Change Jammu, Kashmir, FORGOTTEN HISTORY How “Peace, Dialogue”

Ladakh should expect in Rakesh Ankit on how British Army helped became keywords in last
Pakistan in 1947 against India in Kashmir decade - By Rekha Chowdhary
next decade - By Suba Chandran
P40 Epilogue Exclusive P46 P34

Epilogue
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DECADE
2000
the
2009

in REVIEW
plus
The ideas for

NEXT DECADE

nsible jo
se In terms of form and content, Epilogue is a model of its kind. It would be
ur
h year of

37th f wonderful if it could find imitators, so that every state of India could have its
nalis

o own informed journal showcasing its politics and culture.

issue e
m

sens
RAMCHANDRA GUHA
4t

Author if India After Gandhi

P4

Anniversary Special
 PATNITOP

SANASAR

PATNITOP HILL RESORT

AN ECO-FRIENDY TOURIST DESTINATION

Help Us to Preserve the

Environment & Ecology of the area Patnitop Development Authority
Kud, District Udhampur (J&K)
Use of Polythene is banned in PATNITOP Tele-fax: 01992-288146, 288129
 Great Economic Boom Change by Vote
Rs. 24,000 Cr & More Honesty Returns to Democracy

Unstoppable Press
Brief Intervention Cut, Copy, Paste Culture
2½ Year Storm of Azad
Cub-e-Kashmir
The Third Generation Abdullah

Congress as Hindutva’s Agent of Change

Train Reaches Kashmir
Miracle on Wheels
Half of State Goes Mobile
Story of Change

Empowering Jammu
Flawed War On Corruption
PDP : New Regional Alternate
Second Option

Militancy
Killings Down From 4 Digits to 3 Digits
New Offer for Kashmir
Self Rule : Autonomy Plus, Azadi Minus
Mother of all CBMs
Jammu v/s Kashmir LoC Becoming Line of Contacts, Trade
Deepening Regional Divides
Changing Paradigms
Great Public Deceit Softening Separatism, Hardening Mainstreams
 Main
Ediga
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u Auqaf Islamia
Inaugurated by
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on 16/10/2009 completed
against the cost of Rs. 2.36 Crores

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Administrator
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1

Epilogue
because there is more to know

www.epilogue.in CONTENTS

Editor Contributors to this Issue 2

Zafar Iqbal Choudhary Prologue 3
Letters 4
Publisher
Yogesh Pandoh Exclusive Stories
The Defiant Douglas 46
Consulting Editor Rakesh Ankit
D. Suba Chandran
Features
Associate Editors Put in Kashmir in your Dream... 49
Irm Amin Baig Manisha Shobarjani
Tsewang Rigzin
Volume 4, Issue 1, January 2010
General Manager
Kartavya Pandoh

Manager IN FOCUS
Adarsh Rattan Bali The Decade in Review
(Marketing & Advertisement)

Art Editor 8 The Decade that Changed

Keshav Sharma Jammu and Kashmir for Ever
Zafar Choudhary

Research Officer
Raman Sharma 31 Rethinking Political
Paradigms in J&K
Phones & email Nyla Ali Khan
Office : +91 191 2493136
subscriptions : +91 99060 27136 33 9/11 Changed the Way World
Editorial: +91 94191 80762 Would Look at Kashmir
Administration: +91 94191 82518 M Ashraf
editor@epilogue.in
subscription@epilogue.in 34 Key Words of the Decade :
Reconciliation Dialogue, Peace
Printed and Published by Rekha Chowdhary
Yogesh Pandoh for Epilogue
NewsCraft from Ibadat House, 38 Terrorism has Decline, But
Madrasa Lane, Near Graveyard, Peace is Still Miles Away
Bathindi Top, Jammu, J&K - 180012 M Shamsur Rabb Khan
and Printed at : DEE DEE
Reprographix, 3 Aikta Ashram, New 40 The Decade of Ahead
Rehari Jammu (J&K) Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh
D Suba Chandran
Disputes, if any, subject to jurisdiction
of courts and competitive tribunals in
Jammu only.

RNI : JKENJ/2007/26070
ISN : 00974-5653
Price : Rs 30

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

2 CONTRIBUTORS TO THIS ISSUE

Ankit, Rakesh; (Recent History, p46)
is a young historian from Bihar. As a
Rhodes Scholar recently he studied
various missing links in the making of
Kashmir conflict. Based on his first
hand study, he is contributing
exclusive series to Epilogue
Chowdhary, Prof Rekha; (In Focus,
p34) is professor of Political Science
at the University of Jammu. A
frequent columnist with leading
newspapers, she has written and
edited a number of books on politics
of Jammu and Kashmir

Ashraf, M; (In Focus, p33) is a regular
columnist on politics and current
affairs but known best for his travel
writings. Retired as Director General
of Tourism in J&K, he runs a website
www.kashmirfirst.com that features
all his writings
Chandran, D Suba; (In Focus, p40) is
Deputy Director at Institute of Peace
and Conflict Studies. Author of many
books and an acclaimed expert on
Kashmir and Indo-Pak relations, he is
Consulting Editor of Epilogue
Magazine
Choudhary, Zafar; (In Focus, p8) is
Editor of Epilogue Magazine and also
Executive Editor of Early Times, daily
newspaper from Jammu
Khan, M Shamsur Rabb; (In Focus,
p38) works with Indian Institute of
Dalit Studies at New Delhi
Khan, Nyla Ali; (In Focus, p31) is a
Kashmir writer and scholar and author
of (most recently) Islam, Women and
Violence in Kashmir: Between India
and Pakistan. She is a professor of
English at a US University
Sobhrajani, Manisha; (Features, p49)
is a Delhi based independent
researcher working at various aspects
of Kashmir conflict. She divided her
time between Delhi and Jammu and
Kashmir

Readers' requests for getting in touch with the

authors, for feedback, comments and further
discussions on their subjects of interest, are
welcome. Since all authors/contributors are not
interested in taking mails directly, the readers are
requested to send us interview requests at
editor@epilogue.in for passing on to the authors

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

3 PROLOGUE
Note to the Owners of Epilogue
ZAFAR CHOUDHARY
A
t Epilogue, December and
January are two special
months every year for a
reason which is not very
uncommon. Many in the
world do almost exactly the same what
we do these months -taking stock of the
passing by year in December and setting
tone for the new year in January. Yet,
what makes this period of the year
special at Epilogue is the fact that it
coincides with our anniversary. The last
month of 2009 and first month of 2010
make all the more importance for us
than any other month or period of year
did in our three years of existence. This
time, it is not just end of an year and
beginning of another, it is also end of a
decade and beginning of another and at
Epilogue it becomes much more
important –we have completed three
years of our struggle with words of
sanity and sense and have entered into
fourth year of renewed commitment to
sensible, secular and tolerant
knowledge economy in Jammu and
Kashmir. Usually, in December we
make introspection into what we did in
the year, we look at the change we tried
to make and we do an audit of our
performance. The audit is not about the
number of copies of magazine we were
able to sell or the space we were able to
book for advertisements. In fact, we sit
back and take account of the issues we
dealt with, analyse their importance
www.epilogue.in
From the Editor
and assess the impact they made in
public life. If success is not an absolute
statement, failure too is not.
Therefore, in January we reposition
ourselves, pick up the issues we failed
to deliver at last year, draw out a fresh
agenda and set tone for the New Year. As
we complete one year of public service
publication and prepare to step into
another year of sensible journalism
devoted to social change it gives a
unique sense of satisfaction as also,
sometimes, some amount of discontent.
Satisfaction is about what we were able
to do beyond our capabilities and
discontent is on what we could not do
despite a possibility. This is an honest JANUARY 2009
statement about our state of affairs and
here is an example: This issue offers you
a review of the decade and this is decade of 2010s. The wishlist is not just
coming to you in the month of January. wishful but is a careful sketch of what
Ideally this should have been the we should expect and what should do to
December 2009 issue and January 2010 achieve the best in Jammu and Kashmir
issue should have discussed the ways for which deserves all the best.
looking at the next decade. Refusing to While presenting this special issue
sleep over our failures is an important to our esteemed readers we hope that
ingredient of our professional attitude. the mutual trust we exchanged over
We hate to say let bygone be bygone past three years not only remains intact
when possibility of correction exists. As but also doubles in the coming years as
January issue brings to you a review of we believe that Epilogue –an emerging
the decade of 2000s it also reflects that institution of public trust –is an
our makeup of failure of past is never at enterprise equally owned by each one
the cost of future. Therefore, one of its readers. Happy New Year, Happy
section of this issue chronicles the New Decade and Happy Reading!
decades of 2000s and other section Feedback :
makes a wishlist for the forthcoming zafarchoudhary@epilogue.in
Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010
4 ON THIRD ANNIVERSARY
Notes to Epilogue

nsible jo
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ur
h year of
37th f

nalis
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issue e

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4 t
RAMCHANDRA GUHA
Author of India after Gandhi

I have travelled through twenty-

five states of the Union of India.
Sadly, Jammu and Kashmir is one
distinctive points of view they are
never angry or polemical. In terms
of form and content the magazine
of the few states I have not yet is thus a model of its kind. It
visited. That said, I feel I know would be wonderful if it could find
something about the history and imitators, so that every state of
culture of the state, through the India could have its own informed
magazine journal that
Epilogue, which The articles in Epilogue are packed showcases the
I have been politics and
reading for the
with ideas and information. While culture of that
past few years. offering distinctive points of view particular
What I admire they are never angry or polemical. province.
most about In terms of form and content the My own visit
Epilogue is the to Jammu and
magazine is thus a model of its
very wide range Kashmir is long
of themes and kind. It would be wonderful if it overdue. When
contributors. could find imitators, so that every I do come, I
The writers state of India could have its own will I think be
come from all informed journal that showcases quite well
points of the prepared, for
political
the politics and culture of that by reading
spectrum, and particular province. Epilogue I have
from all parts of come to be so
the state. Every issue also contains much better informed about the
some essays by individuals based rich and complicated history of
in other parts of India or living the state. Meanwhile, I
overseas. congratulate the magazine on its
The articles in Epilogue are third anniversary, and wish it
packed with ideas and every success in the years to
information. While offering come.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

5 ON THIRD ANNIVERSARY
ARUN JOSHI
Deputy Editor,
Hindustan Times
W orld begins somewhere. It begins from here- the
land where we live. In this case, it is Jammu and
Kashmir. That is, from where a voyage
for strategic journalism began. Three
years ago, Epilogue, hit stands, with
many skeptical minds questioning the
wisdom of talking in depth of the
issues, for which the readers didn't
have time to read.
Still ruled by the colonial
mindset, where there is a quest to
look for what West is saying about our
land, our people and our issues,
whether it concerned our political
voices, and economic development or
otherwise, our farming community or
water. We tend to turn to the western
periodicals. And, whatever is said by
our people, enterprising youthful
minds, with fresh ideas, is seen something without merit.
Epilogue has changed that.
First thing first, it has generated an awareness
Epilogue is quite
interesting and
objective source of
information on
Jammu and Kashmir.
I look forward to
reading it regularly
SANJAY BARU
Editor, Business Standard
(Former Media Advisor to PM)
www.epilogue.in
among the people of this state, often described in terms
of – “a disputed territory”, “ nuclear flashpoint”, “
Its editor, Zafar Choudhary, has
set a trend, in establishing a fact
that the worldview is not in the
think tanks or journals based In
Washington D C or London or
Brussels. It is here too, and even
without the help of borrowed
magnifying glasses and thoughts
from the west – J&K has its own
intellectual capital.
the west – J&K has its own intellectual capital. There is a
need to see it. The pages of Epilogue offer a plenty of
that.
I have found the
journal interesting.
May be you need to
broaden your convas
to look at what has
been happening in
PAK and the Northern Areas and a
the solutions on offer or desired
Also the surrounding scene - Tibet,
Xinjiang, Afghanistan - the last
being closely linked to
developments in J&K. And, of
course Pakistan
BG VERGHESE
Vol. 4, Issue 1
Notes to Epilogue
nsible jo
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h year of
37th f
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issue e
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4 t
hotbed of militancy”, “ beautiful but
bloodied,” that there was something
more in it- both inside for the
residents to see and analyze. And for
outside world to view it differently.
This magazine has done that.
Undoubtedly, it is an
achievement in itself. It has given
something to all of us to feel proud of.
It has infused a sense that it can be
done. Its editor, Zafar Choudhary, has
set a trend, in establishing a fact that
the worldview is not in the think tanks
or journals based In Washington D C or
London or Brussels. It is here too, and
even without the help of borrowed
magnifying glasses and thoughts from
You are doing an
excellent job
WAJAHAT HABIBULLAH
Chief Information Commissioner
Epilogue, January 2010
6 ON THIRD ANNIVERSARY
Notes to Epilogue

nsible jo
se

ur
h year of
37th f

nalis
o
issue e

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sens

4 t
NYLA ALI KHAN
Author of Islam, Women &
Violence in Kashmir

I sit miles away from home romanticizing the

legendary beauty of Jammu and Kashmir; nur-
turing nostalgia for a past that can never be
magazine that does not subscribe to myopic ide-
ologies rejuvenates the mind and resuscitates
the spirit. In a region which has experienced
recovered in the form I was most familiar with; armed insurgency, resurgence of religious
cherishing the pervasive tranquility brought on fundamentalisms, militant nationalism,
by my contemplation of the intricately carved gendered violence, increasing militarization;
shrines, architecturally superb temples, and some genuine attempts to fight for the right of
mesmerizing monasteries of self-determination of the
Jammu and Kashmir; filled people of J & K; some disin-
with longing for the call of genuous attempts to
the mountains that beckons entrench regional and reli-
the diasporic subject to gious fault lines, Epilogue
Epilogue is creating a healthy and has successfully created a
return; irate at the commu-
nal, regional, and linguistic vibrant discourse community. space for the critical analy-
divides created by destruc- Epilogue has opened up an sis of nation-building, iden-
tive forces; experiencing a alternative way of negotiating the tity politics, state-
helplessness at being unable construction of conflictual sponsored violence, dis-
to put together the pieces of identities. criminatory politics, etc.
the political puzzle that con- Although still young,
tinues to remain exactly three years old,
irresolvable; shivering at the Epilogue is creating a
cold-blooded manipulations healthy and vibrant dis-
of our political and bureau- course community.
cratic machinery, I riffle through the past issues Epilogue has opened up an alternative
of Epilogue magazine. way of negotiating the construction of
Epilogue voices not just politically savvy conflictual identities. I congratulate Zafar
but culturally sensitive opinions as well. It pro- Chaudhary for having undertaken a laudable
vides a forum at which heterogeneity in terms venture. I wish Epilogue the very best in its
of cultural, political, social, and regional ideol- commendable attempts to engage multiple
ogies, is fostered and encouraged. Reading a voices and opinions.

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

DON’T BECOME A VICTIM OF CYBER FRAUD
Keep strong passwords and easy to remember using alphanumeric and
à
special characters and more than 08 in numbers
Don’t accept packages that have not been ordered and while making
à
payments through credit cards online, check if the website is secure as the
card verification value (CVV) is also required and be cautious of websites that
require your card details before actually placing in an order.
Install antivirus, fire wall and SPAM blocking software on your P.C.
à
Don’t keep your blue tooth open to all us as you may receive
à
obscene/pornographix text, images and viruses and ordinarily do not hand
over your mobile phone to un-authorised service centers in order to avoid
cloning. Security pin code be used to avoid misuse of mobile phones.
MMS/SMS received should be checked before opening the messages.
Don’t get trapped while receiving e-mails from unknown destinations
à
declaring you winners of huge lottery prizes and do not reply such e-mails.
Candidates desirous of job management over seas are lured by fake e-mails
à
to appear in the interviews without being authorised for the same.
No. : DIP/J-7053/2009 Dated : 19-12-2009

EARTHQUAKE - DO’S & DON’TS FOR PROTECTION

During Earthquake Avoid
Ø Gathering around damaged areas or buildings.
Ø Wasting water as it will be required for fire fighting.
Ø Moving seriously hurt people.
Ø Spreading rumours which lead to panic & worsen the situation.

It Caught Indoors
Ø Keep calm
Ø Stay away from glass windows, doors, almirahs, mirrors etc.
Ø Get under a table or a study cot so that you are not hurt by falling objects.
Ø Do not rush towards doors or staircase, which may be broken or jammed.

If You Are Outdoors

Ø If open space is available nearby, go there.
Ø Keep away from tall chimneys, buildings, balconies and other projections.
Ø Do not rush through streets; hoardings or lamps may fall on you.

Disaster Management Centre,

Divisional Commissioner Office,
Jammu (J&K)
Issued by : Department of Information, Jammu & Kashmir, Jammu
No. : DIP/J-7093/2009 Dated : 19-12-2009
8 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

The Decade that Changed

Jammu and Kashmir for Ever

ZAFAR CHOUDHARY

S
umming up a decade into a particular
definition for a place like Jammu and
Kashmir is a difficult task. In this part of
world almost everyday offers something to
write about, something to record. For us in
the news business there is no dearth of takes. But the
course of reporting news, its contours and process of
interpretation is changing. Those who have been
reading Jammu and Kashmir in the press may recall
that mid 1990s newspaper headline of a Kashmiri
journalist Yusuf Jameel's report which read: “no one
was killed today”. No killing reported from any part
of the state in given news cycle of 24 hours made it a
news simply because that was unprecedented, off the
routine and something happening first time in several
related violence in last seven days”. Repeating this
sentence thrice, Omar emphatically added, “this is
first time ever since the inception of militancy that no
one was killed in seven days in row”. Omar's
statement, backed by ground inputs from different
agencies, became news worth reporting. It really was
an exception to the order even though the statement
was made in the times when number of killings in
militant violence has come down from some 3000
plus in year 2000 to 300 plus in 2009.

