From The Caucausus To The Arabian Penindula. Domestic Spaces in The Neolitic

R e v u e d e l ’O r i e n t a n c i e n
P R O C E E D I N G S O F T H E I N T E R N AT I O N A L CO N F E R E N C E
A C T E S D U CO L LO Q U E I N T E R N AT I O N A L
From the Caucasus to the Arabian Peninsula:

Domestic Spaces in the Neolithic
Du Caucase à l’Arabie :
l’espace domestique au Néolithique
Octobre 2018
Comité scientifique des Actes
F. Abbès (UMR 5133-Archéorient)

L. Astruc (UMR 7041-ARSCAN)
R. Ayoubi (UMR 5133-Archéorient)
E. Baysal (Trakya University)
F. Briois (UMR 5608-TRACES)
S. Colledge (University College London)
B. Finlayson (Visiting Professor, University of Reading)
J. Guilaine (Collège de France)
L. Herveux (UMR 8167-Orient et Méditerranée)
J. J. Ibáñez-Estévez (CSIC, Barcelone)
E. Kalogiropoulou (Aristotle University of Thessaloniki)
I. Kuijt (University of Notre Dame)
E. Luneau (CNRS, UMR 8215 - Orient et Méditerranée)
B. Lyonnet (UMR 7192-PROCLAC)
G. Palumbi (UMR 5133-Archéorient)
S. Rigaud (Université de Bordeaux - PACEA)
M. Sauvage (UMR 7041-ARSCAN)
F. Valla (UMR 7041-ARSCAN)
G. Willcox (UMR 5133-Archéorient)
Organisatrices du colloque et responsables de l’édition des Actes

Carolyne Douché & Fiona Pichon
Comité éditorial
Amel Betouche, Gwénaëlle Colas, Carolyne Douché, Amaury Havé, Sibylle
Hiblot-Giudicelli, Quentin Morieux, Fiona Pichon, Mitchka Shahryari, Margot Tomi
Maquette
Carolyne Douché & Amaury Havé
ISSN 2272-8120 - Dépôt légal : mars 2014
Les opinions exprimées dans ces colonnes n’engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs.
Toute reproduction totale ou partielle des articles et illustrations de cette revue est interdite
sans autorisation écrite de l’auteur ou de l’éditeur.
Édito
L
es 16 et 17 octobre 2015, nous de ses 83 participants, qu’à la mobilisation ac-
avons organisé, en tant que doc- tive des membres de l’association et au soutien
torantes en archéologie et sous le apporté par de nombreux chercheurs et insti-
patronage de l’association Routes tutions à notre démarche1 .
de l’Orient, un colloque international sur le
Néolithique du Proche-Orient. Dans le cadre À travers le prisme de la sphère domes-
de la dynamique instaurée par l’association tique, ce colloque avait pour objectif d’exposer
depuis ses débuts, nous avons invité la jeune et de questionner la complexité du proces-
communauté scientifique à se rencontrer au sus de néolithisation au Proche-Orient. Les
Collège de France à Paris autour de la thé- recherches archéologiques qui se sont dévelop-
matique suivante: « Du Caucase à l’Arabie: pées dans de nouvelles régions du Proche-
l’espace domestique au Néolithique oriental ». Orient, notamment dans le Caucase et en
Iran ont permis une meilleure caractérisation
Nous avons ainsi eu le plaisir de recevoir
des apparitions et des évolutions locales de
nos collègues français, allemands, polonais,
ce phénomène. Toutefois, regrettant le carac-
danois, espagnols, syriens, turcs, iraniens,
tère encore très régionalisé de ces recherches,
chypriotes, grecs et australiens.
notre volonté était de favoriser les discussions
La réussite de ces deux journées doit au- méthodologiques et scientifiques entre les dif-
tant au dynamisme et à la rigueur scientifique férentes équipes de recherche. Ce colloque con-
1. Le colloque a reçu les soutiens financiers de l’association Routes de l’Orient, des Universités Panthéon-
Sorbonne (Collège des Écoles Doctorales et ED 112) et Paris-Sorbonne (ED 124 et FIR), de l’UMR 7041 -
Archéologies et Sciences de l’Antiquité et son équipe VEPMO, de l’UMR 8167 - Orient et Méditerranée et sa
composante Antiquité Classique et Tardive, de l’UMR 7209 - Archéozoologie, archéobotanique: sociétés, pra-
tiques, environnements et la Région Ile-de-France. Nous tenons ici à exprimer nos sincères remerciements envers
ces institutions et ces équipes de recherche sans lesquelles l’évènement n’aurait pu avoir lieu. Ont également
apporté leur soutien scientifique les personnalités suivantes: F. Abbès (UMR 5133-Archéorient) ; P. Anderson
(UMR 7264-Cepam) ; É. Coqueugniot (UMR 5133-Archéorient) ; C. Chataigner (UMR 5133-Archéorient);
R. Crassard (UMR-5133-Archéorient) ; G. Duru (Université d’Istanbul) ; J. J. Ibáñez Estévez, (IMF-
CSIC) ; L. Khalidi, (UMR 7264-Cepam) ; F. Le Mort (UMR 5133-Archéorient) ; B. Lyonnet (UMR 7192 -
PrOCaulaC) ; M. Mashkour (UMR 7209-Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique) ; S. Méry (UMR 6665-CReAAH)
; M. Özbaşaran (Université d’Istanbul) ; G. Willcox (UMR 5133-Archéorient).
1
stituait donc pour nous un lieu de rencontre Trois articles traitent des problématiques
privilégié pour présenter, confronter et inter- liées aux techniques architecturales, à l’espace
roger les nouvelles données sur l’émergence des construit et à sa gestion.
premières sociétés agro-pastorales du Caucase Ainsi, à partir de l’exemple d’Asikli Höyük
à la péninsule Arabique. en Turquie, Melis Uzdurum et Devrim Sön-
Le colloque était organisé en quatre ses- mez présentent les activités domestiques at-
sions thématiques au cours desquelles 24 com- testées sur le site grâce à l’étude, notam-
munications orales et 10 posters ont été présen- ment spatiale, des restes archéobotaniques et
tés. Chaque session a été animée par un archéozoologiques, des outils de pierre taillée
chercheur statutaire et un étudiant. et de mouture et de l’analyse chimique des
sols d’occupation. Les auteures montrent que
Ainsi, Sophie Méry2 et Kévin Lidour3 les activités domestiques, qui se tenaient prin-
ont présidé la session 1 « Mobilité et con- cipalement dans les espaces publics durant le
séquences ». 9ème millénaire B.C., prennent place au sein
Günes Duru4 et Rémi Hadad5 ont dirigé de l’habitat au cours du 8ème millénaire B.C. .
la session 2 « Construire et investir l’espace ». Emmanuel Baudouin, Bertille Lyonnet
Marjan Mashkour6 et Müge Ergun7 ont et Caroline Hamon s’associent pour présen-
animé la session 3 « Ressources et pratiques ter une synthèse des techniques architec-
alimentaires ». turales (fondations, techniques de construc-
tion, couvrement et couverture) sur les sites
Enfin, Juan-José Ibáñez-Estevez8 et néolithiques du Caucase (culture de Shulaveri-
Laurent Davin9 dirigé la session 4 « Outils et Shomu) et de Mésopotamie (culture de Halaf)
artisanats ». au début du 6ème millénaire B.C. . À partir de
Ce numéro ne rend pas totalement justice l’étude chrono-culturelle des techniques archi-
à la grande diversité des contributions présen- tecturales, l’objectif des auteurs est de définir
tées ces deux jours. Malgré tout, il reste très les relations culturelles entre ces deux régions.
riche et différentes thématiques sont abordées S’appuyant sur la neurophysiologie et
au travers des 7 articles qui le composent. la neuropsychologie, Sarah Dermech tente
2. UMR 6566 - CReAAH.

