterial
dictado en el curso. En este caso, en general, no se hacen cálculos estadísticos.
U n cuarto tip o de validez es llam ado validez sintética. El sistema c o n siste en usar criterios
conseguidos en am bientes en los que hay m uchos sujetos para ser a p lic ad o s a casos de
m enor escala. Por ejem plo, si u n a fábrica relativam ente pequeña tiene d o s o tres mecánicos
de m antenim iento, no pudiendo usar un sistem a para validar un test d e te rm in a d o , por el
poco núm ero de sujetos disponibles, usa los criterios que sirvieron p a r a una fábrica muy
gran d e en la que hay m uchos m ecánicos de m antenim iento.
M ás recientem ente se ha sugerido el uso de lo llam ado en inglés " c o n stru c t validity". Se crea
una variable q ue es m ás bien una “c o n stru cció n ” , basada en diversas id ea s y se adm inistran
varios tests que, lógicam ente, parecen m edir esa construcción y se o b se rv a la relación entre
estas m edidas.

'D epartm ent o í M anagem ent. Wayne State University, D etroit, Michigan.
6 VARELA

El Criterio
Un aspecto i m p o r t a n te d e cu alq u ier tip o de validación lo c onstituye lo que se denom ina "el
criterio”, o s e a la m e d id a de éxito en el desem peño del trab ajo . En los trab ajo s iniciales.se
procuraba o b t e n e r u n s o lo c riterio , com o por ejem plo, el n ú m ero de piezas producidas. No
obstante, c o n e l tie m p o , se vió q u e esto no era suficiente a ú n para las tareas m ás repetidas,
pues h ab ía v a r io s a sp e c to s a ser ten id o s en cuenta. Se estableció entonces el m étodo de
criterios c o m p u e s to s . V ario s jueces le d a n diferentes pesos a diferentes aspectos del trabajo,
se p ro m e d ia n e sto s y se o btiene u n a ecuación lineal con v arias variables con un coeficiente
para cada u n a . Se h a n p ro p u e sto o tro s m étodos de sopesar el v a lo r de cad a u n o de los
criterios c o m o p o r ejem p lo : De a cu e rd o a la confiabilidad: pro p o rcio n alm en te a la corre­
lación con o t r a s va ria b le s, los su b criterio s con base en el grago en que perm iten hacer
predicciones (H o tte lin g , 1950); an álisis factorial; sopesar p a ra m axim izar la diferencia en­
tre in d iv id u o s; d a r p eso s iguales; o pesar en térm inos de costo en dinero.
C ualquiera d e lo s que antecede n o son sinó u na variante del m éto d o estadístico, cada una
de las cuales tie n e sus m érito s y sus defectos. Ghiselli (1956) ha p ro p u esto u sar criterios
m últiples y D u n e tte (1963) h a llegado al extrem o de decir “a la basura con el criterio” loque
constituye u n re co n o c im ien to d e la enorm e dificultad p a ra establecer criterios útiles.

Predicción
O tro aspecto e s el de c ó m o hacer predicciones. A parte del m étodo de correlación sim ple ya
m encionado e s tá el d e predicción m últiple, m encionado con el uso de varios criterios a lo
cual se a ñ a d e el sistem a de co rtes m últiples en el que establece un m ínim o para cad a vari­
able, el perfil ideal p a ra la tare a, el de vallas m últiples que debe ir salvando el can d id ato
antes de ser a d m itid o , y el uso de variables m oderadoras según el cual la variable m o­
derad o ra c u a n d o se m odifica tiene efecto sobre la relación entre o tra s dos variables. Vroom
(1960) p o r e je m p lo , dem o stró que el razo n am ien to no verbal tenía cierta validez p a ra pre­
dicción de su p e rv iso re s siem pre que se tratase de personas alta m e n te m otivadas.

P ro b le m a s
Pero to d o lo q u e antecede no sirve m ás que para señalar que hay una serie de problem as a
resolver en lo q u e respecta a la validación. Los problem as, sin em bargo, no surgen tanto
del m étodo e stad ístico em pleado sino del hecho de que se está en to d o s esos casos tratan d o
de u sa r m é to d o s de lab o ra to rio que son m uy útiles en el ám b ito en q u e se pueden c o n tro lar
todas las variables.
Uno des los p ro b le m a s m ás corrientes que vem os es que ra ra vez, hay un núm ero suficiente
de perso n as realizando la m ism a tare a en exactam ente las m ism as condiciones. N o creo
que sea v álid o tam p o c o a g ru p ar a personas que realizan tare as que poseen el m ism o título
com o ser “g e re n te ” . Es m uy diferente ser gerente de un sup erm ercad o , a ser gerente de una
agencia de v iajes, o d e una fábrica d e televisores, o de un secto r de un hospital. El hecho de
ser gerentes les d a m uy poco en c o m ú n . P o r lo tan to la búsqueda de /a o las características
necesarias p a ra ser un buen gerente de c ualquier cosa, es u n a quim era ilusoria. Lo m ismo
sucede p a ra to d a s las dem ás ocupaciones.
O tro pro b lem a surge de las variaciones que ocurren a d iario en las organizaciones. En las
industrias se m odifican productos, se cam bian turnos, se desajustan las m áquinas, se m odi­
fican las c ondiciones am bientales, hay ausentism o, etc., cosa que hace casi im posible m an­
tener u n c o n tro l adecuado sobre to d as las variables.
O tro p roblem a surge del hecho de que las personas y las tare as son dem asiado com plejas
com o p a ra que se pretenda o b ten e r predicciones con tres o c u atro variables. Pensar hacer
correlaciones en tre cantidad g ra n d e de criterios, y m uchas variables para una cantidad
enorm e de ta re a s en una industria, (tareas estos que están con tin u a m ente cam biando y para
las cuales m uchas veces hay m uy pocos sujetos) es totalm ente u tópico. No o b stan te, se
reconoce que si no se obtiene algún m étodo de validación se corre el riesgo de caer en la
ch arlatan ería, pues el sistema que m ás a g rad a a uno puede d a r una apariencia de bueno
 PREDICCIÓN DEI ÉXITO 7

para hacer predicciones cosa que o tro por su p arte no e stá dispuesto a aceptar.

Una Solución
En vista de los inconvenientes p lanteados, y fren te a la necesidad de establecer alg ú n tipo
de validación, se ha procedido a crea r un m étodo m uy diferente a to d o s los que se han
propuesto. El m étodo, com o m uchos de los que hem os establecido en Tecnología S ocial, se
basa en p a rte en los m étodos usados en otras tecnologías. En m uchas de ellas no se procede
a hacer el análisis de los detalles de los procesos sino que se estudia el producto term inado.
Tal es el caso de la fabricación de condensadores para ra d io y televisión. En estos resulta
poco p ráctico hacer ensayos en las diversas etapas de la fabricación. Más bien se analiza al
co n d en sad o r com pleto, term in ad o com o sistema.
El m étodo que propongo y que expo n g o aquí consiste pues en validar no las tare as indivi­
duales frente a diversos tests pro p u esto s sino a todo el sistem a de selección de personal
particu larm en te aquel que se basa en el uso de las habilidades m entales que provienen del
m odelo de estructura del intelecto de Guilford.
El procedim iento de selección es el siguiente: Se hacen descripciones d e tareas p a ra las
cuales se ha de elegir personal. Los supervisores son a d ie strad o s en las habilidades m entales
de G uilford. Luego, cada uno de ellos estim a, co nociendo las tareas y las h abilidades qué
habilidades son necesariasy en q u é g ra d o para cad a tare a. Se eligen c a n d id a to sq u e posean
dichas habilidades en el grado deseado y el supervisor escoge entre esos c an d id a to s a
aquellos q u e crea son los más convenientes. Inclusive a lg u n a s veces.se ve obligados a elegir
a alquien q u e no cum ple con el requisito previo de poseer a lg u n a habilidad m ental e n parti­
cular. E legida la persona, se le pone a trab a ja r en la tare a.
Se plan tean dos hipótesis: 1. Las personas elegidas según lo expuesto a n te rio rm e n te serán
eventualm ente consideradas superiores, cualquiera sea su tare a en aspectos ta le s com o
en ten d er las instrucciones que se les den. Esto es aplicable, ta n to a gerentes de fá b ric a , com o
a op erario s, o em pleados adm inistrativos. La su p erio rid ad so b re personas elegidas p o r los
m étodos convencionales deberá ser muy elevada y n o sim plem ente a un nivel d e 5% o
de 1%. C om o corolario se establece la hipótesis de que n o deben surgir diferencias en as­
pectos de trab ajo no relacionados con características intelectuales. 2. Las personas
elegidas así, m ostrarán una m en o r dispersión, es decir se rá n m ás hom ogéneas en los juicios
que se em itan que las personas elegidas por m étodos convencionales.

M étodo
En una fábrica que em plea 66 personas, se está pro ced ien d o desde hace dos a ñ o s a elegir
personas p a ra m uchos cargos, u sa n d o las habilidades m entales de G uilford. Se escogieron
37 personas elegidas d e a cu erd o con dichas habilidades m entales que ya tuviesen u n tiem po
suficiente d e actuación com o p a ra po d er ser juzgadas. E sto varió, desde tres m eses para un
o p e rario c om ún, hasta seis p a ra un ingeniero de m antenim iento.
Se eligieron a la z a r 57 personas elegidas p or sistem as convencionales. Esto se hizo to m a n d o
personas cuyas fichas, en el fichero de personal, estuviesen lo m ás pró x im o p o sib le a las
personas ele g id as)'q u e estuviesen en tareas que tuviesen alg u n a sem ejanza. P o r ejem plo, en
el caso de un m ecánico to rn ero , se le com paró con un o p e ra d o r de m olino, a u n q u e las habi­
lidades necesarias para am bas tare as son m uy diferentes.
Se sum inistró a los supervisores d e cada u no de los a rrib a m encionados un c u estio n ario con
15 preg u n tas en las que d eb ían in d ic a r si la p erso n a e sta b a m uy buena o m uy in fe rio r en su
desem peño del cargo o puntos in term edios en u n a escala d e 1 1 puntos. Se les p re se n tó com o
un ensayo de un nuevo tip o de fo rm u lario para e v alu ar p e rso n al y d ebían hacerlo e n form a
an ó n im a. A unque el fo rm u la rio indicaba el nom bre, c a rg o y fecha de ingreso de la persona,
p a ra m an te n er el a n o n im a to , deb ían a rra n c a r la in fo rm a ció n que identificaba a las per­
so n as ju zg a d as después de re sp o n d e r y entrega río s ju ic io s en un sobre cerrad o e n u n buzón.
De esa form a nos a seg u ráb am o s que co n testarían c o n la seguridad de que p o d ía n d a r sus
opiniones con entera libertad sin sentirse presionados.
8 VARELA

Una vez recibidos lo s c u e stio n a rio s, se calculó la m edia y desviación standard de las
respuestas a cad a u n a d e las seis p re g u n ta s co n sid erad as cruciales. Estas son:
1. ¿ E ntiende las e x p lic a c io n e s q u e se le d a n sobre p rocedim ientos a usar en su trabajo?
2. ¿ E jecuta las in stru cc io n es y ex p lic ac io n e s recibidas?
3. ¿ S olu cio n a p ro b le m a s previstos y no previstos su rg id o s de su trab ajo para las que se
dió in stru cc io n es específicas?
4. E ntre las d iv ersas funciones q u e fo rm an pa rte de su t r a b a j o , S a b e cuáles son las m ás
im p o rta n te s y c u á le s las m enos?
5. ¿ Las soluciones q u e e n cu e n tra a los problem as son de calidad?
6. ¿ E jecuta p u n tu a lm e n te los planes u órdenes, d e n tro de los plazos previstos, o
establecidos?
Se no tará que. en to d o s los casos, la s preg u n tas se refieren principalm ente a la capacidad
intelectual necesaria p a ra realizar la tarea, cualquiera sea ésta.

Resultados
La tabla I. m uestra los resultados o b ten id o s. De la m ism a se d esprende que las diferencias
son altam en te significativas. En las p re g u n ta s 2, 4 y 6, que son las q u e reflejan en definitiva
el resultado que se desea obtener, los valores de " t” son m ayores a 5, o seaq u e p < 0.000001.
Las diferencias, pues, so n de gran env ,-rgadura a favor del nuevo sistem a de selección. Para
las preguntas 1, 3 y 5 las diferencias son tam b ién significativas pero con p < 0 .0 l. Se nota,
tam bién, q u e las desviaciones s ta n d a rd son inferiores para los seleccionados con el sistem a
de habilidades m entales de G uilford, que con los del sistem a convencional. Es cierto que al
estar la m edia más a lta , hay poca posibilidad de dispersión hacia valores m ás altos.

T a b la 1
C A L IF IC A C IÓ N SE G Ú N F O R M A EN Q llE F U E R O N E L E G ID O S
M é to d o investigado M étodo convencional

Pregunta N X N X t
1 37 2.94 1.75 57 4.1 2.35 2.74*
2 37 2.79 1.18 57 4.62 2.30 5.10**
3 36 3.52 2.11 56 4.70 2.54 2.42*
4 36 3.05 1.46 57 4.84 2.51 5.65**
5 34 3.62 2.15 56 4.79 2.25 2.46*
6 37 3.16 1.18 57 4.66 1.98 5.30**

*. p <0.01 ** p <0.0000001

Se ha v a lid a d o entonces el sistema en te ro , en vez de hacerlo p a ra c a d a tarea. Esto m uestra

que hay u n a g ra n ventaja en usar las habilidades m entales de G uilford para la selección de
personal p a ra tareas m uy diversas. Se establece com o co ndición que parte del sistem a
validado consiste en que los supervisores estén bien adiestrados en el significado de las
habilidades m entales y que puedan, así, ju zg a r bien si las tare as a se r consideradas requie­
ren, o no, determ inadas habilidades.
El m étodo de validación p o r sistem as parece ser una m ejora sensible sobre los intentos d e
validar m ed ian te el estudio de casos individuales.
Falta a ú n o tro aspecto que estimo necesario para validar un sistem a d eselección. E sto sería
obtener la o p inión de los seleccionados por am bos medios respecto a si consideran que el
trab ajo q u e realizan les es intelectualm ente satisfactorio. U n buen sistem a de selección debe
satisfacer a am b a s partes. L am entablem ente, debido a circunstancias ajenas al estudio no
fue posible a n aliza r esta parte del estudio que se espera p o d e r llevar a cabo e n una etapa
futura.
 PREDICCIÓN DPI. ÉXITO 9

Referencias

Blum, M L ., & N aylor J.C . Industrial Psychology. New York: H arp er & R ow , 1958.
B rogden, H. E., & Taylor, E. K. The d o lla r criterion applying th e c o st accounting concept
to criteria construction. Personnel Psychology, 1950, 3, 133-154.
D unnette, M. A m odified m odel for test validation and selection research. Journal o f
A p p lie d Psychology, 19 6 3 ,4 /, 311-323.
Ghiselli, E. E. The m easurem ent o f occupational aptitudes. Berkeley: University of
C alifornia Press, 1955.
Ghiselli. E. E. D im ensional problem s o f criteria. Journal o f A p p lie d P sychology, 1956,
40. 1-4.
Ghiselli, E. E. D ifferentiation of individuals in term s of their p redictability. Journal o f
A p p lie d Psychology, 1956, 50, 314-328.
H oteling, H. T he m ost predictable criterion. Journal o f E ducational Psychology, 1955,26,
139-142.
L ord, F. M. C u ttin g scores and e rro r m easurem ent. P sychom etrika, 1962, 27, 19-30.
V room , V. S o m e personality d eterm inants o f the effect o f p articipation. New York:
P rentice-H all, I960.

Este tra b a jo fue aceptado para su publicación por el a n tig u o editor de la Revista Interam ericana de Psicología. Horacio J. A.
Rimoldi. el 17 de Noviembre de 1975.
10 Revista Interarnericana de Psicología, 1977, 11, /.

T H E A D U L T G R O W T H E X A M I N A T I O N : A F O L L O W -U P NOTE ON
C O M P A R IS O N S BETW EEN R A PID L Y A G IN G A D U L TS A N D
S L O W L Y A G I N G A D U L T S A S D E F I N E D BY B O D Y AGE
R o b ert F. M organ
U niversity of S o u th ern C o lo rad o
P u eb lo , C o lo rad o , USA
This paper p re se n ts a n analysis o f rapidly aging a d u lts (10 m en a n d w om en with
b o d y ages at least a d eca d e older than calendar age) a n d slow ly aging a d u lts (9
w o m en and m en w ith b o d y ages at least a decade younger than their calendar age)
in contrast to a n o r m a l c o n tro l group. Factors m ore typ ic a l o f rapidly aging adults
were low annual in c o m e , less than h appy w hole life rating, a n d cigarette sm o kin g .
There were also th re e tim e s as m a n y fir s t b orn adults in the rapidly aging g ro u p as
in th e slow ly aging g r o u p or th e c o n tro l group.

E ste trabajo p re se n ta un e stu d io de a d u lto s que están envejeciendo rápida­

m e n te (10 h o m b res y m ujeres cuya edad d el cuerpo es p o r h m enos una década
mas alta que la e d a d cronológica) y adultos que están envejeciendo despacio (9
m ujeres y ho m b res cu ya s edades d e l cuerpo so n al m en o s 10 años m enos q u e las
edades cronológicas) a s í c o m o u n grupo de sujetos control. L os fa cto re s más
típicos de los a d u lto s q u e envejecen rápidam ente es una bajo ingreso anual, una
evaluación d e su vida c o m o m en o s que feliz, así c o m o e l consum o de cigarrillos.
T a m bién se e n co n tró q u e tres veces más su jeto s eran p rim o g én ito s en el g ru p o de
a d u lto s que envejecen m as rápido, una relación que n o se encontró en los otros
dos grupos.

P eo p le age a t d iffere n t rates. Psychologists have traditionally focused their

m easurem ent tools o f individual difference on m ental and em otional grow th, ac­
c ep tin g body age a s a co n stan t best m easured by the birth certificate o r the
c alen d a r. C alen d ar age, how ever, can be a grossly m isleading index of adult aging.
F u rth e r, it now appears th a t longevity is strongly influenced by m any o f the e n v iro n ­
m en tal variables psychologists concern them selves w ith (P re h o d a, 1968; K ohn.
1971; Segerberg, 1974; Leaf, 1975; M organ, 1976).
M ortality is the usual m easure o f longevity. W hile m easured with som e accuracy,
it is nevertheless a difficult index to work w ith in hu m an research. One o p erates
solely with senescent subjects, grim ly aw aiting differential m ortality, or o n e a s­
sum es the e x perim enter will live long enough to accurately follow adult subjects
th ro u g h the decades. A n alternative is to use a standardized test o f adult aging,
m uch as M urray (1951) advocated, to determ ine the consequences o f interventions
a g a in st aging o r the consequences o f environm ental life styles on aging. T he A dult
G ro w th E xam ination (A G E ) was developed for this purpose (M o rg a n , 1968, 1968 (a),
1969 (b), 1970, 1971, 1972; M organ & Fevens. 1976).
O n e psychologist (E lkind, 1972) has already used the A G E as a m easure o f the
effectiveness of an anti-aging intervention: G ro u p hypnosis. In a study o f 19
w o m en , calen d ar aged 39 to 56 years, the 9 w ho received anti-aging hypnotic ses­
sio n s all evidenced a d ro p in body age when retested three weeks a fte r hypnosis.
T he m edian age loss was 11 years w ith a range of 3 to 18 years: all b u t the sm allest
d ro p w'ere beyond the standard e rro r of m easurem ent in m agnitude. The m edian
 ADULT GROWTH EXAMINATION 11

age loss o f the co n tro l group, hypnotized w ithout a n ti-ag in g instructions, w as zero
years with all changes falling w ithin the standard e r ro r o f m easurem ent. E lrind's
stu d y is discussed in more depth elsew here (M organ. 1976).
A n o th e r use of the AG E test w ould be to differentiate rapidly aging a d u lts from
slowly aging adults on the basis o f psychological, social, o r biological c h ara ct­
eristics. T his was suggested by q uite a few readers o f the validation study o n AGE
published in this jo u rn al a few years ago (M organ. 1972). A ccordingly, the follow ing
prelim inary analyses were m ade fro m the pool o f p eople already having tak e n the
A G E (in N ova Scotia, C anada) w ho had also com pleted extensive data form s on
their environm ental life styles a n d personal characteristics.
R apidlv aging adults were defined as those men a n d w om en w hose body age was
at least a decade older th an th e ir calendar age. Eight w om en and tw o men were so
identified a n d m ade up this g ro u p . T heir mean c alen d a r age w as 46 years (range
40 to 60 years) which was very close to the body age th ey estim ated they w ould have
(47 years) b u t the actual m ean b o d y age was 61 years (ra n g e 53 to 7 1 + years).
Slo w ly aging adults were defined as those men a n d wom en whose m easured
body age w as at least a decade younger th an their a c tu a l calen d ar age (m ore than
tw o sta n d ard errors o f m easurem ent). Two wom en a n d seven m en were so identi­
fied. T h eir m ean calendar age w as 53 years (range 40 to 60 years) with th e ir self
estim ate o f aging a m ean 47 years, the sam e as the ra p id ly aging adults. Yet the
m ean body age was 38 years (range 19 to 49).
F or p u rp o ses of com parison, a norm al aging g ro u p w as draw n by the criterion
o f a bo dy age within (± ) 5 years o f the calendar age. T en w om en and e ig h t men
com prised th is group. The c a le n d a r age, body age, a n d estim ated age fo r this
gro u p all averaged 52 years. These d a ta are presented in T able 1.