Vol. 4, Issue 1, JANUARY 2010

years. Completing his 50 days in office, then Chief
Minister Ghulam Nabi Azad claimed on December 22,
2005: “no custodial death or disappearance was
reported from anywhere in state in last 50 days…this
is first time ever since 1989 (when militancy broke
out) that not even a single incident of violation of
human rights was reported in 50 days straight”.
Azad's claim, though contested by human rights
activists, was an exception to the order. Let's trust
him. If 50-day period was an exception then the order
must have remained horrible. It really was. Most
recently, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah said on
December 5, “there has been no killing in militancy se
nsible jou
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ear of

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www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

 9 IN FOCUS
A new chapter
The whole story is changing in
Jammu and Kashmir and decline in mili-
tant violence is not the only difference
being made here. It is said that events
don't make history but catastrophes do.
But for October 2005 earthquake, there
was absolutely nothing catastrophic in
Jammu and Kashmir in 2000s still this
decade can be seen as most momentous
of all, may be in the post 1947 period,
for a long list of reasons. There were
slow processes which culminated into
big changes. Worst part of our story is
that Jammu and Kashmir has always
been best known for the conflict within
itself for over a century and a half. Post-
1947 phase only renewed the conflict
and redefined the parties outside its
territory and reversed the poles of con-
flict within. Looking down at past
decades of redefined conflict and then
analyzing the developments through
each year and each decade, the decade
of 2000s arguably becomes the most
momentous of them all. Ten years have
changed the course of history even
though its basic elements remain the
same. The biggest change has been in
Vol. 3, Issue 12, DECEMBER 2009
se
nsible jou
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36th of
ear of
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www.epilogue.in
the mindset –the way people would
think, look at the issues and apply
approaches to their resolution have
gone through massive change. The
desired change is though yet to come.
Every event important than previous
As following pages give you
glimpses of some important develop-
ments and events of the decade, it
becomes pretty difficult to vote any
event lesser important than the other.
For example, on November 11, 2004
when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
announced a small cut in military
strength in Jammu and Kashmir (by a
very negligible number out of total
numerical strength), the analysts and
In times of price escalations how
much onions and coconut kernels
they were able to import from
Jammu and Kashmir in exchange of
moong daal and peshawari sandal
became the dominant talk and not
the alleged discourse of pushing
grenades and assault rifles.
scene watchers billed the move
as biggest confidence building
measure of the century. Months
later when first post-partition
passenger bus was flagged off
from Srinagar for Muzaffarabad
capital of Pakistan administered
Kashmir on April 7, 2005, the
scene observers described the
move as mother of all confidence
building measures. In October
2009, when trucks load of goods
were sent rolling down between
two divided parts of Jammu and
Kashmir, the meaning of Line of
Control, keeping even the blood
relations apart, further changed.
I n Pa k i s t a n a d m i n i s t e r e d
Kashmir, always accused of hous-
Vol. 4, Issue 1
The Decade in Review
ing the militant training camps and
launch pads, discussions veered around
the market supply and demand scenario
of groceries. In times of price escala-
tions how much onions and coconut ker-
nels they were able to import from
Jammu and Kashmir in exchange of
moong daal and peshawari sandal
became the dominant talk and not the
alleged discourse of pushing grenades
and assault rifles. Militancy has not died
and so is the case with support it gets
from Pakistani side but the decade of
2000s has at least changed the meaning
of Line of Control. People prefer much
to call it line of contact.
Modified tones, tenors
Thundering voice of National
Conference leader Dr Farooq Abdullah is
still fresh in ears as he would, in earlier
years of the decade, pitch for bombing
of Pakistan and its administered
Kashmir where the terrorist camps
allegedly thrived. He would often
threaten breaking necks of separatist
leaders and putting them behind bars
for being agents of Pakistan. Not more
than five years later, his son Omar's visit
to Pakistan, his photographs with
Pakistan President General Pervez
Musharraf placed in the local press and
appeals to the Prime Minister of India
for considering the proposals coming in
from Pakistan became a new political
statement to live with in Kashmir.
Though it was a counter of the Peoples
Democratic Party which had already left
the separatists with hardly anything to
talk about which it didn't, National
Conference stepped into new political
realities. Between their frequent visits
to Islamabad, widely televised meetings
with Pakistani leaders, campaign for
withdrawal of troops from civilian areas
and strong demands for making Jammu
and Kashmir fully autonomous, Omar
and Mehbooba Mufti came to represent
a new shade of separatist politics which
Epilogue, January 2010
10
In past the Kashmiri leaders, even
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah,
became symbols of hate in Kashmir
when they were darlings of Delhi.
And when they talked about
aspirations of Kashmiris, Delhi put
them in jails for years. Therefore,
the decade of 2000s produced
leaders which had equal
acceptability both in Kashmir in
New Delhi. For being pro-Kashmir
now it is not necessarily required to
be anti-Delhi and vice versa
worked within the four walls of Indian
constitution. There is a new political
positioning breaking far from the past.
In past the Kashmiri leaders, even
Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, became
symbols of hate in Kashmir when they
were darlings of Delhi. And when they
talked about aspirations of Kashmiris,
Delhi put them in jails for years.
Therefore, the decade of 2000s pro-
duced leaders which had equal accept-
ability both in Kashmir in New Delhi. For
being pro-Kashmir now it is not neces-
sarily required to be anti-Delhi and vice
versa. New emerging leaders like
Mehbooba and Omar have proved this
well.
Widened democratic space
For 50 years people in Jammu and
Kashmir did not have choice to make on
who should rule them. Elections were
either rigged and governments were
fixed up or in other circumstances peo-
ple had to make choice between
National Conference and Congress –the
unpredictable role switchers. There
was no third option, no competitive poli-
tics and very little space for democracy.
The decade of 2000s changed the scene.
Peoples Democratic Party of Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed had born towards
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
the end of last decade of last century rift that had been created between
but it was in 2002 that it arrived at the regions and communities over the
scene as a political party with a well years. The worst part of the story
defined manifesto and a viable regional remains that the political parties played
alternate of the National Conference. their typical regional and religious cards
PDP ruled for three years but carved out to secure the vote bank in view of ensu-
a role for decades. Credit goes to Muftis ing assembly elections. It was perhaps
and their PDP for making politics com- the announcement of elections that dis-
petitive as it was proved in subsequent
elections of 2004 (Parliament), 2008 At one point of time state appeared
(State Assembly) and 2009 (again
at the brink of collapse but the
Parliament). The Congress which ruled
resilient spirit of a saner majority
the state directly or through NC leaders
controlled by it for over a quarter cen- defeated the biggest post-1947
tury till being in 1987 for unholy elec- communal challenge. It was first
toral practices in partnership with NC, time in several decades that
again resurrected the lost ground in religion came out of the usual garb
2000s and ensured that it continued to of regional discontent to tell its
have a role for many years. While NC
story louder and show the rift that
and PDP become the ace regional com-
had been created between regions
petitors, this decade made Congress a
and communities over the years.
key holder to the power –enjoyed a stint
with PDP, is doing so with NC and is likely
to share power for many years as
tracted attention from the street bat-
regional parties cut their roles to spe-
tles that had become order of the day.
cific constituencies due to sharpening
Summer of 2008 will be remembered in
regional political temperaments.
history as worst time of decades in
Deepened regional divides
Jammu and Kashmir.
Amidst the innumerable high
points of the decade, the lowest
remained the widening schism
between regions, an enlarging
deficit of trust and practice of
politics on religion under the
Vol. 3, Issue 11, NOVEMBER 2009
garb of regions. Amaranth land
row of 2008 just came as a trigger
to burst the bottled up regional
anger of Jammu against Kashmir
and Kashmir against Jammu. At
one point of time state appeared
at the brink of collapse but the
resilient spirit of a saner major-
ity defeated the biggest post-
1947 communal challenge. It was
first time in several decades that
religion came out of the usual
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 11
DEMOCRACY
Change by Vote, Vote by Change
I n his Independence Day address to
the nation from ramparts of Red
Fort, on August 15, 2002, when Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee promised
free and fair elections in Jammu and
Kashmir, it meant a lot not only for the
upcoming assembly elections later same
year but also for the history of Kashmir
issue, the way it was to be defined in
future and the approaches to its
resolution.
There has been dispute in Kashmir
and over Kashmir involving the people
of Jammu and Kashmir, New Delhi and
Islamabad but it remained a political
movement till 1988-89. The breakout of
militant violence and an aggressive
separatist campaign for independence
of Kashmir or right to self determination
stems out from the corrupt electoral
practices touching all time high in 1987.
There is hardly anyone inside or outside
the state who can testify that any
Vol. 3, Issue 10, OCTOBER 2009
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election in Jammu and
Kashmir was held in RESULT
transparent manner in true National Conference
spirits of democracy. This is
PDP
where India suffered an
image problem globally. Its Congress
is no secret that Congress BJP
of the Nehru-Gandhis and Panthers Party
National Conference of the
Others
Abdullahs of Kashmir
entered into a joint project
to blatantly rig the 1987 elections. It
was this electoral blunder which
produced people like Syed Slahuddin,
the chairman of United Jehad Council
and Mohammad Yasin Malik, the leader
of JK Liberation Front.
The rigged assembly had soon to go
and for next six years possibility of
elections could not arise. 1996 elections
which returned National Conference
with two-thirds majority were against
seen as rigged by the Indian forces to
install a government of their choice.
Vajpayee's promise of 2002 was,
therefore, a defining moment.
Elections held in August-
September same years came to
be internationally recognized as
fairest and freest possible. And
there were enough proofs of the
t r a n s p a r e n c y. N a t i o n a l was the last year since 1989 that
Conference was reduced to just
28 seats from 58 in the House of
87 it won in 1996. As the results
confirmed defeat of NC's Chief
Ministerial candidate Omar
Abdullah in the constituency
loved, nourished and won by his
grandfather and father, the
Hurriyat leader Mirwaiz Umar
Farooq reacted by saying:
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
2008 2002
28 28
21 16
17 20
11 01
03 04
07 18
“Omar's loss in Ganderbal constituency
is like me being thrown out of Jamia
Masjid”. Separatists had nothing say
about credibility of elections beyond
that.
It was first time ever in the history
of Jammu and Kashmir that there was a
change of regime by vote. Till 2002, J&K
saw governments of the National
Conference and the Congress at
different intervals but the change of
regime always came from New Delhi and
not from the peoples. 2002 elections
restored public faith in the institutions
of democracy. If 1987 elections sowed
dissent which burst into armed
rebellion, the 2002 elections reiterated
that there was space for democratic
means. It proved to be the tried and
tested formula of democracy that 2002
registered upward trend in militant
violence. An all time high of 4507
fatalities (including civilians, security
forces and militants) were recorded in
2001, which dropped to 3022 in 2002,
2542 in 2003 and around 370 in 2009.
The honest practice of democracy
resulted not only in decline in militancy
but also attracted the non-believer in
elections. There is little to doubt that
12 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

43.69% of the total electorate cast VIOLENCE :

their votes in 2002 assembly
elections, which were regarded as
fairest and freest of the history.
4 Digit Killings in 2000,
This election restored peoples’ trust
in democracy. Participation
3 Digits in 2009
improved in 2008 assembly

T
here are different perspective and different ways of looking at it. If
elections in which 61.49% of the
1990s was the decade of violence, 2000s was for the end of it.
electorate cast their votes. 21.67% of Though 2001 accounted for highest annual killings ever in militancy
total electorates of Srinagar district related violence since 1989 but that was the last year which saw an upward
voted in 2008 elections where 2002 trend in violence. Experts point to many reasons –international pressure on
turnout was mere 05.13% Pakistan following 9/11 US attacks, crackdown on militants and terrorists
as also on the their training and funding as part of global war against terror,
elections, per se, are not a resolution of
security forces adopting a proactive approach, New Delhi and Islamabad
the Kashmir issue, but the widening
engaging into peace process and so on and so forth. Well reasoned and the
democratic space, of course, offers a
strongest of all opinions, however, is that the transparent elections of 2002
way of negotiations that serves the
restored public faith in democracy and therefore reduced space for
interest of peoples.
dissent on which militancy thrived. Year 2000 accounted for 3288 killings
It was the confidence restored in
(including civilians, security forces and militants). There was sudden jump
2002 that the subsequent elections in
of around 1500 fatalities in 2001 which accounted for 4507 killing but that
2004 (Indian Parliament), 2008 (State
was the last highest figure. In 2002, annual fatalities in militant violence
Assembly) and 2009 (again Indian
dropped to 3022 and in 2003 the figure was 2542. 2006 was the last year of
Parliament) saw an increasing voter
four digit killings which recorded 1116 fatalities and the graph of militant
participation and many separatists
violence further dropped to 777 in 2007, 551 in 2008 and little over 370 in
crossing fence to join the mainstream
2009 (till third week of December).
ranks. In our editorial opinion 2002
elections were the biggest confidence
building measure setting into motion
the Kashmir peace process.

First Suicide by Woman Soldier

Vol. 3, Issue 9, SEPTEMBER 2009

June 16, 2006 : A woman lieutenant of the Indian Army,
commissioned just 10 months ago, commits suicide by shooting
herself in Udhampur, headquarters of the army's Northern
Command, apparently because she was “dissatisfied and
unhappy with her job”. Lt. Susmita Chakraborthy of the 5071
Army Service Corps (ASC) Battalion did not leave any suicide
note. She had undergone four psychiatric counselling sessions in
March, army authorities in New Delhi said. She is the first
woman officer of Indian Army to commit suicide. Army and
police officials in Udhampur said the 25 year old officer went to
the officer's mess near her official quarters Thursday evening
and asked the sentry for his rifle “as she wanted to get
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 13
SECOND OPTION
PDP : The Regional Alternate
W hen Mufti Mohammad Sayeed,
along with his daughter
Mehbooba, former Minister
Ghulam Hassan Mir and Supreme Court
lawyer Muzaffar Hussain Baig launched
his Peoples Democratic Party in 1999 the
political beings made quite fun of him.
But there was one man who took Mufti
and his party bit too seriously –none
other than the then Chief Minister Dr
Farooq Abdullah. National Conference
had two-thirds majority in the
Legislative Assembly and Mufti had
hardly any crowd puller on his side.
Neither had he had any infrastructure
nor organisation. Farooq would still
react to every statement of Mufti
appearing in the press. Many took
Farooq's outbursts as his personal
disliking for the Mufti. The apparently
resource-less Mufti was perhaps getting
half of his work done by Farooq at no
cost. In his public meetings attended by
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The apparently resource-less Mufti
was perhaps getting half of his
work done by Farooq at no cost. In
his public meetings attended by
tens of thousands of peoples Farooq
would go on lashing out against
Muftis for hours. It was an
unintended dividend for Mufti –he
and his party were being
introduced to the people by none
less than Farooq Abdullah. He was
getting introduced to a wide range
of audience who started taking him
seriously for the seamless criticism
coming in from the most powerful
person in the state.
tens of thousands of peoples Farooq
would go on lashing out against
Muftis for hours. It was an
unintended dividend for Mufti
–he and his party were being
introduced to the people by none
less than Farooq Abdullah. He
was getting introduced to a wide
range of audience who started
taking him seriously for the
seamless criticism coming in
from the most powerful person in
the state. When Mufti revisited
the areas visited by Farooq
The Long Lasting Ceasefire
2003, November 26: India agrees to a Pakistani offer of a
cease-fire along their borders along Jammu and Kashmir. The
operational to date.
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
brigade, he found himself amidst quite
familiar audience.
Between 1999 and 2002 Mufti and
his daughter Mehbooba became yet
another definition of political patience.
At many places they addressed public
meetings ranging from 90 minutes to
120 minutes where not more than 100
heads formed the audience. They went
on with the popular slogan of replacing
gun with dialogue. While they
addressed Delhi in harshest words for
over presence of guns in the state, at
the same time they made fervent
appeals to the militants to out down
their rifles for sometime to pave way for
the dialogue. PDP suffered the
allegations of being a creation of New
Delhi but then people increasingly
started seeing it as a viable regional
political alternate, an alternate for the
National Conference, a democratic
space for expression of dissent.
November 2002 became a
historical milestone in Jammu and
Kashmir when Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
took over as first non-National
Conference, non-Congress Chief
Minister. His party had campaigned for
free and fair elections and in 2002 it was
change in regime by vote. PDP could not
regain power in 2008 but its presence at
the political scene of Jammu and
Kashmir has fulfilled and important
ingredient in the democratic space
where people have choices to make.
Epilogue, January 2010
14 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

CUB-E-KASHMIR
Arrival of 3rd Generation Abdullah

I n June 2001, the National “2002 elections came in as lowest point

Conference cadres from all nooks
and corners of the state poured into
Srinagar City –the summer capital of
Jammu and Kashmir for a mega event
–crowning of Omar Abdullah, 30, as
President of the party. The baton was
being passed on from father, Farooq, to
son. In almost similar fashion Farooq
had inherited the charge of party affairs
from Omar's grandfather Sheikh
Mohammad Abdullah. As Sheikh was
popularly known almost all his life as
Sher-e-Kashmir (the Lion of Kashmir),
critics mocked Omar as Cub-e-Kashmir.
Farooq was then State Chief Minister
and Omar a Member of Parliament and
also a Junior Minister in central
government of the BJP headed by Atal
Behari Vajpayee. It was all too much too
early for Omar but the task ahead was
gigantic. Inheriting a powerful legacy
was bit natural but the crown had many
thorns in it. First challenge: how to take
along the senior leaders of party. There
were people like Mohammad Shafi Uri
and Abdul Rahim Rather who worked
with Sheikh and hopes to share charge in
in Omar's political career. Not only that
his party National Conference had to
fall down from grace, he himself lost
his election in the constituency where
his grandfather and father won many
elections without even campaigning.
There was nothing to explain this
embarrassing loss. Before critics
declared Omar a dud and his party the
story of past, the Cub-e-Kashmir proved
that he had the capacity to build upon
the qualities of Sher-e-Kashmir. He
resigned as Minister of State in
Vajpayee government to send a signal
that all was not over and it was the
time to prepare for challenges of future”
future. But in his life time Sheikh put
them behind son Farooq and they had to
follow. Expectations were bit real to
take charge from Farooq but then it was
Omar's turn to deliver. All these