3. Doctorant à l’Université Panthéon-Sorbonne et étudiant en Master au Muséum Nationale Histoire Na-
turelle.
4. Université d’Istanbul.
5. Doctorant à l’Université Paris-Ouest Nanterre La Défense).
6. UMR 7209- Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique.
7. Docteur à l’Université d’Istanbul en cotutelle avec l’Université Panthéon-Sorbonne.
8. IMF-CSIC à Barcelone.
9. Doctorant à l’Université Panthéon-Sorbonne.
d’éclairer le phénomène de la sédentarisation S’appuyant sur l’étude des éléments de
au Proche-Orient et son impact cognitif sur parure (perles, colliers, bracelets et boucles de
l’homme. À partir des données archéologiques, ceinture) provenant du site néolithique d’Asikli
l’auteure développe l’hypothèse que l’habitat Höyük en Turquie, Sera Yelözer et Devrim
géométrique et permanent qui se met en place Sönmez mettent en évidence les processus de
progressivement durant le Néolithique a con- changement et/ou de continuité dans le mode
stitué un environnement favorable à l’homme de vie et l’organisation sociale de la commu-
et aurait contribué au développement de ses nauté néolithique.
capacités. B. Robert et M. Poulot-Cazajous
s’intéressent au sujet des « Déesses-Mères »
Deux autres articles abordent la question et de ses représentations figurées au cours du
des modes d’acquisition et de traitement des Néolithique au Proche-Orient. En raisonnant
ressources alimentaires par les hommes du de manière diachronique en parallèle d’œuvres
Néolithique. issues des champs des arts plastiques et du de-
À partir de l’exemple du site de Dja’de el- sign contemporains, elles interrogent les liens
Mughara en Syrie, nous présentons les résul- existants entre les productions et les messages
tats inédits d’une étude qui associe l’analyse symboliques, idéologiques, politiques et soci-
archéobotanique des macrorestes végétaux et aux qu’elles véhiculent.
l’analyse fonctionnelle des outils de mois-
son. La confrontation de ces deux approches
dresse un premier aperçu de l’évolution des La parution de ces actes marque la finali-
stratégies agricoles dans l’une des premières sation d’un projet que nous avons eu à cœur
communautés villageoises du Proche-Orient de porter. C’est donc avec une grande fierté,
et l’identification des végétaux exploités par et une certaine émotion, que nous présentons
les habitants permet d’aborder leur éventuelle ce numéro dédié au premier colloque organisé
utilisation à des fins domestiques. par l’association. Celle-ci a depuis continué
À partir de l’étude des restes archéob- sa route et d’autres rencontres internationales,
otaniques provenant du site néolithique de toutes aussi passionnantes et fédératrices, ont
Khirokitia à Chypre, Andréa Parès mon- vu le jour. Nous tenons à remercier sincère-
tre l’évolution de l’économie de subsistance ment l’ensemble des personnes qui ont par-
sur près de 1000 ans d’occupation et met ticipé à cette aventure, et particulièrement les
en évidence les chaînes opératoires agricoles. auteurs pour leur contribution à ce numéro.
L’auteure révèle également que les espèces
Bonne lecture !
végétales identifiées ont, pour la plupart, été
introduites sur l’île. Carolyne Douché et Fiona Pichon
Enfin, la question des productions tech-

niques et symboliques est abordée au travers
de deux articles.
Editorial
O
n October 16th and 17th , 2015, the support provided by the many external re-
as part of our PhD studies in ar- searchers and institutions10 .
chaeology and with the support
of the Routes de l’Orient associ- Using ‘domestic life’ as a lens, this seminar
ation, we organised an international seminar aimed to highlight and question the complex-
on the topic of Middle East Neolithic. In line ity of the néolithisation process in the Middle
with the interests of the Routes de l’Orient East. The recent archeological research that
we invited the young scientific community at had been developed in key Middle East regions,
the Collège de France in Paris to discuss the specifically in the Caucasus region and Iran,
topic “From Caucasus to Arabia : domestic life had enabled a better classification of the find-
during oriental Neolithic” , during which we ings and local evolution of that néolithisation
met likeminded colleagues from all around the process. Acknowledging that each team of re-
world (France, Germany, Poland, Danemark, searchers brought with them very localised ex-
Spain, Syria, Australia…). pertise we wanted to provide an environment
that could open up scientific discussions and
The success of the seminar was the result debate between the teams. Accordingly, the
of both the dynamism and the scientific rigour seminar became a unique space for presenting,
of the 83 participating researchers, the active confronting and questioning the new data on
involvement of the organisation members and the emergence of the first agro-pastorales com-
10. The seminar received financial support from the association Routes de l’Orient, Universities Pantheon-
Sorbonne (College of Doctoral Schools and ED 112) and Paris-Sorbonne (ED 124 and FIR), UMR 7041 -
Archéologies et Sciences de l’Antiquité and its team VEPMO, UMR 8167 - Orient et Méditerranée and its
component Antiquité Classique et Tardive, UMR 7209 - Archéozoologie, archéobotanique : sociétés, pratiques,
environnements and the Region Ile-de-France. We would like to express our sincere thanks to these institutions
and research teams without which the event could not have taken place.The following personalities also provided
scientific support: F. Abbès (UMR 5133-Archéorient); P. Anderson (UMR 7264-Cepam); É. Coqueugniot
(UMR 5133-Archéorient); C. Chataigner (UMR 5133-Archéorient); R. Crassard (UMR-5133-Archéorient);
G. Duru (Istanbul University); J. J. Ibáñez Estévez, (IMF-CSIC); L. Khalidi, (UMR 7264 -Cepam); F.
Le Mort (UMR 5133-Archéorient); B. Lyonnet (UMR 7192 - Digitorient); Mr. Mashkour (UMR 7209-
Archéozoologie, archéobotanique); S. Méry (UMR 6665-CReAAH); Mr Özbaşaran (Istanbul University); G.
Willcox (UMR 5133-Archéorient).
5
munities from Caucasus to the Arabic penin- Thereby, taking the example of Asikli
sula. Höyük in Turkey, Melis Uzdurum presents
The seminar was divided into four parts the domestic activities of that region attested
during which 24 talks and 10 posters were pre- onsite thanks in particular study of the ar-
sented to the audience. Each part was lead chaeobotanic and archaeozoologic remains, of
by an official archeological researcher accom- the carved stone tools, of the milling and of
panied by a student. the chemical analysis of the inhabited ground.
The first section looking at « Mobility and The author shows that the domestic activities,
th
consequences » was lead by Sophie Méry11 held mainly in the public space during the 9
and Kévin Lidour12 . millenium BC, take place in settlements during
th
Günes Duru13 and Rémi Hadad14 pre- the 8 millenium BC.
sented the second section on « Construire et Emmanuel Baudouin, Bertille Lyonnet
investir l’espace ». and Caroline Hamon provided a synthesis
The third section on « Ressources et pra- of the architectural techniques (foundations,
tiques alimentaires » was introduced by Mar- building techniques, couvrement and roof-
jan Mashkour15 and Müge Ergun16 . ing) proven to happen on neolithic sites of
17
Finally, Juan José Ibáñez-Estevez and the Caucasus (Shulaveri-Shomu culture) and
Laurent Davin18 lead the « Outils et arti- Mesopotamia (Halaf culture) at the beginning
sanats » topic. of the 6th millennium BC. From the chrono-
The publication of these works does not re- cultural study of these architectural techniques
flect the diversity of contributions presented the authors aim to define the cultural relation-
during this seminar, however this published is- ships between the two regions.
sue is aready a rich and comprehensive mate-
Using neurophysiology and neuropsychol-
rial composed of 7 distinctive articles.
ogy, Sarah Dermech shed a light on the set-
tlement phenomenon in the Middle East and
Three articles deal with questions related its cognitive impact on humans. Based on the
to architectural techniques, the built environ- archeological data, the author develops the hy-
ment and its management. pothesis that the geometrical and permanent
11. UMR 6566 - CReAAH

12. PhD student at Panthéon-Sorbonne University and Master student at the National Museum of Natural
History.
13. Istanbul University.
14. PhD student at Paris-Ouest Nanterre La Défense University.
15. UMR 7209- Archéozoologie, Archéobotanique.
16. PhD, Istanbul University and Panthéon-Sorbonne University.
17. IMF-CSIC in Barcelona.
18. PhD student at Panthéon-Sorbonne University.
habitat that progressively spreads out during Based on the study of finery elements
the Neolithic period has enabled the establish- (beads, necklaces, bracelets and belt buck-
ment of an environment beneficial to humans les) from the Neolithic site of Asikli Höyük
and would have contributed to the develop- in Turkey, Sera Yelözer highlights the pro-
ment of their abilities. cesses of change and/or continuity in the way
Two other articles address the ques- of life and social organization of the Neolithic
tion of the attainment modes and the han- community.
dling/processing of alimentary resources by B. Robert and M. Cazajot-Poulos in-
the Neolithic people. vestigates the ”Mother Goddesses” and her fig-
From the example of the Dja’de el-Mughara urative representations during the Neolithic.
site in Syria, we present the results of a study Using diachronic reasoning together with oeu-
associating archeobotanical analysis of plant vres taken from visual arts and contemporary
macrorests with functional analysis of harvest- design, they question the links between the
ing tools. The confrontation of these two ap- productions and the symbolic, ideological, po-
proaches provides a first insight on the evolu- litical and social messages that they convey.
tion of agricultural strategies in one of the first
village communities in the Near East and the
identification of plants exploited by the inhabi- The publication of these works marks the
tants makes it possible to address their possible finalization of a project that we had at heart to
use for domestic purposes. carry. It is therefore with pride and emotion
The study of archaeobotanical remains that we present you this issue dedicated to the
from the Neolithic site of Khirokitia (Cyprus), first symposium organized by the association.
led by Andréa Parès, shows the evolution of The latter has since resumed its journey and
the subsistence economy over nearly a thou- other international meetings, equally exciting
sand years of occupation and highlights the and federative, happened. We wish to sincerely
agricultural operating chains. The author also thank all the people who participated in this
reveals that the identified plant species were adventure, and especially the authors for their
mostly introduced on the island. contribution to this issue.
Enjoy the read !

