John Capodistrias and the Greeks before 1821

Author(s): C. W. Crawley
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Cambridge Historical Journal, Vol. 13, No. 2 (1957), pp. 162-182
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3020683 .
Accessed: 05/07/2012 15:57

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Cambridge
Historical Journal.

http://www.jstor.org
 CambridgeHistoricalJournal,Xiii, 2 (1957), pp. I62-I82

IV. JOHN CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS

BEFORE 1821

By C. W. CRAWLEY

THE career of John Capodistrias(I776-i83) is brieflydescribed,and his

personality is discussed,in everyworkwhichdeals withthe diplomatichistory
of Europe and of Russia during the second half of the reign of the Tsar
AlexanderI. Enteringthe Russian foreignservicein i 809, he rose fiveyears
laterto a leadingpositionin itand retired,disappointed,to Switzerlandin i 822.
As Presidentof Greece fromMarch I827 untilhis death in October I83I he
became a more central,and a stillmorecontroversial, figurein the historyof
thatcountry;this period stillhas a special fascinationforGreek writers,and
much has been added in recentyearsto the numberof publishedworks,in-
cludingmorethan one biography,severalstudiesof one periodor one aspect
of his career and a host of books which,directlyor indirectly,throwsome
lightupon it. But the modernGreek languageis a barrierto many readers
outsideGreece,and therehas been no biographicalstudyin a more'accessible'
languagesince K. Mendelssohn-Bartholdy's book, Graf Kapodistrias(I864)
whichwas intendedto be sympatheticbut reflectedstronglythe outlookof a
Germanliberalconstitutionalist of thatage. Much of the earlywritingabout
Capodistriaswas also coloured by the fear and suspicion of Russia which
prevailedin WesternEurope in the halfcenturyafterhis death. No English
writerseemsto have been attractedto himexceptin relationto Britishforeign
policy; the mostdetailedmodernstudyin French,perhaps,is to be foundin
E. Driault and M. L'Heritier,Histoirediplomatique de la Grecede 1821 d nos
jours(in vols. i-Ii, I925-6); butthisis confined,as thetitleshows,to thediplo-
maticside and, thoughvaluable,is notfreefromsome rashjudgments.
Had Capodistrias been merelythe favouriteminister(for a while) of a
temperamentally unstable tsar, or only the firstregularruler of a country
whichwas stillon thevergeofanarchywhenhe was assassinatedless thanfour
years afterhis arrivalin Greece, his historicalimportancemighthardlybe
greatenoughto repayattention,thoughhis lifecould stillprovidea themefor
a tragedy. Historians are still inclined to dismiss him as a man of great
talentswhose careerwas marredby one or moreof severalblemishes(not all
easilycompatible)-visionaryunworldliness,superficiality, finessebordering
on duplicity(or at least a divided loyalty),vanity,ambition,or even despotic
leanings. Several modernGreek writershave reactedstronglyagainstthese
hostile or condescendingestimates,and have rightlystressed his single-
minded devotionto Greece as its President,the example of simplicityand
industrywhich he set, and also his practicalachievementsin the face of
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I63

appallingdifficulties.His place seems now to be assuredin Greece amongthe

almostlegendaryheroesof the 'Sacred Struggle'forindependence,but there
is a correspondingdangerof an idealized portraitor at least an exaggerated
idea of his stature. If we are led to the conclusionthatthereis a unityin his
careerand personality, or at leastthatthe contradictions
are thesame through-
out, and that these reflect some of the problemsof nationalismin his genera-
tion,then he may repayfurtherstudy. Like his masterAlexander I, he has
oftenbeen describedas 'enigmatic', but the enigmaof a sensitivepersonmay
correspondto some unresolvedproblemcreatedby his situation.
The surviving,or at any rate the accessible,evidence of his own writings
(or writingsdirectlyaddressed to him) is not verylarge, except for the last
fewyearsof his life.

(a) The printedevidence is foundmainlyin

(i) Correspondance du ComteJean Capodistrias,4 vols. (Geneva, I839),
edited by E. A. Betant, one of his secretaries,under the directionof his
brothersViaro and Agostino Capodistrias. This selectionis confinedto his
own lettersand to his public careerfromhis electionas Presidentin March
I827 until his death in October i83I. The editorswere anxious to minimize
his knowledgebefore i82I of any plans for a revolt,and generallyto con-
tradictthe conceptionof him as a dangerousliberal schemer(Metternich's
picture)or as an unscrupulousRussian agent(a commonBritishidea at that
time), and to portrayhim as a champion of authority,enlightenedand
sensitiveto loftyideals,who, once confrontedwiththefact of a revolutionary
situation in Greece, sacrificedhimself in a cause both conservativeand
patrioticby consentingto rescuehis countryfromanarchy.This selectionmay
be taken as fairlyrepresentative forthe yearswhich it covers; it is confined
to lettersof public interest,but it is unlikelythat forthis period therewas
anythingof much importanceto hide or suppress,and doubtfulwhetherhe
had timewithinthosecrowdedyearsto writemanypurelyprivateletterssuch
as mightilluminatehis personality.
(2) Capodistrias' correspondencewith the Swiss Philhellene,the banker
J. G. Eynardof Geneva, includingsome lettersto Eynardalreadyprintedin
the Correspondance (I839), was published by Sp. M. Theotokes in the
originalFrench, with an introductionand notes in Greek, under the title
'AXVi7AroypccLt I. A. KcaroicrptaK iac . r. E6'v&p5ov,
1826-31 (2 Parts,Athens,
I929). The 25I numbereddocumentsalmostall relateto plans forobtaining
money,whetherforreliefand educationor, on a largerscale, forgovernment
finance.
(3) Capodistrias' own Aperfude ma carrierepubliquedepuis 1798 jusqu'd
1822, was printedin the ArchivesoftheRussianHistoricalSociety(Sbornik... )
iii (i868), I63-292, in the originalFrenchwitha Russiantranslation,and also
published separatelyby M. Th. Lascaris, as a translationfromthe original
i64 C. W. CRAWLEY
MS. into Greek, under the title Av3ro/3LoypaWba 'IcaJvvovKacto8&o-pta
(Athens, I940). This is the only extantfragmentof an autobiography,and it
was not a privaterecord. It was dated 24 December I826, and submittedby
Capodistrias,then in retirement at Geneva since I822, to Nicholas I a year
afterhis accession. The tone is neitherthat of a man who regardshis career
as ended (he was just fifty)nor quite that of a public servantseeking re-
employment.The purposeis plainlyto justifyhis own advice to AlexanderI,
to discreditMetternichand Austrianpolicy,and to complainthathe could be
of no use to his countrymen because any confidencetheyshowed in him was
misrepresentedby the enemiesof Russia as confidencein a Greek who was
still a Russian. He goes on, not exactlyto deny to the tsar that he was 'a
Russian', but to say thathe 'could no longerremain[in i822] in a situation
which gave to the Greeksan opinion about me which was fatalto them... a
situationwhichcould onlybe resolvedby an act ofjustice on the part of the
Emperor'. On thisnotethe sketchends,withno hintwhatthatact ofjustice
should have been, or should be-hardly, it seems,any act whichwould make
him appear to be 'still a Russian'.
(4) The scantybut importantcorrespondence(I825-30) of Capodistrias
withPrinceLeopold of Saxe-Coburg,was listedby M. Th. Lascaris in a note
in Le Flambeau,nos. 5-6 (Brussels, 195I), 437-44. Two of the twenty-four
letterslistedare printedin fullin thisnote,and two or threeothershad been
printedin the Correspondance (I839), but the remainderhave not yet been
published.
(5) A large number of officialdocuments,over Capodistrias' signature,
were printed in the officialgovernmentnewspaper PEVIK ' 'Eq%LLEptiso -r
'EAAMos,of which there is a completefilein the Archivesof the Boule in
Athens.