Pak Scribes in J&K

Vol. 3, Issue 7, JULY 2009

October 4, 2004 : In an unprecedented development largely
seen as a big boost to the confidence building measures between
India and Pakistan, a group of 18 Pakistani journalists reached
Jammu the winter Capital of Jammu and Kashmir, on October 4,
2004. The journalists crossed over the Wagah border where their
Indian counterparts received them with open arms. The
delegation, part of a process to throw open people to people
contacts on both sides of the divide, travelled to Jammu and
Srinagar under the aegis of South Asia Free Media Association
(SAFMA). This was the first such visit since India and Pakistan
gained independence from Britian in 1947. It followed pledges
from both countries to ease visa restrictions. The journalists said
they wanted an objective look at the situation in the disputed
region. They held interactions with scribes in Jammu and
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 15 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

discussions of dissent, however,
remained confined to the backrooms
and some newspaper stories attributed
to unnamed sources. In a matter of time
all rallied behind Omar. The first
challenge was handled well. 2002
elections came in as lowest point in
Omar's political career. Omar was the
Chief Ministerial candidate of the party.
Not only that his party National
Conference had to fall down from
grace, he himself lost his election in the
constituency where his grandfather and
father won many elections without even
campaigning. There was nothing to
explain this embarrassing loss. Before
critics declared Omar a dud and his
party the story of past, the Cub-e-
Kashmir proved that he had the capacity
to build upon the qualities of Sher-e-
Kashmir. He resigned as Minister of
State in Vajpayee government to send a
signal that all was not over and it was
the time to prepare for challenges of
future. While out of power it is a
difficult task to hold the flock together.
This challenge was really daunting for
Omar. One after the other, not only the
disgruntled leaders who lost elections
but also two sitting legislators left party
to join the ruling camp –mainly Peoples
Democratic Party which was briefly
being seen as a complete replacement
project for the National Conference.
2004 Lok Sabha elections did not hold
much promise for Omar's party. NC
could win only two of the six Lok Sabha
seats. Then started appearing signs of
rift within the grand Abdullah family
and emergence of to well defined
lobbies –one loyal to Omar and other to
father Farooq. The Peoples Democratic
Party, which had already left the
separatists grappling for slogans, had
already struck and emotional note with
the Kashmiris and often there were
designs to push the Abdullah party to
brink.
Between 2004 and 2008 Omar
shuttled frequently between New Delhi,
Srinagar and Jammu and struggled hard
to resurrect the lost ground but there
were no impressive signs of gains.
Towards 2006 through 2008, Omar
seemed to have learnt a lesson on what
was now selling well in Kashmir. He
repositioned his strategy and
refurbished the ideology. The stands of
hot pursuits and tough armed
operations –as taken by his father
Farooq in earlier years of 2000s –were
not only done away with but also the
Abdullah junior embarked on a apology
seeking campaign. Admitting that NC
made mistakes in past, Omar delved and
built on the slogans that went well with
popular emotions in Kashmir Valley.
With some intelligent rephrasing, he
started talking in the language of the
moderate Hurriyat and the PDP. From
being pushed into oblivion he was back
into competition. That is the story of
political survival of Omar Abdullah.
Though his party did not make any
improvements in 2008 elections over
their 2002 performance but Omar's
survival instincts earned him some trust
of New Delhi and Congress thought
Omar must get an opportunity to
deliver. From his grandfather's grandson
in 2000 to Chief Minister in 2009, for
Omar this was the decade of his arrival
on political scene of Jammu and
Kashmir.

Internal Ceasefire
November 19, 2000 : Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
announces that security forces will suspend combat operations
Vol. 3, Issue 6, JUNE 2009

against militants in Jammu and Kashmir during the holy month

of Ramadan. Ceasefire offer earns Vajpayee wide accolades. The
ceasefire, frequently opposed and sabotaged by militants by
massive strikes as also by security forces by crackdowns, is
extended periodically for next six months. However, on May 23,
2001, taking all by surprise, New Delhi abruptly ends the six
month old ceasefire with the militants in Jammu and Kashmir.
While ordering to renew its operations, India invites Pakistan
President General Pervez Musharraf for summit level talks with
the Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee at Agra. General
Pervez Musharraf and Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee meet
in Agra on July 14, 2001, for a three-day summit but the talks
fail to produce a joint statement on Kashmir. In a media coup
se
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16 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

CONFLICT RESOLUTION
Self-Rule : Autonomy
Plus, Azadi Minus
F
or over half a century, there have been a dozen and half Therefore, the NC contested 1996 assembly elections on plank
formulas and proposals for resolution of Kashmir issue. of Greater Autonomy and claimed that its landslide victory was
Some floated by political groups and think-tanks others an endorsement of autonomy agenda. Vajpayee government
based on conflict resolution models applied in different parts asked NC to get autonomy demand stamped by legislature
of world. And Greater Autonomy proposal of the National which Farooq Abdullah did through an assembly resolution in
Conference, of course, remained the indig- 2001. New Delhi took the last call by
enous and most popular of them all. Other formulas often discussed for rejecting autonomy demand outrightly.
Drafted and redrafted, designed and rede- resolution of Kashmir issue are: There was some resentment, largely unex-
signed at different stages, the Greater Kashmir Study Group's KSG-I and KSG- pressed, in NC camp but appeared that
Autonomy proposal became highest talking Autonomy formula's epitaph has been writ-
II, South Tyrole Formula, Good Friday
point of the times in mid 1990s when ten. Party did not make it a poll plank in
Agreement, Mirwaiz's Farooq's United
National Conference leader Dr Farooq 2002 elections.
States of Kashmir, IDP's Kashmir
Abdullah set it as a pre-condition before Condominium Proposal, Bhim Singh's It was towards the end of 2005 that a
New Delhi for participating in the assembly Reorganisation Suggestion. new formula arrived at the political
elections which India was keen to conduct scene. General Pervez Musharraf of
to set its democracy record in Kashmir Pakistan floated the idea of 'self rule'. In
straight after half decade of Governor/ President's rule. Prime less than a month Peoples Democratic Party picked it up as its
Minister Narasimha Rao hinted at even going beyond autonomy agenda for resolution of Kashmir issue –addressing both inter-
when he made his famous statement of 'sky is the limit', from nal and external dimensions. Initially there was some criticism
Burkina Faso where he was visiting at that moment. Rao's suc- of PDP for what peopled called as toeing Pakistan's line for its
cessor HD Deve Gowda assured consideration of Autonomy political survival. The PDP, however, made self rule as its core
report but wanted Farooq's party to contest elections first. political manifesto and started working at its various contours.

When Separatists took the

Cross-LoC Bus to Muzaffarabad

Vol. 3, Issue 5, MAY 2009

June 2, 2005 : In a historical development, a nine member
delegation of Kashmiri separatist leaders, mostly from moderate
faction of All Party Hurriyat Conference, reach Muzaffarabad
the capital of Pakistan administered Kashmir. The delegation
headed by Awami Action Committee chief and APHC leader
Mirwaiz Umar Farooq left Srinagar in the Karwan-e-Aman bus
service linking two parts of divided Kashmir. They neither used
the Indian passport or Pakistani visa for the travel. The groups
crossed into Pakistan administered Kashmir from the Chakothi
check point on the Line of Control to receive an official
reception and a popular welcome on a 63km route to the state
capital Muzaffarabad. The visit, first to Pakistan administered
Kashmir and Pakistan by the separatist political leadership of
Kashmir, is in response to an invitation from President Pervez
Musharaf. But the invitation was declined by the radical APHC se
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 17
Experts believe that self rule proposal has blessings of both
New Delhi and Islamabad after discussions at diplomatic
level. In 2006 General Musharraf said that a document on self
rule prepared at 'New Delhi desks' was handed over to him by
JN Dixit, a former diplomat and an aide in Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh's office. Self rule calls for a semi-sovereign
state of Jammu and Kashmir with no redrawing of borders,
fullest autonomy for regions and formation of regional coun-
cils. PDP launched its version of self rule document at the eve
of 2008 elections and made it a part of its poll manifesto.
Incidentally, in 2008 elections the National Conference
talked more about employment and welfare schemes made
just passing reference to its Greater Autonomy proposal.
Seen as something 'autonomy plus' and 'independence minus',
the self rule proposal emerged a major political milestone of
the decade. National Conference has indicated that it is will-
ing to accept formula which is accepted to the people of
Jammu and Kashmir. This may have been political compulsion
of NC for being in ruling arrangement with the Congress but
the fact remains that self rule proposal has left very little
even for the separatists to propose as a solution which can be
acceptable to all parties engaged –with some climbing up and
some climbing down. The best thing about self rule formula is
that it has been put to public discussions. PDP has been hold-
ing a series of discussions and seminars since 2006 explaining
to people broader contours of the proposal and seeking their
feedback. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who was handed
over a copy of self rule document in 2008, said in October
2009 that proposals like self rule and autonomy were worth
discussion.
Vol. 3, Issue 4, APRIL 2009
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IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
Congress as
Hindutva’s
Agent of Change
T
he 1996 assembly elections returned Congress and
BJP as two opposition parties with almost equal
honours. Congress bagged eight seats and BJP seven
but the former's tally was later reduced by one when
Mehbooba Mufti resigned to launch Peoples Democratic
Party with her father. In Jammu region, the Congress and
BJP are seen as each other's competitors. The competition
is not limited to just the number of seats they bag but it
goes beyond it. Ludicrous but true –both parties pursue
almost same agenda of regional chauvinism, ultra
nationalism and Hindutva. The only different in their
approach is, if there is any, that Congress goes little soft
and packages the BJP agenda in pseudo-secular attire. In
the decade of 2000s it went a step ahead of BJP to
trivialize and regionalize the politics. Perhaps it was first
time in the post-independence history of India that a
national and secular party like Congress stooped
dangerously low to divide the state within the state on a
regional-emotional plank for winning an election.
Congress placed its 2002 assembly election campaign
around the theme that it was for giving Jammu region its
first Chief Minister –Ghulam Nabi Azad, a Kashmiri speaking
Muslim born in Doda district which is a part of Jammu
region. Congress focused its entire energies in Jammu and
its leaders did not travel much in Kashmir Valley. On
campaign trail, the Congress left hardly anything for the
BJP to talk to its audience. It talked of regional
empowerment of Jammu region and campaigned for an
end to political dominance of Kashmir. It won the
election but lost ground to the BJP and other forces of
Hindutva. Congress bagged 15 seats from Jammu region
and 5 from Kashmir while BJP ended up with just single
seat. Congress was back in power arrangement (in
partnership with PDP) after 20 years. The PDP had an
obvious Kashmir centric agenda which gave the BJP and
allied forces to bash Congress on its promised
empowerment of Jammu region. In November 2005
Ghulam Nabi Azad took over office from Mufti
Epilogue, January 2010
18 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

In last ten years Congress has done to
Jammu and Kashmir politics what
saffron brigade could not do even at the
height of its communal campaigns.
Instead of addressing the genuine
grievances of regional imbalance,
Congress projected the case of Jammu
region as a victim of half-century
dominance of Kashmiri Muslims. This
regional model of politics which
projected the regional heroes and
symbols invited a backlash from
Kashmir and threw regions and
communities apart. Amarnath land row
was perhaps culmination of this
politics.
Mohammad Sayeed to become first
ever Chief Minister from Jammu
region. Jammu got the Chief Minister
and Congress power but in the process
they perhaps did not realize the
amount of damage they had done to
the state politics. Realities backfired
on the Congress in the summer of 2008
when not only had to loose the power
in a humiliating manner but also
concede ground to right wing
organizations on the Amarnath land
row. It was the regional empowerment
and Duggar identity project of
Congress conceived and executed in
early 2000s which did it in towards the
end of the decade. BJP's tally jumped
from one seat in 2002 to 11 in 2008
assembly elections. Congress tally in
Jammu region dropped from 15 to 13
but three among the winners were
those who won 2002 elections as
independents and later joined
Congress in 2004 as associate
members. Six other winners were the
new faces who defeated the NC
candidates or independents.
Therefore, only three of the 15 from
Congress' class of 2002 could make to
the 2008 assembly. Eight of the 11
seats won by BJP in 2008 were held by
Congress in 2002 elections. Many
suggest that BJP enjoyed the gains
of Amarnath land row but the fact of
the matter is that it was Congress
which helped BJP by campaigning for
its agenda over many areas. These
ten years can well be remembered as
a decade which Congress gifted to
BJP; it did what the BJP or its
previous avatars could not do over
decades. 　

Udhampur on National Rail Map

April 13, 2005
: 21 years after
initiation of this
project by them
Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi,
Prime Minister
Manmohan
Singh flagged
off on April 13

Vol. 3, Issue 3, MARCH 2009

2005, the
Jammu-
Udhampur
train, which promises to bring the rest of the country closer to
the state. The train is named as Utter Samparak Kranti Express.
After flagging off the train in Jammu the Prime Minster says, “I
feel very happy to be flagging off the train on this particular
route. The train was thought of by Indira Gandhi in 1984. With
this, Kashmir's connectivity with the rest of the country will be
strengthened.
The Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav said at the event that
work is apace for timely completion of prestigious Rs. 7000
crore Udhampur-Katra-Qazigund-Baramulla railway line by way nsible jou
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 19 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

FIRST TIME, PERHAPS, SINCE 1947

New Delhi Cuts

Troops Strength

C
oncentration of troops in Jammu and Kashmir has been
a continuous process since 1947 but reduction in their
numbers was something unheard of when this historic
development took place in 2004. months after Congress led
United Progressive Alliance government took over at Center,
Prime Minister Manmohan planned his first to Jammu and
Kashmir in November when state was eagerly looking towards
Delhi for its new Kashmir policy.
In what could be described as biggest confidence building
measure of the century, the Central Government announced a
cut in troop deployment in Jammu and Kashmir. The decision
was announced on November 11 after a meeting of Cabinet
Committee on security. While a demand for troop cut had been
the most popular in Kashmir, of late Pakistan too started asking
India for this as a confidence building measure to push the
peace process. The announcement, a fresh initiative to push
forward a peace process with Kashmiri separatists as well as
with Pakistan, comes a week ahead of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh's scheduled visit to Jammu and Kashmir. In a
statement in this context, a government spokesman says, “in
recognition of the improvement of the state, the government
Vol. 3, Issue 2, FEBRUARY 2009
“The Army units would now be judged
not by the number of militants they kill
but by how successful they are in
winning hearts and minds of people
around them”
Army Chief Gen JJ Singh,
February 1, 2005
has decided to reduce the deployment of troops this winter”.
While deployment details are never officially confirmed, it is
widely alleged that around two-thirds of India's total Army and
paramilitary troopers are stationed in Jammu and Kashmir
which is a bad publicity internationally.
Following Government of India's historic decision, an
estimated 3000 Army soldiers moved out of Jammu and
Kashmir on November 20, 2004. This was first time ever (at
least since 1989) that any number of troops was moved out of
Jammu and Kashmir. “Around 3,000 troops of three different
army units involved in counter-terrorism operations have been
de-inducted from the border district of Rajouri”, this is what a
Defence spokesman said that day.
The process in small periodic cuts in the number of troops
continued the following years. Most recently Defence Minister
AK Antony told the Parliament in December 2009 that 30,000

troops have recently been moved out of Jammu and Kashmir

Ministry Strength Capped at 25

December 29, 2005 : The State Legislative Assembly
approves a constitutional amendment bill unanimously
with more than two-third majority curbing defections
from a political party and restricting strength of the
Ministry to 20 percent of total strength of both Houses
of Legislature. Jammu and Kashmir has 89 member
legislative assembly (including two nominated and
nsible jou
members) 36 members legislative council making
se
combine strength of both houses 125. With the passage
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20 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

GOVERNANCE
False War Against Corruption

R While Chief Minister Mufti

esolving Kashmir issue through
political dialogue instead of
military means gave the Peoples
Democratic Party a mass appeal in
Kashmir Valley, it was its campaign
against corruption in public life that
helped Muftis overthrow National
Conference and clinch the seat of
power. Since its formation in 1999, PDP
made end to corruption a central theme
of mass campaign. It accused National
Conference government of eating into
vitals of society by unbridled corruption
in public life. “Overthrowing the
corrupt regime of National Conference”
became a popular slogan. Following few
highlights from the war against
corruption suggest the basic flaws, lack
of will and over-politicisation of a
menace which continues to remain a
challenge in Jammu and Kashmir.
Promise was honoured immediately
after coming to power in November
2002. Same month, a special session of
state legislature was convened to table
a Bill for establishment of an
Accountability Commission which,
Mohammad Sayeed and his successor
Ghulam Nabi Azad declared war
against corruption as their topmost
agenda in office, the graft culture in
public offices and its symbolic
reflections touched all time high in the
decade of 2000s. Officers sacked by
Mufti on corruption charges were
rehabilitated by Azad and vice versa.
Cases were registered against Ministers
and one of them was accused of
demanding graft by a legislator in
assembly. The big ticket anti-corruption
watchdog, Accountability Commission
remained embroiled in murky
controversies before its chairman
resigned in May 2006. Commission is
headless since then. Transparency
International said in 2004 survey that
J&K is second most corrupt state in
India while its 2008 survey did not
point to any improvement.
family friend of Mufti Mohammad
Sayeed and retired judge of
Supreme Court, Justice RP Sethi
Mufti government went after the
alleged corrupt officials and terminated
some 60 of them in batches of 20 each.
The highest point in Mufti government's
war against corruption was a case
through Vigilance Organisation against a
top bureaucrat Ajit Kumar. Case
pertained to purchase of jute mats for
schools during National Conference
regime. It was felt that government
wanted to reach to some NC leaders
through this case. It became such high
profile case that Ram Jethmalani came
to defend Ajit Kumar at Jammu but he
could not get any relief. Kumar was
placed under suspension, arrested and
released on bail.
Ghulam Nabi Azad took over as Chief
Minister in November 2005 and declared
war against corruption as his topmost
priority. He would talk about corruption
and the means to end it umpteenth
times a day. He dubbed almost everyone

Vol. 3, Issue 1, JANUARY 2009

however, ran into rough weather for was made its first chairman.
some constitutional lacunae and lack of H o w e v e r, e v e n b e f o r e
consensus. The Bill could be legislated operationalisation of
in 2004 and sometimes later an old Accountability Commission, the