At the end, the question of technical and
symbolic productions is addressed through two
articles. Carolyne Douché and Fiona Pichon
Sommaire
Melis Uzdurum
Live together around fire: Hearths and the use of space at the onset of
sedentism. Aşıklı Höyük (Turkey), a case study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Emmanuel Baudouin, Bertille Lyonnet & Caroline Hamon

Architectural Techniques and Cultural Relationships between the Cauca-
sus and Mesopotamia at the beginning of the sixth millennium B.C. . . . . . 49
Sarah Dermech
La sédentarisation au Proche-Orient : éléments de réflexion sur le rapport
de l’être humain à l’espace à l’aube de la Néolithisation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85
Carolyne Douché & Fiona Pichon

Agricultural Strategies at Dja’de el-Mughara, Northern Syria (10th - 9th
millennium cal. BC) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
Andrea Pares & Margareta Tengberb

En marge du PPNC, le Néolithique précéramique récent chypriote (7-6e
millénaires av. J.-C.).
Étude des pratiques d’exploitation et d’utilisation des ressources végétales

du village de Khirokitia (Chypre) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Sera Yelözer & Devrim Sönmez

Continuity and change through personal ornaments : Aşıklı Höyük, Central
Anatolia, Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Béatrice Robert & Maëlis Poulot-Cazajous

Des Femmes et des Formes :
« Sex-Symbols », Déesses, Parturientes… ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
9
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018
Annuaire des contributeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220
Quelques mots sur Routes de l’Orient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
10
Live together around fire: Hearths and the
use of space at the onset of sedentism.
Aşıklı Höyük (Turkey), a case study
Melis Uzdurum1
Résumé
Aşıklı Höyük est un village du néolithique précéramique situé en Anatolie centrale en Turquie et occupé durant près de mille ans
(∼ 8350-7300 B.C.). Ce site archéologique reflète l’émergence de nouveaux aspects au cours de la transition vers la sédentarisation
dans la région. Dans la restitution de ce nouveau mode de vie, les foyers et les fours jouent un rôle dominant. En effet, dans
la mesure où ils définissent les règles sociales de l’utilisation de l’espace construit, ils constituent des éléments permettant aux
archéologiques de les appréhender. Leur morphologie et leur utilisation ont changé progressivement au cours de l’occupation de
site. Dans cet article, la relation entre les foyers et l’utilisation de l’espace à Aşıklı Höyük sera évaluée dans le but de contribuer à
la compréhension de la transition vers la sédentarisation.
Mots-clefs : Foyers, organisation spatiale, maison, sédentarisation, Aşıklı Höyük.
Abstract
Aşıklı Höyük is an Aceramic Neolithic settlement, located in the Central Anatolian Plateau, Turkey, and inhabited for a
thousand years ∼ (8350-7300 B.C.). This archaeological site reflects the emergence of new conditions during the transition to
sedentism in the region. In the re-establishment of this new way of life, hearths and ovens had a dominant role. They were building
elements that reflected and defined social regulations regarding the use of space. Their structural characteristics and uses gradually
changed during the overall occupation span of the settlement. In this article, the relationship between hearths and the use of space
at Aşıklı Höyük will be evaluated with the aim to contribute to understanding the transition to a sedentary way of life.
Keywords: Hearth, Use of Space, Residence, Sedentism, Aşıklı Höyük.
1. PhD candidate, Istanbul University, Department of Prehistory.
11
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – M. Uzdurum, p. 11-47
The Neolithic of the Near East exhibit