(b) The unpublishedmaterialis of two kinds:

(i) The CapodistriasPapers, from which the firstfour of the above-
mentionedprintedtextsare derived,are now preservedin the Archivesofthe
Senate at Corfu.These papers remainedin the possessionof his familyuntil
1928; those which were then retainedby the family,described as purely
personal,are said to have been totallydestroyedby fireduringa Germanair
raidon Corfuin I943. Unfortunately, thereis verylittleindeedfortheperiod
beforei822; noris thereverymuchfortheperiod i 822-6, thoughsome ofthis
is of real interest.1
The survivingpapersat Corfuinclude,forthe Swiss period(i 822-7), some
1 When he leftRussia in i82Z2, he stillkept his house in St Petersburgforsome time. In a
letterof i825 thereis a referenceto the arrivalof his libraryat Le Havre (by sea fromRussia).
His earlierpapers may have come with his libraryor may have remained in Russia. An in-
ventory,dated 23 Oct. I827, of his furnitureat Le Havre includes iooo books (not listed) but
no referenceto papers. There is practicallynothing about his career in Russia among the
papers at Corfu.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I65

correspondencewith the tsar,with Nesselrode and others; and for the last
five years (I827-3i) a large and varied collection of correspondencewith
Greeks and foreigners, both officialand private. It does not appear thatthe
collectionhas been used systematically by anybiographer;but a number of
pieces have been used eclecticallyin shortarticles,particularlyby D. Gato-
poulos in a series of livelyvignettes,originallypublished in the periodical
'Earta and laterassembled in his book 'Icavvqs Ka7roiacrptas-(Athens,1932)
with a shortintroductionby Sp. Theotokes.
(2) In the State Archivesat Athens,thereis a big roomcontainingin cup-
boardsthe filesof the main departmentsof governmentunder Capodistrias,
i828-3 I, those of each departmentbeing sorted in a rough chronological
order,but not listed.These papers also appear to have been verylittleused,
and the detailed administrative historyof the period still awaits a historian,
preferablya Greek, who should have time and patience to explore them.
The foregoinglistshowsthatthetotalamountofpublishedmaterial,written
or dictatedby Capodistrias,is not verylarge.The unpublishedbut accessible
remainscould illustratein much greaterdetailhis methodsof government and
his relationswitha numberof Greek politiciansand others;but it is unlikely
thattheywould much illuminatethe earlierpartof his career. It may there-
fore be useful at this stage to select one question for examination,that of
Capodistrias'attitudebeforei8zI to Greekhopes in generaland in particular
to activeplans forrevolt.This in turninvolvessome discussionof the origin
and characterof the PhilikeHetairla,ifonlyto suggestthatthesewere not at
all likelyto have been congenial to a ministerof the tsar, a diplomatistby
trainingand a man who had a markeddistasteforviolence. Much has been
writtenabout this 'secret' society,some of it not easilyaccessible to English
readers.

The Russian tsars,even morethanotherrulersin Europe, had been served

by manymen of foreignbirth,in an age when,withinthe circleof the courts
and aristocracies,patriotismwas a sentimentof honourand personalobliga-
tion, closely connectedwith a man's chosen career, when diplomacy and
war were conductedas a rule on a principleof limitedliability,whetherof
friendshipor of feud, very much like the ordinaryfamilyalliances and
quarrelsof which the courtsthemselvesprovidedthe outstandingexamples.
Some men acceptedserviceabroad whentheirreputationswere alreadymade
at home,otherssoughtit as youngmen because theirown countriesweretoo
small to offerany prospectson a scale judged worthyof theirtalents; others
again, thoughcomingfroma great country,mightbe attached,eitherper-
sonallyor by inheritedconnexions,to eventsor causes held to be treasonable
or simplyto familieswhich happened to be in disgrace.
John Capodistrias does not wholly fit into this picture. His ancestors"
family,comingfromIstria to Corfu in the fourteenth century,was included
II CT J XlIT
i66 C. W. CRAWLEY
by 147I in the 'golden book' of the Ionian aristocracy;both thereand in a
versionof the golden book printedin 1783, it was described as one of the
'Latin' families.This does notprovethatthefamilywas stillLatin in religion.
On one side thereis evidencethatCapodistriaswentas a boyto the Franciscan
monasteryschool of St Justinat Corfu(doubtlessthe onlygood school there
for sons of the Ionian aristocracy),that two of his sistersbecame nuns in a
conventat Venice and thathis father'sloyaltywas attachedto Venice to the
end ofhis life,morethantwentyyearsafterthe Islands ceased to be Venetian.
On the otherside, his mother,AdamantineGonemes, who came of a sub-
stantialGreek familyin Epirus,must certainlyhave been Orthodox,and she
was not the firstGreekto be marriedinto the family. JohnCapodistriaswas
notonlya devoutmemberofthe OrthodoxChurchin laterlife,but was much
earlierin close relationswiththe MetropolitanIgnatius among others.
At Padua he studied medicine (I794-7) and apparentlyqualifiedin that
shorttime, forhe was appointed in I799 as chiefphysicianto the Turkish
militaryhospitalin Corfu. As a student,he visitedVenice with two young
Greeks(one, K. Chairetes,laterbecame physicianto SultanMahmud II) and
he stayedtherewitha GreekmerchantfromThessaly,A. Nikolafdes.We do
not knowjust what opinions he broughtback with him fromPadua; it was
said later that he was a disciple of Condillac, but also ofPlato, and thathe
showed a tasteforthe new knowledgeof natureand man withoutbecominga
utilitarianor a materialist.2
The factthat he returnedhome duringthe brief
firstFrench occupation (I797-9) was probably due to necessityor family
need of him, ratherthan to any political attraction;soon afterwards,the
familypropertywas confiscated,and his fatherwas imprisonedby the French
but soon released.
At thismoment(October I798) a joint Russo-Turkishfleetwas approaching
Corfuunder AdmiralOushakov,bringinga manifestofromthe Patriarchof
Constantinople,in whichthe Greekswereexhortedto riseagainstthe French
in the name of 'religion,countryand true liberty'. Six monthslater,the
Frenchhad been drivenout and a provisionalgovernment set up bythisodd
Russo-Turkish coalition. Capodistrias' father, who had been a fairly
prominentmember of the Corfu Council under Venetian rule, headed a
delegationsent by the new governmentto Constantinople,while Russians
and Turks negotiatedthe Treaty of z IMarch i8oo.3 This Treatycreatedan
Ionian republic,on the earliermodel of thatof Ragusa, nominallyunder the
joint protectionof Russia and Turkey,but in practiceunder that of Russia

2 M. Schina, in his introductionto the Correspondance (I839), vol. I. N. Speliades, who

later served under the President, says in 'A7ro,pvrnpovEv',IaTa(3 vols., Athens, I851-7), III,
478, that he was taughtthe philosophyof Locke and Condillac, but inclinedby nature more
to Plato and Pythagoras. His stronglyreligiousbent makes this veryprobable.
3 N. Speliades says (op. cit. III, 480) that on this occasion the Cross was firstpublicly

displayed in the Turkish capital, when Capodistrias' fathertook part in a procession to the
Patriarch'shouse.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I67