A Dove Shot Dead

May 21, 2002 : Widely respected moderate separate leader
Abdul Ghani Lone of Peoples Conference is killed by indentified
gunmen during a public meeting of Hurriyat Conference in
Srinagar. The ghastly incident, seen as a big blow to a possible
peace dialogue, happened at time when Prime Minister Atal
Behari Vajpayee was visiting Jammu and Kashmir. It was widely
nsible jou
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 21
in the state as neck-deep in corruption and said
that the 'disease' was far more serious that he had
thought of. Amidst this din, he not only reinstated
but also specially re-designated a post to
honourably rehabilitate Ajit Kumar who was the
symbol of Mufti's war against corruption.
Meanwhile, Azad continued to fire officers in the
batches of 20s as Mufti did. One of the officers
terminated from services by Azad government
was the Director Rural Development Kashmir,
Syed Asghar Hussain. After being sacked by Azad
as part of his anti-corruption tirade, Hussain did
not have to wait much for a new role.
He was welcomed in the PDP and became
party's state secretary. Highest symbol of Azad's
war against corruption, Asghar Hussain is now a
Member of the Legislative Council or the House of
Elders on PDP ticket. This is how the officers seen
corrupt by Mufti were rehabilitated by Azad and
vice versa. Another case is more interesting than
the two above. In the first list of 20 officers
sacked by Mufti government was one Jagjeet
Singh Jagga, a Deputy Superintendent of Police.
He took refuge in National Conference and
then switched over to the Bahujan Samaj Party,
contested and lost 2008 assembly elections and is
now an office bearer of the Peoples Democratic
Party.
Vol. 2, Issue 12, DECEMBER 2008
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IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
Storm in
Himalayan Enclave
A
Ladakhi research scholar turned bureaucrat in one of his
articles to Epilogue earlier this year argued that Ladakh hardly
finds any mention in the political discourse of Indian state
which proverbially stretches from
Kashmir to Kanyakumari. If this
observation was not true, the politics
of Ladakh would have been the most
interesting media story to be followed
and discussed in the studios.
Ladakh has always craved for its sepa-
ration from rest of Jammu and
Kashmir and direct association with
Union of India as a Union Territory.
This sentiment oscillated between
many zeniths and nadirs over 50 years
till the movement became most inter-
esting theater of politics in the decade
of 2000s. When Kashmir Valley was
being promised the fairest ever elec-
tion of the history, the Leh district bor-
dering China launched a stormy
revolt. All local leaders reached a con-
sensus to dissolve Ladakh units of all
political parties. All flags were
downed; BJP, Congress, NC et al were
taken off the Ladakh political map to
give birth to Ladakh Union Territory
Front (LUTF). The unanimity on cre-
ation of Union Territory was rare and
complete as no elections were held
there. Leh districts has two assembly
constituencies and both candidates
were sent to assembly unopposed,
uncontested. Nawang Rigzin Jora who
represented the Leh segment became
a Minister in the PDP-Congress coali-
tion government. Before Rigzin and his other colleague could shout
for separation in assembly hall, Delhi and Srinagar decided to act
swiftly and smartly. In January 2003, CM Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
announced empowerment of Leh and Kargil districts through
Autonomous Hill Development Councils to the extent that they
became classic case of 'State within State'. The Union Territory senti-
ment not only mellowed down but also local units of political parties
Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010
22
were quietly revived. Rigzin Jora later joined
Congress and said that his aim was empowerment of
the Ladakhi people and Hill Development Council
was a major step towards that end. The LUTF stood
divided between Thupstan Chhewang (Member of
Parliament 2004-2009) and Rigzin Jora with latter
emerging much stronger and closely connected with
the Ladakhi people. Gradually Congress returned as
a dominant power in Leh and Rigzin won 2008
assembly elections –the toughest ever. Interestingly,
in 2009 there came a complete about turn in Leh
when the local Congress unit wrote to the Prime
Minister asking him to clarify as why Ladakh was
being held a colony of Jammu and Kashmir for last
60 years. Second time in the decade the Union
Territory moment is once again at its highest. 　
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
Administrative Map Redrawn
8 New Districts Created
July 6, 2006 : One of the most important developments of the decades
of 2000s was that it changed the administrative map of Jammu and
Kashmir. In a historical decision with far reaching political
ramifications, the Jammu and Kashmir State Cabinet headed by
Ghulam Nabi Azad approved the creation of eight new administrative
districts in the state for equitable development of all the areas. Chief
Minister Azad says, “for 30 years, the recommendations of the Wazir
Commission had been hanging fire. The commission had recommended
setting up one district in Kashmir and three in the Jammu region. We
have today decided to set up eight new districts, four in the Kashmir
region and four in Jammu”. The Justice Nath Wazir Commission, set
up by then Chief Minister Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah in the late 1970s,
had pointed out disparity in distribution of resources for the three
regions of the state and its recommendations, deemed politically
controversial, were not implemented by various governments that
came to power during the past three decades. The new districts
announced are Ganderbal (to be carved out of Srinagar), Bandopore
(to be carved out of Baramulla), Kulgam (from Anantnag) and the
Shopian hill district (from Pulwama). Thus, there would be two new
districts each in south and north Kashmir. Until 2006 there were 14
districts in the state. In the Jammu region, the new districts that came
into being are Samba (carved out of Jammu district), Kishtwar (carved
out of Doda district), Reasi (carved out of Udhampur district) and the
hill district of Ramban (also from Doda district). Cabinet also approved
the creation of new administrative sub-divisions in the State.
Vol. 2, Issue 11, NOVEMBER 2008
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 23 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

STORY OF CHANGE
Life Goes Mobile Li
Pr
ep
ai
dB
an
fe in
Go J&
K
e

A
lmost eight years back, shortly
after the beginning of new
century, Jammu and Kashmir
seemed to have been thrown back to
the Stone Age. Precisely at the time
when the worldwide web (or www) was
on a fast track changing face of India,
the Vajpayee government cut the
connections in Jammu and Kashmir.
Internet services were withdrawn and
long distance calls barred. Obviously on
the popular excuse of militants using
communication facilities, this widely
protested disconnect was ordered, in
January 2002, at a time when costs and
the time of getting a telephone
connection were just cut and people
used to queue up for a connection.
Jammu and Kashmir had already been
kept out of the range of cell phones
which had arrived in rest of India in mid
1990s to connect peoples and
revolutionise businesses. Hopeless, as
Vol. 2, Issue 10, OCTOBER 2008
they were rendered, people lost
i n t e r e s t i n t h e t e l e p h o n y.
Interestingly, it was the cellular
telephony which later emerged
as a biggest revolution of the
decade in Jammu and Kashmir. In
2003, not only the long distance calls
and internet services were restored but
also mobile phones were allowed to
enter Jammu and Kashmir. With then
Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
making the inaugural call to Prime
Minister through a BSNL cellphone in
October 2003, the entire state was set
ringing in an unprecedented manner.
The villages where television is yet to
reach, the people who can't read or
write their own names became the cell
phone owners in following years. Moving
across the capital cities or the muffasil
townships the most prominent signs of
businesses people did were reflected
through the signboards or billboards of
the cell phone companies.
Thousands of youths with
backgrounds of engineering or
management joined the
executive jobs with cell phone
sM verificati
ob
ilo n s ,
e
billings,
r e c h a r g e
coupons –so on and
so forth. Having
become an essential
part of the life of peoples,
cell phone changed the profile
of state and its peoples. Only
towards the end of decade, it was
known that more than four million
people in Jammu and Kashmir had at
least one cell phone connection. J&K
has a total population of little over 11
million. Therefore, the growth of tele-
density in this remote state is believed
to be one of the highest in the country.
Statistics came out at the time when
New Delhi repeated its 2002 arrogance
to put a blanket ban on pre-paid cell
phone service. Government said that
service providers compromised the
customer identity verification norms
while issuing pre-paid connections and
felt that militants were using them.
Over 38 lakh connections were
reported to be of pre-paid nature. This

companied and thousands more order, however, did not discourage

picked up the allied services people from staying connected. They
–sales of connections, sales and are again queued up to get their
services of handsets, customer service mode changed to the post-paid. 　

Airtel : First Private Mobile in J&K

October, 20, 2004 : The Bharti Enterprises owned Airtel
becomes the first private telecommunication operator to launch
mobile telephony services in Jammu and
Kashmir. Earlier the Bharat Sanchar Nigam
Limited was operating the mobile service in
the state since October 2003 that was
nsible jou
received with a tremendous public enthusiasm underlining
se
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24 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

Change of Guard
At High Court
Regional Divide
2000, Feb 2: Dr. Justice B.P.
Ø on Properties
Saraf is sworn in as 20th Chief
Justice of Jammu and Kashmir of Daughters
High Court
2001, Sept 12: Justice H. K.
Ø
st
Sema is sworn in as 21 Chief
Justice of Jammu and Kashmir
A question whether the daughters of Jammu and Kashmir married
off outside the state are entitled to have property rights erupted
into one of biggest political controversies of the time dividing the
state on lines of region and religion. While Kashmir Valley supported a
proposed legislation denying property rights to women marrying outside,
High Court the Hindu majority in Jammu region termed it black law and opposed
staunchly. A discussion on Bill in the Legislative Council on March, 10 2004
2002, May 5: Justice B. C. Patel
Ø
nearly led to collapse of the Peoples Democratic Party – Congress
is sworn in as 22nd Chief Justice of government. PDP wanted the Jammu and Kashmir permanent residents
Jammu and Kashmir High Court (disqualification) Bill to become a law while Congress threatened to walk
out of the coalition on this issue. The Bill earlier same month passed in
2005, Feb 4: Justice S. N. Jha is
Ø the Legislative Assembly when Congress failed to take note of its
sworn in as 23rd Chief Justice of repercussions. Amidst a nationwide political fury and complete shutdown
Jammu and Kashmir High Court in Jammu, the discussions on Bill in State Legislative Assembly remained
inconclusive offering a face saver to both PDP and the Congress. On June
2007, Jan 25: Justice B. A. Khan
Ø 11, 2004, the Bill lapsed as government failed to convene a session of
legislative assembly to discuss the proposed piece of law, as required
is sworn in as 24th Chief Justice of
under rules, within three months after legislative council was adjourned.
Jammu and Kashmir High Court The PDP, however, reiterated its commitment to the issue and vowed to
bring the Bill afresh.
2007, June 7: Justice Aftab Alam
Ø
PDP made a renewed bid but numbers in the assembly did not
is sworn in as 25th Chief Justice of favour it. On August
Jammu and Kashmir High Court 27, 2004, the
controversial Jammu
2008, Jan 7: Justice K.S.
Ø and Kashmir

Vol. 2, Issue 9, SEPTEMBER 2008

th
Radhakrishnan is sworn in as 26 permanent residents
Chief Justice of Jammu and (disqualification) Bill
fell on the floor of
Kashmir High Court the legislative
assembly, as
2008, Sept 4: Justice Manmohan
Ø
Congress the major
Sarin is sworn in as 27th Chief partner in the
Justice of Jammu and Kashmir ruling alliance
High Court voted against the
Bill. The Bill was
2009, Jan 3: Justice Barin Ghosh
Ø finally buried after
th
takes over as 28 Chief Justice of it got only 47
votes, falling 12
Jammu and Kashmir High Court. short of the needed
nsible jou
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 25 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

Rs. 24,000 Crore Rare Copy of Quran

Lost in Islamia
and More School Blaze
July 5, 2004 : Kashmir

L
ike Dr C Rangarajan, the former Governor of Reserve Bank of India, many
believe that route to recovery in Jammu and Kashmir can partly be taken simmered with anger on July 5,
through economic development. As the decade of 2000s saw impressive 2004 as its oldest school burnt
decline in militant violence, it was the economic boom unleashed in all parts of down in a mysterious fire
state which engaged thousands in myriad activities. Since Jammu and Kashmir is destroying one of the world's
not an industrial state and the Information Technology is yet to make its required oldest copies of the holy Quran
presence, it was the infrastructure led boom which offered economic spin-offs to
and thousands of other rare
almost everyone.
Islamic texts. The destruction
The highest point in this decade of infrastructure was on November 17, 2004
when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced a Rs 24,000 Crore
shocked the valley and other
reconstruction program. This was in addition to numerous schemes and projects parts of state, with the loss of
separately funded by different central departments and other agencies like the 105 years old Islamia Higher
World Bank and Asian Development Bank. Secondary School and its 30,000
Announcement was this mega funding was made by the Prime Minister book library where some of the
during his two-day Jammu and Kashmir visit on November 17 and 18. Unveiling region's most prominent figures
the bag of sops, the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh also announced an studied. People spilled over the
unconditional dialogue with all those who eschew violence and resolve to work streets in protest in Srinagar.
for accelerating pace of peace and development in Jammu and Kashmir.
Hundreds of the school's
Manmohan Singh reaches Srinagar, in his first visit as Prime Minister, a week after
dolling out peace sops by ordering the troop reduction in the insurgency hit students staged a protest march.
state. Addressing a public meeting at Sher-e-Kashmir cricket stadium, the Prime The school, set up in 1899, was
Minister said that if the conditions improved and infiltration was brought under a landmark symbol of the
control, there could be further cut in troop deployment. Striking an emotional building reduced to the charred
chord with the violence hit brick skeleton, with soot and
people of Kashmir, the Prime burned out book and furniture
Minister says, “I have a strewn around the premises. The
dream and a firm belief that
library, which included one of
we can and we shall built a
Vol. 2, Issue 8, AUGUST 2008

new Kashmir which will the rarest manuscripts of the

become a symbol of peace,
hope and prosperity”. Our
government is committed to
an unconditional dialogue
with anyone and everyone in
the State who abjures
violence. We will talk to all
those who have concern for
Kashmiris. My door are open
to those who want to meet
me to usher in peace I have
no conditions but their
intention should be
nsible jou
se genuine”.
rn
Quran, handwritten by Usman
bin Affan the third 'Righteous
Caliph' of Islam was completely
destroyed, said Shahid-ul-Islam,
party secretary of the Awami
Action Committee. No one
claimed responsibility for the
blaze. The school was run by a
religious and educational trust
led by Mirwaiz Umar Farooq,
Kashmir's highest Islamic leader
and head of the Awami Action
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26 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

Local Governance Returned to

Urban J&K After 27 Years
R ight in the middle of decade, the year 2005 was a An overwhelming, response from the voters was registered as
momentous for urban local governance in Jammu and Srinagar and Jammu Municipal Corporations went to polls on
February 1, first after 27 years. While an impressive
Kashmir. After a staggering gap of two and half decades,
Jammu and Kashmir government, on January 11, 2005, percentage of 65 is recorded in Jammu around 20 percent
decided to hold the civic elections to ensure greater publicvoters turned up to cast their votes for the Srinagar Municipal
representation in grass root democratic institutions like Corporation elections amid an atmosphere of enthusiasm.
municipal committees and speed up development process at After years of poll boycott and militant violence on the eve of
the ground. elections 20 percent voter turn out with no incident of
violence is considered a good omen, for Srinagar.
Mother of all CBMs According to Chief Electoral Officer, Rakesh K.
Gupta, around 45 percent votes were polled in both
57 years after the Line of Control was drawn to leave not only the Municipal Corporations of Srinagar and Jammu.
geographical territory but also hundreds and thousands of He said that Jammu witnessed brisk polling with
families of Jammu and Kashmir divided between Indian and total percentage reported as high as 65 percent.
Pakistani parts, history was created on April 2005 when Prime Whereas in Srinagar the percentage registered at
Minister of India Dr Manmohan Singh and Congress President the end of polling, was between 15 to 20 percent,
Sonia Gandhi flagged off a bus from Srinagar for Muzaffarabad, he added. Gupta said that people in the twin cities
the capital of Pakistan administered Kashmir. The fortnightly bus of Jammu and Srinagar stood waiting in long queues
service can only ferry 450 passengers a year on an average to the to exercise their right of franchise and the process
other side of the border. On the inaugural day 19 passengers gradually gained momentum. The turn out of
women voters was tremendous.
from J&K traveled to Muzaffarabad while 31 arrived from that
side. Salamabad, 122 kilometer from Srinagar and Chakothi, 63
kilometer from Muzaffarabad, are the middle crossing points on
both sides of LoC for Srinagar-Muzaffarabad bus service.
The bus service established the first link between the two sides
of the divided state in nearly 60 years and became the most

Vol. 2, Issue 7, JULY 2008

tangible achievement to emerge from peace negotiations
between India and Pakistan that began in January 2004. But the
bus route was bitterly opposed by militants. Militants issued
death threats against those making the journey and fired rifle
grenades at one of the two buses traveling from Srinagar to the
Line of Control. The grenades exploded harmlessly.
A second cross-LoC bus service was launched by Congress
President Sonia Gandhi on June 19, 2006 between Poonch and
Rawalakote. Both bus services though continue t o remain
hostage to the tedious formalities and bureaucratic suspicions but
whatever little interactions across Line of Control could happen
brought a huge change in perception both sides. Many myths
about the situation on both sides collapsed and people got a
better idea of past, present and future. The Cross-LoC bus se
nsible jou
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 27 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

CHIEF MINISTERS OF THE DECADE

First Non-Congress, Non-NC
2002, Nov 2: Mufti Mohammad Sayeed becomes head of first non-National
Conference, non-Congress Government in Jammu and Kashmir. Mufti's PDP bags
16 seats in assembly elections, all from Kashmir Valley. Government is in coalition
with Congress which bagged 20 seats, some smaller parties and independent
legislators.

First Non-Resident Kashmiri

2005, Nov 5: Ghulam Nabi Azad becomes first such Chief Minister of Jammu and
Kashmir who is not a resident of Kashmir Valley. Though a Kashmiri speaking, Azad
was born in Bhallessa are of Doda district. He spent most of his three-decade long
political career in New Delhi. He is also the third Chief Minister from Congress and
tenth Chief Minister of state.

The Youngest Ever

2009, January 5: Omar Abdullah of National Conference becomes the youngest ever
Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir at the age of 38. His party National Conference
bags 28 seats in 2008 assembly elections and the government is in coalition with the
Congress. Earlier he became a Member of Parliament at the age of 28 and
subsequently a Minister of State in the Union Government.