Introduction
some clear examples of the relationship be-
F
ireplaces/hearths are core tween hearths and the use of space (Esin et al.,
building elements, maybe the 1991; Hodder, 1996; Mellaart, 1966). Fire-
most important, which at times places were built inside the buildings starting
reflect community changes and from the Early Natufian Period (12650-11250
the transformations during the transition to cal. B.C.) 2 . For instance in Eynan/Ain Mal-
sedentism. In some ways fireplaces exist as laha (Valla, 1987) and also inside the oval
physical media that reflect the complicated structures of Tell Mureybet (Level II), they
relationships between fire and humans. In no- were located in the center of the rooms and
madic groups constantly changing location, or were oval in shape (Wright, 2000). Simi-
in past and present sedentary societies, fire- lar examples at a later stage are also known
places hold an irrevocable place in daily prac- from settlements such as Nahal Oren and Jeri-
tices starting at the first moments humans cho (Molist, 1986). These were built on
were able to control fire (Pyne, 2001; Atalay ground level and were paved with stones. In
& Hastorf, 2006; Clark & Yusoff, 2014). Eynan/Ain Mallaha (Final Natufian Period)
With sedentism, new variables were added to hearths of two kinds were found side-by-side
this equation between humans, hearths and in one of the buildings ; and in some cases,
fire. In order to comprehend these variables, hearths occupy the entire room, and there
we can study structural characteristics of fire- is no space for activity except the ones re-
places, such as building techniques, shapes, lated to the hearths (Samuelian et al., 2006,
dimensions and uses of fireplaces, and there- p. 35-42). During the Pre-Pottery Neolithic
fore, try to better understand other social, A (PPNA ; 10450/050-8800 cal. B.C.), as
cultural and economic aspects of societies. known from settlements such as Netiv Hag-
Fireplaces, as elements of the mobile and dud (Bar-Yosef et al., 1991), Gilgal (Noy
hunter-gatherer way of life, were and are built et al., 1980, p. 63-82), Nahal Oren (Stake-
with different techniques and in various shapes lis & Yizraely, 1963, p. 1-12), Iraq ed-Dubb
and sizes. Some fireplaces merely consist of (Kujit & Goodale, 2009, p. 409; Kuijt,
burning on small and even surfaces, while oth- 2004, p. 297-298), Gesher (Garfinkel, 1993),
ers are just shallow pits (Barbetti, 1990). Hatoula (Lechevallier et al., 1990, p. 5-
Some, defined as « roasting pits », contain fire- 15) and Jericho (Kenyon & Holland, 1981)
cracked rocks due to heat, with accumulated most of the hearths were located at the cen-
layers of cooking debris. These are features of- ter of the rooms, accompanied with cup-hole
ten found in open spaces before and after the slabs (Wright, 2000, p. 101). These features
development of sedentism. suggest that activities such as storing, cook-
2. Wright (2000, p. 90). Dates based on CALIB 3.0 and OxCal v.2.18 figures are arounded off to the nearest
20 years.
12
ing and food processing were carried out inside grinding, cooking and storing were conducted
these rooms. between open areas and buildings, close to the
During the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B building entrances. During the Late PPNB it
(PPNB ; 8800-7550 cal. B.C.) hearths were lois possible to observe a separation between the
cated in separate areas of rooms in settlements use of buildings and open areas related to con-
such as Munhata, Jericho and Beisamoun cepts such as beliefs and cultural aspects.
(Wright, 2000, p. 111). Even though it ap- Ovens and tandoris, which appear with
pears that some of the rooms were used for the onset of sedentism, are among the defin-
food storage, they were emptied and cleaned ing criteria of this process. Ovens are fea-
before they were abandoned. This pattern re- tures that require time and effort to build.
sults with a lack of detailed data regarding Ovens facilitate cooperation and specialization
food preparation activities. Hearths within as they shorten cooking time, allows for higher
buildings were carefully built. However, most cooking temperatures, and plays an impor-
cooking activities were still carried out outside tant part of feasting. The earliest examples
the houses, in open areas and courtyards. of such ovens are known from Mesopotamia,
In comparison with earlier periods, bigger Iran and Anatolia (Hole & Flannery, 1969;
grinding stones were found inside the struc- Wright, 2000; Cauvin et al., 2007, p. 100
tures dating to the later phases of the PPNB , Duru, 2007, p. 339-345; Çilingiroğlu &
(7550-6850 cal. B.C.) (Wright, 2000, p. 114). Çilingiroğlu, 2007, p. 364-365; Miyake,
During this period, a deliberate distinction 2007, p. 39; Miyake, 2009; Lamb, 1936,
between open spaces and buildings appears. p. 59; Lloyd & Mellaart, 1962, p. 29-33;
Food preparation/kitchen activities were car- Dornemann, 1986, p. 1-50; Molist, 1986,
ried out in certain places within the structures. p. 63 : Fig. 86). The tandori is a type of oven
In addition to the rooms with hearths and fire made by opening a pit in the ground, which
installations in Jericho and Beisamoun, during was used for cooking or heating (Tuğlacı,
the end of the PPNB, uses of ovens from settle- 1972, p. 2765). Based on ethnoarchaeolog-
ments such as Ain Ghazal and Basta points to ical examples (Yakar, 2007) in most situa-
an innovation in construction techniques and tions that observed, tandoris/ovens are shared
the use of fireplaces (Stordeur & Abbès, by multiple households (Parker & Uzel,
2002, p. 563-595). Ovens were located at the 2007, p. 29) and/or nuclear or extended fami-
center of the rooms. lies (Watson, 1979).
In brief, during the Natufian and the The changes, transformations and vari-
PPNA periods, the distinction between build- ations regarding the construction methods
ings and areas related to food production were and uses of fireplaces may reflect aspects of
not strictly defined. Through the Early and the changing way of life with the onset of
Middle PPNB periods, spaces for food prepa- sedentism. For example, cooking preferences,
ration, storage, and cooking became more for- recipes, and tastes, social identities and rela-
malized and distinctive. Activities such as tions are results of cultural expressions and
13
choices that change through time. As a part of space. The results discussed here are a part
this change, fire and fireplaces have an impor- of the typological and technological analysis
tant role in the life of the many societies during and diachronic and spatial distributions of fire-
the transition to sedentism. They did not only places/hearths that were previously presented
contain fire and fulfill basic heating and cook- in a completed MA thesis project (Uzdurum,
ing needs, but also became essential parts of 2013).
buildings. Therefore, fireplaces became perma-
nent structural features identified within build- 1. Aşıklı Höyük
ings. Architectural theorist Luis Fernandez-
Galiano supposes that the buildings began as The inhabitants of Aşıklı Höyük lived in
shelters for fire (Fernandez-Galiano, 2000, a region now known as « Volcanic Cappado-
p. 5), and the development of domesticated cia », (Central Anatolia) during a period be-
fire and the built environment is through the tween ∼ 8350-7300 cal. B.C.3 . Occupation at
hearth : the heat and light-giving focus of fa- the settlement continued for more than 1000
miliar and communal life (Clark & Yusoff, years without interruption. Aşıklı Höyük is,
2014, p. 217). They gradually began to be therefore, a unique settlement, with long-term
constructed around formalized rules, and as a occupation, and understanding the transition
result, the meanings and functions attributed to sedentary life in Turkey and the Near East
to hearths changed and became more specific (Esin & Harmankaya, 2007; Özbaşaran,
through time. In this regard, fireplaces hold 2011a, 2013).
information and can shed light on the transi- Aşıklı Höyük is a specific settlement in
tion to sedentary life and the social, cultural, terms of understanding the concept of seden-
economic, cognitive and symbolic transitions tism in a regional aspect. One of the ap-
that the human societies underwent through- proaches in terms of the Neolithisation of Cen-
out this transitional process. tral Anatolia suggests that this process orig-
inates from the Near East, and the develop-
The conditions that led to sedentism vary ments in the « core area » spread through this
between regions and settlements in the Near region in waves (Gerard & Thissen, 2002;
East. It is, therefore, also inevitable that dif- Cauvin, 2002). However, recent excavations
ferences will be observed among regions and and studies have revealed information suggest-
societies, in the way fireplaces were built and ing a local development in Central Anatolia,
used. The essential purpose of this study is as well as some indications attesting to the in-
to comprehend the change and/or continuities teraction with the Near East (Baird, 2007;
regarding construction techniques, uses and lo- Özbaşaran, 2013). The excavations carried
cations of fireplaces at Aşıklı Höyük, and to out at Aşıklı Höyük within the framework of
understand the role of hearths in the use of questioning how the Neolithisation process was
3. C-14 samples taken during the 2015 not included here (M. Özbaşaran, pers. Com., 2015).
14
experienced in the region, and how gradual ment (Mid-8th Millennium B.C.). Over time,
changes affected the way of life demonstrated the importance of agriculture increased in sub-
that the sedentism began in the region during sistence strategies, sheep/goat were controlled,
the first half of the 9th millennium B.C., and and changes occurred in burial traditions and
the occupation at the settlement continued un- lithic technologies during the latest phases (2
til the end of the 8th millennium B.C. The C-B-A) of occupation (Özbaşaran, 2011b,
transformations during this process can be in- 2012). The ability to track these changes
terpreted through various parameters and are through time makes it possible to study the
being studied by different disciplines. Hence, concept of sedentism and the process of tran-
the initial results suggests that the changes sition to a sedentary way of life in terms
were gradual and local, and had a distinctive of the inner social dynamics of the commu-
structure that is different to that of the men- nity. Hearths, as a part of these broader
tioned « core region ». This picture suggests social changes, can be studied together with
that the Neolithisation process developed dif- the changes observed in other aspects of social
ferent from other regions (Özbaşaran, 2012; practices and the settlement.
Özbaşaran & Cutting, 2007), support-
ing the multi-regional Neolithisation theory
1.1. Stratigraphy
(Gebel, 2004). Aşıklı Höyük is located in the village of
The inhabitants of Aşıklı experienced sev- Kızılkaya, Gülağaç, Aksaray, by the Melen-
eral transformations, economic and otherwise, diz River (Figure 1). Including trenches lo-
within the overall settlement sequence. Based cated by the river, approximately 12% of the
on extensive excavations, we now know that site has been excavated (Özbaşaran, 2011b,
changes in settlement patterns, subsistence p. 27) between 1989-2004 and 2006-2016.
economy, burial practices and technology, were The stratigraphic sequence of the site is di-
slow and gradual (Özbaşaran, 2012, p. 145). vided into five levels, Level 5 representing the
Building plans changed from oval/sub-oval and earliest phase4 . Levels 5 and 4 are charac-
semi-subterranean buildings into rectangular terized with oval, semi-subterranean buildings
and above ground structures. In earlier peri- and large open spaces dating back to the sec-
ods, patterns of daily activities were focused on ond half of the 9th millennium B.C. This infor-
independent buildings and in open areas (Mid- mation is provided from excavations conducted
9th Millennium B.C.). In later periods these in a limited area (150 m 2 ), at the Area 4GH.
were shifted to the roof levels of the rectangu- Level 3, with its five phases (3E-3A), spans
lar, above ground structures. Defined building between the end of the 9th millennium B.C.
groups and a dense occupation pattern are ev- and the first quarter of the 8th millennium B.C.
ident through the latest phases of the settle- Present information is provided from the two
4. Detailed information on Level 5 is not discussed in this article/MA thesis since excavations, research, and
stratigraphic studies are still ongoing at this time.
15
Figure 1: Map showing Aşıklı Höyük and other Neolithic sites in the Central Anatolian plateau (Özbaşaran,
2011a).
Figure 2: Continuity in use of space, east and south section of the Area 4GH (Drawing by G. Duru, C. Tuncer,
D. Çalışkan).
16
main areas ; Area 4GH and Area 2JK. Level 2 sumption activities were practiced in open ar-
spans between the first quarter and the middle eas (Özbaşaran & Duru, 2015, p. 46).
of the 8th millennium B.C. This level is known These large external areas were almost
from the most widely exposed area (approx. completely abandoned during the 8th millen-
4000 m2 ) opened during the initial salvage ex- nium B.C. From this point onward, people con-
cavations at the settlement (Esin et al., 1991; structed all buildings as rectangular in plan
Esin & Harmankaya, 1999) (Figure 2). It and built directly on the ground. Buildings
consists of ten phases (2J-2A) including well- were clustered and the narrow spaces between
preserved clusters of buildings and middens. them were used as middens. Diversity within
Level 1, destroyed almost completely by sur- the buildings began to increase. The buildings
face activities, consists of pieces of walls, sev-
evidenced a variety of daily activities such as
eral pits and channels (Özbaşaran, 2011b, obsidian knapping, bone producing, skin work-
p. 31; Duru, 2013, p. 93 ). ing, basketry, cooking, and food preparation.
By the 8th millennium B.C, activities previ-
1.2. Settlement Pattern ously conducted in the open areas during the
9th millennium B.C., were now carried out in
People first became sedentary at Aşıklı the buildings or on roof levels.
in the 9th millennium B.C. (Özbaşaran, Another characteristic change during the
th
2013). Inhabitants of this period built and 8 millennium B.C. is the division of settle-
used oval/sub-oval, wattle and daub huts and ments into distanced areas ; at Aşıklı Höyük
oval/sub-oval, semi-subterranean kerpiç (mud- this phenomenon consists of two areas that
brick) buildings. After a period of time researchers have identified as the « Residen-
people no longer constructed wattle-and-daub tial Area » and the « Special Purpose Build-
structures but continued to construct semi- ings Area » (Figure 3). The Special Purpose
subterranean kerpiç buildings. Daily prac- Buildings Area is where collective food shar-
tices such as the organization of cooking, food ing and consumption may have occurred and
preparation, obsidian chipping (Astruc & it is clearly different from the Residential Area
Grenet, 2012) and skin processing were con- in terms of material cultural elements, inter-
ducted in the open areas surrounding the nal structural features, building sizes and con-
buildings. Almost all production and construction techniques.
17
Figure 3: 8th millennium B.C. settlement phase at Aşıklı Höyük, Residential Area in the north, and Special
Purpose Area in the south (Plan: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
18
2. Fire Installations at Aşıklı
2.1. Raw Material and Con- stones, especially grinding slabs/querns (sec-
ondary use). Research by Ivan Pavlu and Emre
struction
Güldoğan demonstrates that local resources
Aşıklı Höyük is located in a region of vol- were preferred in ground stone tool production.
canic raw materials (magmatic rocks). Volcan- In parallel, preferred rock types were tuff, gab-
ism started at the Middle Miocene with ig- bro, andesite, sandstone, soapstone, limestone,
nimbrite eruptions, then continued with vol- serpentine, granite, conglomerate and schist,
canic ash, lapilli, tuff, agglomerate, basaltic but mostly basalt (Güldoğan, 2002, p. 17).
andesite, andesite, dacite and rhyodacite In this sense, it can be said that ground stone
formations and ended with Quaternary-age tools used in hearth pavements were also ac-
basaltic lava (Ercan, 1987). Most of the raw quired locally.
materials needed for the construction of fire- Limestone and ignimbrite were used to bor-
places in the settlement were acquired from der the pavement of hearths. Ignimbrites are
such volcanic rocks. pyroclastic rocks, which occur in Eskiköy, lo-
People constructed hearths by building a cated close to the settlement, and are not as
pavement of pebble stones collected around the rigid in form due to the fluidity in their compo-
Melendiz River, which runs very close to the nents (Gevrek & Kazanci, 1991). C. Kuzu-
site. Pebble stones take specific shapes within cuoğlu states that ignimbrites were found by
the rivers and are alkaline in terms of their the inhabitants in fragments, and then used
mineral compositions and structure (C. Kuzu- as kerbstones in the hearths (C. Kuzucuoğlu,
cuoğlu, pers. com., Aşıklı Höyük, 2012), which pers. com., Aşıklı Höyük, 2012). Proximity
is the reason they are rigid and resistant to of the settlement to the rock sources plays a
heat. Given that volcanic pebble stones are dominant role in the selection of rock and stone
more resistant, have a high heat storing and types used to make and renew the hearths.
conductivity capacity and were found in close 2.2. Typological Analysis
proximity to the settlement, there were good
reasons for the villagers to use these rocks to A total of 194 fireplaces were studied in this
construct hearth pavements. During the con- paper. Based on design, shape and function,
struction process of the hearths, these stones these fireplaces can be typologically divided
are paved on the base of a shallow pit dug into 7 groups5 (Figure 4). Type 1 consists
into the ground. Other construction materials of rectangular hearths surrounded with kerb-
used as hearth pavements consist of grinding stones. These hearths constitute the largest
5. Uzdurum, 2013. There are 9 more hearths that are different from each other. Due to the contextual
evidence and the properties of the hearths, these singular type hearths have not been included in this article.
19
Figure 4: Typology of fireplaces/hearths from Aşıklı Höyük (Uzdurum, 2013).
20
Figure 5: 5a, 5b: Rectangular Hearths Surrounded With Kerbstones/Typical Aşıklı Hearths, 5c, 5d: Sub-type
of Typical Aşıklı Hearths with chimney/ventilation holes, 5e: Sub-type of Typical Aşıklı Hearths with apron, 5f:
Sub-type of Typical Aşıklı Hearths with formal changes, 5g: Non-Bordered Hearths With Stone Pavements, 5h,
5i: Rectangular Hearths Surrounded by kerpiç Kerb, 5j: Rectangular Hearths Narrow Mouth/Entrance (Photo:
Aşıklı Höyük Research Project Archive).
group in the settlement. Therefore they are the hearth, the floor and kerbstones were gen-
named as the typical Aşıklı hearths (Figure 5, erally plastered with clay.
a & b).
There are three sub-types of typical Aşıklı
hearths. These are distinguished by certain el-
These hearths were built and used only in
ements, despite formal similarity.
enclosed spaces, and never at the open areas.
They are rectangular in plan, and the floors of Type 1 can be divided into three sub-
these hearths are paved with carefully aligned groups. First of these sub-types are
flat pebbles. Limestones or ignimbrites, which hearths with chimneys/ventilation holes
are larger than flagstones, were placed ver- (Özbaşaran, 1998) (Figure 5, c & d).
tically at three or four sides to border the There are also square or rectangular ven-
hearths. Some were built in shallow rectan- tilation holes, which are built at ca. 0.40
gular pits dug into the floor of the buildings, m over or at the same level with the
often measuring approximately 0.30 meters in hearth pavement. Another sub-group of
depth, while others were built directly on the typical Aşıklı hearths is the apron hearths
floor. At the end of the process, before using (Figure 5, e). These hearths have at-
21
tached aprons made of rocks or kerpiç. tion. The pebble pavement ends at this
This section is separate from the border- edge. The kerpiç kerb looks like an ex-
ing stones surrounding the hearth, and tension/arm, which gradually tightens at
resembles a platform. The last sub- the hearth’s short edge.
group are the hearths that were subject
to structural changes (Figure 5, f). These Type 4 includes deep rectangular pit hearths
hearths were built with at least two sec- (Figure 6). These are built in rectan-
tions. The first section has the same gular pits dug into the ground approxi-
form as the typical Aşıklı hearths, while mately 0.80 m deep. The floor of the pit
the second section was extended with flat was flattened and then paved with flat
pebbles added to the first section. The pebbles. The paving technique and the
pavement of the extended section contin- selected stones are the same with other
ues at the same level with the first sec- hearth types. The edges of the pits are
tion. Therefore they are longer in com- carefully plastered with thick clay. Con-
parison to the other hearths. sidering their greatness in size (average
0.60x0.80 m), their depth and building
Type 2 consists of the rectangular hearths technique, both examples are in rectan-
surrounded with a kerpiç kerb (Figure 5, gular tandori form. Ethnographic exam-
h & i). These hearths are bordered ples provide different tandoris in terms of
with kerpiç kerbs, instead of kerbstones. size and form. However, they generally
Hearth pavements, as in typical Aşıklı are dug in the ground, have an oval or
hearths, consist of flat pebbles aligned square form, and sizes varying between
horizontally. In some cases the short 0.65 and 1.20 m with a depth of 1 me-
edge of the kerpiç kerb was rounded into ter in average (Yakar, 2007; Parker &
a half circle. Uzel, 2007). The deep rectangular pit
hearths in Aşıklı fit into this definition
Type 3 the rectangular hearths with narrow and are, therefore, classified as tandori.
mouth/entrance narrowing mouth (Fig-
ure 5, j), are bordered with kerpiç kerbs Type 5 comprises non-bordered hearths with
or kerbstones as in typical Aşıklı hearths. stone pavements (Figure 5, g). The
In these examples, the floor of the hearth floors/bases of these hearths, which were
is paved with flat pebbles, adjacent to rectangular or oval in plan, are paved
the kerpiç kerb or kerbstone. Different with horizontally placed flat pebbles.
to the typical Aşıklı hearths, the kerpiç These hearths are similar to typical Aşıklı
kerb/kerbstone has a 0.10 m indenta- hearths in terms of their construction
tion to the inner surface of the hearth technique and typology but there are
at the short edge and spans parallel to no kerpiç kerbs or kerbstones bordering
the building wall. A type of mouth is these hearths. It could be suggested that
formed at the short edge of this indenta- some of these hearths maybe were left
22
Figure 6: Deep Rectangular Pit Hearths (Tandori-Form), in the Special Purpose Buildings Area (Photo: Aşıklı
Research Project Archive).
Figure 7: Oval/Round fire-pits (Roasting Pits) in Area 4GH, (9th millennium B.C. life) (Photo: Aşıklı Höyük
unfinished, or it is the construction tech- proximately 0.10 meters in depth ; how-