alone, since Russian warshipsand troopswerefreeto garrisonthe island until

the restorationof peace in Europe. The highlyaristocraticconstitutionof
April i8oi gave place in December I803 to one which slightlyloosened the
monopoly of the hereditarynobles in power, but in i8o6 Count George
Mocenigo, the Russian envoy in Corfu, secured amendmentsincluding a
provisionthat the lists of candidates forthe two legislativebodies must be
approved by the tsar. This systemwas cut shortafterthe Treaty of Tilsit
by the returnof the French,no longerin republicanbut in imperialand in-
creasinglydespotic dress.4
During these constant changes, John Capodistrias, becoming a special
favouriteof Count Mocenigo, was chosento be the principalSecretaryforall
departmentsand soon firstSecretaryof the legislativebodies. In a speech of
I803 he dwelt on themeswhich were to become veryfamiliarto him later.
We have been accused of beingincapable,owingto long servitudeand natural
oflivinghappilyin societyorofgoverning
indocility, ourselvesundertheprotection
ofthelaws. But,thanksto God, whois theprotector and fatherofall nations,and
thanksto thepowerful interventionofAlexanderI, we havebeen able to showthat
our misfortunes werenotthefruitof ourwill,but theresultof inevitablecircum-
stances,and thatit was notarmedforceor wordof commandbut the persuasive
voiceofan enlightenedminister [Mocenigo]whichhas shownus thepathofhonour,
openedto theIoniansby theimperialconventions.
Capodistrias'friendshave been inclinedto say more about his effortsat this
time on behalf of Ionian commerce and in promotingeducation and in
obligingall officials(at leastin theory)to speakand writein Greekratherthan
in Italian. His enemies have dwelt more on his associationwith Mocenigo
in restricting the scope of the constitutionof I803. This episode was later
quoted againsthimbothby the constitutional oppositionin Greece and by the
Britishgovernmentin answer to criticsof its own 'unconstitutional'pro-
cedure in the Islands. Capodistriasneverattemptedto conceal the factthat
he had less faithin parliamentary libertiesthanhad contemporary liberals,and
more faithin Russia than had contemporaryEnglishmen. His actions did
not prove, then or later, that he was an unscrupulous agent of Russian
despotism;theydid suggesthis beliefthata small community,adriftamong
powerfulStates at war, could not affordto be withouta patron,and thatthe
tsarappearedat thattimeto be moreusefulthandangerousto Ionian interests.
As it proved,he was at the same time layingthe foundationfor a brilliant
career in the Russian service, but human motives are too complicatedto
justifyany dogmaticjudgmenton thatscore.
Beforethe end of i8o6, thejoint protectorsofthe Islands were at war with
one another. Ali, Pasha of Yanina, took occasion to treat the Russian-
4 For details of these Ionian constitutionsand forthe next paragraph,see S. T. Lascaris,
Capodistriasavant la Revolutiongrecque(sa carrierepolitiquejusqu'en 1822) (Lausanne, I9I8).
This is the most useful factual summary of the firstpart of Capodistrias' career. Cf. E.
Rodocanachi, Bonaparte et les Iles Ioniennes(Paris, I899).
II-2
i68 C. W. CRAWLEY
occupied Islands as being at war with the Porte, occupied their mainland
dependenciesand, earlyin I807, began to assembleforcesoppositethe island
of Santa Maura (Levkas), which is separatedfromthe mainlandonly by the
narrowestof channels. Capodistriasundertookto organizethe defenceof the
island,withthehelp of a Russian-paidmilitiaofsome 250 Suliot and Aetolian
warriors,who were broughtacrossby Ignatius,the Metropolitanof Arta and
Naupaktos since 1797, a man who was no passive refugee,but an active
partisanof Greek hopes. From this time both he and Capodistriasbegan to
look to Russian militarypower as the most effectivesupportof the Greek
fightingmen against Turkish oppression on one side and French radical
imperialismon the other. In this short burst of activityat Santa Maura,
Capodistrias learned for the firsttime to know many of the futurewar-
chieftainsof the revolt,includingTheodore Kolokotrones;it seems certain
thathe was impressedby theirbold spiritand theyby his activity,simplicity
and friendlymanners. It was here that the foundationwas laid of his later
personal popularityin Greece. He was not wrong,twentyyears later, in
dwellingon this episode in his memorialto the tsar:
My relationswiththe Greeksof Epirus,the Peloponneseand the Archipelago
date,therefore,fromthetimewhen,in servingmyowncountry, I was also serving
Russia in the greataim of preserving
Greecefromthe seductionsof the French
government. Thanksto the powerfulresourceswhichthe generouspolicyofthe
EmperorAlexanderput at the disposal of the Ionian government,it was easyto
fulfilthisdutyin awakening and definitely
in theenergetic Christianspiritof the
Greekchieftains whichwerenaturalto them,and in persuading
feelings themthat
Russiaalonehad thepowerand thewillprogressively to improvetheirlot.
He went on to say that the Greeks were impressedby the sea power of
England, 'but, as sailorsand merchants,have neverbeen able to findin the
English nation a protectionas sympatheticand useful as that Russian pro-
tectionwhose inestimablebenefitsthey had experienced.5 Whetheror not
thisside-glanceat England reflectsa laterratherthana contemporary feeling,
the positiveattractionof Russia in his mind certainlydated fromthis earlier
period. The Treaty of Tilsit(JulyI 807), thoughit provedthatthetsarwould
use his clientsas the tools of his own policyby abandoningthe Islands, un-
consulted,to the French,yetlefthimfreeto pickup the droppedthreadsof a
forwardpolicy in the Balkan peninsula, except for these north-western
coastlands; it seemed to give him, in his war with Turkey(alreadybegun),
that cover by anothergreat Power which Russia always needed, but never
fully or durably secured, in her attemptsto press forwardtowards the
Mediterranean.In short,Tilsit pointedthewaytowardsa modernrevivalof a
partitionbetweenan easternand a westernEmpire.
From about this time, Capodistriasceased to be mainlyan Ionian, and
became, not a Russian(as some believed) but a Greek in sentiment;his faith
AperFu[de ma carriere... 1798-1822], in SbornikIII (i868), i66ff.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I69
was soon in the Greekworldas a whole,and forthe restof his careerit would
be easierto criticizehim fortryingto make Russian policyserve Greek ends
thanthe reverse. In Januaryi809, afterrefusingan earliersuggestion,he set
out forSt Petersburg,on a directofferof servicein the Ministryof Foreign
Affairs.His name was knowntherethroughCount Mocenigo, and he also
carried an introductionto the Stourdzas, a Fanariot familywhich had
emigratedfromMoldavia to Russia about 1792 and settledin the capital ten
years later,in the hope of advancement.Young Alexander Stourdza (1791-
I854) was to become Capodistrias' secretaryand eventuallya Councillorof
State in Russia, and his elder sisterRoxandra(1786-i844) became a maid of
honour to the Empress Elizabeth. Capodistrias was constantlyat the
Stourdzas' house, admired Roxandra, correspondedwith her, and met her
again in I8I4 at Vienna, where she was knownas an ardentbelieverin the
liberationof Greece. In I8I7 she was marriedto Count Edling and later
settled in Odessa, where she was active in religious and charitableways
among the large Greek colony there.6 Capodistrias,therefore,did not lack
influential friendsfromthe first,but he spenttwo ratherlonelyand unhappy
yearsin the capital,being givenlittleor no seriousworkand occupyinghim-
self in learningRussian thoroughly,in practisinghis writtenGreek,7and in
readingwidely.
It is impossibleto prove that he alreadyfelthimselfto be one with the
Greeksor thathe was alreadydeterminedto use everyopeningforpromoting
at least some improvementin theirstatus. But nothingin his recordis in-
consistentwith that view, and many things suggest that it is true. The
Russian governmentmusthave been as well aware as he was thathis appoint-
ment must excite some hopes and speculationsamong the Greeks. He set
out to become a Balkan specialist,and asked unsuccessfullyin June I809 for
leave to travelin Serbia and the Principalitiesso as to reporton conditions
there.8 In September I8II he obtained a transferto Vienna and soon
attractedthe attentionof the Russian ambassadorthere,Count Stackelberg,
who had at firstlooked on him as an unwantedsupernumerary.A memo-
randumon Greece, Epirus and Illyria,with a full account of Ali Pasha of