Destructive Earthquake
Believed to be the 12th most destructive earthquake of all time, the
Vol. 2, Issue 6, JUNE 2008

October 8, 2005 earthquake though resulted in large scale death and

destruction but it also 'united' both parts of Jammu and Kashmir in
pain. For many it was a blessing in disguise as in the aftermath of
earthquake the governments of India and Pakistan agreed to open five
crossing points at the Line of Control, dividing Jammu and Kashmir
into Indian and Pakistani sides, for meeting of divided families living
on both sides and flow of humanitarian aid to the most affected region.
The 2005 Kashmir Earthquake was a major earthquake centered in
Pakistan-administered Kashmir and in North West Frontier Province
(NWFP) near the city of Muzaffarabad. It occurred at 08:22:37 Indian
Standard Time (03:52:37 UTC) on 8 October 2005. It registered a
debatable moment magnitude of 7.6 making it similar in size to the
1906 San Francisco earthquake, the 1935 Quetta earthquake, the 2001
Gujarat earthquake, and the 2009 Sumatra earthquakes. The death toll
was much higher on the Pakistani side of Kashmir. The government of
Pakistan officially put the death toll at 79,000, while nearly 1,400
nsible jou
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28
BRIEF INTERVENTION
1½-Year Storm of Azad
I n a sweltering afternoon of April
2001, routine life in Jammu –the
winter capital city –had gone out of
gear. Forget the driving space; even
walking space was not available in many
city areas. There was fragrance in air
and eye catching decoration along the
main road connecting airport with the
city center as thousands of people lines
on both sides chanting loud slogans
Fakhr-e-Hind zindabad (long live the
pride of India). This was all for Ghulam
Nabi Azad –a Congress leader born in a
nondescript village of Jammu,
educated mostly in Kashmir and spent
almost his entire political career in
Delhi –at the national political scene.
Hundreds and thousands of people
drawn from across the region had
gathered to welcome Azad who was
coming to J&K on first organizational
assignment ever. The previous day he
had demitted the all powerful office of
national General Secretary of Congress
to take over as state Congress president
in J&K. It was a clear demotion. In
Congress ruled states, party's General
Secretaries are far more powerful than
the Chief Ministers. And a small state
like Jammu and Kashmir was too small
to match the high profile political
stature of Azad. Known as master
strategist of Congress, Azad knew how
to regain the ground he lost in Delhi. He
centralized his and the party's attention
in Jammu region, hit at the project of
BJP and secured 20 seats -15 from
Jammu and 5 from Valley. Not only this,
he also pulled seven independent
legislators to Congress and showed to
Delhi that he can deliver. Giving in the
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
On very first day he claimed that he
intends to deliver without making
any slogans as his predecessors did.
His intentions were welcomed.
Things, however, got awry when he
said that all his predecessors were
incompetent and held them
responsible for the poor
development and political turmoil
in the state. Describing corruption
as one and only most serious
problem in the state he not only
vowed to weed it out but also Minister.
declared it as his topmost priority. The storm thus began in November
His intentions were welcomed but 2005. He had ambitions and some
things again got awry when he honest ideas to make Jammu and
Kashmir a model state. What he forgot
categorically claimed that
while implementing his sincere agenda
everybody was neck-deep in
was the fact that J&K was a different
corruption. piece of land than he would have
imagined from Delhi. On very first day
seat of Chief Minister to Mufti
Mohammad Sayeed under a stiff
pressure from PDP, he managed
Vol. 2, Issue 5, MAY 2008
for self a seat in the Rajya Sabha
and quietly returned to Delhi.
Two years later, Congress
bounced to power at Delhi and
Azad became one of the most
important Ministers in UPA
Government in 2004. That is
what Azad meant for but this
stability did not last long.
Congress and PDP were in power
sharing arrangement in J&K and
in 2005 it was the time for
Congress to take over. Azad was
told to give up his central
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 29 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

he claimed that he intends to deliver without making any slogans as his

predecessors did. His intentions were welcomed. Things, however, got
awry when he said that all his predecessors were incompetent and held
them responsible for the poor development and political turmoil in the
state. Describing corruption as one and only most serious problem in the
Epilogue
because there is more to know
state he not only vowed to weed it out but also declared it as his topmost
priority. His intentions were welcomed but things again got awry when he
categorically claimed that everybody was neck-deep in corruption.
Therefore, he got hardly anyone to become a part of his war against
corruption. Then he went on unveil his second priority –infrastructure
Monthly Magazine
development. In his two and years in office, Azad was seen less in his office
and more on the construction sites overseeing buildings, bridges roads Extensively Researched
etc. He used this Delhi connection well to obtain huge central funds for
new mega projects. Written with Clarity
In July 2008, his resigned as all chances of surviving a no confidence
motion failed. While Kashmir Valley never stood by his side, in Amarnath and Insight
land row his admirers in Jammu set on fire hundreds of meters of cloth in
Azad's effigies for withdrawing the land already allotted to temple trust.
Azad left J&K seeking a new role in Delhi. During 2008 election campaign
Covers Four Key Issues
he went around saying everywhere that right since 1947, now Chief
Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, not even Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah,
Politics
could undertake the development work the way he did during two and
half-year tenure. In August 2009, the Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and Economy
Finance Minister Abdul Rahim Rather told Legislative Assembly that 90 per
cent of Rs 24,000 Crore (Prime Minister Minister Reconstruction Plan) Culture
funds sanctioned in November 2004 were still unspent.
Azad is now back to the national political scene as Congress General Strategic Affairs
Secretary, as Union Minister and as CWC member –all the posts he
deserved for his hardwork in Delhi for close to 30 years.

Unlike the General

run of the Mill
Vol. 2, Issue 4, APRIL 2008

News Magazines

Epilogue
Has a shelf life That Extends
Far Beyond the
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30
UNSTOPPABLE PRESS
The Cut, Copy, Paste Journalism
I n 1990s there were two major
English newspapers, both published
from Jammu, widely read and
respected across Jammu and Kashmir,
though in different and well defined
constituencies of audience. In the
language press, Aftab and Srinagar
Times were the two prominent
newspapers with their presence limited
to Kashmir Valley alone. Among English
newspapers, Daily Excelsior pursued a
nationalistic editorial policy but the
Kashmir Times offered space to dissent
and therefore became a darling of
English readers in Kashmir. It is said that
vendors would unscrupulously hike the
price of Kashmir Times in late
afternoons in Srinagar as supply demand
gap continuously widened. It continues
to be debated whether two newspapers
were enough for Jammu and Kashmir or
this small state needed them in
hundreds.
Decade of 2000s saw an
unprecedented rise in the local press
–both English and vernacular. It was also
the time when national newspapers
made forays into J&K. At the turn of
decade (also new century) two new
English newspapers had already arrived
at the scene. Greater Kashmir launched
as a Srinagar weekly in late 1980s had
emerged into a formidable daily by the
beginning of 2000s and also by that time
a Jammu based newspaper State Times,
an English Daily, launched in Jammu in
mid-1990s had become a strong regional
platform. While Greater Kashmir
became a challenge for the Kashmir
Times in Valley, State Times started
eating into space of Daily Excelsior in
www.epilogue.in
Growth of newspapers is a boon
for any society but bane in
Jammu and Kashmir is that there
has not been a corresponding
growth of professionals to run the
local press. Therefore, a majority of
newspaper have their hands laid
on the internet to cut what is
available, copy on the desktop and
past on the paper.
Jammu region. These two newspapers
set the tone for a regionally chauvinistic
press. In following years there was an
unprecedented growth of newspapers
both in Srinagar in Jammu. Of
two dozen odd dailies being
published from Jammu and an
almost equal number from
Srinagar, a majority does not
have a print run of more than
1000 odd copies a day. However,
looking at their readership
claims will even baffle the
international agencies like
UNHDP etc. Latest 'certified'
circulation figures of ten 'major'
newspapers suggest their daily
print run of 23 lakh copies –which
means around 1.38 Crore people
read newspapers in Jammu and
Kashmir every day. Even though
the circulation claims of national
newspapers sold in the state and
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
other locals have not been taken into
account here, the 1.38 Crore figure
itself is baffling. J&K's total population
is just a little over 1.10 Crore and
literacy rate not more than 65 per cent.
Growth of newspapers is a boon for
any society but bane in Jammu and
Kashmir is that there has not been a
corresponding growth of professionals
to run the local press. Therefore, a
majority of newspaper have their hands
laid on the internet to cut what is
available, copy on the desktop and past
on the paper. Sometimes over dozen
local newspapers can surprise the
readers by carrying same editorial. It is
simple to understood –this editorial was
written by someone, somewhere else in
the country for some other newspaper
but in the cut, copy, paste industry the
local editor in the town did not know
last night that another in his trade is
also picking up the same.
Vol. 2, Issue 3, MARCH 2008
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 31 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

Rethinking Political
Paradigms in J&K
NYLA ALI KHAN

T he land of tranquil glades,

jagged ravines, awe-inspiring
canyons, snow clad mountains,
and heterogeneous peoples infusing
J&K with a mélange of languages,
cultures, and social mores is an apt
description of the State if one chooses
to turn a blind eye to the blight caused
by armed insurgency; counter
insurgency; militarization of the
cultural ethos; politicization of regional
differences; an even more destructive
communalization of those differences;
carte blanch granted to the Indian
military; the mechanism of violence
that destroys and diminishes women;
the insidious growth of New Delhi's
authority in J&K causing the unhealed
Vol. 2, Issue 2, FEBRUARY 2008
The onset of the first decade of the 2000s was preceded by fear,
paranoia, and uncertainty about the millennium. While some parts of
the world endeavoured to take strides toward technological advancement,
industrial development, educational infrastructure, political self-
determination, and emancipation of women, J&K remained enmeshed in
a political apathy engendered by the inability of the educated populace
to participate in democratic discourse.
wounds of accession and inability of the educated populace to
marginalization to fester; installation participate in democratic discourse.
of coalition governments in which the Despite the self-congratulatory
centre unabashedly dictates terms to posturing of PDP, NC, Congress, and BJP
its regional allies; the dexterous stalwarts regarding the initiation of
manipulation of marionette regional diplomatic talks with Pakistan, the
politicians; and the dismal lack of possibility of which is continually
progression toward a political deferred, the 'commendable' attempt
resolution of the historically to transgress barriers created by the
implacable Kashmir conflict. LOC by discussing its conversion into an

The onset of the first decade
of the 2000s was preceded by
fear, paranoia, and uncertainty
about the millennium. While
some parts of the world
endeavoured to take strides
toward technological
advancement, industrial
development, educational
infrastructure, political self-
determination, and
emancipation of women, J&K
remained enmeshed in a political
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international border, which hasn't had
substantive outcomes in terms of
fostering amicability, the Kashmir
conflict continues to remain formidable
in its intractability. The vibrant and
mammoth mass movement
orchestrated by the NC in the 1930s and
1940s is now buried in the catacombs of
history and the political organization in
its current form is a pale shadow of
what its founders envisioned it to be;
the divisive politics of the PDP has
ceased to bring it the sort of dividends
that it did when the organization was in

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32 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

journalists to raise the level of

political discourse in J&K by initiating
J&K, in its current state, embodies the fragility of an ill-defined informed discussions, policy debates,
democracy and is blurred by the incessantly flowing tears of widows, and participation in track two
orphans, dispossessed people, and despondent mothers. Amidst the activities. Academic research is
chaos, pandemonium, and babel, I see a bold attempt by some academics increasingly turning to regions as an
important level of analysis. The
and journalists to raise the level of political discourse in J&K by
political resolution of J&K and the
initiating informed discussions, policy debates, and participation in track
erasure of any attempt to create
two activities. regional divides can only come about
with the challenging of outdated
paradigms created by the nation-
states of India and Pakistan. We, as a
its embryonic stage with a rhetoric in the State.
people, have the right to refuse to be
designed to please the Kashmiri J&K, in its current state,
ruled by New Delhi's regents; the right
palate; the communalization of the embodies the fragility of an ill-defined
to make our voices heard at
Amarnath land row didn't embellish democracy and is blurred by the
international forums; the right to
the ultra right wings politics of the BJP, incessantly flowing tears of widows,
ignore regional players that kowtow to
contrary to its expectations; and the orphans, dispossessed people, and
despotic authority; the right to
Congress, which is now piloting J&K, despondent mothers. Amidst the
proudly fly our flag high.
skillfully employs various euphemisms chaos, pandemonium, and babel, I see
to dilute the inefficacy of its policies a bold attempt by some academics and

Now
Epilogue Telling
because there is more to know The J&K Stories

Contact

Vol. 2, Issue 1, JANUARY 2008

ABDULLAH NEWS AGENCY, Lal Chowk, Srinagar
***
RAINA NEWS AGENCY, Residency Road, Jammu
***
ABC STATIONERS AND DISTRIBUTORS, Leh
***
SHAHEEN NEWS AGENCY, Kargil
***
CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY, New Delhi
***
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 33
9/11 Changed the Way
World Would Look at Kashmir
M ASHRAF
T he last decade has seen many
dramatic and revolutionary
events which have changed the
shape of things all over the world. At the
moment the hottest event is the debate
on Climate Change which seems to
threaten the very existence of the
human civilisation. However, in my
opinion, the most dramatic and
important event which had a direct
impact on Kashmir was the 9/11
episode. It virtually changed the entire
perception of Kashmir in the west. The
violent eruption in Kashmir in 1990
triggered by the rigged elections of
1987 put Kashmir once more on the top
in the western media as well as
diplomatic circles. With the violence
Vol. 1, Issue 12, DECEMBER 2007
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“Cross Border Terrorism” was
given maximum hype and
further qualified into “Muslim
Terrorism”.
accompanying this uprising it was
thought to be the final outburst before
Kashmir would be free. However, the
things did not turn that way. The 1990
uprising had been extensively projected
in the west as the struggle of Kashmiri
people for freedom. In fact American
diplomats were bold enough to travel
through violence ridden Kashmir
without any fear. Robin Raphael
strolled freely through the lanes
of Srinagar. In spite of the
religious overtones which were
primarily a Kashmiri attempt to
put the secular India at
discomfort, the western powers
still sympathised with Kashmiris
considering it a nationalist
struggle. This was because of the
fact that Kashmiris were never
known in their history as religious
fanatics or fundamentalists.
Kashmir has always been known
as the cradle of Sufism and
Spirituality. It is still known in
local parlance as the “Bowl of
Saints”. Transition of Kashmiris
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
from Hinduism to Buddhism, then back
to Hinduism, and finally to Islam has
been totally peaceful and voluntary.
The religious tolerance of Kashmiris has
been proverbial and even the father of
the Indian Nation, Mahatma Gandhi had
seen a ray of hope only in Kashmir when
the entire sub-continent was engulfed
in the worst ever religious violence and
fanaticism! However, the events of 9/11
changed all that. The tragedy of New
York owned by the Al Qaida made
America declare a total war on Islam
and Muslims all over the world. Anything
connected with Muslims and Islam
became anathema to the west.
Kashmir's struggle for freedom which
had earlier received tremendous
support from the west got bracketed
with the so called “Islamic Terrorism”.
The term “Cross Border Terrorism” was
given maximum hype and further
qualified into “Muslim Terrorism”.
Kashmir once again went on to the back
burner. The west which was once
enamoured of Kashmir turned it into
their “Blind Spot” because of its
predominantly Muslim character. They
are now trying to wash off their hands
from this problem and are asking the
stake holders to settle it among
themselves. Even though there is a
widespread feeling among the people of
the sub-continent that we should try to
resolve this tangle among ourselves,
some people are still looking at the west
for a final solution! The effects of
Epilogue, January 2010
34 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

PEACE PROCESS
Key Words of the Decade :
Reconciliation, Dialogue, Peace
REKHA CHOWDHARY

Asked to name the keywords which were most frequently used during the decade (2000-2009)
vis-à-vis J&K, one would definitely offer the two words: “Peace” and “Dialogue”.