nique of these hearths. ever, it is probable that they were deeper
when they were first built. The edges of
these pits are mostly not plastered. In
Type 6 consists of oval/round fire-pits (roast-
some instances, a kerpiç block is placed
ing pits) (Figure 7). Roasting pits are
of their side. The pits are filled with
oval shaped fireplaces built upon a pit,
many stones varying in size. While there
usually filled with ash or burnt pieces
are roasting pits where pebbles of vary-
of wood and generally used for roasting
ing shapes are randomly stacked on top
food, most likely meat. The diameters
of each other, in other cases the floors of
of these roasting pits vary between 0.30
some are carefully paved using pebbles.
and 1.00 meter. It is also understood
There are mostly carbonized wood pieces
that they are not standard in terms of
or carbonized plant remains between the
depth and paving type. They are ap-
23
stones. In some instances, there is a the space enclosing it. Its form is quite
small section left within the fire-pit for distinctive although half of it is not pre-
stacking coal pieces. There are also some served. Its floor is flat and paved us-
roasting pits that do not contain stones, ing large basalt blocks. The pavement
ash or coal. Some roasting pits contain is plastered with clay and encircled with
animal bones. Suggested by the in situ kerpiç (Esin & Harmankaya, 2007,
archeological data, it is clear that these p. 263). The wall of kerpiç, preserved at
pits were mostly used in cooking activi- a height of approximately 0.50 meters,
ties. For this reason they are termed as rises up as a dome. Its mouth is quite
roasting pits. possibly on the south side. The oven was
rebuilt three times at the base and en-
Type 7 is called dome-shaped oven. It is rep-
trance. Burnt wood pieces mixed with
resented by a single example at Aşıklı
reddish soil, which are believed to be the
Höyük6 (Figure 8). Its diameter is ap-
top ruins of the oven, were found on the
proximately 4 meters and it is oval in
latest occupation floor of the oven.
form. The size of this oven is as large as
Figure 8: Dome-Shaped Oven/Communal Oven in Special Purpose Buildings Area (Photo: Aşıklı Höyük
6. During the 2014-2015 excavation seasons, one more oven in similar typology was excavated in the Special
Purpose Buildings Area.
24
3. Spatial and Diachronic Distribution Analysis of the