Table 1
A N A L Y S E S O F SL O W , N O R M A L , AN D R A P ID A G E R A T E G R O U P S O F NOVA
S C O T IA N S O F B O T H S E X E S : A G E IN Y E A R S BY B IR T H (C A ), BY M E A S U R E
M E N T (B A ). BY S E L F E S T IM A T E (EA)
Age rate gro u p : “Young" Slow’ N o rm a l A gers “ O lder" Rapid
Agers A gers
N um ber o f People 9 18 10
Average C A : 53 52 46
Average BA: 38 52 61
Average EA : 47 52 47
C A range: 40-60 40-60 40-60
BA range: 19-49 36-65 53-71 +
EA range: 30-60 32-60 35-55

M ean difference from CA:

BA-CA: -15 0 +15
E A -CA : - 6 0 + 1
M ean difference from BA:
CA-BA : +15 0 -15
EA-BA: + 9 0 -14

Additional note on E A: Using C A as a reference p oint, 0% o f the -young” slow agers estim ated them selves older th a n their birth
age (norm al agers estimated themselves older 17% gro u p ) while “older” rapid agers estim ated them selves younger th a n their birth
age in only 20% o f the group (norm al ages estim ated themselves younger 44% g ro u p ). Thus incidence o f m istaken direction of
aging was low in both slow and rapid age rate groups.
12 MORGAN

N ote that 100% o f th e slow ly aging a d u lts a n d 80% of the rap id ly aging adults
already knew, by s e lf e stim ate, w hich d irec tio n their aging had gone, although the
m agnitude was o f t e n u n d e restim ated . T he n o rm al ag in g g roup was also quite ac­
curate as to d ir e c tio n and m ag n itu d e o f th e congruence betw een their body and
calendar ages. A n o b s e rv a tio n a l note here is th a t v irtually all rap id ly aging adults
could be d istin g u ish e d fro m n o rm ally aging ad u lts (and the la tte r from slowly aging
adults) on the b a s is o f ap p ea ran c e a n d b e h av io r, signs not lost to their own self
estim ates.
The analyses o f t h e self re p o rt d a ta are presented in T able 2. These data suggest
prom ising leads b u t , o f course, the n u m b e r o f subjects is too sm all for any c o n ­
clusions, p a rtic u la rly w ith o u t cross v a lid a tio n . H ow ever, the results are consistent
w'ith m ore a m b itio u s a n d affluent lo n g itu d in al longevity studies where m ortality
was the m easure (S e g e rb e rg , 1974): R apidly aging ad u lts have less money, sm oke
m ore, and c h a ra c te riz e their lifetim e as m o re u n h a p p y th an h a p p y . In a ddition,
there were th ree tim e s a s m any firstb o rn a d u lts in the rapidly a g in g group as in the
o th er two g ro u p s. F ifte e n o th e r fa c to rs w hich did n o t d ifferentiate the groups are
given in T able 2.

Table 2
A N A L Y SE S O F S L O W , N O R M A L , A N D R A P ID A G E R A T E G R O U P S O F NOVA
SC O T IA N S O F B O T H S E X E S :S E L E C T E D D IF F E R E N T IA T IN G F A C T O R S F R O M
Q U E S T IO N N A IR E D A TA

Age rate group: ‘Y oung” Slow N orm al A gers "O lder” Rapid
A gers Agers
N um ber of p eo p le 9 18 10
% Females: 44 56 80
M edian an n u al in co m e: $6000.00 $6000.00 S388I.OO*
M axim um a n n u a l incom e: S20000.00 SI 5000.00 S6000.00
Lifetime happiness: 78% 67 % 40%
Present happiness: 44% 56% 50%
First born: 22% 22 % . 66 %
M edian n u m b er o f cigarette
packs sm oked p e r w eek over
Lifetime:

Undifferentiating factors: M arital status. M arital satisfaction. N um ber of children. Number of o ccu p an ts in house. Religion.
C hurch attendance. Present health. Lifetime health. Physical appearance. Personal adjustm ent. Punctuality, Job satisfaction,
Present happiness. A lcohol consum ption, intercourse frequency.

* P < .0 5 ; E fficien cy p e r c e n ta g e ( V lo -g a r.. 1968b} Tor d iffe re n tia tin g ra p id a g e r s fro m n o rm a l g r o u p is a n d fro m slo w a g e rs is a lso 9Qri.

Thus, th e A G E test of individual adult aging has replicated a few of the basic
factors associated w ith enhanced o r retarded longevity when m ortality was the
m easure. T his fo o tn o te further d em onstrates the way in which A G E m ay be used to
test for fu rth e r group differences associated w ith differential aging.
The assessm ent o f adult aging fo r people 19 to 71 years c alen d a r age offers the
o p p o rtu n ity fo r individuals to m o n ito r (heir own aging process a n d to trace the
effects of self chosen interventions in d ie t, life style, etc. S tu d e n ts and p ro ­
fessionals in psychology, sociology, biophysics, nutritio n , m edicine, and nursing
now have the personal opportunity to apply im m ediate feedback o n changes in the
ra te of aging to the life sciences, health care, and their developm ent.
 ADULT GROWTH EXAMINATION 13

References

Elking, L. Effects o f hypnosis o n the process o f aging (D o cto ral dissertation,

California School o f Professional Psychology, S an F rancisco, 1972).
Dissertation A b stra cts International, 1972.
K ohn, R.R. Principles o f m am m alian aging. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-H all, 1971.
Leaf, A. Youth in o ld age. New York: M cG raw -H ill, 1975.
M organ, R .F . The A d u lt G row th E x am in atio n : prelim inary co m p ariso n s o f physical
aging in a d u lts by sex and race. Perceptual M otor Skills. 1968, 27, 595-599,
(a).
M organ, R .F . Need fo r greater use of efficiency percentages to su p p lem en t reports
of statistical significance. Perceptual M o to r Skills, 1968, 27, 338. (b).
M organ, R .R . Are you older than you th in k ? Science Digest, 1969, 66, A ugust, 20-21.
(a).
M organ, R .F. How old are you? L ondon S u n d a y Times, 1969. O ctober 19, 39. (b)
M organ, R .F. How old are you really? C anadian Magazine, 1970, F eb ru ary 28, 2-4.
M organ, R .F. The A d u lt G row th E x am in atio n (AGE): M anual for a co m p act stand­
ardized test o f individual aging. U npublished m anual, C alifornia S chool of P ro­
fessional Psychology, San Francisco, 1971.
M organ. R .F. The A d u lt G row th E x am in atio n : V alidation, analysis, and cross-cultural
utility of a co m p a ct brief test o f individual aging. Interam erican J o u rn a l o f P sycho­
logy.' 1972, 6.
M organ, R .F. C onquest o f aging: M easuring the p ersonal effectiveness o f age reversal
techniques o n a d u lts 19 to 71. Book in progress.
M organ, R .F ., & Febens, S.K.. R eliability o f the A dult G row th E x am in atio n : A stand­
ardized test o f individual aging. P ercerpual M o to r skills 1972, 34, 415— 419.
M u rray , L A M A ssessm ent of physiologic age by com bination o f several c riteria : Vision
H earing, Blood pressure, a n d Muscle force. Journal o f g e ro n to lo g y ¡9 5 1 .6 120-
126.
P reh o d a, R.W . E x te n d e d y o u th ; The p ro m ise o f gerontology. New Y ork: P u tn a m 's, 1968.

This paper was accepted for p ublication by the form er ed ito r o f th e Interamerican Journal o f Psychology, H o racio J. A. Rimoldi,
on November 17, I975
14 fíevista interamericana de Psicologia. 1977, I t . 1.

TEST R A P I D O B A R R A N Q U I L L A Y R E V IS E D BETA E X A M IN A T IO N
E N SUJETO S PU ER TO R R IQ U EÑ O S
Angel Vélez Díaz
U niversidad de Puerto Rico
R io P iedras, P uerto Rico
Las pruebas B A R S / T (Test R ápido Barranquilla) y R evised Beta E xam ination fu e r o n
adm inistradas a c lie n te s P uertorriqueños del program a de R ehabilitación Vocacional.
las anotaciones c ru d a s en el BA R S I T fu e r o n convertidas a cocientes de inteligencia tip o
VTechsler y los re su lta d o s o b ten id o s se com pararon con los cocientes obtenidos con la
prueba Beta. Los resultados señalaron un C.l. BA R S I T p ro m ed io para esta m uestra de
91.71, d.s.: 16.9, y u n C .l. B eta p ro m e d io d e 84, d.s.: 14.5. A u n q u e las dos m edidas de C.l.
correlacionaron a u n n ivel significativo (+.68), la diferencia en tre el C.L prom edio en
am bas pruebas f u e significativa estadísticam ente. Se encontró una correlación m a y o r
e ittre el C.L BA R S I T y el n ivel educativo de los sujetos q u e e n tr e e l C.L Beta y la variable de
educación.

The Barranquilla R a p id S u rv e y Test ( B A R S IT ) and the R evised Beta E xam ination were
adm in istered to Puertorrican V ocational R ehabilitation d ie m s. BA R S I T raw scores were
co n ve rted to W echsler-tvpe IQ s . a n d these scores were com p a red to the IQ 's obtained w ith
tiie R evised Beta. The o b ta in e d results in d ica ted a m ean BA R S I T IQ o f 93.71, sd: 16.9 a n d
a m e a n Beta IQ o f 84. sd: 14.5, f o r the sam ple. A lth o u g h there was a significant correlation
betw een b oth IQ m easures (+.68), the difference betw een the average IQ fo r the two tests
was statistically significant. BA R S I T / Q scores were f o u n d to correlate significantly w ith
the educational level o f the subjects, b u t the sam e was not true fo r the Beta IQ scores.

D ebido a la escasez de in strum entos d e ev a lu a c ió n rápida del funcionam iento intelectual

t u e hayan sido n o rm alizad o s en poblaciones Puertorriqueñas, el psicólogo P uerto rriq u eñ o
tiene que d ep en d er en gran m edida de instrum entos n o rm aliza d o s en poblaciones e x tra n -
jí ra s. Una form a de m inim izar la posible discrepancia entre las norm as extranjeras y la
ejecución de sujetos P u erto rriq u eñ o s, a falta de norm as locales, es utilizar pruebas no-
verb ales u o tras norm alizadas en poblaciones de habla hispana, aun q u e no sean P u e rto rri-
(jueños: Esta últim a a ltern ativ a supone una m ayor sim ilaridad entre sujetos P u e rto rri­
q u e ñ o s y o tro s de origen hispano que c o n otros grupos culturales. Las pruebas Revised
S e ta E xam in atio n (Psy. C orp., 1957) y Test R ápido B arranquilla (B arranquilla R apid
S u rv e y T est: B A R S IT ; Del O lm o. 1958) son ejem plos de una prueba no veerbal (Beta) y
u n a de tip o verbal norm alizada en poblaciones suram ericanas (B A R S IT ).
La prueba Beta, revisada p o r Kellog y M orton (1934) y re-norm alizada por L indner &
(Ju rv itz (1946) es descrita en el M anual (1957) de ad m in istració n com o una m edida de
la b ilid a d intelectual general para personas que son relativam ente analfabetas o que no
h a b la n inglés . Esta descripción ha sid o criticada por G oldm an (1965). quien ha señ alad o
t i hccho d e que los au to res de la prueba no presentaron d a to s estadísticos que a p o y ara n
‘U idea respecto a la utilidad de la p ru e b a con sujetos an alfab e to s o de habla no-inglesa,
p a rtic u la rm e n te , G oldm an ha cuestionado m es posible q u e una m uestra de re-
i o rm aliza ció n que no incluyó personas no-caucásicas, m ujeres, ni individuos no-reclusos
c n p risión, pueda ser representativa de a nalfabetos o de p oblaciones de habla no-inglesa.
El B A R S IT , por otra parte, es una prueba verbal co rta, de 10 m inutos de duración la c u al
i s descrita en el M anual de ad m in istració n (Del O lm o, 1958) c o m o "un test para o b ten e r
rá p id a m e n te un índice de inteligencia: para uso de escolares d e habla hispana; para uso
 TEST RAPIDO BARRANQUILLA I5

de a d u lto s con niveles de instrucción p rim a ria ”. P o r lo menos un estudio ha rep o rtad o el
uso del BARS1T en m uestras P uertorriqueñas. G arcía-Palm ieri & Suárez (1972), usando
una m uestra d e veteranos P u e rto rriq u e ñ o s hospitalizados p o r razones psiquiátricas,
rep o rtaro n u n a pun tu ació n cru d a prom edio de 31.8 puntos en el B A R S IT (d.s: 10.9). Esta
puntuación cae alre d ed o r de los percentiles 23 y 27 de las norm as del B A R S IT para adu lto s
con m ás de 6 a ñ o s de educación. A unque la ejecución de estos sujetos en el B A R SIT fué
baja, se puede c onsiderar consistente c o n los reportes en co n trad o s típicam ente en la
literatura sobre el funcionam iento intelectual de pacientes psiquiátricos, los cuales tienden
a funcionar p o r d eb ajo del prom edio p a ra la población general.
El propósito d e este estudio fue el de proveer inform ación respecto a la relación y
diferencias que se pueden obtener al u tiliza r las pruebas B A R S IT y Beta con sujetos
Puertorriqueños.

Método
Sujetos
La m uestra c onsistió de 31 clientes referidos consecutivam ente p a ra evaluación psicoló
gica p o r el p ro g ra m a de R ehabilitación V ocacional del gobierno de P u erto Rico. La gran
Parte d e estos sujetos habían reclam ado ayuda económ ica de R ehab ilitació n Vocacional
debido a la presencia de problem as de tip o p s ic o ló g ic o s o en el á rea intelectual. La m uestra,
de 12 varones (39% ) y 19 hem bras (6%), tu v o una edad prom edio de 25.77 (d.s.: 10.13), con
una fluctuación de edades entre 16-51. L a educación prom edio fue de 10.97 años (<¿¿..'2:17)
con u n a fluctuación entre 6-15 años (la m uestra incluyó c u a tro personas que estaban
cursando e studios a nivel universitario). S olam ente se usaron en la m uestra sujetos con seis
o m ás años d e educación escolar, q u e supieran leer, y que no tuvieran im pedim entos
físicos que les im pidiera leer o entender las instrucciones.
Procedim iento
Los sujetos fu e ro n exam inados en g ru p o s pequeños de no m ás de 10 personas. T odos los
sujetos recibieron am bas pruebas. Las instrucciones de a d m in istrac ió n utilizadas fueron las
especificadas en los m anuales de las p ru e b a s usadas. P ara la pru eb a B eta, se usó la tra ­
ducción castellana de las instrucciones incluidas en el M anual de la edición Española de la
prueba (Kellog & M orton, 1972).
La prueba B A R S IT consiste de 60 ítem s, la m ayoría de las cuales se contestan por m edio
de selección m últiple. La duración de la prueba es de 10 m inutos y la p u n tu ació n cruda
consiste del n ú m e ro de contestaciones correctas. La p u n tu ació n cruda es co m p arad a con
los n o rm o tip o s de la p rueba, consistentes en cenóles obtenides de varias m uestras
Venezolanas. C on el p ropósito de h a c e r com parables los re su ltad o s de las pruebas
B A R S IT y B eta, se preparó u n a tabla de conversión de puntu acio n es c ru d a s del B A R SIT
a cocientes de inteligencia con prom edio de 100 y desviación sta n d a rd d e 15, usando las
norm as de tra b a ja d o re s Venezolanos c o n 6 o m ásan o s de educación. P un tu actio n es crudas
m enores de 15 fueron asignadas un C .I. de 65.
La prueba Beta es una prueba de tiem p o , consistente en seis su b p ru e b as cuyas p u n ­
tuaciones c ru d as se convierten en p u n tu acio n es a escala sim ilares a las de las pruebas
W echsler. El to ta l de estas puntuaciones a escala se c o m p a ra c o n una ta b la de conversión
a cocientes intelectuales tipo W echsler. L as norm as incluyen u n a corrección por edad, por
tan to existen n o rm as para 9 grupos d e ed ad es diferentes, desde lo s 16 a los 59 años de edad.

Resultados
La p u n tu ació n c ruda prom edio en el B A R S IT fué de 33.32, d.s.: 12.31, fluctuando las
anotaciones e n tre 2 - 53 puntos crudos. El C.I. B A R S IT fué d e 9 3 .7 1 ,d .s.: 16.9, fluctuando
las anotaciones de C.I. entre 6 5 -1 2 3 . El C .I. Beta fué de 84, d.s.: 14.5, flu ctu an d o las a n o ­
taciones entre 46 - 110. La prueba i p a ra grupos correlacio n ad o s indicó una diferencia
significativa e n tre los prom edios de C .I. B A R S IT y Beta (l = 4.28, p < .001). Cabe notarse
que parte de la diferencia entre las p u n tu ac io n es de C.I B A R S IT y Beta se podría a trib u ir
16 VÉLEZ DIAZ

al hecho de que el lím ite in ferio r u sa d o con la pru eb a B A R S IT fu e d e C .I.: 65, m ientras que
er el Beta se pueden o b te n e r an o ta cio n e s más bajas. Sin em b arg o , sólo dos sujetos (6%)
obtuvieron un C .l. m en o r d e 65 en el Beta. P or o tra p a rte , la correlación Pearson entre
an b a s m edidas de C .l. fue d e + .68, t p < .01). La co rrelación entre el C.L Beta y la a n o ta ­
ción c ruda de B A R S IT fu e levem ente m enor (r: + .6 6 , p < .0 l ) .
C a b e observarse que la a n o ta c ió n prom edio m ás baja fue en la subprueba 4 del Beta. Este
híüazgo es consistente c o n los de estudios con p oblaciones estadounidenses, d o n d e la
a to tació n prom edio en la su b p ru e b a 4 tiende a ser la m ás baja (c.f. Dudley, M asón. &
R ioton. ¡973). D ebido a la dificu ltad de los sujetos en el e stu d io presente con la su b p ru e b a
4,fué de interés el investigar cu án to subiría el C.L Beta p rom edio de esta m uestra al eli­
minar la subprueba 4 y p ro rra te a r el C .L a base de las restantes subpruebas. Los resultados
obtenidos con el Beta-4 in d ic a ro n un leve aum ento en el C .L prom edio de la m u estra, de
84 a 86.23 (í/..í.: 15.52), flu c tu a n d o la$ anotaciones entre 39-113. A unque la correlación
díl C.L Beta-4 y el C.L B A R S IT ( + .70) fue algo m ayor q u e la del Beta com pleto c o n el
B \ RS1T, la diferencia e n tre a m b a s m edidas d e C.L c o n tin u ó siendo significativa (p < .0 1 ).
S e e ncontró una relación significativa entre las a n o ta cio n e s crudas y de C.L B A R S IT y e l
nivel educativo de la m u estra (r: + .46. p < .02, y .50. /> < .01. respectivam ente), y úna
correlación no-significativa en tre el C.L beta y el nivel e d u ca tiv o de la m uesta (r: + .29. p >
.19). N o se encontró u n a c o rrelació n significativa entre las pruebas de inteligencia y la
v íñ a b le de edad.