A sked to name the keywords second one in August 2000, by the

which were most frequently used
during the decade (2000-2009)
vis-à-vis J&K, one would definitely offer
t h e t w o w o r d s : “ Pe a c e ” a n d
“Dialogue”. Ironically, “Violence” was
the keyword for the decade earlier.
That was the time of ascendancy of
armed militancy, local to begin with,
but controlled by foreign elements by
the end of the decade. “Gun culture”
was the expression used by Kashmiris in
1990s to manifest their response to
various sources of violence – apart from
that perpetrated by the militants, by
the security forces as well as by the
counter-insurgent organisations. It
was not surprising therefore that right
The most important developments
of the year 2000 that marked the
beginning of the decade were the
two unilateral ceasefire offers –
first by Hizbul Mujahideen in July
2000 and the second one in August
2000, by the government of India.
situation in Kashmir which was getting
defined by the urge for 'normalcy' and
'peace'. Deep disillusionment
with violence that had taken
the toll of the Kashmiri society,
not merely in terms of the
government of India. Though the Hizb
ceasefire could merely last for a couple
of weeks, yet it also marked the first
ever effort of dialogue between the
Government of India and the camp of
militants and separatist. The Indo-
Pakistan relations were though brought
to the lowest point after the militant
attack on the Indian Parliament when
the armed forces were mobilised on
both the sides and were stationed for
long period at eyeball to eyeball
situation, however, the idea of peace

Vol. 1, Issue 11, NOVEMBER 2007

in the beginning of the decade 2000, A
G Lone, one of the key members of the
All Party Hurriyat Conference had not
only started publicly denouncing the
foreign Jehadi militants but had also
started talking about the irrelevance
of armed militancy. Though he had to
pay through his life the price for
naming the idea whose time had come,
i.e., 'the political rather than the
armed resolution of the problem', the
separatist politics even after his
assassination was to take the clue from
his understanding of the ground
number of people killed but in
so many other ways, the urge
was for coming out of the
situation of impasse and
reaching a point from where the
possibility of 'honourable exit'
could be explored.
Interestingly, the most
important developments of the
year 2000 that marked the
beginning of the decade were
the two unilateral ceasefire
offers – first by Hizbul
Mujahideen in July 2000 and the se
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 35
process continued to assert itself, even
against all the odds. If it were not so,
Vajpayee who had been paid back his
goodwill visit to Lahore by Kargil war in
1999, and who had been disappointed
by the failure of his Agra meeting with
General Musharraf in 2001, would not
have taken the initiative of starting the
peace process all over once again in
2003. It was in April 2003 that during his
visit to Kashmir, he (Vajpayee) had
taken the initiative of inviting both
Pakistan as well as the Kashmiri
separatists for a dialogue. That was the
beginning of the longish and the most
effective peace process so far in the
history of Jammu and Kashmir. The
process was formalised during the 2004
SAARC meeting.
What became the defining
element of the peace process vis-à-vis
the conflict in and over Kashmir, was the
acknowledgement of the complexity
created by the intermeshing of the
internal and external factors. In the
belief that the 'Kashmir problem' cannot
be resolved unless it involves all the
parties viz India, Pakistan and the
Vol. 1, Issue 10, OCTOBER 2007
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stakeholders in Jammu and Kashmir, the
emphasis was on simultaneous
engagement between India and
Pakistan on the one hand and the
Government of India and the Kashmiri
separatists on the other. The peace
process in this context was
comprehensive, since it sought to
resolve all the outstanding issues
between India and Pakistan and also
sought to tackle all the issues related
It was in April 2003 that during his
visit to Kashmir, he (Vajpayee) had
taken the initiative of inviting both
Pakistan as well as the Kashmiri
separatists for a dialogue. That was
the beginning of the longish and
the most effective peace process so
far in the history of Jammu and
Kashmir. The process was
formalised during the 2004 SAARC
meeting.
the core area of conflict, i.e., Kashmir.
What gave momentum to
the peace process was the
preparedness of all the parties
involved, especially India and
Pakistan to go beyond the stated
positions. Acknowledgement of
the intractability of the problems
due to the maximalist positions
so far adopted by these two
countries, led them to evolve
certain minimum ground rules
for engaging each other. These
ground rules reflected Pakistan's
concern that the resolution of
problem should not be on the
basis of the status quo and the
Indian sensitivities that it would
not mean compromise on
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
sovereignty and would not lead to
redrawing maps or exchanging
territories. Once these ground rules
were accepted, there was lot of
movement forward. Seen
retrospectively one can appreciate the
dynamism in the process, especially in
the context of shedding the traditional
stance while engaging with each other.
Most crucial shift was in the stand of
Pakistan which was insisting so far on
the UN resolutions on Kashmir.
Musharraf's declaration of the
irrelevance of UN resolution opened all
the new possibilities for resolution of
problem through dialogue. The idea of
'Self-Rule' in his four point formula
further made a break from the
traditional position of Pakistan
according to which it laid claim on
whole of Kashmir. The identification of
different regions within the state
opened the possibilities for resolving
the problems on the each side of Jammu
and Kashmir by offering political
rearrangements by the country
involved. This implied that India could
resolve the problems locally on its side
of Kashmir by engaging the separatists
without involving Pakistan. Another
important implication was that Pakistan
had for the first time accepted the
problematic status of Gilgit Baltistan
and also acknowledged the need for
political re-arrangement in Kashmir
under its own administration.
Though it was Pakistan which was
seen to have conceded most in its
discourse on Kashmir (before the end of
his tenure as President of Pakistan,
Musharraf had even declared that
Pakistan did not lay claim to Kashmir),
India had also brought about realistic
change of its stance. Thus by agreeing
to resolve all outstanding issues with
Pakistan including Kashmir, it had
Epilogue, January 2010
36
acknowledged the dispute over
Kashmir. This was going much beyond its
traditional stance of 'Kashmir being
integral part of India' and therefore
having nothing to resolve with Pakistan
except the issue of liberation of that
part of Kashmir which was under its
occupation. More vital shift, however,
was on the internal side. Vajpayee was
the first Prime Minister of India to have
publicly acknowledged the
responsibility of India in the alienation
of Kashmiris and to have owned the
mistakes made in Kashmir. By offering
'free and fair elections' he had also
acknowledged the denial of democracy
and the need for restoring trust of
Kashmiris in India. His offer of dialogue
with the separatists was the highpoint
of the internal peace process which
brought the India-Kashmir discourse to
an altogether different plank. Engaging
the separatists, in the post-Vajpayee
period, is now a minimum requirement
of the conflict resolution at the internal
level.
However, it was through the idea of
'irrelevance of borders' that the peace
process became most innovative and
achieved the most tangible results.
Subverting the very problematic border
which had made the Kashmir issue
intractable between India and Pakistan,
the decision to open the Uri-Muzafrabad
and Poonch-Rawlakot roads in April
2005 was the most historic one. It had a
number of implications.
Firstly, it shifted the conflict from
its 'territorial' nature to a more 'people
oriented' one. The territoriality of the
problem had not only made it difficult
to resolve it in the context of three
exclusive claims on 'whole of Jammu
and Kashmir' by India, Pakistan and the
Kashmiri separatists, but also had heavy
costs for the 'divided families' across the
www.epilogue.in
LoC. The Bus service across the two
sides of LoC was the most crucial
confidence building measure for these
families.
However, beyond the divided
families, the idea of opening of border
with free movement of people, goods
and services was more appealing to
those in Kashmir whose political agenda
is defined by the unity of Jammu and
The idea of Round Table
Conferences, which were held in
2006-7, however was to cater to the
political divergence and the
multiple political voices within the
state. Ironically, as the decade is
ending, the peace process both at
the external and the internal level
seems to have been stalled.
Kashmir as it stood before 1947.
Having no possibility of physical
unity of the state caught up in
the sovereignty of India and
Pakistan, the 'notional' unity of
the state that this idea provides
is very attractive. The idea also
appeals to others, especially the
traders and the business
community which finds itself
disadvantaged by the land-
locked situation of the state. No
wonder that the trade between
the two sides of Kashmir that was
started in October 2008,
continued to operate even when
other peace processes were
stalled in the wake of Mumbai
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
terrorist attack. The stake of people in
the cross-LoC trade becomes clear from
the fact that it is operating even when
the basics have not been provided for –
for instance there is no method of
exchanging money, no banking facility
and even the telephone facility
between the two sides of LoC is not
provided.
How pioneering the move of
opening the borders is can be judged
from the various ways the LoC is being
described. While the traders have
named it as Line of Commerce signifying
its potential for becoming the basis for
future trade between India and
Pakistan, others have termed it as the
Line of Peace symbolising its potential
of bringing about peace and stability in
whole region of South Asia.
The peace process as it evolved
through the decade brought to the
surface not only the complexity of the
conflict situation but also the
intricacies of the process of resolution.
More pace the peace process acquired,
more it became confronted with the
seams and layers that the problem has.
Vol. 1, Issue 9, SEPTEMBER 2007
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 37 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

One thing that became very clear in the internal context was
that though the problem is specifically located in Kashmir,
however, its resolution would have implications for the whole
It was not surprising therefore
state. As the matter of engaging the separatists by the that right in the beginning of
Government of India acquired political importance, the the decade 2000, A G Lone, one of
context of political divergence also became a reality the key members of the All Party
demanding attention. It was in this context that even the Hurriyat Conference had not only
separatists started referring to the third layer of dialogue
started publicly denouncing the
(besides the two layers of India-Pakistan and India-Kashmir
dialogue) – the intra-state dialogue. The need for building a foreign Jehadi militants but had
consensus has been felt though not much progress has been also started talking about the
made in the direction. The idea of Round Table Conferences, irrelevance of armed militancy.
which were held in 2006-7, however was to cater to the
political divergence and the multiple political voices within
the state.
Ironically, as the decade is ending, the peace efforts would be made to consolidate these in the coming
process both at the external and the internal level seems year and decade. The decade gone by was the decade of
to have been stalled. The internal crisis that Pakistan has 'Peace', hopefully, the next decade will be of extended
been going since 2007, and the Mumbai terrorist attack a peace involving 'Peace', 'Progress' and 'Prosperity' for this
year back, has held up the external peace process. At the state.
internal level also, there is not much movement forward,
though the Government of India seems to be seized up
with the idea of engaging the separatists. Though
Chidambaram's idea of 'Quiet Diplomacy' seems to have
backfired due to its public announcement and the media Epilogue
attention, the fact remains that the need to engage the
separatists is accepted in principle. With sufficient gains Available at
made by the peace process, it can be hoped that all out Jawahar Book Center
Jawahar Lal Nehru University
NEW DELHI
---
India Book Center
Vol. 1, Issue 7, AUGUST 2007

THIRUVANTHAPURAM
---
CNA Enterprises
DN Road, MUMBAI
---
KC Enterprises
Himayat Nagar, HYDERBAD
---
EBS News Agency
Sector 22-B, CHANDIGARH
---
Bhargave Book Center
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38
Terrorism has Decline, But
Peace is Still Miles Away
M SHAMSUR RABB KHAN
I n Jammu & Kashmir (J&K), the
battle for survival is a terrible story –
from living in two-prolonged fear of
victmhood, i.e. attack from the
militants as well as highhandedness by
the security forces to socio-
psychological trauma – that has tragedy
laced with deaths, destructions,
destitute and denial. Albeit life
continues with a little bright promise
that the last decade was better than the
previous one, which had more horrible
stories to tell, peace, normalcy and
development are yet to travel on the
right track. Albeit we can take a bit
relief that 2008 marks the lowest
civilian casualties in 20 years with 89
deaths, compared to highest of 1,413 in
1996, according to Government of
India, scars of wounds inflicted on the
Kashmir psyche is yet to healed. Albeit
politicians, administrators and analysts
can take refuge in highlighting the
notable features as the sign of
improvement in the state during the last
decade, which include: the restoration
of a democratically-elected
Government, viz. two general elections
(2004 and 2009) and two State elections
(2002 and 2008 and a significant decline
in violence by indigenous militant
groups, incidents like Shopian and
attack on Fazal Qureshi are grim
reminders that peace is still miles away.
One of my Kashmiri colleagues, while in
a discussion, almost broke down when
she narrated the atrocities and fears
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review
'Azaadi' may not be a viable option for a great majority of the people in
J&K today but what New Delhi needs to have done is much less than
what should have been to bring the people into a feeling of Indianness.
People in other parts of the country have been entirely unknown to the
life that the Kashmiris have lived, and the think tanks, in order to push
the Indian agenda, have totally ignored the people's plight.
that the people are facing. these women also suffer from
The general population is very harassment by the troops.
embittered by what they consider to be But do we know the ground
horrible forms of Indian brutality realities? More precisely, does New
towards them, including massacres, Delhi know the actual scenario in the
rapes and cordon-and-search state apart from those that are narrated
operations in which civilians are by the media? Pankaj Mishra in his
victimised and humiliated. A study done article Kashmir: The Unending War (The
by Medecins Sans Frontieres in
mid 2005 reveals that Kashmiri
women are among the worst
sufferers of sexual violence in
Vol. 1, Issue 7, JULY 2007
the world. Enforced
disappearance is one of the most
harrowing consequences of the
armed conflict in Kashmir. In the
absence of any information
about the whereabouts of the
disappeared men, their wives
have acquired the title of ' half-
widows'. These half-widows
apart from other relatives of
disappeared persons are left
without any entitlement to land,
homes, inheritance, social
assistance and pensions. Most of nsible jou
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 39 IN FOCUS
The Decade in Review

New York Review of Books, October
2000) sums up thus: “…most middle-
class Indians had been generally
indifferent to local politics in Kashmir;
for the more affluent, the valley itself
was a vacation spot, cherished for
sentimental reasons.” 'Azaadi' may not
be a viable option for a great majority of
the people in J&K today but what New
Delhi needs to have done is much less
than what should have been to bring the
people into a feeling of Indianness.
People in other parts of the country
have been entirely unknown to the life
that the Kashmiris have lived, and the
think tanks, in order to push the Indian
agenda, have totally ignored the
people's plight.
Last October, the Prime Minister
Dr. Manmohan Singh linked peace and
prosperity in J&K with a new
'humanitarian agenda' as a basis to
restart talks. But with years of fruitless
talks, a chronically disaffected Kashmiri
urban intelligentsia has taken them as
mere promises and betrayals, while
rural people have considered the
present state of affairs as their fate
with a sense of dejection and despair.
Vol. 1, Issue 6, JUNE 2007
While situation in neighbouring Nobel laureate Amartya Sen has noted
Pakistan has changed the past few that 'human security' is the key idea in
years, India has seized the least "comprehensively seizing all the
opportunity to begin genuine steps in menaces that threaten the survival,
creating a peaceful environment except daily life and dignity of human beings
the same “militants across the border” and to strengthening the efforts to
rhetoric to continue with the status confront these threats.”
quo. Less violence during the decade A more peaceful future requires at
does not mean the end of the conflict. least four interrelated movements: (1)
And since March last year, Pakistan has there is a need for broader alliances
Last October, the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh linked peace and
prosperity in J&K with a new 'humanitarian agenda' as a basis to restart
talks. But with years of fruitless talks, a chronically disaffected Kashmiri
urban intelligentsia has taken them as mere promises and betrayals,
while rural people have considered the present state of affairs as their
fate with a sense of dejection and despair.
been in an all-out battle against the that build stronger relations between
Taliban in the tribal areas, there is a various stakeholder that could enable
conducive environment for New Delhi to an environment of peace and
push ahead with fresh initiatives in development' (2) there is a need for a
letting the people believe that unified leadership that could create
Kashmiris and Kashmiriyat are very consensus on living with India by
much safe in the hands of India, and participating in the political process;
that the army and the administration (3) an all-out effort to focus on
are friendly groups for their education and development process,
protection, not hostile bands to for example, revival of tourism as it was
attack them at will. 20 years ago; and (4) people from the
On the developmental various states and communities of India

front, though mechanisms have n e e d to l e a rn th e a tr o c i ti e s ,

been put in place to speed up the
execution of various projects
under the Prime Minister's
Reconstruction Plan J&K has seen
considerable increase in urban
poverty during the decade.
According to a BPL survey by the
Directorate of Economics and
Statistics (DES) of FY 2008-09,
over 2.21 lakh people have fallen
under below urban poverty level
in the state. And in the district
Srinagar alone, there are over
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resistances, hopes, and concerns
prevalent in Kashmir and acknowledge
the plights of the people so that rather
than suspicion and hatred, love and
cooperation should emerge as the
basis for further peaceful existence. It
is time for New Delhi to acknowledge
that much needs to be done if a lasting
peace is to be established in the valley,
and for this it can seize the
opportunity by reaching out to the
people. If the last decade has been
devoid of much violence, it has to
completely end.

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40 IN FOCUS
Ideas for Next Decade

The Decades of Ahead

Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh
D SUBA CHANDRAN

T
his decade has been comparatively much better, when compared to the 1980s and 1990s.
There have been numerous positive developments during this decade, despite the see-saw
relationship between India and Pakistan, changes in governments at the national level in
India, growing instability in Pakistan and post 9/11 economic and political developments at the
global level.
Peaceful elections, declining militancy and violence and cross-LoC interactions can certainly
be considered as some of the most positive developments of this decade. Undoubtedly, they have
set the field for the government and the society to develop further, and move towards a better
situation in the next decade. At the same time, there have also been negative developments – as
witnessed after the Amarnath Shrine Board crisis, creating further divisions between the regions
and societies in terms of region and religion. Further more, there are certain areas, in which the
negative status quo is continuing - political equations between the separatists and the
mainstream leadership, bad governance and corruption at the state and societal levels.
Where will J&K move towards in the next ten years? Rather, where should J&K move towards
during the 2010s? What are the opportunities? What are the challenges? The following questions
assume significance, given the current trends during this decade.

Will there be better governance?

G overnance, undoubtedly, is the key issue that will address many

Vol. 1, Issue 5, MAY 2007

other challenges in the coming decade. The progress report in this
decade is mixed; there were serious efforts made to improve the
governance process in J&K. Yet there is a long way to go. Much will
depend on how the State and society responds to the process of
governance.
Unfortunately, governance has been perceived primarily as the
domain of the State, in particular that of the ruling government.
Corruption and bad governance can not be attributed to one particular
actor in J&K. Everyone needs to take the blame and look inwards, if J&K
needs to progress in the forthcoming decade. The Union government,
State government, ruling and opposition parties, separatists and
militants, security forces, bureaucracy, media, NGOs and the society –
every one has played an important negative role in contributing to the
present status of governance in J&K. No doubt, J&K is one of the most
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 41 IN FOCUS
Ideas for Next Decade

Undoubtedly, despite whatever the
critics may say, Omar Abdullah is
a charismatic leader, young,
dynamic clean and earnest in
taking J&K forward. Omar should
be the rallying point for J&K in
delivering. Now, what are his
strengths and weaknesses? He
may lack the experience, but is
likely to learn faster, given his
seriousness. This is where his
detractors need to give him the
time and space, to learn from his
own mistakes.
Governance is a larger concept,
and should not be narrowly viewed
through the corruption index. This is
where, one should look forward to the
following, in terms of making J&K a
better governed state in the coming
decade.
First, the political leadership and
the political will. Will there be a
significant change in how the present
political leadership both at the state
and national levels, perceive the
Vol. 1, Issue 4, APRIL 2007
governance process in J&K? There are
two positive developments in this
decade, which hold promise, in terms of
leadership. First is Omar Abdullah.
Second is Manmohan Singh.
Undoubtedly, despite whatever
the critics may say, Omar Abdullah is a
charismatic leader, young, dynamic
clean and earnest in taking J&K
forward. Omar should be the rallying
point for J&K in delivering. Now, what
are his strengths and weaknesses? He
may lack the experience, but is likely to
learn faster, given his seriousness. This
is where his detractors need to give him
the time and space, to learn from his
own mistakes. Omar is also the leader of
the National Conference, a party which
is known for its tactical approaches,
being corrupt and shrewd. Whatever
may be the negative outlook of the NC,
one should also understand, it is the
only party with considerable grass roots
support in all three regions of J&K and
acceptable to the multi-ethnic society.
Is there any other party in J&K, that has
the support in all three regions? Neither
the PDP nor the Congress is likely to
grow in all three regions, the way that
the NC has already established itself.
BJP, despite its performance in
the last elections, is unlikely to
expand or even repeat its own
performance in the next
elections.
Political stability and development in
J&K during the 2010s will depend much
on how relevant the NC becomes.
Omar Abdullah may also need the
support from New Delhi to make the
above change both within his party and
in terms of improving the governance
process. This is where Manmohan Singh
becomes important. With his emphasis
on 9 percent growth rate, the Prime
Minister needs to provide the right
space and positive support for Omar to
tighten the governance process,
political confidence and a degree of
autonomy.
Manmohan Singh should ensure,
there is accountability in every single
penny spent and action taken in J&K.
Lack of accountability by the
bureaucracy, security forces and
successive government have been the
primary reason for the failure of
governance process in J&K. Manmohan
Singh should also provide the space for
Omar, in terms of developing
confidence and reaching a political
understanding. There have been
numerous instances in the past, during
which for narrow political objectives,
the Congress has indulged in making
tactical decisions, forcing the political
parties in J&K to take a negative
approach. One seriously wishes that
Manmohan Sigh does repeat the
mistakes of his predecessors. Finally,

Besides, Omar Abdullah New Delhi should also provide support,

should take this as a challenge
and change the negative image
of NC. Unless he is able to
transform the NC into a positive
force, he will not be able to move
forward in the 2010s; it is
important that the NC regains its
base in all three regions and
reforms itself into moderate,
secular and forward looking
political party. Only Omar could
deliver this. For this he needs the
support of the seniors within the
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in terms of a improving the political
environment in J&K. For long, there
have been serious discussions on the
question of autonomy, dialogue with all
shades of opinions in J&K and
withdrawal of troops. Manmohan Singh
has already made an initiative through
his Round Table Conferences and
Working Groups. A sincere pursuit of
both these strategies will improve the
situation in J&K, there by providing a
positive atmosphere to Omar Abdullah
to take J&K further.