Fire Installations
The classification of fire installations in (middens, streets or passages). Typical Aşıklı

seven groups was followed by an analysis of hearths are the dominant group within the set-
chronology and spatial arrangements. The tlement, followed by rectangular hearths with
spatial and diachronic distribution analyses of kerpiç kerbs and roasting pits.
these fireplaces were carried out based on their
morphological features, location and orienta-
tion. The diachronic distribution was based
on evidence from Level 4, Level 3, and Level 2
known from the Area 4GH and Area 2JK while
the spatial distribution analysis was based on
Level 2 phases, and on evidence from the Area
2JK. The spatial analysis of Level 2 draws
upon the distinction between the fireplaces 3.1. Mid-9th Millennium B.C.-
from the « Special Purpose Buildings Area » End of 9th Millennium B.C.
and the « Residential Area », and with Resi- (Level 4)
dential Area being the focus of detailed spatial
analysis (Uzdurum, 2013). Kerpiç buildings are characteristic of the
th
9 millennium B.C. settlement phase. There
More than 500 interior and exterior spaces are three buildings, and one open/activity area
have been excavated within the settlement. excavated in this level (Level 4). During this
Approximately 95% of these are rooms that be- phase, it is seen that fireplaces are more com-
long to building complexes, while 5% of them mon in open spaces. Almost all of the fire-
are open spaces. This count indicates the total places (n=11) used in open spaces are roast-
of spaces in the entire settlement. However, ing pits and these pits are located in various
only the spaces with completed stratigraphic spaces. All of the oval buildings (n=3) have
studies were subject to this spatial analysis hearths (Table 1). These hearths are char-
(n=350). More than 50% of these buildings acterized with oval form, non-bordered, and
and spaces include hearths, roasting pits or stone-paved, and they are located in the cen-
ovens. Other spaces (spaces between build- ter/middle of the buildings7 (Figure 9 & Fig-
ings) are defined as middens or streets or pas- ure 10), a pattern that is seen in contemporary
sages, and there is no hearth in these spaces areas of the Near East.
7. During the 2014 and 2015 excavation seasons, two more hearths in similar context and typology were
excavated.
25
Figure 9: General view of the 9th millennium settlement, external activity areas and round, semi-subterranean
kerpiç buildings (Photo: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project Archive).
Figure 10: 9th millennium B.C. life, roasting pits in external areas and hearth in the building (3D Model: C.
Tuncer).
26
100%
90%
Unidentified
80%
4 1 Type 7
70% 2 2
Type 6
60%
1 3 3 6 1 11 Type 5
50%
Type 4
40%
Type 3
30%
4 1
Type 2
20% 1 1
10% Type 1c
0% Type 1b
Open space
Open space
Open space
Open space
Open space
Building
Building
Building
Building
Building
Open space
Building
Type 1a
Type 1
3A 3B 3C 3D 3E 4
Table 1: Typological distribution of fireplaces in open spaces and building, Level 4 and Level 3. 9th millennium
B.C. settlement phases, Area 4GH.
3.2. End of 9th Millennium B.C.- In other respects, the relationship between
buildings and hearths started to change dur-
First Quarter of 8th Millen-
ing this period. Rectangular buildings replaced
nium B.C. (Level 3) oval buildings, and subsequently, the hearths
Open spaces continued to be intensely used were moved to the corners of the building walls.
until the end of the 9th millennium B.C. This People started to build rectangular buildings
continuity is also expressed in the location of with two rooms and a hearth. Typical Aşıklı
the fireplaces (n=19 in open spaces, n=4 inside hearths are first seen in this period (Phase 3A)
buildings). In open spaces, non-bordered stone- (Figure 11).
paved hearths (n=4) and roasting pits (n=15) Comparing the open spaces and the build-
were used together (Table 1). Roasting pits ings diachronically, number of fireplaces within
had been used until the end of the 9th millen- the open spaces is decreased from Level 4 until
nium B.C. Fireplaces in open spaces are di- the end of Level 3 (Table 2). This decrease,
verse in terms of their size, morphology and however, is not inversely related to buildings
probably their function. Among them, there is with hearths. In other words, while buildings
a fireplace where a sheep skeleton was left in started to increase in number, diversify and be-
situ. come clustered, people continued to intensely
use open spaces and roasting pits.
27
100% 0 0 0 0 0 0
90%
1
80%
70%
2
3 3
60% 5
50% 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Without hearth
40% With hearth

2
30%
20%
1
1 1
10% 1
0% 0
3A 3B 3C 3D 3E 4 3A 3B 3C 3D 3E 4
OPEN SPACE BUILDING
Table 2: Diachronic distribution of building with and without hearths in Level 4 and Level 3., 9th millennium
B.C. settlement phases, Area 4GH.
25
Unidentified
20
Type 7
7 Type 6
15 2 Type 5
2 1 Type 4
3 1 1
1 1 Type 3
10 2 2
4 Type 2
2 1 4
4 Type 1c
1 4 11
1 1 1 2 3 Type 1b
5 1
1 7 8 1 4
2 6 4 Type 1a
1 3 5 5 5 1 4 1 3
2 2 2 3 2 1 3 Type 1
1 1 1 1 1
0
2A 2B 2A 2C 2B 2D 2E 2F 2G 2H 2I 2J 3A 3B 3C 3D 3E 4
2B 2C
Table 3: Typological and diacronic distributions of fireplaces/hearths at Aşıklı, Level 4, 3, 2 (Uzdurum, 2013).
28
Figure 11: Typological distribution of fireplaces/hearths in Level 4 and Level 3 from Area 4GH (Uzdurum,
2013).
3.3. First Quarter of 8th Millen- them. 78% (n=113) of these are in the Resi-
dential Area, 10% (n=15) of them are located
nium B.C. – Mid-8th Millen-
in the Special Purpose Area8 .
nium B.C. (Level 2)
3.3.1. Special Purpose Buildings Area
In the 8th millennium B.C. settlement,
large open spaces between buildings and the In the 8th millennium B.C., a clear dis-
roasting pits built in these spaces were aban- tinction emerges between the fireplaces located
doned (Table 3). Rectangular buildings built in the Residential Area and the Special Pur-
on the ground level define the essential archi- pose Buildings Area in terms of their struc-
tectural pattern of the 8th millennium B.C. tural features and use. For example, people
Hearths were now only located inside the build- constructed a unique dome-shaped oven in the
ings. In Level 2, there are more than 145 build- Special Purpose Buildings Area (Figure 8). As
ings in total that have hearths located inside described above, the oven is as big as the space
8. The remaining 12% (n=17) are located in the northeastern and eastern areas of the settlement. These
hearths were not included in the analysis.
29
enclosing it and its floor is paved with basalt the curved profile of kerpiç walls in the oven
blocks (Esin & Harmankaya, 2007, p. 263). at the Special Purpose Buildings Area. When
The midden, space AD, which is located in a the construction technique of the tandori is
space close to the building containing the oven, compared to ethnographical examples, it sug-
was possibly functionally related to the oven. gests that they were also covered on top. Well-
Tandoris are only found in the Special Purpose preserved examples of tandoris are known from
Buildings Area where the dome-shaped oven is the Early Bronze Age settlement of Kenan
also located. This suggests that different oven Tepe (Diyarbakır) (Parker & Dodd, 2003,
types were used together with the dome-shaped p. 33-69; Parker & Dodd, 2005, p. 69-110).
oven. One of the tandoris was built inside a One of these tandoris is 0.60 meter in diame-
building and the other was built in a narrow ter and has a depth of approximately 0.35 me-
open space. ter (G. 9.7). The pit is plastered at the edges
The dome-shaped oven and probably the and filled with ash. Another example from the
tandoris (Figure 6 & Figure 8) must have same settlement (D.5 5126) has an aperture
played a part in the feasts and rituals held at the mouth. One street also has three tan-
there, since the Special Purpose Buildings doris. These tandoris could probably feed up
Area has some indicators supporting collective to 20 families based on the ethnoarchaeological
food consumption and feasting activities. One studies (Parker & Uzel, 2007).
of these indicators is a platform, painted with
3.3.2. Residential Area
red ochre, with cattle bones on it. Cattle bones
form the majority of the animal bones found in There are more than 282 buildings in the
the middens of this area (Duru, 2013). The Residential Area dating to the 8th millennium
oven also supports this suggestion. B.C. (Level 2). Approximately 40% of these
Evidence for depth, size, and construction have hearths (n=113), whereas the remain-
materials are also seen in the techniques peo- ing approximately 60% (n=169) do not. It is
ple used to build the oven and the tandoris. quite difficult to classify buildings into func-
One can imagine that it takes a long time to tions such as dwellings, inner courts, work-
prepare food for the masses. If temperature shops, etc (Duru, 2005, p. 33). The presence
can be quickly increased and maintained for a of hearths in some buildings, however, and
long time, however, cooking can be less time- their absence in others, suggests that hearth
consuming. Two significant ways to achieve function was connected to building function.
this are ; 1) to pave the base of the fireplace During this period (Level 2), typical Aşıklı
with stones that have high heat conductivity, hearths were dominant both in the Residential
and 2) to keep the temperature constant by Area and the Special Purpose Buildings Area
covering the space. All hearths in Aşıklı are (Table 4). Hearths with chimneys and aprons,
paved with stones of high heat conductivity hearths that had structural changes, and rect-
(pebbles, basalt). Evidence of covering the top angular hearths with narrow mouths, only ap-
of the fireplace can only be clearly observed on peared in the Residential Area towards the lat-
30
Figure 12: General view of the 8th millennium settlement from the north, Residential Area (Photo: Aşıklı
Höyük Research Project Archive).
est phases of the settlement (Phase 2C). It is roomed buildings had hearths at the begin-
noteworthy that this diversity is contempora- ning of the 8th millennium B.C. (Phases 2J,
neous with the changes observed in other as- 2I, 2H and 2G). The three-roomed buildings
pects of the lifeway at Aşıklı. were built at a later phases (Phases 2E and
At Aşıklı, there are three main rectangu- 2D), with some of them having hearths.
lar building types. The first are one-roomed
buildings between 6-8 m2 in size, which are
the characteristic of Aşıklı architecture (Fig-
ure 13). The second building type is that of
two-roomed buildings varying between 10-26
m2 in size (Figure 14). These buildings consist
of a main room and an additional one. The
last type includes three-roomed buildings (Fig-
ure 15), which are rarely seen in the settlement
and vary between 14-28 m2 in size (Duru, Figure 13: An example of one-roomed buildings of
the 8th millennium settlement from the east, Resi-
2013, p. 140). dential Area (Photo: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project
Archive).
Regarding the distribution of the buildings
with hearths, based on building types, it can All the hearths inside buildings during
be observed that both one-roomed and two- Level 2 in the Residential Area are rectangular
31
Figure 14: An ex-