6 The Memoiresde la ComtesseEdling (writtenin I829, published in Moscow, i888) end

in I 8I 5. For details of her relationswith Capodistrias,with her cousin Alexander Ypsilantes
and withMme de Krudener, who was probablyintroducedto the tsar by her agency,see also
the Grand Duke Nicholas Mikhailovich'swork,L'ImperatriceElisabeth,epoused'AlexandreI,
(3 vols.,St Petersburg, I908), II, 478, 494, 503; III, 448. AlsoD. Gat6poulos, L. Ka7ro8la7ptag.
7 Sp. M. Theot6kes, 'H 'E9vtKdLvveLoatg ToiUKa7ro8taTpta KaLq' 'EAqVWKI Fraaa (in HpaKTLKa
irTg'AKa8qp1tas-'AOvpY, VII (I932), I30-42. E. P. Photides, J7Ep'-rcv 'EXVFqVKJYv 'EcrtaToA'rv
7ov I. Kairo8a7pta, in 'EAXV'LKa6, IV (I93I), 249-56. There is no doubt that Capodistrias could
and did read ancient Greek, and that he could use spoken Greek well enough; but he never
became fluentin the new literarylanguage, though he could compose a letterwhen he had
leisureor motive for doing so.
8 M. Tb. Lascaris, fEAver Ze,p KaL ot KaTa rovs a7TeAEVGEpwTtKOVSTYv 'Aywvar, 1804-30
(Athens, I936), 44 n. i. The letter,addressed to Count Rumiantsev on 5 June i 809, is among
the Capodistrias papers at Corfu.
170 C. W. CRAWLEY
Yanina, whichwas transmitted by the ambassador,made some impressionon
the tsar,whose alliance with Napoleon was beginningto crumblewhile his
war withTurkeywas notyieldinggreatdividends. Beforelong,Capodistrias
was handling all the confidentialminutes and reportsconcerninga new
coalitionagainstFrance. Earlyin I8I2, AdmiralChichagovwas appointedto
succeed General Kutuzov in commandof the Russian Armyof the Danube,
and also to commandthe Black Sea fleetand to act as GovernorGeneral of
the Russian-occupiedPrincipalitiesof Moldavia and Wallachia. He asked to
have withhimPrinceStourdza and his son; throughStourdza he had already
come to knowCapodistrias,and now made himdirectorofhis own diplomatic
Chanceryat his headquarters.9 He also askedfortheservicesofIvelich,a man
of Montenegrinorigin,now in the Russian service,who was in contactwith
the Archbishopin Montenegro,and himselfsummoned the Metropolitan
Ignatius,partlyto take care of ecclesiasticalaffairsin the occupied provinces,
and partlyno doubtto giveadvice on Balkanpoliticalquestions,since he knew
Ali Pasha and Epirus so well. Chichagovhad in mind a plan forrousingthe
people of the westernBalkans into revoltin order to open the way across
Serbia for co-operationbetween his own armyand the Britishfleetin the
Adriatic. (The Serbs had alreadybeen intermittently in revoltformorethan
sevenyears.) But,on his arrivalat Bucarest,he foundthatpeace withTurkey
had just been signed there by Kutuzov (May I8I2); and, althoughhe was
reluctantat firstto giveup his plans,he was obligedin August,withNapoleon
alreadyin Russia,to movehis armynorthwards, takingCapodistriaswithhim.
Capodistrias,who had been occupiedwithStourdzasinceMay in organizing
the governmentof the newly ceded province of Bessarabia, had strongly
advised againstattemptinga march to the Adriatic; but, as he put it later,
(some consolationwas requiredforthe peoples whom Russia was forcedto
abandon forthe fourthtime to Turkish vengeance', by providingarms and
money to the Serbs, giving hopes of protectionto the Sultan's Orthodox
subjectsgenerallyand above all by appointinga numberof Russian consuls.
He latersuggested(5 June I8I3) the creationof Serbian militarycolonies in
the frontierarea of the Dniester,in Russia.10 He may have drafteda memo-
randumfromChichagov to the tsar,in favourof a regularorganizationfor
liaisonwiththe Balkanpeoples throughconsulsat Bucarestand Jassy,Widdin
and Belgrade, at Yanina and in the Peloponnese, and finallyat Smyrna.
'Commercialinterestswill formonlya secondaryobject of the missionof our
agentsin theTurkishEmpire.The principalaim is to preparethespiritsofthe
oppressed,so as to promoteby theirzeal thePorte'sgood intentionsin case of
an alliance,or to declareopenlyin our favourifsome day a decisionis made to
breakthe Porte's resistance.'l
9 Memoiresde [I'Amiral P.] Tchitchagof,
ed. C. G. Lahovery (Paris, I9I2), Part ii, p. 395
and chs. IO-I4 passim.
0 Aperfu,I72.
11 de Tchitchagof,
Memoires 387-9. (Memo. of 28 July I8I2.)
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 IVI
The work of the diplomatic Chanceryin the field became more central
than everwhen, in the summerof i8I3, General Barclayde Tolly, who had
succeeded Chichagov in February,took commandof all the Russo-Prussian
armiesin Europe. The tsargave Capodistriasan audiencejust beforethebattle
of Leipzig, and in Novemberpickedhimout fora difficult missionin Switzer-
land. At thispoint,Capodistriasmovedforwardon to the European stagefor
the nextnineyears. His diplomaticcareeris not our concernhere,but it may
be noticedthatin Switzerlandhe came to knowthe bankerJ. G. Eynard,who
fromi82zI was to be his mostsubstantialand zealous helperin raisingmoney
in aid of the Greeks,and theretoo he became interestedin Swiss educational
experiments,partlyin thatof Pestalozzi(therewas soon a Pestalozzi Institute
in St Petersburg)and more especiallyin that of Fellenberg at Hofwylnear
Berne. On a reportfromCapodistrias,the tsar sent Fellenberga decoration
and 5000 roubles,and the school at Hofwylbecame fashionable.12 The first
chorusof praiseforCapodistriascame fromthe Swiss. The second came from
the French,who foundhim consistently anxious,likehis master,to softenthe
blow of defeatand to make Russia appear as theirprotectoragainstAustrian
and Prussian covetousness. Moreover,as he was quick to point out to the
tsar,France mightsome day help Russia to overcomeBritishand Austrian
objectionsto herfreedomof actionin the Balkans. Generallyspeaking,it was
notuntili 820 thatCapodistriasbecamein Austrianeyes'the pestofEurope ',13
and the opinionof some Britishstatesmenwas in some contexts,by thattime,
notverydifferent.Passing overall thatled to thisconclusion,we can saythat
he was alreadyan uneasy man in an uneasyworld when the insurrectionin
Greece broughtto a pointforhimselfa personaldilemmaand forthe tsarthe
majorissue of his Balkan policy,an issue whichhad been carefullyavoided in
all internationaldiscussions since the peace.14 The one exception was the
question of the Ionian Islands, whose formalconnexionwith the Porte had
been shortlived, artificial,and extinctsince I807. The fateof these Islands
was, forthe moment,separable fromthe wider issue on which his eyes were
alreadyfixed; yet it touched him veryclosely,and helped to determinehis
feelingsof resentmentabout England, and equally Britishhostilityto him.
Less thantwo yearsafterTilsit,the Britishhad driventhe Frenchfromall
the Islands except for Corfu; theyoccupied Corfu,withoutfightingand in