Discusión
b>l presente estudio revela una correlación m o d era d am e n te a lta entre la prueba B A R S IT
v ía prueba Beta. El coeficiente d e co rrelación o b ten id o e n tre los C.L de am bas pruebas
¡-.6 8 ) com para favorablem ente c o n los 11 coeficientes de correlación entre el Beta y otras
pruebas presentados en el M a n u a l (1957) del Beta. E stos revelan una flu ctuación de
correlaciones entre .36 y .75, con u n a correlación m ediana d e .66. P or o tra parte, se obtuvo
m a diferencia altam ente significativa entre los C.L pro m ed io obtenidos con cada prueba,
se n d o la diferencia de m ás de nueve p u n to s de C.L Ante esta diferencia, cabe p reguntarse si
el B A R S IT sobreestim ó la eficiencia intelectual de los sujetos usados en esta m uestra, o sie l
Beta la subestim ó. A unque la m uestra usada en este estu d io es lim itada y no perm ite una
contestación clara a esta p re g u n ta , la inform ación p relim inar favorece la hipótesis de una
subestim ación intelectual p o r parte de la prueba Beta. P a ra ilustrar, cuatro sujetos cur-
sandos estudios a nive! univ ersitario obtuvieron un C.L pro m ed io Beta de 87 (incluyendo
ui sujeto que obtuvo un C .L de 77). El C.L p rom edio de estos m ism os sujetos en el
B A R SIT fue de 112.5, lo q u e es m ás consistente con la ejecución que se esperaría d e per­
sonas cursan d o estudios a nivel universitario.
L a puntu ació n B A R S IT cru d a prom edio obtenida p o r los sujetos en este e stu d io es
parecida a la obtenida p o r otra población clínica P u e rto rriq u e ñ a (G arcia-P alm ieri &
Suárez, 1972).
L o reducido de la m uestra del presente estudio limita la generalidad de las conclusiones.
Sin em bargo, estudios conducidos subsiguientem ente p o r el a u to r tienden a co n firm ar
v irio s de los hallazgos del estudio presente. U sando d o s m uestras com parables de pri­
sioneros p uertorriqueños, a 100 de los cuales se les a d m in istró el Beta y a 9 9 el B A R S IT .
sí e n c o n tró que la prim era m uestra obtuvo un C.L Beta p rom edio de 80.52, d.s. 13.55. y
A seg u n d a un C .l. Barsit pro m ed io de 89. d.s. 14.65. La diferencia entre los C.l. prom edios
obtenidos p o r las m uestras fue significativa al nivel .001 d e probabilidad, y tiende a con­
firm ar el hallazgo del presente estudio respecto a la tendencia de los C.L B A R S IT a ser
m ayores que los C.L Beta. La correlación entre el C.L B A R S IT y la educación d e los
reclusos fue de .60 (com parados con .50 en el estudio presente), m ientras que el C.l.
BA R S IT y la edad de los reclusos correlacionó -.21 (n.s.) (-.17 en el estudio presente). Con
i£ p ru e b a Beta se encontró u n a correlación de .55 entre la educación de los prisioneros y el
C.L Beta. Esta correlación fue m ás alta que la e n co n trad a con los sujetos del p resen tees-
t id i o (.29). La correlación e n tre el C.L Beta y la edad de los prisioneros fue de .27; a unque
 TEST RAPIDO BARRANQUILLA 17

m ás a lta que la del estudio presente (-.08), tam poco fue significativa. Al igual que en el
e stu d io presente, los p risioneros obtuvieron sus a n o tacio n es m ás bajas, en p ro m ed io , en
la su b -p ru eb a 4.

Referencias
Del O lm o, F. Barranquilla R a p id S urvey Test M anual. New Y ork: Psychological C o rp ..
1958.
D udley, H.K., Jr.. M ason, M ., & R hoton, G. R elationship o f Beta IQ scores to young state
hospital patients. J o u rn a l o f Clinical Psychology. 1973, 29. 197-203.
G arcia-P alm ieri. R., & S uárez, Y. T he future o u tlo o k of P u e rto Rican Viet N am Era
hospitalized psychiatric patients. Journal o f Clinical Psychology. 1972,28. 394-399.
G o ld m an . B.A. Revised B eta E xam ination. E nO . K. B u ro s(E d .) The sixth m en ia l m ea su r­
em en t yearbook. N ew Jersey: G rypho Press. 1965.
Kellog. C.E., & M orton. N .W . Revised Beta E xam ination. Personnel Journal. 1934, 13.
98-99.
Kellog, C.E.. & M orton, N .W . M anual Bela. M adrid: T écnicos Especialistas A sociados,
1970.
L indner, R .M .. & G urvitz. M. R estandardization of the Revised Beta E xam in atio n to
yield the W echsler type o f I.Q. Journal o f A p p lied Psychology. 1946, 30. 649-658
Psychological C orporation. R evised B eta E xam ination M anual. New Y ork: A uthor. 1957.

Esta a rticulo fue aceptado para su publicación por el antig u o editor de la Revista /m eram ericana de Psicología, H oracio J.A .
Rim oldi el día 3 de Febrero de 1976.
18 Revista imeramericana de Psicología. 1977, / / . I.

E S C A L A D E A C T I T U D E S H A C IA LA S O C IA L IZ A C IO N DE LA
M E D I C I N A II1

M arta L eonor Schufer de P aikin2

C en tro Interdisciplinario de Investigaciones en Psicología M atem ática y E xperim ental
(C IIP M E )
Buenos Aires, Argentina
El análisis factorial de ¡a m atriz de intercorrelaciones entre los puntajes asignados por
los sujetos-jueces a los setenta ítem s de una escala de actitudes hacia la socialización de la
Medicina, reveló que estas correlaciones pueden ser explicadas en términos de ocho factores
complejos. La faciorización de las correlaciones entre a m b o s factores primarios indicó que
éstos pueden ser explicados p or dos factores de segundo orden que. en líneas generales, con­
centran, uno, opiniones favorables y el otro, opiniones desfavorables a la socialización de la
Medicina.

The factorization o f the correlations between the scores given by judges to the seventy items
o f a scale towards socialized Medicine revealed that these intercorrelations can be explained in
terms o f eight complex factors. The factorization o f the correlations between the primaries
indicated that these factors can be explained, in turn, by two second order factors, one o f which
concentrates favorable opinions and the other, unfavorable opinions towards socialized
Medicine.

El presente trabajo to rm a p a rte de una investigación m ás am plia que incluyó la c o n ­

strucción de una escala de actitudes hacia la socialización de la M edicina y eí análisis
estadístico de los items de la m ism a (S chufer de Paikin, 1973 a). Los objetivos del presente
estu d io son: determ inar ex perim entalm ente cuál es el núm ero de dim ensiones q u e se
necesitan para explicar las correlaciones entre los ítem s d e la escala; descubrir em pí­
ricam ente qué ítems están relacionados entre si; in te rp re ta r los grupos de ítem s así
form ados.

Método
La m atriz de intercorrelaciones en tre los puntajes asig n ad o s por los sujetos-jueces a los
setenta ítem s de la escala de actitudes hacia la socialización de la M edicina fue factorizada
p o r el m étodo de ejes principales. Para estabilizar las co m unalidades se realizaron dos
factorizaciones, la prim era usan d o las com unalidades estim a d as (el valor más a lto d é la
colum na) y la segunda, c o n las com unalidades resultantes d e l prim er análisis. Con el fin de
o b ten e r la estructura sim ple (T h u rsto n e. 1947) se aplicó a dichos factores una ro tació n
V arim ax-solución sucesiva- ( H orst, 1965). dos rotaciones P rom ax i H endrickson & W hile,

1 Eí presente trab ajo >e lleva a c a b o con una beca del Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CO N ICET).
1.a primera parte ha sido publicada en ia Revista /nteramericana d e Paycotogia bajo el titu lo Escala de Actitudes hacia la
Socialización de la Medicina 1.
2 La autora agradece al Dr. H oracio J.A. Rimoldi sus valiosas enseñanzas y sugerencias que hicieron posible la realización de
esta investigación. Además, desea expresar su agradecim iento a la D ra. Ana M aría Insua por su colaboración en la realización
del análisis factorial.
 ESCALA DE ACTITUDES 19

1974) y cinco rotaciones oblicuas m anuales. Las correlaciones en tre p rim arios fueron
factorizadas p o r el m éto d o centroide.3

Resultados
Los Factores
F actor A
Este factor se refiere a los aspectos: Asistencial. O rganizativo, E conóm ico. P rofesional y
E ducacional del Sistem a Socializado.
— asistencial: se refiere a la extensión de los servicios m édicos a to d a la p o b lació n y a la
calidad de los m ismos. P o r ejem plo: “ Un sistem a socializado brinda iguales posibilidades
de atención a todas la clases sociales” .
—organizativo: se refiere a la distribución eficaz d e profesionales y e q u ip o s de diagnóstico
y tratam ien to y a las posibilidades que el sistem a brinda al paciente de elegir el tipo de
servicio m édico que prefiera. P or ejem plo: “ T odos los m édicos tienen trab a jo en un sistema
socializado”.
—económ ico: se refiere a que en el sistema socializado n o existe la com petencia económ ica,
lo que evita la com ercialización de la M edicina y hace q u e los m édicos puedan c u m p lir más
am pliam ente su m isión social. P o r ejem plo: “ Un sistem a socializado evita la com petencia
e conóm ica entre los m édicos”.
— profesional: se refiere a la continua actualización profesional que este sistem a requiere de
los m édicos y a la m ay o r dedicación de éstos a tareas de investigación. P o r ejem plo: “ En un
sistem a socializado se exige a los m édicos una c o n tin u a actualización pro fesio n al” .
—educacional: trata de la adecuación de la enseñanza de la M edicina a las necesidades del
país y de la m ayor a m p litu d del curriculum de esa c a rre ra . P or ejem plo: “ En u n sistema
socializado la enseñanza de la M edicina puede a b a rc a r más ra m a s del conocim iento
m édico” .
T odos los items a g ru p a d o s en este facto r rep resen tan opiniones favorables a la sociali­
zación de la M edicina, excepto dos ítem s cuyos valores escalares los ubican en la zona de
neutralidad del continuo. Sin em bargo, a! revisar las correlaciones originales se encontró
q u e están altam ente c orrelacionados con ítem s favorables a la socialización de la M edicina,
p o r lo que resulta consistente su inclusión e n este factor.
F actor B
Este factor apunta a los aspectos: A sistencial, C ientífico y P rofesional, e x p resa n d o las
consecuencias negativas de la aplicación de un sistem a socializado.
—asistencial: se refiere al deterioro de la asistencia m édica, pues se destruye la relación
m édico-paciente. P o r ejem plo: “ Un sistem a socializado c o arta la libertad individual tanto
d e m édico com o del paciente".
—científico: trata de la neutralización del progreso científico d a d o que la investigación
q u e d a relegada. P or ejem plo: “ La M edicina socializada neutraliza el progreso científico” .
— profesional: se refiere a la falta de progreso del m édico, porque n o se le ofrecen posi­
bilidades de superación y se le hace perder el interés p o r a dquirir nuevos conocim ientos.
P o r ejem plo: “ El sistem a socializado no ofrece posibilidades de p rogreso al m édico”.
Los enunciados que se ag ru p an en este fa c to r e x p resan opiniones desfavorables a la
socialización de la M edicina, con excepción de dos ítem s que rep resen tan opiniones
neu tras, pero que tienen altas correlaciones con items desfavorables a la socialización de la
M edicina. Este factor tiene correlación positiva con los factores C y H.
F actor C
Es un factor bipolar, que se refiere a los aspectos asistencial y científico. Varios de los ítems
que definen este fa cto r tienen tam bién sa tu rac ió n en el facto r B.
—asistencial: se refiere al deterioro de la asistencia m édica en el sistem a socializado.

3 Las labias correspondientes asi como el resto de los items se hallan a disposición del lector, quien puede solicitarlas a la
Biblioteca de CIIPM E, H abana 3870. Buenos Aires, A rgentina.
20 SCHUFER DE PAIK1N

debido, en tre otros factores, a la p e rtu rb a ció n de la relación m édico-paciente. Por ejem plo:
“ El sistem a socializado no a u m e n ta ni dism inuye la calidad de los servicios m édicos”.
Es difícil in te rp re ta rla b ip o la rid ad d e este factor. Una explicación plausible sería que a una
creciente despersonalización de la relación m édico-paciente co rre sp o n d e una dism inución
en la calidad de los servicios m édicos.
— cientifico: incluyendo dos item s: “ El sistem a socializado n o acelera ni detiene el proceso
científico de la M edicina” . “Los descubrim ientos en M edicina son independientes del
sistem a de atención m édica im p e ran te ”.
Factor D
Es un fa cto r bipolar. En el polo positivo se ag ru p an ítem s que indican q u e e l cuidado de la
salud es u n servicio público. P o r ejem plo: “ C om o la educación, la atención médica es un
servicio público” .
Factor E
Es tam b ién un factor b ip o lar; en el polo negativo se a grupan ítem s que a p u n ta n a los
problem as económ icos de la M edicina a ctu al, es decir del sistem a d e práctica privada. P or
ejem plo: “ L a M edicina a ctu al es d em a siad o costosa para ser a fro n ta d a individualm ente” .
O poniéndose a estos c onceptos, en el p o lo positivo del fa cto r se en cu en tran ítems que
expresan u n a o p inión favorable al sistem a d e práctica privada, refiriéndose, sin em bargo,, a
otros aspectos del pro b lem a. P o r ejem plo: “ El sistem a de p ráctica privada es el único que
garantiza el a lto nivel científico d e los m édicos” .
Sin em b a rg o , los enunciados con m ay o r sa tu rac tió n en este polo se refieren, com o los del
polo negativo, al aspecto e co n ó m ico , expresando p o r ejem plo q u e “ El sistem a socializado
ni m ejora ni em peora el pro b lem a económ ico del cuerpo m édico” .
Factor F
Este es un fa cto r bip o lar en cuyo polo p ositivo se agrupan ítem s q u e ap u n ta n al problem a
económ ico en lo que se refiere a su ju sta ubicación en el sistem a de valores de la profesión
m édica en beneficio de su función social (esta interpretación co n cu e rd a con la realizada
p a ra los facto res A y E). P o r ejem plo: “ El incentivo económ ico se red u c e a sus proporciones
ju sta s en el sistem a socializado”.
El polo negativo de este factor está representado por dos ítems q u e se ag ru p an tam bién en
el fa cto r E ex p resan d o una o p in ió n favorable al sistem a de p rá ctic a privada.
F actor G
Es un fa c to r bip o lar que co n cen tra ítem s que se refieren al a sp e c to organizativo. P o r
ejem plo: “ El trab a jo del m édico está m ejo r organizado en un sistem a socializado".
F actor H
Este fa c to r está definido p o r ítem s que a p u n ta n al aspecto profesional, refiriéndose a las
características negativas que el ejercicio d e la profesión tendría en un sistema socializado a
causa de: —falta de incentivo p a ra el desem peño de la profesión, lo que la convierte en un
trab a jo rutin ario . —b urocratización del ejercicio de la profesión y d e la atención m édica
p or interferencia de organism os adm inistrativos, con el consiguiente d eterio ro de la
asistencia prestada.
Este fa cto r tiene una alta correlación p ositiva con el factor B que. com o se vio, tam bién
c o n ce n tra ítem s desfavorables a la socialización de la M edicina en lo que hace a la taita
de p rogreso de la ciencia y del m édico y al d eterio ro de la asistencia médica.

El Segundo Orden
L a factorización de las correlaciones e n tre prim arios indica que estas intercorrelaciones
pueden ser explicadas por dos factores negativam ente c orrelacionados. En el prim er factor
se a g ru p a n los factores A, F y G ; en el o tro , los factores B, C, E y H. El factor D n o tiene
sa tu rac ió n en ninguno de los factores d e segundo orden. En líneas generales, el prim er
fa cto r a g ru p a los prim arios que e xpresan opiniones favorables a la socialización de la
M edicina en los aspectos asistencial, organizativo, profesional y económ ico. Y el segundo
 ESCALA DE ACTITUDES 21

c o n ce n tra a aquellos p rim a rio s que hacen hincapié en el d eterio ro de la asistencia m édica
y en la falta de progreso d e la ciencia y del m édico que la im plantación de un sistem a
socializado acarrearía.

Discusión
El análisis de los ocho fa cto res que explican las intercorrelaciones entre los ítem s de la
escala indica que los dos prim eros factores extraen la m ayor parte de la varianza com ún
y representan los dos p olos o puestos del continuo favorable-desfavorable a la socialización
de la Medicina. Sin em b arg o , estos polos opuestos no son sim étricos, es decir, n o están
representados p o r ítems de con ten id o sim ilar pero de signo inverso, sino que a p u n ta n a
d istin to s aspectos de los beneficios o perjuicios q u e la im plantación de un sistem a de
M edicina socializada tra e ría consigo.
En el polo favorable, los ítem s expresan que un sistem a socializado b rin d a iguales posibi­
lid ad es de atención a to d as las clases sociales, que to d o s los médicos tienen tra b a jo , que
evita la com petencia económ ica entre los m édicos, etc. En cam bio, en el polo d esfavorable
se a g ru p an ítems que indican que un sistem a socializado deterio ra la asistencia m édica,
en especial la relación m édico-paciente y que detiene el progreso de la ciencia y del m édico.
Es d e cir que las razones p o r las cuales se estaría a fa v o r o en c o n tra de la socialización de la
M edicina tienen distinto fu n d am en to . Esto c o rro b o ra lo observado en u n a investigación
a n te rio r (Schufer de Paikin. 1973b) en la cual los m édicos que sostenían que un p roceso de
socialización de la M edicina era necesario, fu n d a b an su ju ic io en razones d e “justicia
social” , com o las expresadas en el prim er factor; e n cam bio, quienes aducían que era
innecesario se basaban en razones de índole “pro fesio n al” co m o las indicadas por el
se g u n d o factor. Esta d iv ersid a d se establece claram ente en el factor E, donde los ítems
d e tra cto re s del sistem a de a te n ció n privada a p u n ta n a la pa rte económ ica y los que lo
a p o y a n a la parte científica.
Los factores C y H a p u n ta n a los m ism os apectos que el fa cto r B, con el que e stán posi­
tivam ente correlacionados, p e ro m ientras el facto r C hace hincapié en la calid ad de la
a te n c ió n m édica, el H hace referencia a la falta de incentivos y a la b u ro c ra tiz a ció n del
ejercicio de la profesión en u n sistem a socializado.
Los factores E y F a p u n ta n a distintos aspectos des pro b lem a económ ico y el fa c to r G al
a sp e c to organizativo, pero el agrupam iento se hace sin ten er en cuenta el criterio
“favorable-desfavorable".
El fa cto r D. que no tiene c o rre lac ió n con ninguno de los o tro s, introduce expresam ente
la ¡dea de que la M edicina es u n “servicio público”, idea q u e no está presente en los otros
factores, ya que los que se refieren a ese aspecto lo hacen bajo la form a de “ m isión social” .
D e lo expuesto puede concluirse que, dado que la socialización de la M edicina es un
pro b lem a tan com plejo y q u e las actitudes y opiniones p ueden tener distin to s fundam entos,
la esc ala debe tratarse n o c o m o un to d o sino subdividirse e n varias subescalas que to m en en
c u e n ta todos los aspectos e x p re sa d o s p o r los factores obtenidos.

Referencias

H endrickson. A. & W hite, P. O. P ro m ax : a quick m eth o d for ro tatio n to oblique sim ple
structure. The British Jo u rn a l o f Statistical P sychology, 1974. 17,65-70.
H o rst, P. Factor analysis o f d ata m atrices. New Y ork; H olt, R inehart & W iston, 1965.
S c h u fe r de Paikin, M .L. E scala de actitudes hacia la socialización de la M edicina. Publi­
cación del C entro Interd iscip lin ario de Investigaciones en Psicología M atem ática
y E xperim ental (C IIP M E ) N° 2 2 , 1973 (a) (m im eografiado).
S c h u fe r de Paikin, M .L. El m o d elo de ro l profesional del m édico. P ublicación d el C entro
Interdisciplinario de Investigaciones e n Psicología M atem ática y E xperim ental
(C IIP M E ) N° 21, 1973 (b ) (m im eografiado)
22 SCHUFER DE PAIKIN

T h u rsto n e, L.L. M ultiple fa c to r analysis. A developm ent a n d expansion o f the vectors o f

the m ind. Chicago; U niversity o f C hicago Press, 1974.
Este a rtic u lo fué aceptado para su publicación p o r el a n tig u o editor d e la Revista Interam ericana de Psicología, H o racio J A.
Rim oldi, el dia 28 de Abril de 1975.
R e v is ta ¡ n te r a m e r ic a n a d e P sic o lo g ía , 1977. / / , I. 23

E S T U D IO C O M P A R A T IV O
E N T R E E S T U D I A N T E S A R G E N T IN O S Y E S T A D O U N I D E N S E S
A T R A V E S D E L TEST 16 PF D E R. C A T T E L 1,2
Nélida R o d ríg u ez Feijóo, M aria C. Richaud d e Minzi & D orina S teíani
C entro Interdisciplinario tlt Investigaciones en Psicología M atem ática y E xperim entaI
( C l/P M E )
Buenos A íres, A rgentina
En este trabajo se realiza u n estudio com parativo e n tre estudiantes a rgentinos y esta
dounidenses, utiliza n d o el test P F de R. Cattell. A m b o s grupos se analizan en térm inos de
cada u n o de los 16 fa c to re s de personalidad a sí com o d e ¡as m atrices de covarianza. Los
resultados indican q u e la estructura fa c to ria l y los p erfiles de p ersonalidad son similares
para am bos grupos, e n tanto que cuando se analiza cada fa c to r separadam ente aparecen
diferencias significativas en la m ayoría de los casos.