ample of two-roomed
buildings, one of the
latest building phases
of the 8th settlement
from the south, Res-
idential Area (Photo:
Aşıklı Höyük Research
Project Archive).
Figure 15: An example of

three-roomed buildings of the
8th millennium settlement from
the northwest, Residential Area
(Photo: Aşıklı Höyük Research
Project Archive).
32
Residential Area Special Purpose

Residential Area
Level/Phase Open Space Typical Aşıklı Hearth, Buildings Area
Inside Building
Bottom Type Inside Building
Typical Aşıklı Hearth,
2A - x Communal Oven,
Type 3
Tandori Form,
2B - xxx Typical Aşıklı Hearth,
Type 3, Type 2
no bottom type,
2C - Type 2, Type 5
Type 3, Type 5, Type 2
2D - ?
Type 2
2E - ?
Type5
2F - Typical Aşıklı Hearth x ?
2G - Typical Aşıklı Hearth ?
2H - Typical Aşıklı Hearth ?
2I - Typical Aşıklı Hearth x ?
2J - Typical Aşıklı Hearth ?
3A Roasting Pit Typical Aşıklı Hearth ?
3B Roasting ? ?
3C Roasting Hearth (Type 5) ?
3D Roasting Hearth (Type 5) ?
3E Roasting Pit Hearth (Type 5) Hearth (Type 2) ?
4 Roasting Hearth (Type 5) ?
Table 4: Comparison of the typological and diachronic distributions of fireplaces/hearths between the 9th
millennium B.C. and the 8th millennium B.C. settlement phases at Aşıklı Höyük, Area 4GH, Area 2JK and
Special Purpose Buildings Area (Uzdurum, 2013).
in plan (Figure 12). No more than one hearth

30
was built in a room. The hearths were located 25 1
at the corners of the rooms, where building 20

1 14 NE-SW
4
walls intersect. The hearths, which are not 15
NW-SE
10 14 N-S
17
built at exact corners, are located so as to make 5
1 13 11 E-W
7 7
their long edges adjacent to the building’s wall. 0 1 1 3
Almost all of the hearths are in East-West or

North-South orientation. For this, mostly the
southern or the eastern parts of the rooms were Figure 16: Distribution of the orientation and loca-
tion of hearths in the Residential Area, 8th millennium
used (Figure 16). B.C. settlement phases (Uzdurum, 2013).
33
A remarkable aspect of the relation be- of spaces and buildings. Regarding the Res-
tween the location and orientation of the idential Area, detailed analyses of buildings
hearths is that most hearths built in the east- in Phases 2D, C, B and A demonstrate that
ern half of the rooms are in North-South orien- buildings with and without hearths are equal in
tation, while most hearths built in the western number throughout these phases (Figure 17).
half of the rooms are in East-West orientation. Furthermore, there was no increase in hearths
According to this pattern, it could be sug- and the number of buildings with hearths until
gested that when the hearths were constructed the settlement was abandoned.
inside the rooms/buildings, the wind direction Numbers and sizes of the buildings with
might have been a factor in determining their and without hearths are almost equal (Fig-
location. However, there is no clear evidence ure 19). According to ethnoarchaeological
yet to verify whether the wind direction was studies, spaces smaller than 3.5 m2 are too
a determining factor in hearth orientation and small for living. Disregarding these spaces,
location. Although the exact location of the the smallest space containing a hearth is 4 m2
roof openings could not be known, according while the largest is 15 m2 . Of the spaces with
to the experimental research in Aşıklı Höyük no hearth, the smallest is 3.75 m2 while the
(cf. below) it could be suggested that the roof largest is 14.45 m2 .
openings were located above the hearths for 30
30
clear smoke (Özbaşaran et al., 2011). Fur- 26
one-roomed
25
thermore, there are only seven hearths with two-roomed
20
chimneys/ventilation holes. 15 12 two-roomed, one room
storage size
10 7
6 three-roomed
5 2 3
1
three-roomed, one room
0 stroge size
building with hearth building without
hearth
Figure 18: According to building type, spatial dis-

tribution of buildings with and without hearth, Phases
2D, C, B and, A, Residential Area, 8th millennium B.C.
settlement phases (Uzdurum, 2013).
Figure 17: Comparison between the number of build-
ings with and without a hearth: Phases 2C, B and Considering the relationship between the
A (left), Phases 2D, C ,B and A (right), Residential
Area, 8th millennium B.C. settlement phases (Uzdu- buildings with and without hearths and the
rum, 2013). number of their rooms during Phases 2D, C,
Hearths are one of the most important ar- B and A, it can be seen that the hearths were
chitectural features to understand the charac- generally built inside the single-roomed build-
teristics and purposes of the buildings. The ings. Almost all two-roomed and three-roomed
fact that not all building complexes include buildings, which have only one room that is
hearths and the quantitative balance between too small to live in, have hearths. On the
buildings with and without hearths is a sig- other hand, it is rare that buildings with all
nificant parameter in understanding the use rooms big enough for living have hearths. This
34
25
20
15
Figure 19: Size of build-
10 ings with and without
hearth (m2), Phases 2D, C,
5 B and A, Residential Area,
8th millennium B.C. settle-
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 ment phases (Uzdurum,
2013).
building with hearth building without hearth
pattern points to a relationship between small with a combined interpretation of the results
rooms and hearths (Figure 18). This possi- coming from the soil chemistry and micromor-
ble situation in relation to this indicates that phology analysis and also the distribution anal-
the activities related to hearths, such as food ysis of archaeological materials and small finds
processing and drying as mentioned above, from the floors (M. Özbaşaran, pers. com., İs-
could be maintained in one specific area/a tanbul, 2016).
room in multi-roomed buildings. There is no No ratios can be observed between hearths
in situ evidence suggesting a function of dry- and space size. There is no data suggesting
ing/food processing in these areas/rooms in- that hearths grow in size, as the space gets
side the multi-roomed buildings, but it is pos- larger. For example, while a hearth in a 4 m2
sible to suggest that different functions of these space occupies 12% of that space, it also can
buildings and rooms will be better understood occupy 7% of a 14 m2 space.
35
Figure 20: Hearths as