12 W. Oechsli,Geschichte derSchweiz,II (Leipzig,I9I3), 59Iff. In I8I9 Fellenberghad

in his charge, for example, the sons of several German Princes, the grandsons of General
Suvorov, the morganatic sons of the Empress Marie-Louise, and Robert Owen's son. By
this time,he was suspect to Metternich,and was alleged to have acted as a spy forNapoleon.
13 The phrase was used by Gentz, who had earlier been rather friendly,in a letter to
Metternich,28 Feb. I822. Briefevonundan F. v. Gentz,ed. F. C. Wittichen,III. 2 (Munchen-
Berlin, 19I3), 39ff.
14 Gentz wrote, i Jan. i8i6, 'au Congres de Vienne le nom de l'Empire Ottoman n'a
jamais 6te articule'. Dpe'cphesineditesaux Hospodarsde Moldavie et de Valachie (Paris, I 876),
I, I99. Symbolically,thoughnot literally,thatwas true,and true also of the negotiationsfor
the firstand second Peace of Paris, and of the Congresses of i8I8 and 1820.
17z C. W. CRAWLEY
the name of the Allies, under the termsof the Armisticeof 23 April I8I4.
Capodistriashardlyshared the Islanders' illusionthat they could exist as a
fullyindependentState, but he hoped that theywould have the benefitof
foreignprotectionwithoutthe burdenof a visibleoccupationor any directing
controlovertheirinternalaffairs.He believedthathe had thetsar'spromisenot
tosettletheirfatewithoutconsultinghim,butthetermsofthefirstPeace ofParis
were alreadysettledwhen he arrivedfivedays beforeits signature. Alexander
assuredhimthatthequestioncould be reopenedat Vienna. In a memorandum
forthetsar,CapodistriasrejectedsuggestionsthattheIslandsshouldbe annexed
to a minorPoweror givento a dispossessedruler,on thesufficient groundthat
the expensesof administration, and of the necessaryfortifications,
would be
too great. Againstthe idea ofmakingthe Knightsof Malta the sovereign,he
furtherpointed out that, as a Roman Catholic Order, they would be as
unpopular as the Venetianshad been and that,as a crusadingOrder, they
could not have the necessaryamicable relationswiththe Porte. He made a
formalproposalto neutralizethe Islands underthejoint diplomaticprotection
of the five great Powers, but perhaps without much conviction. It was
obvious that the otherPowers would not accept a Russian, nor Russia an
Austrian,Protectorate,and above all that nobody could removethe British
against theirwill. It remainedfor Capodistriashimselfto propose, in the
name of Russia, the solutionwhich he genuinelyat thattime believed to be
the best alternativeto his own, that the Islands should be a freeand inde-
pendentRepublic under the exclusiveprotectionof England and guaranteed
by the otherPowers. There is no evidencethatthe Britishgovernmentmuch
covetedthe Islands on economic or strategicalgrounds,but it saw practical
difficultiesin reconcilingcompleteinternalself-government withthe presence
of a strongBritishgarrison,nor did the otherPowers expectit to protectthe
Islands and theirmerchantships withoutsuch a garrison. In August I8I5
it proposedthatthe Islands should be held byGreatBritainin fullsovereignty.
Capodistrias at once stated the tsar's objections and, after troublesome
negotiations, the fourPowers signedat Paris on 5 November I 815 a Conven-
tion givingthe name of independenceto the Islands and the whole substance
of powerto the British. Capodistriasnow did his best to reassurethe Ionian
Senate, and perhaps the sequel would have been less unhappy but for the
extremely authoritarian behaviourofthefirstHigh Commissioner,Sir Thomas
Maitland.
Ionian grievancesand Britishannoyancewerebothexcitedby Capodistrias'
own visitto his parentsat Corfuin I8I9, soon afterthe Britishgovernment
had decided to cede unconditionallyto Ali Pasha for Is50,000 the mainland
dependencyof Parga which had hithertofollowedCorfuin all its changesof
sovereignty.He saw in Maitland's measuresa deliberateattempt'to extirpate
all sentimentsof nationalityamong the Ionians, to separatethem fromthe
neighbouringGreeks, drive the latterto despair and so extinguishthe last
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I73
spark of Greek patriotism '.5 This was not farfromthe truth,forMaitland
had an even loweropinionof the Greeksin politicsthanhe had of the Ionian
Senators. It was not until later that Capodistriaswas, wrongly,accused of
havingvisited Corfu in orderto preparean insurrectionin Greece; but his
attachmentto the tsar was enough to make Britishofficialssuspicious of his
motives,and theyhad betterreasonto be suspiciousof his brothersin Corfu.
In I8I7, he had been visitedin St Petersburgby Nicholas Gallatis (Galates),
of Ithaca, who came to offerhimthe headshipof a secretsocietyand talkedso
freelythathe was arrestedand sent home via Bucarest; but the tsar decided
not to pass any informationabout this to the Porte.16 A year later, some
Greekswho had earlierservedin theIonian militiaduringthe Russianoccupa-
tion came to Russia to seek arrearsof pay and a futurefield of activity.
Capodistriasgave thema littlemoneyand kindwords,but could do no more.
While he was in Corfu in I8I9, some of the chiefswhom he had knownin
Santa Maura in I807 came to ask him what Russia's intentionswere,and to
explaintheirhopeless positionowingto lack of employmentin the onlytrade
they knew-that of arms. His answer was discouragingas to any hope of
Russian intervention, but not unsympathetic."7
The upshotofCapodistrias'visitto Corfuwas hisfruitlessjourneyto London
in August I8I9, bearinga letterfromthe tsar. Politelybut coldly received,
he made no impressioneitherby his visitor by a subsequent memorandumin
which he imprudentlysuggestedthat if, owing to Maitland's system,the
Greek chieftainssaw no hope of employmentforthemselvesor of any future
for their countrymen,theirminds would inevitablyturn towardsviolence.
Unfairly,but not unnaturally, thisprophecywas laterquoted as evidencethat
he had instigatedthemto plan an insurrection.It is impossibleto saywhether
his attitudeor his words were more encouragingthan he was willing,seven
years later,to admit in a narrativeaddressed to Nicholas I; more probably,
the chieftainsperceivedhis personalsympathiesand discountedhis emphatic
warningsthattheycould not relyon any kind of help fromRussia. In retro-
spect,thisvisitto Corfudid moreharmthangood to his own careerand to the
causes nearestto his heart.
Capodistrias had not forgottenthe hopes of i8I2, and had approved,
perhaps inspired,the policy of consular activity. At Vienna, he could do
little,but he was probablythe authorof a Russian circularnote of February
i8i5, arguingthat the Powers were entitledby international law to take an
15 Aperfu,240.
16
Aperfu, 215-20. According to one account, Galates, who claimed to be a relative of
Capodistrias, was so indiscreetabout the plans of the Philik6 Hetairia, of which he was a
member, that he got other innocent Greeks in St Petersburg into trouble. He recruiteda
numberof Greek merchantsin the capital and in Moscow. Later, he was found so unreliable
thatone of the organizersof this societycontrivedto have him assassinated(Nov. I8I9) in the
Peloponnese. I. Philemon, ZoK4tLOV 'ITopLKOv 7rEpt TClS PLAWK7S 'ETatp(asg
(Nauplia, I834),
178-89, 220-32.
17 Aperfu, 239-42.
I74 C. W. CRAWLEY
interestin the treatmnent of the Christiansubjects of the Sultan, since these
were only formallysubjects,while the Turks alone owed full allegiance as
citizens.18This subtle distinctionhad awkwardimplicationsforotherPowers
(perhapsforRussia herselfin Poland or in Asia), and it was not pursued. On
his returnto St Petersburgin Januaryi8i6 as joint foreignsecretarywith
Nesselrode, he was given the chief initiativein handling Balkan affairs.
Alexander refusedto adopt a forwardpolicy of repudiatingthe Treaty of
Bucarestas having lapsed owing to Turkish failureto make common cause
with the Allies against Napoleon. But the instructionswhich Capodistrias
drew up for Stroganovthe new Russian ambassadorto Turkey, and those
whichhe had a hand in draftingforthe Russian commanderin Georgia,were
both based on demandingfull executionof the Treaty.19 Nobody expected
the negotiations,whichjogged along formore than fouryears,to have any
positiveresult;thequestionwas whether,and when,eitherRussiawould break
themofffora moreforwardpolicyorelse perhapstheSultanmightbe provoked
into breakingthem offhimself.20
In i8i8, the tsar and CapodistriasvisitedOdessa and then Kischenev in
Bessarabia,where theyreceiveddeputiesof the Hospodars of Moldavia and
Wallachia. While dampingtheirprivatesuggestionsthat peace could not be
maintainedand that the Russians should cross the Pruthonce more,Capo-
distriasdescribedthe progressof Greekcommerceand educationand advised
allowingtimeforthese powerfulagentsto do theirwork.21
His only public appearance in the characterof a Greek (not merelyan
Ionian) patriothad been his successfulsponsorship,duringthe Congressof
Vienna, of a subscriptionlist for educating young Greeks. Under the
patronageofthetsar,the 'Society of FriendsoftheMuses' became a fashion-
able charity,whose proceeds were originallyintendedforschools in Greece
but were actuallyused forbringingyoungGreeksto Europe.22
This Societyhad no connexionwiththe PhilikeHetairla, whose directing
spiritsand travellingagentswere neitherfashionablenor well-educatednor
even alwaysvery'respectable'. It is uncertainwhetherCapodistriasfirstmet
AdamantiosKoraes in Paris during I8I4-I5 or not until later,but he must
have been familiarwith his work. Both men were interestedin the experi-
mental schools of Pestalozzi and Fellenberg in Switzerland. Moreover,
Koraes was part founderof, and an occasional contributorto, the Greek
literaryand patrioticperiodical Aoytosg'Epjutts(Sagacious Hermes), which
18 F. de Martens, Recueil de TraitJset Conventionsconcluspar la Russie (St Petersburg,
I874), III (Autriche), I77-9, cit. M. T. Lascaris, op. cit. 50-I.
19 Aperfu, 207-I I-
20 Gentz's commentsreflectthe varyingtemperatureof these negotiations. Austria's role
was often that of persuading the Sultan to preferlesser evils to greater ones. Depeches
Inedites,I, 278, 389; II, 32 (Feb. i8I7-June i820).
21 Aperfu,228-9.

22 On the Friends of the Muses, see a short article by D. Sourmelos, in 'O BtflAto'tAos

(ed. A. Zambakes), II. 3 (I948), 6ff. Also Capodistrias,Aper_u,I95.

 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I75
was publishedin Vienna and was connectedwiththe Friends of the Muses.
Capodistriascannot have approved the stronglydemocraticand republican
flavourof the propagandawhichKoraes habituallysmuggledintohis editions
ofthe Greekclassics,bymeansoftheProlegomena,writtenin his ownmodern
Greek and oftencast in dialogue form;still less could he have approvedthe
radical revolutionary pamphletsand poems which Koraes published anony-
mously on occasion. Kora's (I748-I833), the son of prosperousparentsat
Smyrna,had neverlived nearerto Greecethanhis homewhichhe leftforever
at the age of 34. In I788, he settledin Paris, the Paris whose hopes were
centredin the philosophes, then in the liberalrepublicansand, fora time,in
Bonaparte as First Consul. He lived there to the end in a kind of Gallo-
GreekUtopia, eclecticallyfurnished bythewritingsoftheancientphilosophers
and of Rousseau, Beccaria, Benthamand Franklin. His faithin Aristotle's
Politeia,governmentby the middle class, was vitiatedby the factthatsuch a
class barely existed on the Greek mainland; the Greeks whom he admired
werenot even the merchantseamenoftheAegean Islands, but theprosperous
tradersof Smyrnaor thoseofthe dispersionin the Mediterraneanports,or in
Vienna or Paris. His own literaryoutput was subsidized for more than
twentyyears by a prosperous Chiot merchant. Inevitably,with his anti-
clerical and anti-monarchicalviews, he came to be a bitter opponent of
Capodistriasat the end, but this would not preventeach fromregardingthe
otherin theearlieryearsas a patriot,evenas a collaboratorat a warydistance.23
The PhilikeHetairiawas nevermentionedby Koraes, thoughhe musthave
been aware of its existence. Its main attractionwas its confidentfocus on
Russia as the patronof Orthodoxy,but its innerleadersborrowedmuch from
revolutionary France,especiallysome proceduresof the masonicclubs which
were carriedoverEurope withthe republicanarmiesin the earlyyearsof the
wars. The originsofthe Societyhave naturallybeen obscure,and theevidence
of its earliestmemberswas conflicting and perhapsdisingenuous. Emmanuel
Xanthos (I772-I852) was born at Patmos and traded between Odessa and
Epirus; he recordedthathis initiationas a freemasonat Santa Maura in I8I3
gave him the idea of a brotherhood,and that,on his returnto Odessa in I8I4,
23 The most useful short work on Koraes is that of S. G. Chaconas, AdamantiosKorais:

a studyin Greeknationalism(New York, I942). In my opinion, the early characterof Greek

nationalism,as it developed in fact,owed less to the writingsof Koraes than is suggested by
the sub-titles(and by the author's comments,e.g. pp. 42, I63); but his copious summariesof
Koraes' political opinions are most useful. Koraes' political Prolegomena began in I799;
the 27 volumes of the 'Hellenic Library' of Greek classics were spread over the years i 805-27
and were distributedat speciallycheap prices forGreek schools in Smyma, the Aegean Islands
and the Peloponnese. His anonymouspoems and tracts,amountingto calls to insurrection,
appeared in i8oo and i8oi (both reprintedin i82I), in I8I7-I8 and in I820. In the Pro-
legomenato the editionofArrianand Epictetus(2 vols., Paris, 1827), I, 30-I, thepersonagewho
representsKoraes himselfin the dialogue is made to say that he knows Capodistrias and re-
gardshim as personallyupright,but as no more to be trustedthan any otherman in a position
of sole authority.This is dated I I Aug. I827, just afterthe death of Canning, 'the friendof
liberty'(p. 43).
I76 C. W. CRAWLEY
he discussed the futuresalvationof Greece, in associationwith Athanasius
Tsakalov(I788-I85I) and NicholasSkoufas(1779-I8I9). Skoufaswas born
near Artain Epirus, migratedin I8I3 to Odessa, and died in I8I9. Tsakalov
was born at Yanina wherehis fathercarriedon tradewithRussia; he fledto
Paris afterbeing imprisonedby Ali Pasha's son, studiedmedicinethereand
returnedto Odessa in I8I4. These threeprovidea bridgebetween Russian
Odessa and Ali Pasha's Epirus, a regionwhichin turnhad close associations
withthe French duringtheirfirstoccupationof the Ionian Islands (I797-9)
and theirlateroccupationofthe Adriaticcoasts. Otherearlymembersofthis
small group were P.A. Anagnostopoulos of Bucarest, and his relative
AthanasiusSekeres who drew in other and wealthiermembersof his own
family. Anotherearlyrecruitwas the Ionian Nicholas Galates.
There was latera controversy about priority.I. Philemon24 makesSkoufas,
Tsakailov and Anagnostopoulosthe originators,followed by A. Sekeres,
N. Galates and others,and then(soon afterthe headquartersmoved to Con-
stantinoplein March I8I7) by P. Sekeres and by E. Xanthos who, he says,
was at thattimeemployedin the Turkishcapitaland was not admittedto the
innerdirectionuntilafterthe deathof Skoufasin JulyI8I9. Philemonstated
thathe was nothimselfa memberor at all involved,but thathe was able later
to tracemanydetails. In JulyI822 Philemonbecame secretaryin the Pelo-
ponnese to DemetriusYpsilantes (brotherof Alexander,the formalhead of
the Societyfromi820); even if he was an earlymemberof the Society,he
mightnothavewishedto admitthatin a workdedicatedto King Otho in I834.
Some of his information probablycame fromAnagnostopoulos,who was not
friendlyto Xanthos. His general thesis is that, althoughthe Society was
obscureand revolutionary in origin,it was thelastsymptom,nottheoperative
cause,oftheGreeknationalconsciousnesscomingto the pointofinsurrection,
and thatby I82I it had become so widespreadthatits particularfunctionwas
ended and it was mergedin the militantnationalmovementas a whole.25
E. Xanthos,in a laterwork,26 representshimselfas the leadingspiritfrom
the beginning,with Skoufas and Tsak'alov, and mentionsA. Sekeres and
othersbeforeAnagnostopoulos,who (he says) was recruitedby Skoufasearly
in I8I6 and remainedan uninitiatedmemberfortwo moreyears. He insists
thathis own versionis correct,and quotes a handsomeapologyby Philemon
(fromo Aluv, i9 March I839) for under-estimating Xanthos' own role. A
modern writer states that the Society's rules were drafted by Skoufas,
Tsakailovand Xanthos at Odessa in the summerof I8I4, and completedby
24
J. Philemon, dOK'.uOV IaTOPtKOVr.Ept'T7; ILALK?)'ETatpIas (Nauplia, I834). For what
follows,see esp. pp. 178ff., 200.
25 I. Philemon,op. cit. Introd. p. 3 and pp. 7ff., 135ff.
26 E. Xanthos, irept T7js OALK)S 'ETatpiasg (Athens, I845).
'Airoivrj7wovev'aTa A brief
narrative(pp. 1-35) is followed by some 200 pp. of documents,mostly lettersto Xanthos,
8 Aug. I817-30 Aug. I839. Philemon had in I834 criticizedan anonymouswriter,whom he
believed to be Xanthos. I cannot trace this, but it may have been an earlier version of
Xanthos' acknowledgedwork of I845.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I77
the firsttwo alone at Moscow in November i8I4.27 It has been statedthat
Tsakalov saw Capodistriasin Vienna in I8I4, and wentto Odessa in i8I5.28
It is hardto reconcilethevariousstatements, unlesswe suppose thatTsakailov
leftParis earlyin I8I4, draftedthe rules in Odessa in the summer,visited
Vienna just beforearrivingin Moscow in November,and then returnedto
Odessa early in I8I5. Capodistriaswas not in Vienna until October I814,
but he might,alternatively, have seen Tsakailovin Paris in May or June,ifhe
saw himat all in I8I4. It is worthnoticingthatCapodistriasafterwards made
use of some of the earliestHetairists.TsakaSlovwas givena secretarialpost in
the governmentin i828, sat in the Assemblyat Argos in I829, leftGreece
afterthePresident'smurder,and was livingin Moscow inthe I830's. Anagno-
stopoulosbecame Nomarchof Elis in I828. But Xanthosevidentlyexpected
no favours;he retiredto Bucarest in i827, lyinglow until he reappearedten
yearslaterto re-establishhis reputationagainstthe 'libels' ofAnagnostopoulos
and Philemon.29
PhilemonstatedthatAlexanderYpsilanteswrotean accountof the Society
(or of his partin it) whilein prisonin Austriabeforehe died in I828, but that
his informationabout its originswould have been takenfromXanthos; also
that ArchbishopGermanos of Patrai described,beforehe died in I826, the
storyof the Society's activitiesin the Peloponnese.30 But Philemonhad not
seen eitherof these MSS., and I can findno trace of theirpublicationsince
then. He was perhaps confused about Ypsilantes. In a modern unsigned
article,3'there is some account of the rare book (which I have not seen),
Memoiresdu PrinceNicholasHypsilanti(ed. D. G. Kambouroglouin a limited
edition,Athens,I90I). Nicholas,theyoungestbrotherand devoted follower
of Alexander,was also imprisonedin Austria,I823-8, and died at Odessa in
I834; his Memoiresmay be judged (from internalevidence) to have been
writtenin I828. Philemon may have heard of this MS. and supposed it to
be by Alexander.The main themeof the articleis to show,partlyfromthese
Memoires,that the earlierHetairia of Rhigas was foundedat Vienna before
the rise of the Carbonari in France and Italy, had no connexionwith the
Carbonari, and was distinguishedby advocatinga union of Christianand
Moslem subjects of the Sultan, in a common oath forco-operationagainst
oppressionand for eventualinsurrection.The later Hetairnadid not admit
Turkish or Moslem members. In addition,accordingto these Memoires,a
third Hetairia, founded by Chrysospaithes in Constantinople,was purely
Carbonarist(comingfromItaly via Dalmatia and Serbia) and was intended
27 A. Vakal6poulos, 27v,uoA'7 Kai
rTr1vLTopra aKpyatopyavwij TS OLALK?S 'ETaLpiag (Salonica, 195 1),
from 'EAAV&Ka',vol. XII (summarized in Bulletin analytique de BibliographieHellenique, xii
(195 I), no. 731.
28 McyaAr1 vol. 13 (1930). Articleon Tsakalov.
'EyKVKAo7rat8E&,
'EAA'qVLKi1
2' See the relevantarticlesin the Meya'Aq'EAA-qVLK'EyKVKAo0rat8EL'a.
8 I. Philemon, op. cit. Introd. p. 6, note o.
31 Articleon 'H 'ETatptaTOV TPfyain 'O BtLAto'LAog
(ed. A. Zambakes), VI (I952), no. 3,
pp. 123-6.
I78 C. W. CRAWLEY
to counterthe Russian influence;Tsakalov succeeded in discreditingit and
procuringits dissolution.
T. Kandeloros, in a modernbook on the Hetairia, made some use of the
archivesof PanayiotesSekeres.This sourceis describedin detailin a workby
V. G. Mexas.32 Sekeres,a Greek merchantof Constantinople,was initiated
on 5 May i8i8 at the age of 35, and was relatedto two stillearlierrecruits,
G. Sekeres(admittedI3 December I8I4 in Moscow, while a studentat Paris)
and A. Sekereswho was in the innercouncilsofthe Societyfromi8i6. After
Anagnostopoulosand Xanthoshad leftConstantinoplein FebruaryI8I9, and
stillmoreafterthe death of N. Skoufasin Julyi8i9, it seems thatP. Sekeres