A com parative s tu d y betw een sam ples o f A rgentine a n d U.S. students using C attell’s 16
P F Test is presented. B oth groups were in term s o f each one o f the 16 perso n a lity fa c to rs as
w ell as in term s o f th e covariance matrices. The data s h o w s that the fa c to ria l structure and
the personality p ro file s are sim ilar f o r b o th groups, b u t significant differences were fo u n d ,
in m o st cases, when analysing each fa c to r separately.

El objetivo de este trab a jo es hacer un estu d io co m p arativ o entre estudiantes argentinos

y estadounidenses u tilizando co m o in stru m en to de evaluación el T est 16 P F (C attell, 1970).
Este test fue seleccionado en tre otros posibles in strum entos verbales p a ra la estim ación
de la personalidad p o r la a b u n d an te lite ratu ra que existe al respecto y p o r su aparente
estabilidad factorial (C attell, et al., 1970). Este in stru m e n to consta de dos fo rm as equiva­
lentes A y B y provee inform ación acerca de 16 v ariables factorialm ente ¡dentificables.
Es im portante a n a liz a r el problem a desde d o s p u n to s de vista:
— ¿ Existen diferencias en la estru ctu ra de personalidad entre la m uestra argentina
y estadounidense?
— ¿ Cuáles so n los factores en los que existen diferencias, y si las hay, en qué
dirección?
M ientras la segunda pregunta se refiere especialm ente a diferencias o sem ejanzas en cada
variable factorial e n am bos grupos, la p rim era alude a diferencias o sem ejanzas en las
interrelaciones que ex isten en am bos g rupos e n tre los 16 factores. En este tra b a jo se tratará
especialm ente de a n a liz a r la segunda p regunta a u n q u e se p resentará inform ación referida a
la estructura factorial de am bos grupos.

M étodo
La form a A del te st 16 P F fué traducida y a d ecu ad a al m edio local (C attell, 1972). Se
aplicó a 150 estudiantes de una escuela técnica de varones, argentinos, cuya edad prom edio
era de 18,38 años, c o n una desviación e stán d a r de 1,57 años. Se o b tuvieron las medias
arim éticas y desviaciones están d ar para cada fa cto r y una m atriz de intercorrelacíones entre
los distintos factores.
Se usaron las m ed ias aritm éticas y desviaciones e stán d a r p a ra cada fa c to r correspon-
1 Trabajo presentado en el XV Congreso Interam ericano de Psicología celebrado en Bogotá. C olom bia, en diciem bre de 1974.
2 Este trabajo es parle de u n a investigación que realiza el Centro Interdisciplinario de Investigaciones en Psicología
M atem ática y Experim ental (C1IPM E) bajo la conducción d e su D irector. Dr. Horacio J.A . Rimoldi, a quien las autoras
agradecen las sugerencias y criticas que lo hicieron posible.
24 RODRIGUEZ FEIJOO. RICHAUD DE M1NZI & STEFANI

d ien tesa 1260 e studiantes estadounidenses, varo n es, de 17 años d e e d a d y a 2106 sujetos de
20 años con las m ism as características de los a n te rio re s (1PA T , 19 7 0 , p .6, p. 12), así com o la
m atriz de intercorrelaciones en tre los d is tin to s factores, o b te n id a p o r R ussell a p a rtir de
una m uestra de 423 estudiantes e stad o u n id en ses, v arones (C a tte ll et al., 1970, p. 103).
El g ru p o de estudiantes argentinos de 18 a ñ o s se c o m p a ró , a n ivel d e m edias aritm éticas,
con dos m uestras de estudiantes estad o u n id en ses de 17 y 20 añ o s d e b id o a que no se dis­
ponía de d a to s correspondientes a sujetos estad o u n id en ses de 18 a ñ o s.
En to d o s los casos se aplicó u n a pru eb a de significación de d ire re n c ia s de medias de
m uestras no correlacionadas fijando el nivel d e riesgo al !% 3. Las m a tric e s de correlaciones
se com pararon u tilizando una p ru e b a de significación de d iferen cias d e correlaciones para
cada celda, fijando el nivel de riesgo al I% 4.

R esultados
En la T ab la I se presentan las m edias y d esviaciones están d a r d e los pu n tajes obtenidos
en cada uno de los 16 factores de p esonalidad correspondientes a las m uestras de estudi­
antes a rg en tin o s y estadounidenses respectivam ente.

T abla 1
M edias y D esviaciones S ta n d a r de los diferentes grupos*

Arg. Arg. EE. UU. EE. UU. E E . UU. EE. UU

X D.S. X D.S. X D.S.
17 17 20 20
años a ños años años
A 10.57a 2.42 9.03 3.0 U 10.08 3.43
B 6.95 b 1.68 7.04 2.17 8.83b 1.89
C 16.42c! 4.11 14.03c 3.71 15.14,1 3.90
E 11.33er 3.52 13.06c 3.66 13.93f 4.12
F 15.39? 4.18 15.31 4.27 I6.44? 4.52
G 13.66hi 3.57 11.04,, 3.36 11.95, 3.75
H I5.44jk 4.84 12.60 ¡ 5.01 13.75k 5.77
1 9.35 3.28 8.85 3.51 9.24 3.82

Arg. Arg. E E . UU. EE. UU. EE. UU. EE. UU

X D.S X D.S. X D.S.
17 17 20 20
años años años años
L 10.8 l,m 2.83 9.86i 3.08 8.97m 3.34
M I0.62„ 3.05 1 1.01 3.51 I2.69n 3.62
N 10.55., p 2.53 9.25» 2.65 8.25P 2.68
O 10.89 m 3.97 11.93.1 3.79 10.18 3.93
Qi 10.11 3.27 9.72 3.05 10.16 3.23
Q2 10.79 3.22 10.12 3.50 10.28 3.73
Q, 13.37« 3.01 11.07, 3.12 11.72, 3.27
Q< 10.95,., 4.46 13.33, 4.11 12.11a 4.82

* Medias con sub-índices iguales indican diferencias significativas entre las dos medias al nivel d e p < .01

3 Fue im posible realizar un análisis más preciso por carecer de los puntajes originales correspondientes a las muestras
norteamericanas.
4 hue imposible hacer una com paración más rigurosa por no disponer de los puntajes originales de la m uestra norteamericana.
 ESTUDIO COMPARATIVO 25

C om o puede observarse en 8 de los factores, las medias resultan significativam ente

diferentes en las 3 m uestras, y en 10 factores cuando se com paran los estudiantes argentinos
con los estadounidenses de 17 años de edad y en 11 factores cuando se compara la muestra de
estudiantes a rg en tin o s con los estadounidenses d e 20 años.

Discusión
En relación a la prim era pregunt plan tead a en la introducción, las m atrices de correlaa-
ciones correspondientes a los sujetos argentinos y estadounidenses resu ltaro n sem ejantes,
lo que indica que la estructura factorial de personalidad es sim ilar en a m b a s m uestras.
Para responder a la segunda p regunta se describirá a continuación el c o m p o rtam ien to de
las tres m uestras en cada u n o de los factores.5
N o existen diferencias significativas entre la m u estra de estudiantes a rg en tin o s y las dos
m uestras de estu d ian tes estadounidenses en los siguientes factores: 1 (m enor-m ayor sensi­
bilidad em ocional). Q, (conservadorism o-radicalism o) y Q , (dependencia-independencia
con respecto al g rupo). En los factores A, B, F, M y O la m uesta argentina difiere de una u
o tra m uestra estadounidenses.
En los factores A y O. el g rupo estadonidense d e 17 años m uestra m ayor tendencia a la
esquizotim ia (incapacidad para em ocionarse, a p artam ien to e indiferencia hacia los dem ás
e incapacidad para expresar los sentim ientos) y a la ansiedad (inseguridad en sí m ismo,
inadaptabilidad y dependencia con resp ecto a la a p ro b a c ió n o d e sa p ro b a c ió n de losdem ás)
que el grupo arg en tin o . Estas diferencias desaparecen cuando se realiza la com paración
con el grupo estadonidense de 20 años de edad.
En los factores B. F y M las diferencias existen s ó lo e n tre e lg ru p o a rg e n tin o y e l estado­
unidense de 20 a ñ o s d e edad. El factor B mide capacidad intelectual, es pues lógico que el
grupo estadonidense de 20 añ o s presente valores m ás altos que el g rupo a rg en tin o de m eno
edad. En el fa cto r F (estado de ánim o pred o m in an te relacionado con la introversión-
extraversión) el g ru p o estadounidense de 20 años m uestra m ay o r e ntusiasm o, alegría y
despreocupación q u e el grupo argentino.
C on respecto al fa cto r M (m avor-m enor sentido de realidad) los resultados indican que el
grupo argentino se caracteriza por un c o m p o rtam ien to m ás p ráctico, un pensam iento más
pragm ático y una conducta m ás convencional que el grupo e stadonidense de 20 años.
En los factores C, E. G, H, L, N, Q ;, y Q4 las diferencias entre el g rupo a rgentino y las
m uestras estadounidenses son significativas. C on excepción de los factores E y Q4en todos
los dem ás casos los puntajes de la m uestra a g ren tin a son más altos.
C on respecto al facto r E (su m isión-autoritarism o) el grupo arg en tin o se inclina hacia
el polo de sum isión, es decir que. de acu erd o con la interpretación de este fa cto r, los estudi­
antes argentinos resultarían m enos agresivos, m enos dogm áticos, m enos com petitivos y
más ad ap tad o s y dependientes que el grupo de estudiante estadonidense. Esto podría
explicarse ya sea co m o resultante de que el grupo arg en tin o está c o n stitu id o p o r estudiantes
provenientes de una escuela técnica c o n un sistem a disciplinario estricto, o com o una
diferencia cultural determ inada por un distin to nivel de exigencia en el m edio argentino y
estadonidense. N uestros d ato s actuales no perm iten aclarar este problem a.
C on respecto al factor Q 4 (m enor-m avor tensión interna) el gru p o arg en tin o parece
tener m enor ten sió n interna que cualquiera de los d o s grupos e stadounidenses, lo que im ­
plica m enor fru stració n e irritabilidad y una m ejor ubicación frente a los problem as. La
descripción de o tro s factores, com o p o r ejem plo C, H y M. parece in d icar que el grupo
a rgentino es consistentem ente menos tenso y ansioso que los grupos estadounidenses.
T anto el g ru p o estadounidenses de 17 años co m o el de 20 m uestran m en o r grado de
fortaleza del yo (fa c to r C) que el grupo arg en tin o . E sto está relacionado c o n los resultados
obtenidos en los factores Q , y Q 4 ya que, a m ayor fortaleza del yo c o rre sp o n d e m ayor grado
de integración de sí m ism o (Q ,) y m enor tensión in te rn a (Q 4). De los re su lta d o s obtenidos

5 1.a definición de cada facto r fue tom ada de Handboolt for the Sixteen Personality Factor Q uestionaire (16 PF) de R B
Cattell ct al.
26 RODRIGUEZ FE1JOO. R1CHAUD DE M1NZI & STEFANI

en el fa cto r G (m e n o r-m ay o r fuerza del superyó) resulta que el grupo a rg e n tin o es m ás

responsable, rígido y p ersev e ra n te que los g ru p o s estadounidenses, así com o m ás
respetuoso de las reglas m o rales y la disciplina. E sto s datos se relacionan c o n los h allados
en el fa c to r E.
En cuanto al fa cto r H (m ay o r-m en o r susceptibilidad a la am enaza) los e stu d ia n tes a r ­
gentinos m uestran m enor susceptibilidad a la a m en aza que los grupos estadonidenses, lo
que im plica una ten d en cia a un c om portam iento m á s audaz, a com prom eterse afectiva­
m ente sin recaudos y a p o se e r una vasta gam a de intereses. Los resultados obten id o s e n el
fa cto r L indican que los e stu d ia n te s argentinos u tiliza n el m ecanism o de proyección m ás
que los grupos de e stu d ia n tes estadonidenses. Es difícil interpretar este resultado con
relación a lo obten id o en el fa cto r H.
Los resultados o b ten id o s en el factor N (m ayor-m enor capacidad analítica) indican que
los estudiantes a rg en tin o s tienen m ayor capacidad p a ra hacer “insight" de sí m ism os y de
los dem ás, un ra zo n a m ie n to m ás exacto y c alcu la d o r y m ayor disciplina que los estudiantes
estadounidenses.
Finalm ente, el factor 0 3 (m enor-m ayor integración de sí m ism o) m uestra que el g rupo
arg en tin o posee u n m ay o r g ra d o de a u to c o n tro l, responsabilidad y consideración hacia
los d em ás que los grupos estadonidenses. Esto c oincide con los resultados obtenidos en el
fa cto r C.
En síntesis, los adolescentes argentinos y estadounidenses, son sem ejantes e n cu an to a su
independencia afectiva, c o n serv ad o rism o , radicalism o y grado de dependencia del grupo.
Por o tra parte los a rg en tin o s resultaron con m ayor afecto tim ia. fortaleza del y o . utilización
del m ecanism o de proyección, capacidad analítica e integración de sí m ism o.
En cuanto a los puntos a d ilucidar requerirán u n a nueva investigación. E xiste evidencia
(R im oldi et al.. 1973) q u e de haberse utilizado técn icas proyectivas de personalidad los
resultados p odrían haber a clara d o algunos.de a q u e llo s aspectos sujetos a controversia.

Referencias
C a tte ll, R .B .E b e r, H. W . & T atsu o k a, M. M. H a n d b o o k f o r the sixteen p erso n a lity fa c to r
questionnaire (IG P F ). C ham paign, Illinois: Institute for Personality and A bility
Testing, 1970.
C attell. R. B. Test 16 fa c to r e s de personalidad. T rad u c ció n de C IIP M E . M im eografiado.
Buenos Aires, 1972.
H oltzm an, W. H., T h o rp e, J. S. , Sw artz, J. D. & H erron, E. W. Interpretación de las
m anchas de tinta. M éxico: T rillas. 1971.
In stitu te for Personality a n d Ability Testing. Tabular Supplem ent No. / to th e 16
P F H andbook. C h a m p a ig n . Illinois: In stitu te for Personality and Ability
Testing, 1970.
R im oldi, H. J. A., Insua, A .M . & E rdm ann, J.B . D im ensiones de la p ersonalidad em ­
pleando técnicas proyectivas e in stru m en to s verbales. Publicación del C en tro
Interdiscíplinario de Investigaciones en Psicología M atem ática y E xperim ental
(C IIP M E ), 25, 1973. (m im eografiado).
T hurstone, L .L . & T h u rsto n e, T.G. S R A , P rim ary m ental abilities, ages I I to 17. T ra ­
ducción de M a rta Nieto. M im eografiado, M ontevideo. 1951.

Este tra b a jo fue aceptado para su publicación por el antig u o editor d e la Revista ¡nteramericana de Psicología. Horacio J A.
Rim oldi, el día 24 de Abril de 1975.
 Revista ¡nteramericana de Psicología, 1977, J I , I. 27

N O N -A D A P T I V E A S S E R T I V E N E S S O F A N G L O A M E R I C A N A N D
M E X I C A N A M E R I C A N C H IL D R E N OF TW O A G E S '
S pencer K agan & C larence R om ero
U niversity of C alifornia, Riverside

A n o v el behavioral measure, the assertiveness p u ll scale, was d e ve lo p e d to test the non-

adaptive assertiveness a n d pa ssiv ity o f sem i-rural, low incom e A n g lo A m erican and
M exican A m erican boys a n d girls o f 5-7 a n d 8-9 years. C ontrary to previous results,
children were o fte n loo assertive to m a x im ize their outcom es. Afore A n g lo Am erican, male,
and younger child ren were n o n-adaptively assertive than their M exican A m erican, fem ale,
and older counterparts. The cultural difference is consistent with p re v io u s research in­
dicating greater n o n -adaptive com petitiveness a m o n g A n g lo A m erican children com pared
to M exican A m e rica n children.

Este estudio u tilizó una nueva m edida c o n d u ctu a l — ¡a Escala de E m p u je A sertivo, para
estudiar la a sertivid a d no-adaptativa y la p a siv id a d de niños A n g lo -y M éxico-A m ericanos
de población sem i-rural de bajos ingresos entre las edades de 5 a 7 y 8 a 9 a ñ o s de edad. En
oposición a lo s d a to s antes encontrados, los dalos de este estudio d em u estra n que los niños
fueron por lo general dem asiado asertivos. Una p ro p o rció n m as alta de los niños A nglo-
Am ericanos, varones, y m as jó ve n es utilizó la asertividad no-adaptativa q u e los M exico-
A m ericanos, h e m b ra s de m ayor edad. Las diferencias culturales so n consistentes con
investigaciones previas que indican una m a y o r com petencia n o-ad a p ta tiva entre los niños
A nglo-A m ericanos que en en los niños M éxico-A m ericanos.

A n thropological studies have described M exicans as m ore passive and less

assertive th a n A m ericans (D iaz-G uerrero, 1965, 1967, 1971, 1972; From m &
M accoby. 1970; K luckhohn, 1954; K luckhohn & S tro d tb eck , 1961; Lewis, 1959,
1969). E x p erim ental evidence su p p o rts th a t h y p o th esis: c o m p a red to M exican,
and in some cases M exican A m erican children, A nglo A m ericans are m ore com ­
petitive (K agan & M adsen. 197!, 1972a, 1972b; M adsen, 1971; M adsen & Shapira,
1970; M cC lintock, 1974) as well as m ore independent a n d assertive (K agan, 1974,
1975, 1976; K agan & C arlson, 1975). A n u m b er of these studies, however, have
com pared ru ra l and p o o r M exican and M exican A m erican c h ild ren with urban
m iddle class A nglo am erican children so the observed differences can n o t neces­
sarily be a ttrib u te d to cultural background a p a rt from the influences of urbaniza­
tion o r class. N evertheless, three studies have docum ented the g re a te r com petiti­
veness o f A nglo A m erican children com pared to M exican A m erican children from
sim ilar econom ic class and urbanization backgrounds (A vellar & K agan, In
Press; Kagan & M adsen, 1972a; M adsen & S h a p ira , 1970). The observed differences also
ap p ear to have som e generality across m easurem ent situ atio n s, fo r com petition
was o perationalized in three distinct ways in the three studies: choosing rewards,
m oving a chip, a n d pulling a string.
In all o f the com petition studies which involved A nglo A m erican children, Anglo

‘This research was funded by Social Ecology Training G ran t MH 13063-02 from the National Institute o f Mental Health.
Requests for reprints should be sent to the authors. Psychology Departm ent, University o f C alifo rn ia, Riverside, California
92502.
28 KAGAN & ROMERO

A m erican children w ere nonadaptivelv com petitive. T h a t is, they use their tim e or
m oves struggling a g a in st each other ra th e r th a n w orking together so they fail to
obtain the toys for w hich they strive. In c o n tra st, rural M exican children d o not
com pete often enough to m axim ize their o utcom es: they let their peer have all th e avail­
able rew ards rather th a n com pete for a n equal sh are (K agan & M adsen, 1972a). C lea rly ,a t
least in potential c o m p e titio n situations, u rb a n A nglo Am erican children a re non-
adaptively com petitive in c o n tra st to ru ral M exican children who a re n o n-adaptively avoi-
c am o f com petition. D iaz-G u errero (1965) suggests that both active and passive cultures
w ould benefit by a d o p tin g som e ways o f th eir co u n te rp arts.
T he present investigation was designed to determ ine if low incom e sem i-rural Anglo
A m erican children w ould be m ore n o n-adaptively assertive than low incom e sem i-rural
M exican Am erican ch ild ren in situations w hich d o not involve in terpersonal com petition.
The stu d y thus bears o n tw o im p o rta n t issues: 1) Does the non-adaptive assertiveness of
A nglo Am erican c hildren generalize to situ atio n s which d o not involve in terp erso n al com ­
petition and 2) Will A nglo A m ericans d iffer fro m M exican A m ericans when sam pled from
the sam e school in a sim ila r sem i-rural low incom e area? T o answer these questions a novel
behavioral m easure, th e m odified assertiveness pull scale was developed.
A recent investigation (K agan & C arlson, 1975) exam ined the adaptive assertiveness of
children using a n assertiveness pull scale in w hich children received chips for pulling a
handle which was con n ected to a spring scale by a string. Children received m ore chips
the h a rd e r they pulled, b u t only up to a point. If they pulled with m ore th a n 12 p o u n d s of
force, a string broke a n d they received no toys. The findings indicated m ore adaptive
assertiveness am ong m id d le incom e u rb a n A nglo Am erican children th an am ong low
incom e sem i-rural A nglo A m erican and M exican A m erican children w ho did not differ
from each other. R ural M exican children were least adaptive, often not pulling the string
near the 12 p ound lim it so they obtained o nly a few toys, The study indicated little non-
adaptive assertiveness am o n g any groups: A lm ost no children persisted in losing toys by
breaking the string. T h is finding, however, w as p ro b ab ly a function o f the w ay non-
adaptive assertiveness w as m easured, fo r the breaking strin g provided a d ra m a tic visual
and a u d ito ry w arning th a t the children had b een to o assertive. In c o n tra st, there were only-
vague cues w arning o f n o n -ad ap tiv e passivity, th e children simply did not receive as m any
chips as they could. F o r the present investigation, the assertiveness pull scale was m odified
so .h a t the sam e cues w arned of n o n -ad ap tiv e assertiveness and non-ad ap tiv e pas­
sivity. Thus the p re sen t m ethodology w as n o t biased toward finding m ore non-
adaptive passivity th a n non-adaptive assertiveness. It was predicted that Anglo
Am erican children w ould show m ore n o n -a d ap tiv e assertiveness th an M exican
A m erican children fro m the sam e school in a sem irural low' incom e area.