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42
Will there be
effective Right to
Information,
Autonomous Hill
Councils and
Panchayat Raj?
T hree factors will hold the key for
any effective deliverance of
governance – Right to Information Act in
J&K, Effective use of Autonomous Hill
Councils and Strengthening of
Panchayat Raj Institutions. Any positive
development within J&K in 2010s, will
undoubtedly be based on how much
success has been achieved in these
three crucial areas.
RTI Act is in place in J&K, in theory.
It has potential to become the most
potent force in making the numerous
institutions perform, and more
importantly provides the people to
ensure, there is accountability. RTI
cannot become a success story and
revolutionize J&K unless Omar and the
people want it to become that way. It
has to be a two way process. Society,
NGOs and the media – all have to play a
positive role in making the RTI a potent
weapon to ensure accountability,
governance and justice.
While everyone took pleasure in
blaming the governments for the all
round failure of governance processes,
there was little introspection in terms
of what positive role if any, the society,
NGOs and media have played in ensuring
accountability. The state will never be
able to deliver unless the people
demand accountability, develop and
inculcate a work culture and not only
censure corruption in the public realm,
but also develop a strong ethical code
which eschews corruption within civil
society. Unfortunately, there is much
that desires to be done in all these three
www.epilogue.in
respects. Autonomous Hill Councils in
Leh and Kargil, despite criticisms have
addressed a very crucial area of
governance in J&K – decentralisation.
Today the two Hill Councils in Ladakh
have provided the space for local
leadership to engage in a serious self
governance process in a meaningful
way, addressed the question of
alienation vis-à-vis Jammu and Srinagar
and improved the delivery mechanisms.
Manmohan Singh should ensure,
there is accountability in every
single penny spent and action
taken in J&K. Lack of
accountability by the
bureaucracy, security forces and
successive government have been
the primary reason for the failure
of governance process in J&K.
U n d o u b t e d l y, e f f e c t i v e
implementation of the Hill
Councils in Ladakh has been one
great success story in this
decade. Credit should be given
to the PDP, especially Mufti
Sayeed for making this initiative
work, by adequately devolving
economic and political power.
Is Autonomous Hill or
Regional Councils, the right
strategy to move ahead, in terms
of improving the governance
process? Critics argue, that the
Hill Councils may only increase
the divide between the
communities and regions instead
of bringing them together. For
example, they argue, the Hill
Vol. 4, Issue 1
IN FOCUS
Ideas of Next Decade
Councils of Leh and Kargil have
increased the distance between the two
regions and between the Muslim and
Buddhist communities of Ladakh.
Whatever may be the case, majority in
Kargil and Leh do believe, that the Hill
Councils have helped in decentra-
lisation and devolution of power.
J&K could consider similar Hill or
Regional Councils in other parts of the
state, especially in interior regions,
s u c h a s D o d a a n d Po o n c h .
Alternatively, the State could also
work on making the panchayatraj
institutions effective and deliver at
the grass roots level. Any comparative
analysis of the functioning of
panchayat raj institutions in Punjab
and Himachal Pradesh would underline
how fragile and inadequate these
structures are in J&K. Successive
governments have deliberately kept the
panchayat raj institutions in a limbo.
If governance process has to take
root in J&K in the 2010s, these three
institutions – RTI, Hill/Regional Councils
and Panchayat Raj have to deliver. If the
State has to take the lead on all three,
people have to perform their duties to
gain the maximum.
Vol. 1, Issue 3, MARCH 2007
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 43 IN FOCUS
Ideas of Next Decade

Will the Cross-LoC
Interactions improve?
T he first bus service between
Srinagar and Muzaffarabad started
in April 2005, with much fanfare and so
much of popular expectations on both
sides of the Line of Control (LoC). While
there are numerous criticisms on the
nature and content of the cross-LoC
interactions, that have been initiated so
far, not many in J&K on both sides of the
LoC will disapprove of its usefulness,
and the need to expand this process.
India and Pakistan, despite the break
down in the dialogue, after the Mumbai
attacks in October 2008, have
continued with this interaction.
Later another service was opened
between Poonch and Rawlakote. Both
these services address the needs and
aspirations of people living in Kashmir
Valley and those living in Jammu region,
primarily in the twin districts of Rajouri
and Poonch. The primary objective of
this bus service was mainly to cater the
divided families living along the Line of
Control. However, the Line of Control
does not stop in the Kupwara district of
Vol. 1, Issue 2, FEBRUARY 2007
Kashmir Valley and the divided families
do not only live in the above districts.
The LoC extends further and goes up to
NJ9842 in Ladakh, thus including the
Leh and Kargil districts of an important
and perhaps the largest sub-region of
J&K. There are numerous divided
families in Kargil and Skardu region as
well.
In 2008, India and Pakistan made
another bold move, in terms of opening
the LoC for the movement of trucks
since October 2008. Initially meant for a
fortnightly movement, few months
within the inauguration of the trade, it
has been converted into a weekly
phenomenon on the same two routes, in
which buses are plying.
In 2010s, given the limitations on
the movements across LoC in terms of
divided families and trade, and the
there is a need to look beyond, in order
to improve the cross-LoC interactions.
Tourism is one area, which has
enormous potential on this issue, where
the legal and political aspects can be
underplayed.
Today, the two bus services across
Uri and Poonch, carry divided families
on a regular basis, without much
compromises on legal and
political issues related to travel.
In promoting tourism for un-
divided families, but belonging
to the State, the same
facilitating travel. If both countries
have certain security concerns, to start
with, like how the Chinese did in Tibet,
India and Pakistan could allow circuit
tourism by identifying select places and
specific dates. TO be even more
specific, as a pilot initiative, both
countries could start with pilgrimage
tourism and later expand to other
forms.
Both in Kashmir Valley and Rajouri
and Poonch districts, for examples,
there are numerous shrines of Sufis,
who are revered by everyone, cutting
across regional and religious divides.
For example, Shahdra Sahrief near
Rajouri is a major shrine, where Baba
Ghulam Shah is workshiped by the
Muslims, Hindus and even Sikhs from all
over the region, Along with Sai Miran,
Nagali Saheb and Buddha Amarnath, this
could be an effective religious circuit.
Economically, cross-LoC tourism
will boost all the regions. From Poonch
to Gilgit, there are numerous places of
historical, adventure and religious
importance that will attract everyone
from all parts of Kashmir. Places of
worship belonging to Hindu, Muslim,
Sikh and Buddhist communities are
spread all over J&K and are not limited
to one region. In fact, a Buddhist from
Ladakh would love to go up to even Swat
and beyond; a Pandit would like to visit

the Sharada Peeth in Kishan Ganga

arrangement can be pursued in

While everyone took pleasure in blaming the governments for the all
round failure of governance processes, there was little introspection
in terms of what positive role if any, the society, NGOs and media
have played in ensuring accountability. The state will never be able to
deliver unless the people demand accountability, develop and
inculcate a work culture and not only censure corruption in the public
realm, but also develop a strong ethical code which eschews
corruption within civil society. Unfortunately, there is much that
desires to be done in all these three respects.
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44
Valley; and a Muslim would like to visit
Hazratbal and Shahadra Sharief. On
historical and other significances,
Gulmarg, Dal Lake, Ladakh and Jammu
would enthral people from the other
side, so would be Gilgit, Skardu and
Mirpur for people from J&K.
Historically, there are numerous places,
from ancient era until today that would
attract people to visit each other.
Expanding the cross-LoC
interactions should be the most
important issue between the two
Kashmirs and between India and
Pakistan in the forthcoming decade.
Given the fact that the status quo is not
acceptable and there is no military
solution, expansion of the interactions
across the LoC is the only way to move
forward in the next decade.
Will the Violence
further Decline?
C onsider the following numbers
according to the latest estimate from
J&K Police. In 2008, compared to 2007,
there was a remarkable decline of
violence by 40 per cent. For the first
time, since the militancy has started,
militancy-related incidents have come
down below four digits, around 700 in
2008. Since 1991, violence related
incidents always stood above 1000. It
has been considerably declining in the
last few years; in 2007, it came down to
1090, which further got reduced to 708
in 2008. The significance of this number
will be clear, if one takes into account
the cumulative violence figure in J&K
since 1990. There have been over
67,000 incidents of militant violence,
killing more than 21,000 militants,
16,600 civilians, and 5,200 security
force personnel. Besides, the J&K Police
has seized about 12.5 tonnes of RDX and
more than 31 tonnes of other explosives
besides 6000 grenades and recovered
www.epilogue.in
IN FOCUS
Ideas of Next Decade
In 2010s, given the limitations on the movements across LoC in terms of
divided families and trade, and the there is a need to look beyond, in
order to improve the cross-LoC interactions. Tourism is one area, which
has enormous potential on this issue, where the legal and political
aspects can be underplayed.
more than 30,000 AK rifles from Second, India has to ensure that
terrorists. the cross-LoC interactions continue and
According to the latest figures, for expand. Clearly, this cannot be done,
the first time since militancy took roots without restarting the stalled peace
in the state, civilian casualties were process. Undoubtedly, jumping into any
lowest in 2008. For the first time, it has premature dialogue process will be seen
come down to two digits; it was 89, the as a weakness, unwilling to
lowest, in the last two decades. There contemplate the same will also be
were 164 civilian deaths in 2007. It was equally seen weakness. Refusing to talk
in 1996, J&K witnessed the highest to a neighbour on crucial issues does
number of civilian casualties, when reflect a nation that is confident and
1,413 people were killed that year when willing to play a major role in the global
elections were conducted to the state system. Finally, political stability within
assembly first time after more than six Pakistan will determine the level of
years.
Will the above trend continue in
violence in J&K. Will Pakistan be able to
sustain and stabilise in the next decade?
Will there be political stability? Are
the next decade? Much will depend on
the following three internal and there dangers of Taliban violence
external factors. First, a positive engulfing the entire Pakistan? These are
outlook amongst the people of J&K larger questions, which neither India
resulting in people believing in
alternate democratic course of
action to fulfil their aspirations.
Local inputs to militancy have
Vol. 1, Issue 1, JANUARY 2007
come down dramatically in the
last few years. If the
governments of J&K and New
Delhi improve the governance
process and take measure to
restore the confidence in the
democratic set up, there will be
further decline in violence. This
is where New Delhi has to initiate
a serious debate relating to
demilitarisation, besides
renewing the dialogue with
various spectrum of public
opinion in J&K.
nsible jou
se
rn
1 st o f
ear of
a
lism
e
issu se
hy
sen
4t
Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010
45 IN FOCUS
Ideas of Next Decade

social fabric of J&K in the next decade.

To begin with, the societies should
Expanding the cross-LoC interactions should be the most important issue understand that there are grievances
between the two Kashmirs and between India and Pakistan in the and fears – legitimate and exaggerated
forthcoming decade. Given the fact that the status quo is not acceptable vis-à-vis each other. There is a need for
a dialogue, to understand each others
and there is no military solution, expansion of the interactions across the
concerns. There is also a need to realise
LoC is the only way to move forward in the next decade.
that there is shared future, that can be
achieved only by working together and
not by dividing further on regional and
religious lines.
nor J&K will be able to do much, but the Kashmir Valley, today there is a slow but To conclude, there have been
negative implications will be huge. steady transformation. Especially, the numerous positive and negative
Irrespective of whatever happens in young generation in Kashmir valley and developments in this decade. The next
Pakistan, India needs to get ready to Jammu region are being influenced by decade holds promise. We can work
face the consequences. the radical ideology, implications of together to fulfil that promise or fight
which is inimical to societal peace in the
Will the Regions and coming decade. Also in the recent
with each other to ruin it. The choice is
in our hands and every one has a
Religions come closer? years, there is a growing divide between responsibility to fulfil.
communities, for example the Gujjar
I n this decade, there have been
serious negative developments relating
and Pahari communities in Jammu,
Rajouri and Poonch belt. Ever since the
We wish our leaders – Omar
Abdullah and Manmohan Singh to take
further bold steps and ensure better
to radicalisation – religious, regional Gujjars were granted the Scheduled governance, and promise them of our
and ethnic. The crisis relating to Tribe status, the pahari community, support. For, we can't do much without
Amarnath Shrine Board Land, which is living in the same socio- their initiatives and they can't do much
highlighted the growing divide between economic environment, feels at a dis- without our continuous support and
the regions and religions. While all advantageous situation. trust. So, let us work together and make
these years, Kashmiriyat and Sufism These are serious developments the next decade productive and more
remained the bedrock of Islam in that have the potential to rupture the importantly, peaceful.

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46 EXCLUSIVE sTORIES
Forgotten History

The Defiant Douglas

RAKESH ANKIT

A lot has been written about whether, how or to what extent the Pakistan army was involved in the 'Great
Raid' of October 1947 on Kashmir. This piece does not intend to enter that territory. It, instead, seeks to bring
to light the little known 'British' involvement through the words and deeds of the senior-most British officer
of the Pakistan Army. On 28 June 1948, A. H. Reed wrote to Graffety-Smith that '8-12 British officers were
serving in Kashmir – in the Signals regiment. [They were] being kept out of the way of the UN Commission.
The GOC of one of the Pakistani divisions involved in Kashmir was British. Majority of British officers can not
avoid having something to do with Kashmir.

1
2 British officers went into
Kashmir. General Gracey has
acted either wrongly or unwisely
or weakly. He is a servant of the
Pakistan government and however
much we may dislike the way he goes
on, I do not think we can call him to
account for these actions. There are
many indications that General Gracey
has now become more than a 100%
Pakistani, and he does not seem to have
had the wit to realise the danger of
having British officers in Kashmir1.
Sir Archibald Carter, Under-
secretary in the Commonwealth
Relations Office (CRO), London send the
above worrying and discomforting
missive to his boss, Philip Noel-Baker,
Minister for Commonwealth Affairs in
As can be seen from the above-
written quote, Gracey was as visibly
loyal to his new masters (to their
delight) as to the old (to their
discomfort). So much so that his Indian
counterpart General Sir Roy Bucher was
moved to lament to the Indian Defence
Minister Baldev Singh that 'whereas the
C-in-C of the Army in India is, so to
speak, a very constitutional one, the C-
in-C in Pakistan seems to have had far
greater powers conferred on him by his
government2. Given the history of the
role of Pakistan army in the political life
of the country, it appears significant to
know a bit more about the man who
paved the way for the army acquiring
political overtones.
Gracey was born in 1894. He was

Exclusive the Attlee Government on 27 July 1948.