was the only effectiveleader remainingthere,and that on him fellthe main
burdenofreducingfriction amongmembersand oftryingto meetthemounting
claimsforexpensesfromthe Society'stravellingagents.The survivingpapers
include(a) copiesofhisownletters,Augusti 8 i 8-August I 82 I, (b) somefigures
of his income and expenditurefor the Society over the same period and
(c) (i) a listof I33 memberscompiledby Xanthosand passed to Sekeres,and
(ii) Sekeres' own registerof 387 membersenrolled fromDecember I814 to
FebruaryI 82zI. These two lists,witha fewadditionsfromothersources,were
collated by Mexas and printedin a single chronologicallist of 54I entries.
This combined list is certainlynot comprehensive,because recruitswere
enrolledindirectly and cumulativelybyexistingmembersand theirnamesand
subscriptionswere not always passed on to the central Arche at Con-
stantinople;but it is believed to give a fairlyreliablepictureof the member-
ship up to the late middle or end of I8I9. Afterthat,the tricklebecame a
stream(not recordedin the list) and soon a flood.The Society ceased to be
effectively secret,and earlyin I8zI it was mergedor submergedin the main
riverof national revolt.The Xanthos-Sekeres-Mexaslist is certainlymore
reliablethan the list of 692 names publishedin I834 by Philemon,whichin-
cluded (i) the list of I33-4 names compiledby Xanthos but now foundin a
more accurate formin the Sekeres archives,(ii) the names of 230 recruits
enrolledin Russia and the Principalitiesduringthe winter of I820-i, and
(iii) the names of 328 Peloponnesianchieftainsand notableswhomPhilemon
believed to have been enrolledabout the same time. The names under (ii)
and (iii) werenot includedin Mexas' listunlesstheyappeared also in Sekeres'
register.This registerusuallygave the date and place of enrolment,the age,
home and occupationof the recruit,the amountof his subscriptionand the
name of the recruitingagent. A rough analysis throwssome light on the
characterof the Society. Neglectingthe absurdly incompleteend-portion
which gives only eighty-ninemembers enrolled from January I820 to
32
T. Kandeloros, 'H 'ALK' 'ETatpt(a,1814-21 (Athens, 1926). I have been unable to find
a copy eitherin London or in Athens, but its conclusions are summarized by D. K6kkinos,
'H 'EAA-qVLK (2nd ed. Athens, 1940), vol. i, Introd. and ch. i. V. G. Mexas,
I 'E7rava'9Ta9ts
in 01 PLAucOt(Athens, I937), describesthe Sekeres archives,which are in the Department of
MSS. of the Ethnological Society at Athens (Kat6i 327). I found Mexas' book in Corfu.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 I79
Februaryi 8z i, and neglectingalso thefouror fivefounder-members who are
not listed at all, the total to the end of I8I9 is 452. The salientpoints are:
(a) The verysmallnumberofmembers(5 I) up to midsummeri 8 I 8, thelarge
increase(3 I I) duringtheyearending30 JuneI 8 I 9 and theprobablymisleading
appearance of a set-backa year later(only go in the second half of I8I9).
(b) The spread of the Society fromRussia (36) to the Principalities(z5)
and Constantinople(6z); and thenceto the Peloponnese(IZ5) and theAegean
(25) and Ionian (4I) Islands, all frommidsummeri8I8 onwards. Fifty-seven
were enrolledin otherparts,and eighty-onein places not stated.
(c) The sudden appearance of enrolmentsin the Ionian Islands in the
firsthalf of I8I9, coincidingwithCapodistrias'visit to Corfu,but probably
attributable, notto anypositiveencouragementfromhim,butto theoptimistic
speculationscreatedby his visit.
(d) The factthatat least one-thirdof the whole numberwere occupied in
commerce(I34) or shipping(I9). Probablymanyof those whose occupation
is not stated(I04) belongedto the same category,fortravellerswerethe most
likely and the most useful recruits. For the rest, the list includes sixty
notables,thirty-six fightingmen,twenty-four clergy,twenty-three officialsor
secretaries,twenty-twoteachersor students,ten doctors,four lawyersand
sixteenothers.
(e) The fact that young men predominatedless as the Society grew and
began to spread in Greece. In i8i8 70 per cent of the recruitswere under
fortyyears of age, in I8I9 less than half.
(f) The greatvariationsin subscriptionon enrolment. Much the largest
sums were paid by AlexanderMavrocordatos(iooo florinsin October i8i6)
and P. Sekeres himself(io,ooo grosia in May i8i8). Among the smallest
contributorsof note were N. Speliades (i florinin September i8i6), Ch.
Perrhaivos(i florinin March I8I7) and G. Dikaios, the priest known as
Papaphlessas (Io grosiain June i8I 8), none of thesebeing men of substance.
The comparativelyhumble foundersat Odessa may have exaggeratedthe
immediatesignificanceof the activitiesof the Friends of the Muses in the
greatworld at Vienna. Whicheverof them should head the list, thereis no
doubt thatthe Societywas apocalypticin its earliestaims (fireand sword in
Constantinople,to be followedby a Russian intervention), and secretin its
organization.There were three grades of members,with a small directing
Committee(Arche) whose membershipwas at any given moment a little
fluidand even disputed,theirnames being unknownto the lowermembers;
therewas an oath of initiationforthe destructionof the infideltyrant,and a
cipher was used among the Arche. The Society's agents and theirrecruits
vaguelysupposed thatthe directionwas both Russian and exalted,and they
knewlittleof its actuallyhumblecharacter.When memberswere recruitedin
the Island of Hydra, the leading merchantthere, Konduriotes,cautiously
asked forwrittenevidence that Capodistriaswas the head. It appears that
i8o C. W. CRAWLEY
Viaro and Agostino Capodistriaswere enrolledin Corfu, and a numberof
Ionians became membersfromI8I9 onwards,includingsome of those em-
ployedbytheBritishgovernment.33 It is said also thatthePatriarchGregorios
was sounded duringa visitto Mount Athos,and thathe in no way disapproved
but refusedto take an oath. One agent specialized in recruitingthe clergy,
and is said to have enrolledthe senior monks of the famous monasteryof
Megaspelaion and at least fivebishops,including Germanos,archbishopof
Patrai,which became an activecentre. Even Tripolitza,the Turkishcapital
ofthe Peloponnese,was fullof it; so was Yanina, the strongholdofAli Pasha.
When the Pasha was outlawed by the Sultan in i820, he was inclined to
favourGreek ambitions,but onlyat a price.34An emissarywas sentto Italy,
and memberswere enrolledeven in Egypt and Syria.35
Beforethe end of i8I9, the Society's existencewas hardlya secret any
longer, and some of the more importantnew members wanted to know
exactlywho the leaderswere,whatauthority the agentshad fortheirconfident
allusions to Russia, and what use was being made of the now considerable
funds.The more cautious notablesin the Peloponnese rememberedtoo well
how thepeople had suffered in I770, whenPrinceOrlov had firstincitedthem
to riseand thenleftthemin thelurch. An agent,sentto St Petersburgin I8I9
by Petrobey(Mavromichales)of Maina, was warned by Capodistriasnot to
expect Russian help; but this agent, Kamarlnos, was murderedbeforethe
warningletterwas deliveredto Petrobey. In thisletter,Capodistriasadvised
Petrobeyto expectno encouragementto rebeland no arms,but onlyperhaps
some help forschools,which should be managed by the Church and should
teach the nationalreligionand language,the elementsof the exact sciences,
and loyaltyto the Patriarch.The Friends of the Muses are carefullydis-
tinguishedfromany kind of secretassociation.36
Shortlybeforethis,Xanthoswentto St Petersburgand (if his accountmay
be trusted)had two interviewswithCapodistriasin Januaryi820, tellinghim
evervthing and vainlytrvingto persuadehimto accept a formalofferofhead
33 D. K6kkinos (op. cit. ii, I07-I0) describes the solemn initiationof Theodore Kolo-
kotr6nesin a church at Zante in I820.
31 It is said that,when approached on behalfof the Society,he stipulatedforhegemonyin
NorthernGreece and a protectingrole over the Peloponnese too, while the Greek emissary
demanded that he should firstbe baptized. Philemon, op. cit. 207-8, 260.
35 Philemon,op. cit. 2I I . The firstemissaryto Italy died on the way in I 81 9, but Tsakaslov

visited Ignatius at Pisa in I820.