Method
Subjects:
A to ta l of 48 c hildren participated in the experim ent. The ch ild ren were Anglo
A m erican and M exican A m erican boys a n d girls of 5-7 and 8-9 years from a semi­
rural po o r com m unity in sourthern C alifornia. The children were equally divided by
C ulture, Age, and S ex. T he two cultural g ro u p s did n o t differ in fam ily incom e level.
A lm ost all o f the A nglo A m erican and M exican A m erican children in the school
are residents of the nearb y com m unity; the school has no program to bus children
to or from o th er a re a s. Most o f both the A nglo A m erican and M exican A m erican
children of the sludy a re from stable fam ilies which have lived fo r a num ber of
years in their present hom es. All of the M exican A m erican c hildren tested in the
present experim ent a re from families in th e ir second o r third generation living in
the U nited States; m an y are from their second o f third generation living in the same
com m unity. All of th e M exican Am erican c h ild ren sam pled speak E nglish. The school
enrollm ent is 60% A nglo Am erican and 38% M exican Am erican.
A pparatus:
The assertiveness pu ll scale consists of a sp rin g scale, a pull in d ic a to r, and a handle
 NON-ADAPTIVE ASSERTIVENESS 29

connected to the scale. T he device is constructed so th a t w hen the handle of th e a p p a ra tu s

is pulled, the pull in d ic a to r advances, rem aining at th e greatest pull to w hich the scale has
b een subjected. As used by Kagan & C arlson (1975), the handle o f the a p p a ra tu s is
connected to the scale by a string which breaks if pulled m ore th an 12 pounds. O n each
tria l children receive one rew ard fo r each two pou n d s o f pull they exert, unless th ey break
th e string, in which case they receive nothing. This arrangem ent, repeated over trials,
allow s m easurem ent o f persistance in non-adaptive assertiveness (breaking the string) and
persistance in non-adaptive passivity (not testing the o u tco m e lim it and not a p p ro ac h in g
th e 6 rew ard m axim um outcom e), but the cues w arning o f non-adaptive assertiveness
(breaking string) are fa r m ore com pelling th an the vague cues w arning of n o n -ad ap tiv e
passivity.
In the present experim ent the assertiveness pull scale w as modified by c onnecting the
h an d le to the scale with a n on -b reak ab le pull rod instead o f a breakable string, insertion of
a visual shield, and rescaling the apparatus. By these changes it was possible to create a
situ atio n in which the sam e cues w arn o f n o n -ad ap tiv e assertiveness and n o n -ad ap tiv e
passivity. F u rth er, the changes m ade the expression a n d m easurem ent of n o n -ad ap tiv e
assertiveness m ore likely. A child faced with the m odified a p p a ra tu s can see only the shield
a n d the handle extending from a slot in the shield. The m odified a p p a ra tu s is scaled so that
subjects receive one m ore rew ard fo r each p o und of pull they exert up to six p u n d s, but
th e n receive one less rew ard for each additional pound o f pull. At 12 pounds o f pull the
a p p a ra tu s reaches a visible and physical limit, and no rew ards are received.
Procedure:
C hildren were taken individually from their classroom s, "where th ey were inform ed
th ey would have an o p p o rtu n ity to obtain som e toys by playing a gam e. A fte r each
child was seated, th e e x perim enter explained the experim ental rew ard c o n tin ­
gencies as follows:

W e are g oing to play a gam e and you can w in som e toys (box full of
pens, w histles, com bs, rings, and o th er p a rty favors show n). The
w av you w in toys is by pulling on this handle. A fter each pull o f the
handle you will get som e chips, fro m zero to six. These chips are
im p o rtan t because th ey m ay be exchanged fo r toys. The num ber of
chips you get depends on how little o rfa r you pull the handle. After
each tim e you pull, you will set d o w n the h an d le and then will get
the chips. I w ant you to get as m any chips as you can.

C hildren w ere m easured for fifteen trials. Follow ing each trial the e x perim enter counted
o u t the n um ber of chips earned, saying “You got (num ber) chips th a t tim e” . If th e child did
n o t earn any chips on a tria l, the experim enter sim ply said, “You did not get a n y c h ip s that
tim e ” . The num ber o f chips received were thus the only cue children had as to the adap tiv ity
o f their assertiveness o r passivity.

Results
Pounds o f pull per trial were analyzed by a 2x2x2x15 (C ulture x Age x Sex x Trials)
analysis o f variance.
T here was a significant m ain effect of C ulture, F (l/4 0 ) = 6.96, p < .02, in d ic a tin g that
M exican A m erican children were less assertive th an A nglo A m erican children. A s a group,
A nglo A m erican children averaged 11.73 pou n d s o f pull per trial; M exican A m erican
c hildren averaged 10.46 pou n d s o f pull. T his cultural difference did n o t interact signifi­
can tly w ith trials. F ro m the first trial to the last M exican A m erican children w ere less
assertive th an A nglo A m erican children. Perhaps the clearest indication o f th e cultural
difference in non-ad ap tiv assertiveness is the num ber o f children who pulled the handle
to the lim it on every trial. Twelve o f the M exican A m erican children were alw ays totally
assertive; 2 1 o f the A nglo A m erican children were com pletely assertive, C hi sq u are =
6.21, P < .02.
30 KAGAN & RO M ERO

A. significant m ain effect o f trials, F( 1 4/560), p < .01, indicated a tendency o f children to
m o d i f y their n o n -a d ap tiv e assertiveness as trials progressed. M ost subjects began by
p u l l i n g the handle to the lim it; every c h ild except one A nglo A m erican a n d six M exican
A m e r ic a n s began w ith a pull of 12 p o u n d s. A s trials progressed, how ever, w ithin both th e
A n g l o A m erican a n d M exican A m erican p o p u latio n s older children began to m odify th e ir
n o n - a d a p t iv e assertiveness m ore th a n y o u n g e r children. This Age x T rial interaction w as
s ig n if ic a n t, F (1 4 /5 6 0 ) = 2.24, p < .01.
T h e r e was also som e tendency for g irls o f b oth cultures to m odify th eir n o n -ad ap tiv e
a s s e rtiv e n e s s m ore th a n boys follow ing th e first few trials. T his Sex x T rial interaction w as
s ig n if ic a n t, F (14/560 = 2.09, p < .02). F ollow ing the first trial on w hich boys a n d girls w ere
a l m o s t identically assertive, for several tria ls girls becam e som ew hat m ore assertive a n d
b o y s becam e so m e w h a t less assertive. F o r th e rem aining trials how ever, boys m aintained a
f a i r l y c o n sta n t level o f assertiveness w h ereas girls becam e less assertive.

D iscussion
T h e m ost re m ark ab le finding in th e present experim ent is the e x ten t to w hich
c h ild r e n persisted, in non-adaptive assertiveness. In spite o f instructions w hich
c le a rly stated th a t “The num ber of c h ip s you get depends on how little or far y o u
p u l l th e handle” , m ost children pulled th e handle to the lim it trial a fte r trial, re­
c e iv in g nothing. R a lh e r th an m odify this non-adaptive assertiveness, children
a p p e a r e d to w ant to pull the h an d le beyond its clear visible and physical lim it.
A m o n g alm ost all children who alw ays pulled the handle to the lim it, w ith the p a s ­
s a g e o f trials th e re evolved a pred ictab le sequence of progressively m ore assertive
b e h a v io r. W hen th eir initial pulls yielded no rew ards, children positioned th e m ­
selv es in their c h a ir and placed a h a n d o n the table, pulling yet h a rd er against the
v isib le physical lim it. W hen th a t failed to produce rew ards, they w ould stand up,
p u llin g even yet harder. A few c hildren went so far as to place a fo o t on the tab le
to exert as m uch pull as they could. In response to fru stra tio n , then m ost ch ild ren
b e c a m e m ore assertive, even w hen th a t was non-adaptive. T here w as, how ever,
sig n ific a n t v a ria tio n in this pattern due to C ulture, Age, and Sex.
M exican A m erican children were n o t as assertive as A nglo A m erican children.
T h is difference is m ore easily a ttrib u te d to cultural b ack g ro u n d ra th e r than level
o f urb an izatio n a n d /o r socioeconom ic class, fo r the c hildren o f the present ex ­
p e rim e n t were all of th e same sem i-rural p o o r com m unity. T he cu ltu ral difference
f o r th e m ost p a rt did not reflect a superiority of M exican A m erican children in
le a rn in g the environm ental rew ard contingencies, for there w as no significant
C u ltu re x T rials interaction. R ath er, M exican Am erican children were less assertive
th a n A nglo A m erican children fro m the first trial to the last. T he results are m o st
easily seen as a cultural difference in preference for assertive behavior with w hich
th e c hildren cam e to the expesrim ental situation. The findings of the present e x ­
p erim en t are consistent with previous psychological and anthro p o lo g ical stu d ies
w hich indicate A nglo A m erican ch ild ren to be m ore assertive th an children w ith
a M exican c u ltu ra l background.
The age differences observed in the present experim ent are less consistent w ith
previous research, at least with studies of com petition. A cross a variety of s itu a ­
tions o lder ch ild ren a re m ore com petitive th a n younger children, and m ore o ften
persist in non-ad ap tiv e com petition (K agan & M adsen, 1971, 1972b; M adsen,
1971). A pp aren tly in the present experim ent, w ith the heat o f interpersonal c o n ­
flict a b se n t, m ore older children th a n younger children behave as rational p ro b lem
solvers: W hen the assertive strategy fails them , older children m ore often try bein g
mor passive. A lthough Kagan a n d C arlson (1975) found o lder children m o re
assertive th an younger children o n the assertiveness pull scale, the findings o f th a t
experim ent and th e present experim ent a re not in contrad ictio n if rational pro b lem
solving is a m o re powerful p re d ic to r o f age differences th an assertiveness p e r se.
 NON-ADAPTIVE ASSERTIVENESS 31

In the K agan and C arlson study m ore assertive behavior o f the o ld e r children led to
m ore rew ards; in th e present study the lesser assertiveness o f the older children
led to m ore rewards.
Girls in the present experim ent becam e less assertive than boys w ith the passage
o f trials. Follow ing th e first few' trials boys m aintained a fairly co n stan t level of
assertiveness whereas girls becam e decreasingly assertive. P e rh a p s the value on
assertiveness in boys, like the value o n assertiveness am ong A nglo Am ericans,
decreased the probability for those groups o f finding the non-assertive solution
to obtaining the toys fo r which they were striving.
The present experim ent does not directly exam ine factors w hich might cause the
observed cultural difference in assertiveness. A lthough early level o f assertiveness
is probably determ ined through a child's interaction with his p a re n ts and siblings,
as soon as a child enters school, assertiveness falls largely u n d e r the co n tro l of
peer reinforcem ent patterns (P atterso n , L ittm an, & Bricker, 1967). T hat Anglo
A m erican a n d M exican A m erican children grow ing up in a n integrated school
m aintain different levels of assertiveness, even th ro u g h age nine, m ay indicate
th a t cultural differences in early training fo r assertiveness have a m ore enduring
effect th an previously thought. A lternatively, M exican A m erican children may
m aintain th eir pre ferred level o f assertiveness by creating o r being forced into
a subcultural peer gro u p . O ur inform al observations a n d those o f school officials
indicate th a t with increased age M exican Am erican a n d Anglo A m erican children
increasingly group by culture on the school playgroung and in school activities.
This g rouping m ay be a factor which m aintains the cultural differences in levels
o f assertiveness. F u rth e r, the cultural defferences in preferred level of assertive­
ness m ay also be a fa cto r which causes the children to group by culture. Assertive­
ness is probably a very central dim ension on which Anglo A m erican an M exican
cultures differ. A m ong six cultures A nglo A m erican m others m o st encourage in­
dividual assertiveness and peer aggression; M exican m o th e rs m ost punish
a sse rtiv e n ess a n d a g g ressio n , e n c o u ra g in g o b ed ien ce r a th e r th a n individual
assertiveness (M in tu rn & L am bert, 1964).
The present findings indicate th at g re ater assertiveness is not necessarily
associated w ith greater ability to learn environm ental rew ard contingencies. Al­
though assertiveness m ay lead to better perform ance in certain kinds of situations,
the present results suggest that a n assertive response set m ay interfere with other
kinds of problem solving. In situ atio n s in which problem solving depends on
sensitivity to ex tern al limits and w illingness to m odify individual assertiveness,
M exican A m erican children m ay perform b e tte r than A nglo A m erican children.

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P a tte rso n , G .R ., L ittm an, R .A . & Bricker, W. A ssertive behavior in children: A step
to w a rd a theory of aggression. M onographs o f the Society f o r R esearch
in C h ild D evelopm ent, 1967, 32. W hole N um ber 113, 1-43.

This p aper was accepted for publication by th e form er editor of the Inieramerican Jo urnal o f Psychology. Horacio J.A . Rimoldi.
on M arch 3, 1976.
¡nieramerican Journal o f Psychology, 1977, I f . I REVIEW 33

«C R O W D IN G » A N D H U M A N S O C IA L B E H A V IO R
W illiam Griffitt
K ansas S ta te University
R ecent a n d w idely publicized predictions o f w orld p o p u latio n figures exceeding
4 billion people by 1980 a"hd 6 billion people by the year 2000 have generated
considerable scientific and popular concern with the p o te n tia l consequences
of high density living conditions. Indeed, a t least tw o o f the m o st widely predicted
consequences of a steadily increasing w'orld population have a t this tim e assum ed
the sta tu s o f painful realities. Daily new s reports originating fro m m any areas of
the world provide am ple rem inders th a t we are in the midst o f b o th food and energy
supply shortages. W hether increasing p o p u latio n pressures o n a finite supply of
natu ral resources will lead to the d isastro u s biological consequences predicted
by som e (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 1970; W ard & D ubos, 1972) rem ains to be seen.
Som ew hat independent o f concerns regarding the influence o f increased pop­
ulation on resource depletion, how ever, is the possibility th a t high population
density m ay produce deleterious effects on hum an social a n d psychological
functioning. It is the latter possibility w ith which the present review is concerned.
Popularized w ritings are uniform ly in agreem ent th at high population density
exerts a disruptive influence on a b ro a d range of hum an fu n c tio n s. In one review
of such literature, Zlutnick and A ltm an (1972) discovered w idespread consensus
that high density conditions produce undesirable physical effects such as disease
and slum s, social effects including crim e, riots, and war, a s well as interpersonal
a n d psychological effects such as w ith d raw al and aggression. T he a u th o rs noted
th at su p p o rt for the latter p ropositions generally w as in the fo rm o f weak o r non­
existent em pirical d a ta a n d concluded th a t, regardless o f th e ir personal con­
victions th a t high density has serious negative effects o n h u m a n behavior, the
available scientific d a ta regarding the issue w ere inadequate.
D espite num erous shortcom ings, th ere exists, how ever, a substantial body of
research relevant to the effects of high p opulation density. A ccording to data
source, the available studies m ay be g rouped, som ew hat a rb itra rily , into those
dealing with anim als, correlational stu d ie s o f hum ans, a n d exp erim en ta l studies
o f hum ans. M uch o f the rem ainder o f th is review will be d ev o ted to descriptive and
evaluative discussions o f each o f the above groups of studies.
A n im a l Studies:
Studies o f the effects o f high density and spatial lim ita tio n on anim als have
served as pow erful stimuli in eliciting concern w ith the effects o f sim ilar vari­
ations on hu m an populations. While som e degree o f in co n sisten cy exists (Law­
rence, 1974), the results o f m any an im al studies a re relatively clear in indicating
th at extrem ely high levels o f po p u latio n density seriously d is ru p t biological and
social functioning. Perhaps the best k n o w n lab o ra to ry s tu d y concerning density
and anim al behavior was conducted b y C alhoun (1962) u sin g lab o rato ry rats.
G roups of rats in confinem ent w'ere allow ed to breed freely a n d w ere supplied with
adequate food and w ater resources. Follow ing an initially ra p id rate of growth
the colony size stabilized for a tim e a n d then began to d ecline. Associated with,
and a p p are n tly responsible for, the decline were a n u m b er o f pathological be­
haviors w hich em erged d u rin g the extrem ely high d e n sity p eriod of colony
existence.
Indiscrim inant aggression, c atato n ic w ithdraw al, c an n ib alism , sexual aberr­
ations, and d isrupted reproductive fu n ctio n s w ere a m o n g the “sym ptom s”
associated w ith high density, each o f w hich served, ultim ately , to reduce the den­
34 ORIFFITT

sity o f the colony. C alhoun's findings with rats have also been obtained using
mice, cats (L eyhausen, 1965). and m onkeys (Southw ick. 1967). In a field setting
C hristian. Flyger, and Davis (I960) have docum ented a sim ilar p a tte rn of events
in a herd o f freely breeding sika d e e r supplied with a b u n d a n t food a n d w ater but
confined to a sm all island. D ensity w as observed to increase rapidly and peak a t
a high level follow ed by a d ram atic increase in m ortality ra te . A utopsies revealed
a variety of en docrine disorders interpreted as sym ptom s o f stress produced by
extrem ely high density.
T he results o f such studies are frequently cited as suggestive o f sim ilar be­
havioral reactio n patterns in h u m an s to high density conditions. F urtherm ore,
in term s o f th e o ry developm ent, th e concept o f stress has been w idely and c o n ­
fidently invoked as proposed m e d ia to r of presum ed den sity -b eh av io r links in
hum ans (D esor, 1972; D ooley, 1974; Esser, 1973; Stokols, 1972 a, b; Sundstrom ,
1974). C asual generalizations from an im a ls to hum ans is, o f course, fraught w ith
dangers (L aw rence, 1974) a n d , as will be discussed later, th e w isdom o f tran sp la n ­
ting the m ediating concept of stress (w hich is, itself, of d u b io u s value) from anim als
to hum ans is o p en to serious.
C orrelational S tu d ie s o f H um ans:
D espite the m an y pitfalls o f generalizing directly from anim al to hum an p o p ­
ulations, th ere has been a rather n a tu ra l tendency to perceive parallels betw een
the spectre o f seething masses of bodies in colonies of ra ts and the conditions
th at exist in m ajo r u rb a n centers o f th e w orld. The e x ten t to w hich a variety o f
individual a n d social pathologies a re related to indices o f p o p u latio n density has
been investigated in a num ber o f studies. T he strategy generally has been to
correlate v a rio u s density m easures such as p opulation per acre o r square m ile,
num ber of d w elling units per unit o f space, n u m b er of p ersons per ro o m , or sim ilar
m easures w ith various indices of p a th o lo g y such as crim e rates, m ortality rates,
m ental and physical health d ata, divorce rates, suicide rates, a n d others.
W hile the findings o f such studies have been som ew hat inconsistent, a num ber
have revealed relationships betw een density a n d pathology indices. F o r exam ple,
Schm itt (1957) reported significant relatio n sh ip s between d e n sity and juvenile and
adult crim e ra te s in H onolulu. M arsella, E scudero, and G o rd o n (1970) reported
th at, am ong m ales in M anila, high density w as positively associated with psycho­
som atic com p lain ts, alienation a n x ie ty , w ithdraw al, eruptive violence, and free-
floating anxiety. M itchell (1971), stu d y in g H ong Kong residents, fo und the inci­
dence o f w o rrying and unhappiness to increase as density increased. As a final
exam ple, G alle. Gove, and M cP h erso n (1972) obtained positive correlations be­
tween density a n d pathology m easures in Chicago.
A t first glance, it would ap p ear th a t th e w orst fears of th o se w ho w ould generalize
from the a n im a l studies to hum an p o p u latio n s were confirm ed-high population
density am ong hum ans leads to su c h undesirables as crim e, psychopathology,
disease, and aggression. Few investigatiors. how ever, have been m ore aware o f
the correlatio n -cau satio n truism th a n those associated w ith correlational studies
of density a n d pathology. Indeed, w hen variables such a s social class, ethnicitv,
and incom e level are statistically controlled, many o f the densitypathology
relationships a re considerably w eakened or elim inated (e.g. Schm itt, 1966). Even
when such relatio n sh ip s persist (G alle et a l., 1972; S c h m itt, 1966), directional
causality is still difficult, if not im possible, to infer.
W hile providing few, if any, d efinitive answ ers to q u e stio n s concerning density-
behavior relationships, studies of u rb a n populations have stim ulated further in ­
terest in a n d investigations of th e issue u n d e r m ore co ntrolled conditions. In
addition, such studies serve to em phasize the need for c are fu l definitions o f the
variable of density. F o r exam ple, different density-pathology relationships have
been found w hen density has been defined as num ber o f persons per room th an
when defined as num ber of persons p e r acre (Galle et al., 1972). It will becom e
 “CROWDING” 35