Continuing with the attempt to bring to
commissioned in the British Indian Army
in 1914. After serving throughout the
sub-continent in various posts, Gracey
light hitherto obscure but important

to personalities related to the Kashmir

conflict of 1947-49 to learn more about
it from different, unexpected angles,
spent the Second World War fighting in
the Middle East and South-east Africa.
Upon his return, he was made the GOC-
in-C, Northern Command in 1946 and
Epilogue the focus of this piece General Sir
Douglas Gracey, Commander-in-Chief of
Pakistan Army from 1948 to 1951.
then appointed as the Chief of Staff,
Pakistan Army (1947-48). Gracey
succeeded General Sir Frank Messervy

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

47
as the Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan
Army Chief of Staff, Pakistan Army and
held the post till 23 January 1951 before
making way for Ayub Khan Niazi. He died
in 1964.
That Gracey was a 'strong, out-
spoken protagonist' pledged to protect
the interest of Pakistan army and
involvement of British officers in it was
well-known and well-appreciated.
Indeed, Pakistan was lucky to have such
a committed man at the helm of its
military affairs in the crucial early
years. Where Gracey regularly over-
stepped was that there was 'no effect of
HMG's delicate position on him' and the
British High-Commissioner in Pakistan,
Sir Laurence Graffety-Smith – himself
loyal to Pakistan – was 'at a loss to
suggest effective, secure course of
action to ensure Gracey's loyalty3.
These are strong words for
diplomatic correspondence. And the
CRO in London reciprocated them. 6
months after Graffety-Smith had sent
the above hapless report to London,
Carter compared Gracey unfavourably
with Bucher by underlining that 'Bucher
has a much more cool, calm and
balanced temperament than Gracey,
and a much clearer grasp of political
issues involved4.
A lot has been written about
whether, how or to what extent the
Pakistan army was involved in the 'Great
Raid' of October 1947 on Kashmir. This
piece does not intend to enter that
territory. It, instead, seeks to bring to
light the little known 'British'
involvement through the words and
deeds of the senior-most British officer
of the Pakistan Army.
On 28 June 1948, A. H. Reed wrote
to Graffety-Smith that '8-12 British
officers were serving in Kashmir – in the
Signals regiment. [They were] being
kept out of the way of the UN
Commission. The GOC of one of the
Pakistani divisions involved in Kashmir
was British. Majority of British officers
can not avoid having something to do
with Kashmir. A wholesale withdrawal
would cause resentment, damage
www.epilogue.in
British prestige and endanger the
Imperial Connection5. Graffety-Smith
forwarded this to Carter on 9 July 1948.
Then Gracey confirmed to Graffety-
Smith on 13 July 1948 that 'British
officers have at times been into
Poonch'. He also gave details of the first
British casualty, Major A. M. Sloan, RE
(No. 352677 A), 71 Fd Coy RPE who was
killed in Tithwal, the northern sector of
the line of control, at 0915 hours on
Saturday 10 July 1948 and was buried at
Abbottabad on Sunday 11 July 19486.
Graffety-Smith sent this confirmation
to Archibald Carter on 16 July and a
worried Attlee Government extracted a
pledge from Pakistan the following day
that it would withdraw all British
officers from Kashmir.
This should not have come as a
surprise for the CRO had it taken
seriously the defiant note struck by
Gracey 6 months earlier. On 23 January
1948, Graffety-Smith sent a report of
his conversation with Gracey in which
the latter had literally thrown the
gauntlet at the feet of his civilian
masters in London by asserting that 'he
and other British officers can not be
expected to obey “stand-down” orders
which would have grave consequences
for British-Pakistan relations. From 31
March 1948, the British soldiers in India
would be reduced to an advisory role
while in Pakistan they would continue in
operational command. In other words,
while India can afford to fight with the
British know-how, Pakistan can not'.
Gracey almost dared London to sack him
and others by claiming that 'Pakistan
would compensate if HMG stopped the
pension of those who disobey “stand-
down”7.
That the High-Commissioner
Graffety-Smith knew Gracey's mind and
approved of it is clear, too. His deputy
C. B. Duke in Rawalpindi sent him an
account of his conversation with Gracey
on 19 May 1948 (Duke-Gracey
conversation had happened the
previous day). Gracey had informed
Duke that '3 brigades were in position on
the west Punjab side; 3 battalions had
so far gone in with two mountain guns
Vol. 4, Issue 1
EXCLUSIVE sTORIES
Forgotten History
for basically protecting Uri-Mirpur-
Poonch countryside, avoid mass exodus
of Muslim refugees and protect the
Mangla waterworks'. Further he told
him that 'he knew in fact that 1-2 British
officers had been fighting in Kashmir
and of course they were employed in
planning and organizing resistance'. And
yet, a week later on 26 May 1948,
Gracey lied through his teeth to Roy
Bucher that the story of 3 Pakistani
battalions in Kashmir was 'nonsense8.
Gracey and Bucher were in regular
touch throughout the conflict and a
couple of letters from the former to the
latter illuminate the personality and
character of Gracey. On 30 August 1948,
Gracey wrote a remarkably frank, florid
and threatening letter to Bucher which
is worth quoting at length to show the
heightened passions of the former:
'You groused that we had not told
you categorically that Pakistan regular
troops would be sent in if you carried
out the much-heralded [spring]
offensive. I did, insofar, as I could. Now
let me tell you categorically that unless
you lay off Hyderabad and treat her
magnanimously, you are inviting a
conflagration which no one will be able
to put out. The curse of the matter
again is the attitude of the tribesmen
and the man in the street. They are
being inflamed by their mullahs to take
direct action and if you think the
Pakistan government will be able to
stop them with the very small army it
has, then for God's sake think again. I
would remind you again that there are
NO plans whatsoever for aggressing or
attacking anyone, much less India. All
our plans are purely defensive. We have
not the troops or police to stop major
Pathan incursions or upsurges of further
resentment amongst the civilian
population, and rely on two things to
keep them quiet, namely, political
action, not backed by any force at
present; and India's good sense in not
doing anything provocative. Why can
not the Government of India realise all
this and be magnanimous as regards
Hyderabad? Call of the blockade,
extend the stand-still agreement and go
Epilogue, January 2010
48
back to the original proposals. It would
be an act of statesmanship which would
have the most marvelous results in
Pakistan, and be acclaimed throughout
the world. If no conciliatory
statesmanship is shown and coercive
methods and continued, you are again
putting Pakistan into an impossible
position9.
On 30 October 1948, Gracey wrote
Bucher another letter which was even
more rude, intemperate, undiplomatic,
accusatory and almost hysterical in its
tone and content:
'What [is] all this expansion [of the
Indian Army] about and why; of whom
are you so afraid? Why so many B-245s;
why so much armament production? Has
the mantle of Tojo fallen upon Nehru
and is a Greater East Asia sphere, as
visualised by the Japs, being
reconstituted? If you have decided not
to send us any more stores, why not
come clean and say so? Have you a guilty
conscience by any chance? When you do
eventually chuck your present job, it
would be nice if you and Maureen could
come and take a look at this very
peaceful country, look over the hill and
see what Indian propaganda has turned
from a really delightful country into a
maelstrom of barbarism10.
Who was engaged in what
propaganda became as clear as it could
possibly be when on 22 August 1948
Indian troops captured a Pakistani
soldier – Fateh Mohammed – from village
Kundi in the Uri sector. Mohammed had
been a waiter in the Royal Indian Air
Force mess in Burma from 1942 to 1946.
Post-partition, he had served with the
'Azad Kashmir' Forces from October
1947 to April 1948 and since then he had
been serving with 1/1 Punjab Regiment.
Mohammed informed the Indians that
about 15 officers of the Pakistan army
were directing operations in Kashmir.
Out of which – startlingly – 12 were
British and only 3 Pakistanis. The 1
Frontier Force was operating in Kashmir
with rifles, 4 machine guns, 7 3-inch
mortars, 3 anti-aircraft guns and 2 3.7
howitzers. Among the British officers he
named were Lt. Col. Williams, Major
www.epilogue.in
Jorie, Major Frier, Major Jones and
Captain Ripps. He also revealed that in
the Chanari-Pandu-Chakothi sub-
sectors, about 1000 Pakistani regular
soldiers were fighting led by Karim Khan
who was the Commander of the raiding
Pathans. Among other names he took
were Sepoys Ayub Khan and Mohammad
Yusuf and Naik Aslam. British High-
Commissioner in New Delhi duly
submitted these details back to London
on 6 September 194811.
Deeply concerned about
shepherding the Pakistan army through
its early years, General Douglas Gracey
wanted to continue till 1953 but had to
relinquish his post two years earlier on
23 January 1951 bowing down to the
rising chorus for 'nationalisation' of the
army to which the Prime Minister,
Liaquat Ali Khan, had to acquiesce. All
the 'favourite bets' to succeed Gracey –
Major General Raza, the Adjutant
General; Iftikar-ud-Din, Cdr. 10 Div. and
Nazir Ahmad, Cdr. 9 Div12 – were piped to
the post by General Ayub Khan.
Gracey was far from being the
'moderating influence' that the CRO
half-hoped him to be. He along with
Laurence Graffety-Smith, in fact,
emerged as the lynchpin of the Pakistani
official understanding and efforts in the
conflict of 47-49. It is puzzling as to how
subsequent history-writing on Kashmir
has bypassed him when Josef Korbel, in
his 1954 book Danger in Kashmir, gave
ample space to the scarcely-suppressed
feelings of Gracey. Appearing before the
UNCIP in August 1948, Gracey had made
a lengthy presentation in which he
pointed out that any Indian presence in
Kashmir – in particular the entire
northwest arc from Gilgit via
Muzaffarabad to Mirpur – was
unacceptable to Pakistan as it 'would
have established a physical link with the
leaders of the anti-Pakistan movement
for independent Pathanistan…opened
the opportunity for a pincers movement
against Pakistan by India and
Afghanistan, the latter having shown a
suspicious interest in the Pathan
movement'.
Further, it would have meant
Vol. 4, Issue 1
EXCLUSIVE sTORIES
Forgotten History
facing 'the Indian army on the long
Pakistan border within 30 miles of
strategic railway leading from Peshawar
through West Punjab to
Lahore…Occupation of Bhimber and
Mirpur will give India the strategic
advantage of…sitting on our doorsteps,
threatening the Jhelum bridge which is
so vital for us. It will also give them
control of the Mangla headworks placing
the irrigation in Jhelum and other
districts at their mercy…Furthermore,
loss of Muzaffarabad-Kohala would have
the most far-reaching effect on the
security of Pakistan. It would enable the
Indian Army to secure the rear gateway
to Pakistan through which it can march
in any time it wishes…It will encourage
subversive elements such as Khan Abdul
Ghaffar Khan and his party, Ipi and
Afghanistan. If Pakistan is not to face
another serious refugee problem…if
civilian and military morale is not to be
affected to a dangerous extent; and if
subversive political forces are not to
be encouraged and let loose in
Pakistan itself it is imperative that the
Indian army is not allowed to advance
beyond the general line Uri-Poonch-
Naoshera13.
The LoC then owes its existence
and form more to the passion of Gracey
and his associates than to the politics of
Nehru and Liaquat.
1
27.7.48, Carter to Noel-Baker, DO 142/429, The
National Archives (TNA)
2
29.11.48, Bucher to Baldev Singh, DO No. 6/C-
in-C, File No. 7901-87-6-2, Bucher Papers, National
Army Museum (NAM)
3
23.6.48, Graffety-Smith to Carter, S/41, DO
133/80, TNA
4
30.12.48, Carter to Graffety-Smith, DO 134/5,
TNA
5
28.6.48, Reed to CRO, PIN/21/48 & S/24, DO
134/5, TNA
6
13.7.48, Gracey to Graffety-Smith, DO 134/5, TNA
7
23.1.48, Graffety-Smith to CRO, T. No. 88, DO
134/5, TNA
8
19.5.48, Duke to Graffety-Smith, TS/894/48,
DO 133/79, TNA
9
30.8.48, Gracey to Bucher (DO No. 008/4/C-in-
C), Bucher Papers, NAM
10
30.10.48, Gracey to Bucher, File No. 7901-87-
6-2, Bucher Papers, NAM
11
6.9.48, From Delhi to London, T. No. 3080, DO
133/81, TNA
12
14.6.49, A. H. Reed (Rawalpindi) to S. J. L.
Oliver (Karachi), PIN/20/49f, DO 134/6, TNA
13
Quoted in Josef Korbel, Danger in Kashmir
(Princeton: PUP, 1954) pp. 138-9
Epilogue, January 2010
49 FEATURES
Voices from Women

Put Kashmir in your Dream...

MANISHA SOBHRAJANI

E ach night put Kashmir in your no breasts as the militants had simply
dreams, said Agha Shahid Ali. chopped them off!
Working in Jammu & Kashmir, I Amongst this group of women from
had begun doing that - quite Dardpora was Rafiqa, a woman in her On my very first visit to the
unconsciously - much before I came mid-twenties, and she looked Valley, during an interaction with
across this line. I have a captivating stunningly beautiful in her salwar-
a group of women termed 'half-
collection of memories from all my kameez detailed with Kashmiri
visits to the region, and they have embroidery. I can recall every detail of widows' – women whose husbands
played themselves over each night in my my conversation with an eager-to-talk are not officially declared dead,
dreams in many different forms. Some Rafiqa even to this day. She told me how but termed 'missing' - from
of them are pleasant recollections, her husband was picked and taken away, Dardpora, it was difficult to
some very dark reminders of the trauma never to return. She was left behind
fathom how a man could suddenly
that Kashmiri women and men go with two children, below five years of
through on a daily basis. The ones I hold age, and haunting memories of her 'disappear'.
closest to my heart are the ones which husband. Her in-laws turned her away
have come to me as a result of working from their house, and other men in the
closely with the women of Kashmir. This village harassed her day and night. She
feature is largely footnoted to all those
women with whom I've had the privilege
to interact and strengthen my
relationship with Kashmir. I wish to
share some of my memories with you...
On my very first visit to the Valley,
during an interaction with a group of
women termed 'half-widows' – women
whose husbands are not officially
declared dead, but termed 'missing' -
from Dardpora, it was difficult to
fathom how a man could suddenly
'disappear'. Of course things have
become clear now, after several years
and several meetings with women
whose men – husbands and/ or sons –
have 'disappeared'. But that first time
was numbing, to say the least. As I was
talking to the group, one of the women
took me aside, and putting my hand
inside her phiran, she told me she had

www.epilogue.in Vol. 4, Issue 1 Epilogue, January 2010

50 FEATURES
Voices from Women

did not want to burden her parents, but had no choice but to friends, particularly the women!
return to their house. I happened to meet Rafiqa in Dardpora Kashmiri women have not just negotiated space for
five years after that first meeting. She seemed visibly aged, themselves amidst the trauma and turmoil of the political
but still stunning, and much more in control of her life. Who conflict between India and Pakistan, but they have also held
can guess how she must have toiled and fretted over re- their places firmly for their men. They have supported the
building her life, bit by bit. She seemed reluctant to talk about 'azaadi' sentiment, fought for their place under the sun,
it. protested and demonstrated in rallies while seeking justice for
In Surankote, after a tiring day researching the nuances their menfolk, and provided a motherly haven to their
of the first all women's Village Defence Committee (VDC) in children.
Kulali, the officer who was accompanying me took me to a If Agha Shahid Ali could read this feature, he would know I
waterfall named Noor-e-Cham where Empress Noor Jehan is took his words very seriously.
supposed to have bathed. While the officer told me about Noor
Jehan, my mind wandered to some of the conversations I had
earlier in the day with members of the women's VDC. Safia
Begum, one of the elderly women in the group, was surprised I
had taken the trouble of coming to Kulali all the way from
Delhi simply to talk to the women just because they could all
use pistols and rifles! Muneera, a young girl of the VDC,
simplified things for me: 'If your house is attacked by burglars
one night, wouldn't you try to thwart the effort... call the
police, shout for neighbours... That's what we did. When the
militants attacked, we simply picked up the gun and fired. And
before we knew it, all the women in the village could do it!’
Lately, I visited Kheer Bhavani with a friend. This temple
dedicated to the goddess Ragnya Devi (who has many other
names as well) is located in village Tula Mula, ahead of Srinagar
city. Legend has it that the colours of the waters surrounding
Epilogue
J&K’s National News & Current Affairs Magazine
the little goddess are a prediction of the times to come. My
friend and I joined the many Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs in trying to
please the goddess with offerings and prayers. During a trip to
Write at Epilogue
Jammu, I happened to go to Baba Buddan Shah's ziyarat, again
accompanied by another friend. We joined the many Hindus, A story on social change
--
Muslims, Sikhs simultaneously seeking blessings at the holy A review of a book or movie
--
shrine. Comments on governance
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These two visits – the first to a Hindu temple in Muslim- Prospects of Cross-LoC trade
--
majority Valley, and the second to a Sufi shrine in Hindu- Your views on cultural clashes
majority Jammu - changed the whole connotation of the term --
A forecast of state’s economy
'inter-faith' for me. It reminded me of a time when I was a part --
Recalling and event from history
of a team that organised an inter-faith workshop for --
A profile of a legendary personality
participants from J&K, in Delhi. As a diverse group, we visited --
Ideas on enhancing regional cooperation
many different places of worship, and had a lovely time --
together. I was recently reminded of this group as I was An essay/article based on your academic study
--
watching the film Kurbaan: a Saif Ali Khan-Kareena Kapoor An interview with someone who is making difference
–
starrer that portrays Muslims in a very stereotypical fashion. A research paper (May be a part of Ph.D/M.Phil work)
More specifically, it places Muslim women in an even more rush in your ideas in editor@epilogue.in
editor@epilogue.in
typical fashion where they simply toe the line of their men. I
wondered aloud with a friend and colleague if we wouldn't be
too embarrassed to watch the film with any of our Kashmiri

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 WORLD AIDS DAY 2009

Omar Abdullah Sham Lal Sharma R.S. Chib Javaid Ahmad Dar
Chief Minister J&K State Minister for Health, Horti. Minister for Med. Edu. MOS for Health, ME.

Let us
e r
ensure
o eg th
s T
Universal Access It D
A Let us support
and respect is F gh and treat people
Human Rights eL t U living with
lso ve
Re TALKS HIV/AIDS
n O ne AIDS with love & care
Na tio
O ne STOP
AIDS
Issued by
J&K State AIDS Prevention and Control Society
Head Office: 90/3, Trikuta Nagar, Jammu: Camp Office: 48-Samandar Bagh, Exchange Road, Srinagar
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1 Night at Jammu 9 deluxe Room Cheshmashahi and Gulmarg.
?
Local Sightseeing in Jammu What better way to start your new life than “Ex Srinagar
?
Transport by Qualis, Scropio with a visit to Mata Vaishno Devi. You can
?
Additional night/nights on pro-rata basis then proceed to nearby Patnitop, one of
The Cheshmashahi bhut are laid in the
Jammu’s most beautiful spots. Round off
surrounding of garden built by Ali
with a beautiful day in Jammu.

FOR INFORMATION PLEASE CONTACT Kashmir : TEL : +91 194 2480638 / 2457927 / 2457930 mail : info@jktdc.co.in
JKTDC TRAVEL DIVISION Jammu : TEL : +91 191 2549065, 2579554, 94192 12451 www.jktdc.co.in
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A land of varied attractions,
Jammu has a surprise waiting for you at every corner.
Savour the excitement at your own pace

Patntiop
87 Kms from
Katra
Krimchi 55 Kms. from Katra Mansar Lake Shiv Khori 78 Kms from Katra
18 Kms. from Jammu Pathankot NH

Ancient temples | Abodes of Gods & Goddess | Natural Caves

| Forts & Palaces | Charming Meadows | Picturesque Plateau
| Thickly Wooded Forests | Deep River Valleys | Nature’s Beauty
| Heritage | Lakes of Blessings | Exclusive Hill Station - Patnitop IN TOUCH WITH THE DIVINE

For further information, contact or write to: Government of J&K, J&K Tourism Offices at : • Jammu :
Tel : 0191-2548172, Fax : 2548358 • Srinagar : Tel : 0194-2472449, 2452690-91, Fax : 2452361 • New Delhi :
Tel : 011-23714948, Fax : 23714947 • Mumbai : Tel : 022-22189040 • Kolkata : Tel/Fax : 033-22285791 •
Chennai : Tel./Fax : 044-28340958 • Ahmedabad : Tel./Fax : 079-25503551 • Hyderabad : Tel./Fax : 040-
24734806 •Visit us at www.jktourism.org. Email : jkdtourism@yahoo.co.in