36 Aperfu,253-4. Capodistrias probablyfeltin I826 thatthe new tsar mightlistento tales
of his earliercommitmentsto the Hetairfa,forhe took the troubleto submit with his Aperfu
(as the only supportingdocument) the draftof his replyto Petrobey,dated 20 Feb. 1820 and
handed to Kamarfnos on I3 April I820. According to N. Speliides, 'A7rotmqjtovEv,4Lara
(3 vols. Athens,i85I, I852, I857), I, 5-I0, Capodistrias advised Kamarfnosverballythat the
Greeks should keep quiet forthe present,but that,if theymust act, theyshould startunder
theumbrellaofa rebelliousTurkishPasha, whileMaina mightreassertitstraditionalautonomy,
and finallythat,in the last resort,Russia would hardlyallow them to be crushed. Spelia'des
was, before I82I, secretaryto a merchant,A. Mavros, one of the Hetairist Ephors at Con-
stantinople;in I828 he became Capodistrias' principalsecretaryin the departmentof foreign
affairs.
 CAPODISTRIAS AND THE GREEKS BEFORE 1821 i8i
ship of the Society.37 Fearing to returnwithoutsome result,Xanthos then
took upon himself to approach Alexander Ypsilantes, who accepted on
I2 April i 820, stipulatingforsole commandof the insurrection.On I8 June
he was formallyappointedas leader. Xanthos returnedto Constantinoplein
OctoberI 820, onlytofindmuchdisagreement, and some distrustofYpsilantes,
whose frequentchanges of plan increased the confusion. Finding no en-
couragementwith Capodistriasor at court,Ypsilantes sought and obtained
leave to go abroad fora 'cure', perhapshopingto enlistthe aid of France.38
Emissaries who were sent by him in October i 820 to the Peloponnese,
Epirus and theIslands (and evento Egypt)came back differing violentlyabout
theprospects.Most oftheArchein Constantinoplewantedto go slowly,and to
surroundYpsilantes(now at Jassy)witha Council beforebeing committedto
action.They advised him that,afterfurther preparations,he should travelvia
Trieste to Maina and theretakethefield,whileotherswould createa diversion
bya risingin thePrincipalities.But he refusedto listento them,and was misled
by adventurersin Jassyinto makinghis major thrustacross the Pruth.
The ship which had been sent to fetchYpsilantes fromTrieste to Maina
broughtinstead G. Dikaios ('Papaphlessas'), a loud and confidentagitator
who had lately forcedhis way into the Arche and had already visited the
Peloponnese as Ypsilantes' emissaryin the autumn. He was ill receivedby
some of the older notables,but he stirredup the people with assurancesof
promptRussian support. An emissary,who was sent by the Primates(local
notables) of the Peloponnese to consult the MetropolitanIgnatius at Pisa,
came back full of his own enthusiasmratherthan Ignatius' cautious advice;
another,who consultedthe Russian Consul at Patrai (himselfa Hetairist),
went on, by his advice,to St Petersburg,and came back allegingthathe had
metCapodistriasin Warsawand that6o,ooo Russianswould march. It seems
certain that all this was deliberatefalsehood,the work of men who were
37 Xanthos, op. cit. I6-I7. This visit is not mentionedby Capodistrias in his Aperfu,but
the story is accepted without question by D. K6kkinos, op. cit. I, I45ff. Speliades (op.
cit. I, 4) speaks of twovisitsby Xanthos to Capodistrias,one in i8i8 and one in I820, but this
is mistaken. It appears thatXanthos was given the job at the end of i8i8, but owing to lack
of fundsfailed to reach the capital untilJanuaryI820. Philemon, op. cit. 231, 250.
38 In his Aperfu(p. 256), Capodistrias said that his advice to Ypsilantes, at his interview
in the winter of I820, was to steer clear of 'faiseurs de projets. .., misdrables commis de
negociantsruindspar inconduite. . .' But it was at this point that,ifhe reallywished to dis-
creditthe Society's plans, he could surelyhave got the tsarto forbidYpsilantes (still a serving
officerin the Russian army) to leave Russia on any pretext. As a cousin of the Stourdzas,
YpsilAnteswas already well known to Capodistrias. During the Congress of Vienna, he was
stayingwiththe Stourdzas there. Mlle. Stourdza relatedthat,when the tsar agreed to attend
an Orthodox service in Vienna, she had the party's carriagesdirected,not to the church of
the Greeks who were Austrian subjects, but to a differentchurch which had been founded
by an ancestorof hers for Greeks in Vienna who were Ottoman subjects. The appearance of
the tsar and his suite fillingone side of the church,and of Capodistrias sittingconspicuously
with YpsilAnteson the other side, caused great enthusiasm in the congregationand some
annoyance to the Austrian authorities. Capodistrias himself was apparently displeased at
having been trickedinto what looked like a politicallysignificantincident. Comtesse Edling,
Memoires,
I69-73.
12 C H J XIIi
i82 C. W. CRAWLEY
determined to forcethepace andto ensureenoughbloodshedto prevent any
lookingback. NobodysupposedthatYpsilanteswouldactually movewithout
somepromisefromthetsaror fromverynearthetsar. It is certainthathe
had no suchpromiseor evenencouragement, but possiblyhe mayhaveper-
suadedhimself thatAlexander was onlywaitingforsomespontaneous actof
insurrection, or at leastwouldbe obligedbytradition to
and prestige stepin
whenoncethedie was cast. In thelongrun,he was notfarwrong;butthat
was due,notto hisownreckless enterprise,butto thedecisiveactionofa few
chieftainsand clergyin the Peloponnese(especiallyKolokotronesand
Germanos), to thegeneralstateofexpectation createdbytheHetairla,to the
follyoftheTurksand theirpreoccupation withAli Pasha.39
In launchingthe Sacred Band to theirdestruction, Ypsilantesissued
(23-4 FebruaryI82I) a proclamationto the Moldavians and anotherto the
Greeksin Moldavia.40 That twoseparateproclamations werenecessary was
ominousenough;and theywereso ineptas to reducegreatly theinevitable
embarrassment ofthetsar,whowas alreadyconcerned to checkthewaveof
revolution and could moreeasilydisownso extravagant a beginning. The
personal embarrassment ofCapodistriaswasgreater.His position wasalready
weakenedby ill-health and discouragement and by his increasing difficulty
in combiningthe rolesof conservative statesmanand defenderof repre-
sentativeinstitutions in Europe. He was certainly no willingpartyto the
ventureof insurrection in Greeceat thatmoment;norcould he sharethe
optimism ofKoraes,whobelievedthatsomething newandgoodmightcome
outofa revolutionary acteventhoughitwas admittedly premature.Evenif
he knewmorethanhe wouldadmitabouttheHetairiaand itsplans,Capo-
distriaslookeduponthemethodofinsurrection as an evilat anytime;even
if it mighteventually becomea necessaryevil,the revolutionary situation
shouldbe contained, andreplacedas soonas possiblebya conservative recon-
struction.Yet,oncethatsituation wasa factin Greece,he couldnotreconcile
himself, as a Greekpatriot, or evenas a Russianstatesman, to watching itbe
merelyeliminated byforceand followed by a returnto theold position.He
wrotelaterthat,fromMarchi82I onwards, Metternich haditallhisownway,
but thathe himselfcouldnothelpdisagreeing, whenhe was congratulated
by diplomats on Russia'sfirmrepudiation ofYpsilantesand on theexpected
return totranquillity.'Pour ce qui estdu statuquo,c'en estfaitpourtoujours'.41
There is not much serious contradictionbetweenthe various earlyaccounts of the events
of the last few monthsbeforethe revoltbegan. For the divergentplans of Ypsilntes and the
leaders of the Hetairfa,see I. Philemon,op. cit. 268-307, and N. Speliades, op. cit. i, chs. 1-2.
(Xanthos, op. cit. 2I-8, has littleto say on these points.) Speliides, as secretary,wrote the
letterfromthe 'ephors' at Constantinopleto the Arche, describingtheirplan to set fireto
the city,kidnap the Sultan and seize the naval arsenal(withthe help of Greek workmenthere),
the artillerydepot and the Treasury(Speliades, op. cit. i, 8-9). None of these thingswas even
attempted.
'? Speliades, op. cit. I, 36-40, quotes in fullthe proclamationto the Greeks,which included
thewords 'Unite, myfriends,and you will see a greatPower whichwill championyourrights'.
41 Aperpu, 263-5.