ap p aren t, how ever, th a t the “m eaning” o f density as a variable continues to be

un d er dispute in cu rren t research and th eo ry concerning this issue.
E xperim ental Studies o f Hum ans:
The prim ary lures o f experim entation in a n y field are, o f course, th at it offers
increased c o n tro l over both “central" a n d "extraneous” variables and the possibi­
lity of establishing directional causality relationships betw een variables. Two
general p aradigm s for the experim ental study of density and h u m an behavior have
em erged, each o f w hich has its ow n advantages and disadvantages.
First, a n um ber o f investigators have placed hum an subjects in physical settings
which vary in the a m o u n t o f space allotted to each subject a n d have assessed the
perform ance, affective, and social-behavioral consequences o f density variations.
Two procedures for m anipulating density have been utilized. In the first, density
variations are achieved through varying g ro u p size while h o ld in g room size con­
stant. Loo (1973) refers to this procedure as a m anipulation o f “social density”
while she describes “ spatial density” m anipulations as those in which group size
rem ains co n stan t while room o r setting size is varied. S o m e evidence exists
suggesting th a t social and spatial density variations produce different behavioral
effects (e.g.. Loo, 1972; M arshall & H eslin, in press), how ever, no consistent pat­
terns of such differences are apparent.
The findings of studies in which hum an densities have been experim entally
m anipulated have been som ew hat inconsistent. For exam ple, H utt a n d Vaizey
(1966) observed heightened levels of aggressive behavior in y oung children as
density increased, while Loo (1972) reported lower levels o f aggression in young
children un d er high th a n under low density conditions. Using college students as
subjects, Russell Veitch and 1 exam ined the effects o f density variations on the
intra- and in terpersonal affective responses of sam e-sex g ro u p s. Following 45
m inutes o f confinem ent to high o r low density settings, su b jects were assessed
with respect to th eir affective states and th eir attrac tio n to w a rd an anonym ous
stranger. B oth male and fem ale subjects were m ore affectively distressed under
the high th a n the low density condition and both sexes responded m ore negatively
to the target person un d er high than low density conditions. In a m ore elaborate
study D ooley (1974) observed m ore in tra - and in terp erso n al negativity under
high th an low density conditions in w hich males perform ed a series o f tasks
requiring physical and social contact.
In a n u m b er of studies sex differences in response to high a n d low density have
been reported. F or exam ple, in one stu d y (Ross. L ayton, E rickson. & Schopler,
1973), in term s o f self ratings and ratin g s o f other g ro u p m em bers, males respon­
ded m ore negatively under high th an low density c o n d itio n s while fem ales' re­
sponses were m ore negative un d er low th a n high density c o n d itio n s. Sim ilar find­
ings were obtained in a n o th er study (S to k o ls. Rail, Pinner, & Schopler, 1973) in
which m ales rated them selves as m ore aggressive under high th an low density
conditions a n d fem ales responded in the opposite way. F re e d m a n and his ass­
ociates (F reedm an, Levy, B uchanan. & Price, 1972) had m ale a n d female subjects
in hom ogeneous or mixed-sex high o r low density groups engage in a series of
interactive tasks. High density m ales in sam e-sex groups responded m ore neg­
atively th an did those in low density g ro u p s and, once again, fem ales in same-sex
groups reacted m ore positively under high th an low density cond itio n s. In mixed-
sex groups no effects of density were obtained. Viewed in isolation, the latter
studies are strongly suggestive o f the existence of sex differences in response to
high and low density. It m ust be n o ted , how'ever, th a t o th er d a ta reveal no such
differences (G riffitt & Veitch, 1971) o r sex differences in th e opposite direction
(M arshall & Heslin, in press).
To fu rth e r em phasize the lack o f consistency am o n g e x p erim e n tal findings in
this area, som e investigators have o b ta in e d no effects o f d e n sity variations in
intra- or interp erso n al affective behaviors (F reedm an, K levansky, & Ehrlich, 1971;
Emiley, 1974).
36 GRIFFITT

E m pirical inconsistency is, o f course, not u n u su a l in the behavioral sciences

and m ay be traceable to m an y facto rs. M ost freq u e n tly , the m ajor culprits are
inconsistent independent variable m anip u latio n s a n d d ependent variable ass­
essm ents. E xperim ental studies of den sity and b e h a v io r, w hen viewed as a g ro u p ,
serve a s excellent exam ples o f such inconsistency. D ensity, itself, has been m ani­
pulated in a num ber of w ays in a variety of physical settings and the n atu re o f the
activities eneaged in by subjects has varied c o n sid era b ly across experim ents.
Sim ilarly, a variety of d efinitions and m easures o f d ependent variables such as
interpersonal a ttrac tio n , aggression, a n d so fo rth have been utilized. W ith such
m ethodological variations, em pirical inconsistency is the m ost p ro b ab le result.
Som e, how ever, have arg u ed th a t conceptual r a th e r th an m ethodological d if­
ficulties are prim arily responsible fo r the em p irical confusion in the density-
behavior literature. In studies o f density-behavior relatio n sh ip s the term s “crow d­
ing” o r “crow ded" are freq u en tly used as descriptive o f high density settings. Som e
frequently cited a u th o rs (D e so r, 1972; Stokols, 1972 a, 1972 b) have viewed the
interchangeable use o f the term s density and c ro w d in g as troublesom e a n d called
for distin ctio n s between d e n sity as a physical p a ra m e te r o f settings and the c o n ­
cept o f “crow ding" viewed as a sujectively u n p lea sa n t psychological experience.
High density is generally regarded as a necessary but n o t sufficient antecedent
of perceptions and experiences of crowding. A cco rd in g to this conception, p e r­
ceptions and experiences o f crow ding serve as the prim ary m ediators of be­
havioral. affective, and physiological reactions to high density. In a d d itio n , from
this perspective, it is of p rim ary im portance to identify these conditions un d er
which subjects will perceive o r experience physical settin g s as crow ded.
T he utility o f the second m ajo r paradigm fo r th e experim ental stu d y o f density
and behavior is, perhaps, m ost evident with re g ard to the latter issues. In this
procedure (e.g. Cozby, 1973; D esor, 1972) subjects have been exposed to scaled
sim ulations of high and low density physical settings and either asked to provide
judgm ents of the settings o r asked to place sim ulated hum an figures (usually c lo th ­
espins) in such settings a cc o rd in g to various c riteria (i.e. until “crow ded", u n ­
com fortable. etc.). A m ong the factors identified b y this procedure as d eterm in an ts
of perceptions of “crow dedness” are physical featu res o f the setting such as design
characteristics (D esor, 1972) and p opulation d e n sity (D esor, 1972; C ozby, 1973),
social characteristics o f ongoing activities (D esor, 1972; C ozby, 1973), and p e r­
sonal characteristics o f subjects such as “perso n al space ” preferences (C ozby,
1973).
W ith perceptions and experiences of “crow ding” pinpointed as the prim ary
m ed iato r o f density-behavior relationships, a recent flurry o f activity in the liter­
atu re has involved several attem p ts to specify th e conceptual nature o f crow ding
and o f those characteristics o f high density situ atio n s which produce perceptions
of “being crow ded”. F o r exam ple, th e concept has been regarded as an unpleasant
subjective state experienced variously as "receiving excessive stim u latio n from
social sources” (D esor. 1972), “perceived restrictions in one's freedom of choice”
(P roshansky, Ittelson, & R ivlin, 1972), “the inab ility to adequately co n tro l in te r­
actions w ith others (Z lutnick & A ltm an, 1972). “a m otiv atio n al state directed tow ard
the alleviation of perceived restriction and infringem ent" (S tokols, 1972 a), a d is­
tu rb an c e o f CN S functioning (Esser, 1973), and as a response to social “in tru sio n s”
and “interference" (S u n d stro m , 1974). Stokols (1974) has recently reviewed a n d
classified such theoretical speculations.
R egardless o f the specific events o r experiences described by each o f the above
th eo rists as leading to “crow ding”, all seem to agree th at the extent to which indi­
viduals experience crow ding, rath er than density itself, determ ines the extent to
w hich density will influence behavior. Most seem to agree, also, th a t the events
linking high density and “crow ding” are interpersonal in nature and th at the m ajor
im p o rtan t consiquence o f “crow ding” is increased negativity in interpersonal
behaviors (G riffitt. 1974; S undstrom , 1974).
 ■CROWDING" 37

The usual conception is one o f a linear sequence o f events in which (I) some
conditions o f high population density (in conjunction with v a rio u s personal and
social factors) lead to (2) experiences of “crow ding” w hich then lea d to (3) negative
affective or behavioral responses to other people. T hat is, the experience of “being
crow ded” is seen as rendering o ther people negative sources o f affect and thus,
m ore negative stimuli th a n under conditions in which one does n o t feel “crow ded” .
High density c o nditions will increase interpersonal negativity only when such
conditions are perceived as “crow ded".
A m ajor consequence of this conception relevant to research activities has been
a shift in focus from concern w ith the effects of density variatio n s p e r se on be­
havior to a prim ary concern w ith the relationships betw een p e rce p tio n s of “crow d­
ing" and behavior. Several “theories” have been forw arded to a cco u n t for the
determ inants and consequences o f “crow ding" and physical d e n sity itself virtually
has been banished to the trash bin o f useless concepts (e.g. D esor, 1972; Stokols.
1972 a. 1972 b). My rem aining com m ents will be devoted to q u e stio n s concerning
the utility and w isdom o f this shift in focus with special a tte n tio n devoted to the
value of the concept o f “crow ding” , itself.
Premature Theory Building:
An initial question concerns the utility, a t this stage of the g am e, o f invoking an
hypothetical concept such as “crow ding” to account for d e nsity-behavior relation­
ships which, them selves, are ra th e r inco n sisten t, unreliable, a n d difficult to re­
plicate across seem ingly sim ilar settings. T h e initial a tte m p ts a t “ m odel” or
“theory” building in th is area (D esor. 1972; Stokols, 1972 a. 1972 b) were offered at
a tim e when only a few scattered and inconsistent em pirical fin d in g s were avail­
able. W hile the potential value o f “g o o d ” theo ries as unifiers o f sem m ingly diverse
findings is n o t con tested , theoretical d ev elo p m en t in th is p a rtic u la r area has far
outstripped em pirical developm ent a n d , a s will be noted later, som e o f the curr­
ently p o p u lar theoretical form ulations a re rem arkably u n responsive to em pirical
disconfirm ations. P erh ap s a bit m ore em p irical consistency w ould be desirable
p rior to a tte m p ts to achieve conceptual consistency (G riffitt. 1974).
The Stress on "Stress":
A related q uestion concerns the w isdom o f som ew hat a rb itra r y eq u atio n s or
linkages o f th e “experience of crow ding” to concepts o f stress (e.g. D ooley, 1974;
Stokols. 1972 b; S u n d stro m , 1974). T he “crow ding” a s "stress” id ea has obtained
a virtual "d e ath grip” o n theorizing in this a re a and its casual a cc ep ta n ce has had
a serious lim iting influence on the e x a m in a tio n o f a lte rn a tiv e possibilities. The
conceptual a n d em pirical am biguities in h ere n t in the n o tio n o f stress, itself, are
well know n (e.g. A ppley & T rum bull, 1967; B aro n , Byrne, & G riffitt, 1974; M cG rath,
1970) and. if we are to seek conceptual b la n k e ts at th is tim e, it w o u ld seem wise to
exam ine som e with tig h te r weaves.
Perceived "C row ding" a n d Behavior:
To som e ex ten t, th e latter tw o concerns a re m atters o f p e rs o n a l preference and
certainly open to considerable debate. M ore im p o rta n t, h ow ever, a re d a ta relevant
to the assum ed utility o f the concept o f “crow ding” a s a p re d ic to r of density-
behavior relationships. W hile m ost c o n ce p tio n s o f d e n sity effects (S to k o ls, 1972 a,
1972 b; D esor. 1972) em phasize th a t n o t all high density s itu a tio n s will lead to
negative interp erso n al responses, there a p p e a rs to b e g e n e ra l agreem ent that
perceptions o f “ being crow ded” in such situ a tio n s will result in negativ ity in inter­
personal feelings. If “being crow ded" is regarded a s the c ritic a l fa cto r in such
settings, response variables w hich are view ed as c o n se q u e n c e s o f “crow ding”
should closely c o rre sp o n d to assessed p e rce p tio n s o f cro w d in g . A close exam in­
a tio n o f available d a ta , how ever, reveals th a t p a tte rn s o f p e rce iv e d “crow ding”
differences a n d d ep en d e n t variable differences frequently a re a t variance. For
exam ple, in tw o freq u en tly cited studies (R o ss et a l., 1973; S to k o ls et al., 1973)
b o th m ales a n d fem ales perceived high d e n sity settings as m o re “crow ded” than
38 GRIFF1TT

low density ones but e xhibited reverse p a tte rn s of interpersonal responses in

relation to high and low density. A s noted earlier, m ales responded m ore negatively
under high th an low d e n sity conditions while fem ales' responses were the reverse
of th o se males. In a d d itio n , while strong "perceived crow ding” m ain effects were
found fo r density v ariations, virtually no m ain effects of density on interp erso n al
responses were obtained. C learly, p a tte rn s o f perceived “crow ding" a n d p attern s
of the hypothesized consequences o f “crow ding” did n o t coincide, rendering
questionable the proposed crucial role of perceived "crow ding” as a m ed ia to r of
density-behavior realtionsh ips. O th er inconsistencies betw een p a tte rn s o f p e r­
ceived “crow ding” reactions and patterns o f rew ponses presum ably m ediated by
perceived “crow ding” subsequently have been rep o rted (e.g. Cozbv, 1973; D oolev,
19M).
It should be noted th a t the potential role o f individual differences (sex. “per­
sonality”, etc.) has not been ignored in theorizing c o ncerning the im pact o f density
variatio n s on behavior. It is, however, significant th a t "personal factors” are m ost
frequently proposed as m ed iato rs o f the im pact o f density on perceived “crow ding"
ra th e r than m ediators o f th e effects o f “crow 'ding” on behavior (S tokols, 1972 a,
1972 b; Cozby, 1973). T h u s, consistent relationships betw een perceived "cro w d ­
ing” a n d the presum ed consequences of such perceptions w ould be an ticipated.
It is tentatively concluded, th en , th a t relevant to the sequential process described
earlier, the link between perceived “crow ding" and behavior has not received clear
su p p o rt.
A lternative Directions:
If one seriously en te rta in s the pro p o sitio n th a t the concept o f “crow'ding" is
presently of lim ited utility in accounting for d ensity-behavior relationships, those
factors which have been proposed as d e te rm in a n ts o f the perception o f “being
cro w d ed ” may be viewed fro m a different perspective. As noted by S u n d stro m
(1974) the conditions m ost frequently suggested as determ in an ts o f the perception
of “crow ding” in high d en sity situations generally involve interpersonal events
w hich, themselves, elicit negative affective responses as well as negative in te r­
p ersonal behaviors.
F o r exam ple, close physical proxim ity to o th ers frequently involves violations
of “ personal space” preferences (S om m er, 1969) leading to avoidance and neg­
ative responses to violators. The inevitable “p ersonal space” invasions un d er high
density conditions may pro d u ce direct effects on the positivity of interpersonal
behaviors in such situations. In a sim ilar vein, several o th er interpersonal events
such a s in appropriate eye contact, touching, b o d y and facial o rien tatio n s, and
in itiations o f verbal in te rac tio n s each o f w hich in low density situations pro d u ce
negative affective and interp erso n al responses (e.g. Exline, 1972; T uan, H eslin,
& N guyen, 1974; Heslin. 1974; M ehrabian, 1972) m ay be expected to increase in
frequency under som e high density c o nditions and render interpersonal behaviors
m ore negative than u n d e r low density conditions.
1 n short, m any o f the events suggested as leading to differential p erception of
“cro w d in g ” are, even u n d e r low density con d itio n s, capable of producing neg-
atve interpersonal behaviors. High density settings, in term s of probability alone,
m ay be expected to p ro d u c e increased frequencies o f such negative interpersonal
events o r social intrusions (S undstrom , 1974) a n d , thus, increased negativity in
interp erso n al behaviors. As noted by S u n d stro m (1974), however, d a ta concerning
the effects o f density v a ria tio n s on the intensity a n d /o r frequency o f such events
are in short supply.
It is suggested here, th en , th at future developm ents a n d progress in this area
will benefit m ost from a loosening o f the d e a th grip o f crow ding-stress fo rm u la tio n s
concerning the m ediation o f density-behavior relationships. The cu rren t “sta te of
the a r t ” allows few, if any, definitive conclusions regarding the im pact of high p o p ­
u latio n density on hum an social behavior. It is, how ever, proposed th a t detailed
 CROWDING" 19

exam inations of the frequency and o r intensity of em pirically dem onstrated

negative and positive interpersonal events as they are affected by density v ariatio is
will prove m o re fruitful than prem ature a tte m p ts to develop com prehensive the­
ories concerning the concept o f “crow ding" which, itself, is o f questionable utility.

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 Interamerican Journal o f Psychology. 1977. / / . I REVIEW 41

T O W A R D A V E R ID IC A L PSY C H O L O G Y : THE S O C IA L P S Y C H O ­
LOGY O F THE P S Y C H O L O G IC A L E X P E R IM E N T 1
Irwin Silverm an
York U niversity
W hen a research psychologist inquires a b o u t a position, he is a lm o st alw ays concerned
about the availability o f subjects and la b o ra to ry space to bring th em to. Psychologists
bring people to experim ents ra th e r th an experim ents to people. O u r m anip u lan d a and
m easurem ents are n o t focussed on natural life routines; instead, th e y represent to subjects
an exotic in te rru p tio n o f these.
The advantages o f conducting research in th e experim enter's h a b ita t are a p p a re n t It
affords a level o f precision not readily a tta in a b le in the com plex h a b ita ts of o u r hum an
subjects. T he question is, however: W hat is it th a t we are being so p r e c is e ab o u t? An anim al
in his ow n hab itat and th e same anim al in an evironm ent contrived by people behaves quite
differently, a n d ethologists are well aw are o f th e pitfalls o f trying to generalize from one
situation to the other. There is no reason to expect hum ans, a lso , n o t to show atypical
behavior in a n atypical environm ent.
Simply stated, p eople feel a n d thin k , a n d p eople who are subjects in psychological ex­
perim ents a re undo u b ted ly feeling and th in k in g about the experim ent. T hey m ay be feeling
fear a b o u t looking foolish or incapable o f revealing som ething a b o u t them selves which
m ay best be kept secret. They m ay be feeling a n g er ab o u t being in such a situation, or awe.
o r wariness, o r curiosity, or skepticism , o r u tte r delight a t being th e focus of a n im p o rtan t
person's atte n tio n . T hey m ay be w o n d erin g w h a t the m eaning o f th e ir responses are to the
experim enter; w hat so rt o f responses he ex p ects; w hether he is d ivulging the tru e purposes
o f his experim ent to them . W hatever the n a tu re o f these th o u g h ts a n d em otions, they are
most likely quite consum ing, fo r to be a subject in a psychological e x p erim e n t m ust be m ore
than a run-of-the-m ill event. T he seers a n d pro p h ets o f earlier d a y s have given way to
B ehavioral Scientists, a n d one does not sta n d easy before their scrutiny.
To the e x te n t th a t the subject's feelings a n d th o u g h ts a b o u t the e x p e rim e n t a re prepotent,
they will inevitably in te ra c t w ith the e x p erim e n tal m anip u latio n s a n d c o n trib u te to his
responses. T he v enerable concept o f role p ro v id es an a p t fram ew ork fo r understan d in g this
process. In its b ro a d est definition, a role refers to the cognitive a n d affective states o f an
individual related to his p ercep tio n o f h is p o s itio n in a given interpersonal situation. People
occupy m any roles in the course o f a day, w hich often call fo r d iv erg e n t and c o n tra d ic to ry
behaviors, and to u nderstand any bit o f in te rp erso n al behavior, w e m ust be aw are of the
person's role a t the tim e. C onsider a lo an o fficer o f a b a n k talk in g to som eone w ithout
collateral. T he a ttrib u te s of selflessness, a ltru ism , generosity and sy m p a th y w ould hardly
apply to him , but if we w atch the sam e p e rso n interacting with h is fam ily we w ould p ro ­
bably em erge w ith q u ite a different concept.
The psychological ex p erim ent is, after a ll, a n in terp erso n al in te ra c tio n betw een subject
an d ex p erim enter a n d th e subject's b e h a v io r can no m o re be iso late d from his role th an
th e ban k er's from the position he occupies. F u rth e r, the generalizeability o f o u r observ­
ations from la b o ra to ry to life will suffer th e sam e shortcom ings a s a n a tte m p t to co n stru ct
generalities a b o u t the banker's altruism o r generosity a t hom e fro m his b e h av io r at his
jo b .
C oncepts ab o u t role-related subject b e h a v io r a re not new, but th e y have becom e newly
respected. In a P sychological R ev ie w p a p e r o f 1933, Saul R osenzw eig outlin ed virtually
all of the sam e concerns a b o u t so u rces o f a rtifa c t in behavioral re sea rc h th a t have obsessed
psychologists fo r th e p a st ten o r so years. T h e profile of the subject th a t has em erged from
this last decade o f research is a ls o not very d iffere n t fro m R osenzw eig's sp e c u la tio n s of
forty years ago.
42 SILVERMAN

We have m uch evidence (c.f. R osenberg, 1969) in s u p p o rt of a fairly obvious conjecture:

that subjects are prim arily m o tivated to present them selves as favorably a s possible from
the sta n d p o in t o f psychological adjustm ent and effectance. Rosenzweig called this “p rid e”
in 1933; We have com e to know it as "evaluation a p p re h e n sio n ”. We are aw are, also, th a t
subjects often behave in acco rd an ce with their percepts o f the experim ental hypothesis.
Rosenzweig term ed this “co m pliance” ; M artin O rne, 1962, spoke of it as resp o n d in g to
“dem and characteristics". Silverm an (1965) poin ted o u t th at com pliance w ith dem and
characteristics is often based on evaluation a p p reh en sio n ; W hen the subject is unsure o f
what response will reflect fav o rab ly on him. he will te n d to do w hat he perceives the ex­
perim enter expects him to o n th e assum ption th a t typ ical behavior is no rm al behavior.
Sigall, A ronson a n d Van H o o se (1970) show ed th a t w hen the experim ental situation is
a rranged so th a t favorable evaluation and com pliance w ith dem and characteristics entail
com peting responses, subjects d o w hat is required for the form er. R obert R osenthal and
a n u m b er o f others (c.f. R o se n th al, 1969) have p rovided massive d a ta that su b jects' notions
ab o u t the e x perim ental hypothesis often com e from subtle and covert cues by the e xperi­
m enter, which we now refer to as experim enter-expectancy-effects, and w hich Rosenzweig
labelled “suggestion e rro r” . Finally, as Silverm an (1965), M asling (1966), A rgrys (1968)
and Jo u ra rd (1968) have suggested, and as several studies (e.g. Silverm an & K leinm an,
1967; C ook, Bean. C alder, F rey K rovetz & R eism an, 1970; Silverm an, S hulm an &
W iesenthal, 1970) have d e m o n stra ted , under som e circum stances, such as w hen subjects
are fru strated o r angry, th ey will deliberately resp o n d opposite to their percepts o f the
experim enter's expectations.
A long w ith o u r discoveries ab o u t the nature o f th e subject role, there have been n u ­
m erous reports illustrating ho w role-related m otives co n fo u n d experim ental observations
in diverse areas o f psychological research, and it is o n these th a t I want to focus in this
review.
Som e areas o f research a re easier to pick on th a n others; th a t is, the contrivances are
fairly obvious. A ttitude change studies, fo r exam ple, a re ideally suited for th e investigation
of role-related behavior. T he subject in an attitude ch an g e study is usually presented w ith
persuasive com m unications follow ed by opinion q uestions based on their co n ten ts a n d ,
despite the occasional vague attem pts to distract him from the app aren t p u rp o se of these
procedures or statem ents rem inding him th at there are no “right” or “w rong” opinions, it
does not req u ire a superior intellect for him to realize that persuasibility is being sc ru ­
tinized. The questions, th en , th a t must obsess him a n d guide his responses to significant
extent, are: “ D oes this ex p erim enter expect me to be persuaded?” and, “ W hy?”.
T he answ ers to these q u e stio n s m ay vary across subjects and situations, inasm uch as
persuasion has b o th negative and positive co n n o ta tio n s. It may becom e associated in
subjects' m inds w ith non-critical conform ity a n d overdependence, o r with open-
m indedness and flexibility. A ny n um ber o f things a b o u t himself, the ex p erim en ter o r the
experim ental c ontext m ay affect the way the subject resolves his dilem m a a b o u t the im ­
plications o f show ing p ersuasion or non-persuasion, which probably a cc o u n ts for the
notable non-replicability o f attitude-change phenom ena (e.g. Festinger. 1964; L ana, 1964:
M cG uire, 1966).
Let us sam ple som e of the findings about artifact in a ttitu d e studies:
Silverm an (1968) fo u n d th a t undergraduates were significantly m ore persu ad ed by the
sam e argum ents when they were led to believe th a t they were subjects in a “ psychological
experim ent” th an when they thought they were tak in g p art in a student-sponsored survey.
M oreover, the effect of being in an experim ent was greater fo r females' a ttitu d e-ch an g e
scores th an m ales', w hich m ay challenge the validity o f w hat one text w riter ( M iddlebrook,
1974, p. 190) h a s called, “one o f the m ost consistant findings in lab o rato ry studies”, th a t
w om en are m ore persuasible th an men. In fact, in the non-experim ent c o n d itio n , fem ales
were significantly less p ersuaded than males. S h erm an (1967) discovered th a t the positive
relationship betw een “other-directedness" and responsiveness to a u th o rita ria n -ty p e
persuasive appeals, reported in several studies (K atz, S arn o ff & M cC lintock, 1956;
M cC lintock, 1958), was reversed when the original in tro d u c to ry rem arks were altered to
 VERIDICAL PSYCHOLOGY 43

m ake resistance to persuasion seem m ore desireable. Page (1969) found th a t the so-called
classical c onditioning o f attitudes dem onstrated by Staats and S ta ats 11957, 1958) o ccurred
only with subjects w ho were aw'are o f the purpose of the study. Silverm an and R egula
(1968) found th at d istractio n du rin g a persuasive message increased its effect, as rep o rte d
by F estinger and M accoby (1964), o nly for subjects w ho w ere cognizant that th ey were
being intentionally distracted and th o u g h t its purpose w as to test their powers o f c o n ­
cen tratio n Silverm an and Kleinm an (1967) substantiated the frequently cited findings (e.g.
C ow en, L andes & Schaet, 1959; S trieker, 1963) th a t experim entally induced fru stra tio n
increases th e expression of virtually a n y socially deviant a ttitu d e , obviously as a n a tte m p t
of subjects to frustrate the e x p erim e n ter in return.
Verbal conditioning studies are also easy to pick on. Levin, in 1961, showed th a t w ith
a th o ro u g h and probing post-experim ental questionnaire, a b o u t one third o f subjects
revealed aw areness of the reinforcem ent procedures, in c o n tra s t to the five percent reported
in p rio r studies with skeletal tests of suspicion. A n um ber o f subsequent studies (e.g. B ryan
& L ichtenstein, 1966; O akes. 1967) have shown conditioning w ith subjects classified un­
aw are by th e extended interview , w hich might testify to th e veracity of verbal conditioning,
unless it was dem onstrated th at a large enough p ro p o rtio n of these to produce the effects
sim ply co ntinued to conceal aw areness. It m ay seem alm o st paranoid to accuse subjects
of such b lata n t deception, but tw o fu rth e r experim ents left little dou b t o f it. In th e se , by
Levy (1967) a n d W hite and S hum sky (1972) there was no q u e stio n that subjects w ere aw are
of the reinforcem ents; each was th oroughly inform ed b e fo re h a n d , in the w aiting room ,
by a confederate of the exp erim en ter posing as a n o th e r subject who had ju st com pleted
the task. Yet across studies, 27% m aintained com plete naivete th ro u g h o u t the extended
interview .
We could continue to describe a rtifa c t based o n role-related behavior in o ther 'easy to
pick o n 'a r e a s , such as conform ity (S triek er, M essick & Ja c k so n , 1967; Schulm an, 1967)
aggression (Page & S cheidt, 1971), dissonance theory (R o sen b erg , 1965), sensory dep ri­
v a tio n (O rne & Scheibe, 1964), a n d personality testing (P e a b o b y , 1961; L efcourt, 1966),
but it m ay be m ore inform ative to co n sid er som e illu tratio n s from the 'h ard er to p ic k o n '
category.
R esearchers in the m ore c o n v en tio n al areas of psychology, such as learning, a tte n tio n ,
p roblem solving, perception, psychophysiology, etc. m ay feel aloof to th e p roblem s of
ex tra n eo u s subject m otivation. E xperim ents on these topics a re m ore likely to be presented
in a straig h tfo rw ard , seem ingly u ncontrived m anner, a n d th e m easurem ents a p p e a r less
susceptible to the kind o f bias we have discussed. But th is m ay be illusion. People d o not
a b a n d o n the m otives th a t accrue to th e ir roles sim ply because the options for b ehaving in
accordance w ith these m otives becom e less clear o r m ore difficult.
F o r exam ple, there have been fairly consistant la b o ra to ry findings th a t males a r e su­
p e rio r to fem ales in qu an titativ e problem -solving, b u t w om en are better at verbal learning
(M aier, 1933; Carey, 1958; H e th erin g to n & Ross, 1963; L ittig & W addell, 1967). W hen
the ex p erim en ter is fem ale, how ever, instead o f the tra d itio n a l m ale, q uantitative p ro b lem ­
solving abilities of fem ale subjects increase (H offm an & M aier, 1966) and verbal learning
decreases (A rcher, C ejka & T h o m p so n , 1961; L ittig & W addell, 1967). W om en also becom e
m o re astute a t problem solving w hen a m ale ex p erim en ter indicates th a t he is d o in g the
stu d y to show th a t the sexes possess these abilities equally (H o ffm an & M aier, 19661 or
w hen subjects are tested in sam e-sexed rather th an m ixed-sex gro u p s ( H offm an & M aier,
1961). O bviously the psychological experim ent, w ith its c o n n o ta tio n o f psychological
e v aluation, elicits sex-role stereo ty p ic b ehavior in learning tasks as well as attitude-change.
F ro m the field of perception, c o n sid er the figural after-effect (FA E ); th a t is, the tendency
for after-im ages to be displaced aw ay fro m original fix atio n p oints. F or exam ple, if subjects
inspect two parallel lines, after-im ag es o f these lines will be fa rth e r a p art. D em onstrated
in dozens o f studies since 1933, basic t o the w'ell-known neural satiation th eo ry o f K ohler
and W allach (1944), and called in W o o d w o rth a n d S chlossberg's tex t (1960, p. 424) “one
of th e m ost d ependable ex p erim en ts fo r an elem entary la b o ra to ry class", the F A E ranks
a m o n g the m ost reliable principles w e have anyw'here in psychology. D odw ell a n d Gen-
44 SILVERMAN

dreau (1969), however, found th a t they were unable to o b ta in F A E s with a n y consistancy

across subjects, and th a t the o n ly subjects who reported th e m were those w ho expected to.
T heir e x am in atio n o f the lite ratu re show ed th at the few studies th a t failed to replicate the
FA E all used naive subjects. T h u s, they designed an e x p erim e n t, using tw o parallel lines
as the inspection figure, in w hich subjects were subtly g iv en expectations th a t th eir after­
im ages w ould be fa rth e r a p a rt o r closer together, or th e y were given no exp ectio n s. The
group with no expectations show ed no effects and th e others overw helm ingly reported
w hatever they were ted to believe they w ould see.
P ro b ab ly few' psychologists a re unfam iliar with the w o rk of Hess and his colleagues on
the effects of arousal on pu p illary dilation. The classic findings o f this g ro u p w ere that
u n d erg rad u ate m ales tended to dilate m ore to sexually provocative pictures o f w om en
th an o f m en (Hess & P olt. I960). C hapm an. C hapm an a n d Brelje (1969), how ever, repeated
this study with tw o experim enters, deliberately selected because o f their different images
a n d styles o f interaction. One w as form al, business like a n d aloof; the o th er was casual,
friendly, and projected the im age of a bon vivant. Only subjects o f the latter show ed diff­
erential dilation. Now it may be th a t subjects o f the non -friv o lo u s experim enter im posed
c o n strain ts on their arousal, o r th a t subjects sim ulate a tte n tiv e responses w here this would
seem to earn the experim enter's approval. W hatever the reasons, it appears th a t the c ontext
of the psychological experim ent is unsuitable to a n sw e r as basic a question as w hether
college males enjoy p h o to g rap h s o f beautiful nude w om en m ore th an photos o f men.
Finally, we tu rn to the m o st widely used hum an psychophysiological m easure, the
galvanic skin response (G SR ), w hich w ould seem to be alm ost inviolate to the subject's
intentions. N evertheless, Ellison, Davis, Saltzm an and B u rk e (1952) reported a finding th at
should have received m ore a tte n tio n th a n it did, using th e G SR to study the effects of
contrived feedback o n He d etectio n . Subjects w ho were to ld after one trial th a t their lie had
been discovered by their G SR s becam e h a rd er to detect o n a subsequent trial, while subjects
w ho were told they had deceived the polygraph becam e easier to detect. T here are several
possible in terpretations. The one I favor is th at subjects have m ixed feelings a b o u i not
being detected. On th e one h a n d it show s em otional c o n tro l, but on the o th er, th ere is a
p o p u lar notion th at only pathological liars can deceive a polygraph. Thus, how ever su b ­
jects were told they perform ed th ey were m otivated to s h o w that they could d o otherw ise as
well. O n this basis, we must q u e stio n the validity of m an y studies using the G S R . Subjects
seem to be in m ore control o f these responses th an we surm ise, and role-related m otives
m ay have ju st as m uch of a n influence on this m easure a s an attitudechange inventory.
T his brief review by no m eans exhausts the literatu re on role-related m otives, n o r the
areas o f psychological research w here they have been fo u n d to be a confounding influence.
M oreover, the m ajority of these studies have been re p o rte d in the last decade o r so, by
investigators w orking for the m o st part on their ow n to p ic s of specialization, and the yield
o f this lim ited effort suggests th a t there is probably n o t one existant area o f psychology
th a t is n o t vulnerable to these sources o f error.
O f course with each discovery ab o u t sources o f a rtifa c t, has come prescriptions for
control. R osenberg has stated: “ Any experim ental d e m o n stra tio n o f som e so u rce o f
system atic bias and o f the processes by which it operates im m ediately suggests procedures
for the control and e lim ination o f th at source of bias (1969, p. 347)”.
But here we m ust pause a n d critically ponder, for we a re not dealing sim ply w ith “eva­
luation apprehension” or “d e m a n d characteristics” or “experim enter-expectancy effects” ,
but a to ta l, consum ing set of a ttitu d e s a n d intentions on th e p art o f subjects. These attitu d es
and intentions m ay be called extraneous factors by researchers, which fits them neatly
into o u r concepts o f experim ental control, b u t from th e subject's point of view, it would
seem th a t any sm all thing he does which is not related to his role as such is indeed e x tra ­
neous. T hus, if we reduce his apprehension a bout being evaluated, he m ight m anifest his
m otive for approval by com plying with dem and characteristics. We can, perhaps, uncover
and disguise all accu rate cues regarding the e x p erim en tal hypothesis, but this will not
discourage the subject from try in g to solve the riddle o f w h a t the experim enter expects him
to d o , n o r from acting on his solution. E xperim enter-expectancy effects can be elim inated
 VERIDICAL PSYCHOLOGY 45

by a u to m a tin g the experim ent a n d excluding the ex p erim enter entirely, but we a re still
left w ith the subjects percepts a b o u t the design, and the c o n te n tio n by Jo u ra rd (1968) th a t
anonym ity o f the experim enter discourages any sort o f selfdisclosure o r natu ralistic
responding.

We m ust acknow ledge th at there is a basic flaw in the c o n cep t of subject as “object” th a t
has pervaded psychological research since the postin tro sp ectio n ist era. T he only w ay to
prevent a psychological subject fro m behaving like a psychological subject is not to let him
know th at he is one. O n this basis, the m ost encouraging developm ent from these painful
years o f self-analysis is the m oderate emergence of naturalistic m ethodologies. A lth o u g h
these m ethods have th eir problem s too, they m ay herald a n era when psychologists stop
asking. “ W here is my lab o rato ry ?" and, “ W here d o I find m y subjects?” and begin asking,
“ W here is the behavior th at 1 w a n t to study going on?” a n d “ How do I test my theories
ab o u t it while keeping it reasonably intact?” We may h ave fewer studies, but we will
pro bably have sturdier laws o f behavior.

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 VERIDICAL PSYCHOLOGY 47

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Several lim es in this paper I have referred to the w ritings o f Sydney Jo u ra rd . He was a friend a n d colleague a n d his works were an
inspiration to myself and many others. This paper, with th e hope th at it is w orthy, is dedicated to his memory and his great
co ntributions to Psychology.

Este tra b a jo fue aceptado para su publicación por el a n tig u o editor de la Revista Inieramericana de Psicología, H o racio J.A.
Rimoldi. el 17 de N oviem bre de 1975.
48 REVIEW Interamerican Journal o f Psychology. 1977. / / . I

I N T E R P E R S O N A L A T T R A C T IO N :
D O WE KNOW A N Y T H I N G A N D A R E WE GOING A N Y W H E R E ? '
D o n n Byrne
P urdue University
From the tim e th at philo so p h ers and artists first began to record th eir speculative e x p la n ­
atio n s o f m ankind's physical and social su rro u n d in g s, one of the crucial a reas of concern
has been th at of in terp erso n al relationships. T he spectrum ranges from friendship a n d love
on one extrem e to enm ity a n d hate on the other. Early efforts to un d erstan d and to predict
these contrasting in terp erso n al responses have included the essays of A ristotle (translated
1932) in the fourth century before C hrist in w hich a relationsh ip was p roposed betw een
sim ilarity and a ttrac tio n , the w ritings of S pinoza (translated 1951) in seventeenth century
H olland in which a need to persuade others to agree with o u r views was hypothesized, and
theeffectance-like suggestion by Sam uel Jo h n so n (Boswell, republished 1963)in eighteenth
cen tu ry England th at disagreem ent threatens on e's sense o f confidence.

T h roughout these p ast tw o dozen centuries, m any additio n al philosophers, h istorians,

poets, and novelists ad d ed their own observations and hypotheses a b o u t the n atu re o f
positive and negative reactio n s of hum an beings to one another.
Early Research o n A ttra ctio n
It was not until the late nineteenth century th a t em pirical research on a ttrac tio n began
with S ir Francis G a lto n 's (republished 1952) investigations o f the variables determ ining
w ho was likely to m arry w hom . A m ong his early findings was the establishm ent o f the
now fam ilar o bservation o f husband-w ife sim ilarity with respect to a variety of attrib u tes.
G alton concluded th a t th ere was a strong tend en cy for “like to m arry like", a n d later
extensions o f his w'ork confirm ed the generality o f that phenom enon (P earson & Lee
1903).
The next half century w as the scene o f an ever increasing num ber of field studies in which
investigators sought th e antecedents of friendship, rom ance, a n d m arriage. Over a n d over
again it was found th a t positive interpersonal relationships were associated with sim ilarity
on interests, values, beliefs, and attitudes. E xam ples of such research range from a n earlv
study in H olland (S ch u ster & E lderton. 1906) th ro u g h num erous A m erican studies in the
1930's (e.g., Schiller, 1932) a n d into the 1940's (e.g., R ichardson, 1940). M ost of these in­
vestigators duly noted the weaknesses of c o rrelatio n al d a ta obtained in field settings and
w arned against any u n w arran ted conclusions regarding antecedents a n d consequents.
It was not until the I950's th a t research on a ttra c tio n was designed in such a way as to
perm it the specification o f causal relationships. Both in a study of the sequential d evelop­
m ent o f friendships in situ (N ew com b, 1956) and in lab o rato ry experim ents involving
reactions to opinion deviates in a group (e.g.. Schachter, 1951), it becam e clear th a t A ris­
totle. Spinoza, Jo h n so n and others were co rre c t in identifying the role of a ttitu d in a l
variables as determ in an ts o f attractio n , refection, com m unication, persuasion, and o th er
interpersonal responses.
It should be noted th a t no one a t that tim e o r since has claim ed that a ttitu d in a l variables
are the sole d eterm in an ts o f a ttrac tio n o r even the most pow erful determ inants. A ttitu d e
sim ilarity is, however, a pervasive, consistent, and easily m anipulated variable, and m uch
of the subsequent a ttra c tio n research utilized it fo r these pragm atic reasons. D espite Ihe
em pirical success o f the investigation of a ttra c tio n by way o f attitude sim ilarity e x p eri­
m ents, there was also a n u n fortunate and unforeseen consequence. M any critics o f this
research (e.g., Levinger, 1972; M urstein, 1971a; W right, 1971) apparently were unable to
distinguish the specifics o f the sim ilarity effect fro m m ore general theoretical and em pirical
 INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION 49

concerns (Clore & Byrne, 1974). M uch unnecessary verbal smog has been raised by such
m isunderstandings and by the som etim es hostile ripostes to them ; as the atm osphere clears,
perhaps everyone will find them selves able to see the forest as well as the trees.
C urrent Research on A ttra ctio n
D uring the last decade and a half, there has been a rapidly accelerating a v alan c h e of
ex p erim entation in this area. M uch o f the research has focused on delineating the variables
which influence a ttrac tio n , establishing the interrelationships am o n g the independent
variables, and identifying the lim its within which they operate.
Exam ples o f the determ inants o f attrac tio n include ch aracteristics of the target person
such a s physical attractiveness (Berscheid. D ion, W alster. & W alster. 1971: Berscheid &
W alster, 1974)and ra ce (B y rn e& Ervin. 1969), characteristics of th e environm ental setting
such as propinquity (Byrne, 1961) and room tem perature and crow dedness (G riffitt.
1970: G riffitt & Veitch. 1971), a n d characteristics o f the in te rac tio n such as sim ilarity of
attitudes (Brewer & Brewer, 1968) and positiveness o f evaluative exchanges (B yrne &
G riffitt, 1966).
A second m ajor em pirical fo cu s o f research in this area has been the e xploration o f the
consequents of differential a ttra c tio n . Thus, m any d ecisio n -m ak in g situations are found
to be influenced by how m uch th e decision m aker likes o r dislikes th e person ab o u t w hom
the decision is m ade. Included here are judgm ents ab o u t a d e fen d a n t in a trial (E fran, 1974:
G riffitt & Jackson, 1973: M itchell & Byrne, 1973). a n ap p lican t fo r a job (Griffitt & Ja c k ­
son. 1970), a borrow er requesting a m onetary loan (G olightly. H uffm an, & Byrne, 1972;
Sung, in press), foster parents w ishing to a d o p t a baby (A ves, 192), and candidates running
for public office (Efran & P a tte rso n . 1974). The effects o f differential attraction on overt
physical behaviors has been determ in ed for several responses, including visual contact
(R usso. 1975). physical pro x im ity (A llgeier & Byrne. 1973). and com pliance w ith a request
(B aron. 1971). O f greatest th eo re tic al im p ortance has been research on the affective con­
sequences of a ttraction including self-reported feelings (B yrne & C lore. 19 70)and evidence
o f physiological concom itants (C lo 'e & G orm ly, 1974).
The b urgeoning n ature of this research and the success with w hich attractio n has been
pursued can best be docum ented by noting the n um ber o f recent m o nographs (e.g., Byrne.
1969: Byrne & G riffitt, 1973; C lo re, 1975) and books (e.g., Berscheid & W alster, 1969;
Byrne, 1971; H uston, 1974; M u rstein , 1971b) which a tte m p t to sum m arize the ever-
expanding body of data. The solid role o f a ttrac tio n research is also evidenced by its regular
inclusion as a m ajor topic in u n d e rg ra d u a te texts in in tro d u c to ry , social, and personality
psychology.
Theoretical D evelo p m en ts
T here a re three p rim ary th eo re tic al fo rm u latio n s w hich have been developed to encom ­
pass the a ttrac tio n d ata. D e p en d in g on w hether one ta k e s a c o n fro n ta tiv e or integrative
stance (B yrne Clore, G riffitt, L am b erth , & M itchell, 1973; Byrne & L am berth. 1971), these
theories m ay be seen as locked in fierce c o m b a t or as p ro v id in g com plem entary and inter­
locking approaches to an im p o rta n t aspect o f hum an b e h av io r.
Cognitive theorists tend to e m p h asize m an's intellective a ctiv ities and to conceptualise
behavior as a function o f in fo rm a tio n processing o r the g e n e ra tio n of internal rationales
and justificatio n s. The balance th eo ries of H eider (1958) a n d N ew com b (1968) focus on
the in tern al stresses and strains o f the positive and negative re ac tio n s a m o n g an individual,
a n o th e r person, and a n y object a b o u t which they are co m m u n ica tin g . In a m uch less
system atic way, a num ber o f in d iv id u a ls w ho are first o r se c o n d generation products o f
Festinger's (1975) bailiwick have d e alt w ith bits and pieces o f a ttra c tio n phenom ena in the
rational-cognitive trad itio n (e.g., A ro n so n & L inder, 1965; M a tte e & A ronson, 1974;
Sigall & O strove, 1975). A n d e rso n (1971) has d ealt ex te n siv ely and in m athem atically
precise fashion with the way in w hich positive and negative in te rp erso n al inform ation is
processed.
In teractio n al theorists tend to em phasize the d yadic re la tio n s h ip in term s of descriptive
accounts o f the o peration o f d iffere n t v ariables at d iffere n t levels of intim acy and of their
50 BYRNE

m odification by fe ed b a ck mechanism s. In teractio n ists ten d to c o n cep tu alize the attrac tio n
process as falling a lo n g a developing c o n tin u u m ranging from superficial c o n tacts between
strangers to a deeply com m itted love re la tio n sh ip (L evinger & S n o e k , 1972). M uch of the
stress in this a p p ro a c h is on the way in w hich th e d eterm inants o f a ttra c tio n change as the
relationship changes (e.g., M urstein, 1971c; W right. 1969).
Reinforcem ent th e o rists tend to em phasize m an's affective responses a n d the acquistion
of evaluative disp o sitio n s th ro u g h associative conditioning. The histo rical roots of this
a pproach are in lea rn in g theory, but the u tilizatio n of such concepts in a ttrac tio n range
from a strict a p p lic atio n o f H ull-Spence b e h a v io r theory (e.g., L o m b ard o , Weiss. & Stich,
1973; L ott & L ott, 1974) to a no n d o ctrin aire a p p lic atio n o f lea rn in g concepts based on
analogizing w ithin a classical c onditioning paradigm (B yrne, 1971; B yrne & C lore, 1970;
C lore & Byrne, 1974). T he reinforcem ent a p p ro a c h seems to have generated the greatest
volum e o f research ra n g in g from brass in stru m e n t learning experim ents in the lab o rato ry
(L am berth. 1971; D avis & L am berth, 1974) to th e application of learn in g principles in an
interactive group situ a tio n w ith children (L o tt & L ott, 1960).

New Directions f o r A ttra c tio n R< s.’a rih

It is never p a rticu la rly safe to prognosticate a b o u t research because future directions are
dependent on the inclination, im agination, and luck o f countless individuals in countless
research settings a ro u n d the w orld. W hat seem s to be an exciting p rospect to d ay may be
revealed next year a s a hopeless cul-de-sac. A stu d en t's insight to m o rro w m ay lead us in a
totally new direction th a t is im possible to divine from a n y existing know ledge. Recognizing
these problem s, I w ould nevertheless like to suggest three prim ary directio n s tow ard which
current a ttra c tio n research seem s to be m oving.
First, It has long been clear th at the sim ple identification of the anteced en ts o f a ttrac tio n
in factorial experim ents is only a beginning step. Social psychologists have becom e serious
ab o u t em ulating th o se in other sciences by a tte m p tin g to specify fun ctio n al relationships
in m athem atical te rm s (Schonem ann, Byrne, & Bell. 1975). Increasingly sophisticated
form ulations offer th e possibility of ever m ore precise predictions o f a ttra c tio n and other
interpersonal responses. In the future we shall be less and less c o n te n t sim ply to proclaim
th at X has been fo u n d to have a positive o r a negative effect on Y; ra th e r, we will want to
be able to specify the details o f th at function a n d to m odify it w henever such m odification
yields a decrease in e rro r variance and a n increase in predictive pow er. T he viability o f the
growing interest in relational form ulae is show n by the fact th at g entlem anly interchanges
are periodically gen erated a bout the precise details of these algebraic creatio n s (e.g., lnsko
& W etzel, 1974; K aplan & A nderson, 1973; Singh. 1973, 1974; Singh, Byrne, G upta, &
C louser, 1974).
Second, the questio n of the applicability of research findings is one th a t has historically
nlaonerl scientists a n d , perhaps most d isturbingly, behavioral scientists. We are currently
assailed from the political left by those w ho dem and instant social relevance, from the
political right by th o se who dem and instant financial or m ilitary retu rn s on their invest­
m ent. and from ail d irections by the general p ublic who feel that we a re basically w orking to
explain things they already know in w ords they cannot understand. The m eaningful a p p ­
lication of psychological knowledge is a n im p o rta n t goal but one not likely to be achieved
by devoting our to ta l research energies to practical problem s o r, on the other hand, by
ignoring such p roblem s in the M icaqberish hope th at som ething useful m ay eventually
tu rn up. Instead, it is vitally im portant th a t a p o rtio n of our efforts involve the attem pt
to tak e th a t which we know and apply it to w hatever “real world" concerns we are able. In
o th er w ords, the best strategy is to start w ith available solutions fo r w hich we m ust identify
the a p p ro p riate problem s. A t the m om ent, it appears that what we know on the basis o f
attraction research c an lead to behavioral engineering in surprisingly diverse areas. F or
exam ple, d a ta and th e o ry based on the study o f attractio n have served as startin g points for
w ork on relatively o bvious p ractical a p p lic atio n s dealing with problem s in th e d a tin g a n d
courtship process (B yrne. Lrvin, & L am berth, 1970; W alster, A ronson, A braham s, &
 INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION 51

R o ttm a n . 1966). the determ inants o f m arital com patibility (Byrne, C herry, L am b erth , &
M itchell. 1973; Levinger & Breedlove, 1966), and th e extent to which interpersonal to le ­
rance can be increased (B rink, 1974; Byrne. Allgeier. W inslow , & Buckman. in press; C lore
& Jeffery, 1972; Hodges & Byrne, 1972). Less obvious have been the developm ent o f p ro ­
cedures which point tow ard rem oving biases from the ju d icial process (G riffitt & G arcia,
1975; L am berth & Kirby, 1974), instituting im provem ents in jo b perform ance (N elson &
M eadow , 1971), facilitating the learning process (Byrne, K rivonos. & Friedrich, 1975; L o tt,
1969), a n d helping to m axim ize positive interpersonal responses elicited by o u r e n v iro n ­
m ental surroundings (F ish e r, 1974; Fisher & Byrne, in press).
T h ird , a truly useful theoretical system does m ore th an sim ply tie to g eth e r the findings
w ithin a delineated problem area. At its best, a theory sh o u ld perm it the g en era tio n of
hypotheses which have im plications in quite different settings and, ultim ately, it sh o u ld
provide a unified e x p lan atio n o f seem ingly unrelated phenom ena. Potentially, the rein-
forcem ent-affect m odel o f a ttra c tio n provides ju st such a th eo ry . To d a te , this theoretical
su p erstru ctu re has proven extrem ely useful in providing links between a ttra c tio n and such
previously isolated areas o f social-personality investigation as choice behavior (B leda &
C a sto re, 1973), aggression (Bell, 1975; Kelley & Byrne, 1974), altruism (Kelley & Byrne,
1975; Pandy & G riffitt. 1974; W eiss, B uchanan, & L o m b a rd o , 1971). dishonesty (B leda,
Bleda, W hite, & Byrne, 1975), reactions to aid (F ish e r & N adler, in press; N adler, Fisher,
& L am berth, & Mitchell, 1974; G riffitt, M ay, & V eitch, 1974), and b irth c o n tro l (Allgeier,
in press: Byrne, Jazw inski, D eN inno, & Fisher, 1975). T he ultim ate goal is a coh eren t
th eo ry o f hum an behavior.
C oncluding Thoughts
The specific outlines o f a ttra c tio n research m ay tu rn o u t to be totally in ad e q u ate as a
ro a d m a p for reaching th e g oal of a general b ehavior theory. It is certain, how ever, th a t such
a goal will never be attained if we sim ply stand a ro u n d the scientific sta rt b o x and engage in
orgies o f self-doubt.
Possibly in part because o f the c u rre n t m alaise th a t pervades the political and econom ic
spheres of endeavor, it has becom e fashionable to bem oan the cu rren t state o f social-
personality psychology as a science a n d /o r to cry o u t for new assum ptions, new m ethods,
a n d new approaches (e.g.. G ergen, 1973; M cGuire, 1973). I w ould like to register em phatic
disagreem ent w ith the jere m ia d s o f those who have given u p on behavioral science
as we know it. Day by d a y , a n y research problem is likely to seem lim ited, to be beset by
occasional failures, and to a p p e a r unw orthy o f one's tim e a n d trouble. From a longer
perspective, however, a very different view Emerges. O ur know ledge o f a ttra c tio n , as one
exam ple, has expanded en o rm o u sly betw een the tim e A ristotle w rote The R heto ric in
a n cien t Greece a n d our discussions o f related issues in B ogota, C olom bia in D ecem ber,
1974. If other sciences p ro v id e valid exam ples, fu tu re progress in our field is d estined to
a d v an c e at an ever more ra p id rate. It w ould seem ju stifia b le to reaffirm o u r convictions
a b o u t the value o f what we have been doin g and o u r optim ism ab o u t w here we a re bound.

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508-516.
Weiss, R .F .. Buchanan, W . A lsta tt, L., & L om bardo, J .P . A ltruism is rewarding. Science,
1971, 171, 1262-1263.
W right, P .H . A m odel and a tec h n iq u e fo r studies of friendship. Journal o f E xperim ental
Social P sychology. 1969, 5, 295-309.
W right, P .H . Byrne’s p arad ig m a tic a p p ro a c h to the stu d y o f a ttra c tio n : Misgivings and
alternatives. R epresentative R esearch in Social P sychology, 1971, 2. 66-70.
56 BOOK REVIEW

P E R S O N A L I T Y D E V E L O P M E N T IN TW O C U L T U R E S , A C R O SS -
C U L T U R A L L O N G I T U D I N A L S T U D Y OF S C H O O L C H I L D R E N IN
M E X IC O A N D T H E U N IT E D S T A T E S
W ay n e H. H oltzm an, R o g elio D íaz-G uerrero y J o n D. S w artz
A ustin; U niversity o f T exas Press, 1975, 427 pags.
Este lib ro es el resu ltad o de varios a ñ o s d e investigaciones d e d ic ad o s a estudiar aspectos
cognoscitivos, perceptivos y de p erso n alid ad de niños pertenecientes a dos culturas diferen­
tes, re p re se n tad a s p o r m uestras de la c iu d a d de A ustin, EE. U U . y de la ciudad de M éxico.
La obra está dividida en c u a tro secciones y un apéndice. La sección p rim era inform a al
lector acerca d e los antecedentes del e stu d io y sobre el diseño de investigación seleccionado.
A dem ás, describe los instrum entos de evaluación y los tipos de d a to s que se obtuvieron en
am bas ciudades. La sección segunda, describe los estudios m etodológicos y psicom étricos
que se hicieron con el pro p ó sito de seleccionar los tests, cuestio n ario s y entrevistas que,
en cad a c u ltu ra , eran im p o rtan tes p a ra u n a com p aració n tran scu ltu ra l. T am bién se in­
cluyen estudios acerca d e la confiab ilid ad de las pruebas y vario s análisis factoriales. La
tercera sección com prende cinco c ap ítu lo s con la m ayor p a rte de los resultados obtenidos,
distribuidos d e la siguiente m anera: el C ap ítu lo 7 p resenta los resultados en el área
perceptiva-cognoscitiva, el C apítulo 8, tr a ta del test de H o ltzm an , el C ap ítu lo 9 se refiere
a m ediciones d e la personalidad y de actitudes, el C apítulo 10 analiza variables relaciona­
das con los p a d r e s v e lh o g a r y e l C a p ítu lo 1 1 presenta las a ctitudes y el sistem a de v a lo re sd e
la m adre. F inalm ente la cuarta sección com prende tres capítulos; en dos prim eros los re­
sultados más im p o rta n te s se integran y discuten, en el últim o se d a un resum en de to d a la
investigación.
En el apéndice figuran aquellos in stru m e n to s de evaluación que fueron diseñados
específicam ente para el estudio o que se construyeron con base en la m odificación e in­
tegración d e in stru m e n to s de diversos au to res. Estos son: a) la en trevista realizada con los
padres, con la cual se obtuvo info rm ació n acerca de las características fam iliares, estilo
de vida, am biente, etc. de cada niño; b) el cuestionario acerca de las actitudes de los p adres,
fo rm ad o p o r u n a integración de item s e x traíd o s de diversas escalas; c) la codificación de
los d a to s obten id o s en la entrevista con los p a d res;y d ) el test de A sociación de P a lab ra s.d e
M oran, en inglés y castellano.
A dem ás de los cuestionarios y escalas que figuran en el ap éndice, se ad m in istraro n a los
niños un c o n ju n to de tests organizados en la siguiente form a: una batería básica, fo rm ad a
por la técnica de m anchas de tinta de H oltzm an (H IT ), el test de la F igura H um ana y los
subtests V ocabulario y C ubos del W IS C o del W A IS, se adm inistró individualm ente a
cada niño y se volvió a repetir cada a ñ o . De las pruebas restan tes, a lg u n as se ap lic aro n
solam ente a lo s niños que estaban en 2° grado o en grados superiores; o tras, se a dm inis­
traro n d u ra n te dos o m ás años sucesivos, pero no en form a uniform e. N ótese que m uchos
de estos tests están form ados p o r varias escalas y, por lo tan to , en núm ero d e puntajes que
se obtuvieron p a ra cada niño es realm en te muy elevado y representa un m aterial difícil
de o rganizar y unificar. Si bien los a u to re s superaron esta dificultad y lograron delinear
rasgos que em ergen con claridad referidos principalm ente a diferencias culturales, de
clase social y de sexo, el lector que n o conozca bien todos los tests puede sentirse p erd id o
ante tal a b u n d an cia de datos y análisis estadísticos o e n co n trar q ue la lectura de este libro
se hace, por m om entos, repetitiva y m o n ó to n a. Sin em bargo, el psicólogo versado en
algunos de los instrum entos a d m in istrad o s y deseoso d e a m p lia r su inform ación d a rá la
bienvenida a esta riqueza de m aterial, pues e ncontrará referencias claras, datos num éricos
precisos y deducciones detalladas y enjundiosas.
Los a u to re s utilizaron un diseño longitudinal “sobrepuesto" que les perm itió o b se rv ar
doce años d e d esarrollo del niño a lo largo de seis años de pruebas repetidas. En am bas
 BOOK REVIEW 57

cu ltu ras, se form aron tres g rupos de niños cuyas edades e ra n , a l com enzar la investigación
de 6,9 y 12 años. Los tests se v olvieron a aplicar cada a ñ o , d u ran te un periodo de seis, de
m o d o que al finalizar la a d m in istrac ió n de las p ruebas los tres grupos tenían II, 14 y 17 a ñ o s
d e edad.
Se debe destacar los esfuerzos q u e se hicieron por lograr el M áxim o d e confiabilidad al
e v alu ar los datos, estu d ian d o la c oncordancia e n tre los exam inadores y p o r lograr p ru eb as
y cuestionarios equivalentes, su p e ra n d o las diferencias de idiom as.
Los resultados revelaron claras diferencias en tre a m b as culturas en aspectos cognosci­
tivos, perceptivos, de p ersonalidad y actitudes. T am bién se observó u n a frecuente in te r­
a cc ió n entre cultura, e d ad , sexo o clase social.
Los análisis factoriales de H IT , realizados se p a ra d a m e n te en cada cultura, a rro ja ro n
cinco factores bien definidos. H ay u n a clara interacción e n tre cultura, clase social y edad:
L a clase baja de niños p eq u eñ o s expresan m ás fantasía y son m ás im pulsivos q u e los
peq ueños m exicanos. E stas diferencias tienden a desap arecer en los niños m ayores. Es
tam b ién particularm ente in te resan te la saturación de la escala de M ovim iento (M ) en un
fa c to r que incluye los subtests verbales del W ISC. Los a u to re s lo interpretan sugiriend o que
M contiene un elem ento d e e x p resió n verbal de la fantasía.
E n resum en, este libro es un e stu d io experim ental tran sc u ltu ra l sólido, con sisten te y
bien desarrollado. Su lectu ra será d e gran interés para psicólogos, sociólogos y a n tr o ­
pólogos. A dem ás puede ser c o n sid era d o com o un libro d e referencia p a ra to d o aquel
interesado en la aplicación de p ru e b a s psicológicas; e n c o n tra rá en él un a b u n d a n te m aterial
acerca de la confiabilidad, co nsistencia interna, invariab ilid ad factorial, etc., de m u ch o s de
los principales in stru m en to s de evaluación.

A na M aría Insua
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