part of architectural conti-
nuity, 8th millennium B.C.
(Level 2) (Özbaşaran,
2013, p. 14, digitalisation:
G. Duru).
4. Space-Hearth Relation
The inhabitants of Aşıklı periodically ren- was also built on the renewed one. A build-
ovated their buildings and building features, ing in the northwest (B.16/37) of the settle-
or completely abandoned them and built new ment illustrates this pattern remarkably. In
ones. As a part of this architectural continu- its earliest phase, the building has two rooms
ity (Duru, 2005, 2013; Duru & Özbaşaran, and a hearth adjacent to the north wall in the
2014) hearths were constantly rebuilt (Fig- north room, located in East-West orientation.
ure 20). While some hearths were rebuilt in During the following phase, the building was
the same location, others were moved to new transformed into a single roomed building and
locations. In all cases, however, when a build- the hearth was moved to southern part of the
ing with a hearth was renewed, a new hearth room. While the building was being used, the
36
hearth was renewed and its orientation was hearths when the buildings were rebuilt may
changed. Later, the building was abandoned be related to the certain changes in the roof
and then rebuilt. In the two following phases, structures of the buildings. Besides this prac-
the hearth was built in the same location and tical reason, frequent relocation of hearths and
the same orientation. Then it was extended ovens would also modify ladder and entrance
northwards and southwards and transformed locations, which then would affect the mobil-
into a two-roomed building. In the succeeding ity on the roof, as suggested for Çatalhöyük
phase the hearth, which had previously been (Hodder, 2006, p. 140).
built in the southern part, was moved to the At Aşıklı, some hearths were taken apart
northern room. The last phase showed that the and their paving and/or bordering stones were
hearth in the northern room was left in place, reused to build a new hearth. This practice
while another hearth was built in the southern is observable in some of the renewed hearths.
room. There are other similar examples within For example, one hearth inside a building prob-
the settlement (Uzdurum, 2013, p. 102-106). ably had its bordering stones moved to a new
hearth during the renewal process. In a com-
Besides reflecting architectural and resi-
plimentary example, the bordering stones of a
dential continuity, hearths are also a part of
hearth were left as they were and instead most
the continuing interior features of the buildings
of the paving stones were taken away for a new
(Figure 21). As exemplified above, the main
hearth.
indicator of this continuity is the reuse and re-
building of hearths. It can be assumed that
there were certain routines regarding hearth
renewals. Not changing their location and gen-
eral shape (typology) while reconstructing the
hearth, unless the whole building was recon-
structed, is one of these routines. Additionally,
the orientations of 90% of the renewed hearths
(22 hearths) were left unchanged. According to
experimental archeology studies conducted as
a part of the Aşıklı Höyük Project, this may
be related to the roof openings (Özbaşaran
et al., 2011, unpublished report). The study Figure 21: An example of the renewed hearths,
cross-section (Photo: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project
proposes that the most practical and efficient Archive).
way to clear smoke is to build hearths di-
rectly below the roof openings to take advan-
tage of prevailing winds. This situation ex-
plains why the locations of the hearths were
rarely changed at Aşıklı. Also as observed
in some cases, changes in the location of the
37
It can be gathered that the renewal of area, there is a platform around which plants
hearths in buildings was closely connected to were processed (Ergun, 2016, p. 522-523).
the building dynamics. Most of the fire- The northern area contains a hearth, which
pits used in open spaces were not cleaned, was used for cooking, and/or drying plants in
while hearths inside buildings were generally which the processed plants were used as fuel
cleaned. This indicates that there were differ- and kindling. With time, while the plant pro-
ent uses of fire-pits and hearths based on in- cessing continued, the function of the hearth
door and outdoor uses. A two-roomed build- changed. It was no longer used as a hearth,
ing dating to the 8th millennium B.C., located but turned into a platform for obsidian knap-
at the Residential Area, further illustrates the ping (Altinbilek-Algül, 2014; Kayacan,
relation between the hearths and the building 2014). Cooking, drying practices were prob-
dynamics (Uzdurum & Özbaşaran, 2012) ably completely moved to the eastern room of
(Figure 13). The western room of the building the building, since the eastern room also has a
consists of two different areas. In the southern hearth in its northwest corner.
38
Conclusion
Understanding fireplaces/hearths is criti- open spaces and buildings was abandoned.

cal in reconstructing the daily life at Aşıklı. Hearths were only located inside buildings.
With their gradually changing structural fea- Typical Aşıklı hearths, with their pebble-paved
tures and different possible functions, hearths floors and border stones, were dominant. The
provide information as to the use of space that distinction between heating and cooking dis-
helps researchers reconstruct the daily life and appeared. Hearths were rectangular in form
the social processes. Hearths constitute an im- and located in the corners of the rooms. The
portant parameter in understanding the char- transformation in building construction tech-
acteristics and possible functions of the interior niques also defined the shapes and locations of
spaces and buildings. the hearths.
In the 9th millennium B.C., the open ar- In the 8th millennium B.C., hearths lo-
eas characteristically have roasting pits, which cation and design was linked to some rules
were used for food preparation and cooking. for building construction building and renewal.
They are more widespread and diverse than the The hearths were rectangular in plan, they
hearths located inside the buildings. They are were not placed at the center of rooms and no
not systematically located in the same place in more than one hearth was built in a room. The
each area ; they are located at various points of hearth location was not changed as long as the
the open areas. The pebble-paved hearths in- space was used. Not all buildings contained
side the semi-subterranean and sub-oval build- hearths. When a building with a hearth was
ings are oval in form and located at the cen- renewed, however, the new building continued
ter of the buildings. Based on their location to have a hearth. Moreover, the materials used
and form, and assuming that cooking activities to make hearths, construction techniques and
were mainly conducted in the open areas, we shapes, apart from additions such as chimneys,
can surmise that hearths in semi-subterranean aprons, etc., are similar. Hearths were care-
and sub-oval buildings were used for heating fully built and utilized, and were continuously
and illumination. In other words, it can be said repaired and renewed in order to prolong their
that during the 9th millennium B.C., fireplaces lives. These renewals were in line with the use
in open areas were used for cooking, while of space. These rules were followed by the in-
those inside of buildings were mainly used for habitants until the settlement was abandoned.
light and heating. At the same time, all fire- As such, hearths held a defining role in the or-
places could be evaluated as media of creating ganization of residential spaces, building con-
social spaces where people came together for tinuity and use of space.
eating, feasting, and conversations.
In the severe winters of Central Anatolia,
During the 8th millennium B.C., the prac- hearths must have been important for heating
tice of building hearths and roasting pits in purposes, as well as food preparation and cook-
39
ing (Woldring, 1998, p. 106; Van Zeist & an additional small room. This patterns re-
De Roller, 1995, p. 181). Life at Aşıklı gen- veals that almost all of these multi-roomed
erally occurred on roof levels, possibly during buildings, with an additional room that is too
spring and summer months, and moved into small to live in, also had hearths. Although
the enclosed spaces during the winter. There- there is no in situ evidence in these small rooms
fore, more time was spent inside the build- except for scattered pebble stones, it could
ings during that time and in rooms contain- be assumed that these small rooms also con-
ing hearths. By analyzing and comparing the tained organic materials such as wood. Con-
buildings with and without hearths at Aşıklı, sidering the cold and rainy months of the Vol-
it is seen that the number and size of both canic Cappadocia region, one can suggest that
types did not increase in time (Phases 2D-C-B- such small rooms were functioned as storages,
A). No significant changes were observed in the for dry wood, especially oak9 ; and it could
construction methods and sizes of the hearths. be further interpreted that different seasonal
This supports arguments that : activities were held in relation to the organiza-
tion of space inside these buildings.
• Hearths were the essential elements of During the 8th millennium B.C., the or-
the living spaces, and the buildings with ganization of life in the Residential Area dif-
hearth were main living area. fers from the Special Purpose Buildings Area,
a communal area used by the inhabitants.
• More people than usual spent their time Typical Aşıklı hearths were dominant both in
in a room during periods of cold weather, the Residential Area and the Special Purpose
possibly in the rooms where the hearths Buildings Area. Hearths with chimneys and
are located. It could also be argued that aprons, hearths that had structural changes,
the hearths were the physical medium in and rectangular hearths with narrow mouths,
motivating people together. only appeared in the Residential Area, tan-
doris and dome-shaped oven are only found in
• Hearths represent a part of the continu-
the Special Purpose Buildings Area. This ty-
ity that existed in construction elements
pological differences indicate that activities re-
such as roof opening entrances and lad-
lated to fire such as cooking, drying, heating,
ders and the construction of buildings
lighting were carried out in different types of
and building groups, were focused on in-
fireplaces (hearths and ovens), and they were
tergenerations issues.
built in relation with building practices such
as domestic, communal and the use of space.
Another important aspect of the buildings
with hearths is that the multi-roomed build- The Special Purpose Buildings Area con-
ings, which had hearths, generally contained tains tandoris and a dome-shaped oven. The
9. Bottema & Woldring, 1984, for ethnographic studies, see also Ertuğ, 1998, p. 328.
40
differences with the dome-shaped ovens within Acknowledgements

rooms at Çatalhöyük and Cafer Höyük, which
I would like to thank Carolyne Douché and Fiona
are the chronological successors of Aşıklı, are Pichon for organizing the conference where this pa-
that they were built for daily activities (Hod- per was first presented ; Mihriban Özbaşaran, Güneş
der, 2006; Düring, 2006; Cutting, 2005; Duru, Fatma Kalkan, François Valla, and Ian Kuijt
Cauvin et al., 2007). Therefore these ovens for their valuable comments and contributions, and
Brenna Hassett, Sera Yelözer, Christopher O’Grady
are defined as a part of the « house ». In
for their assistance in the translation of this article.
contrast, the dome-shaped oven at Aşıklı is I would also like to thank the General Directorate of
located only in the special area where col- Cultural Assets and Museums, Ministry of Culture and
lective consumption activities were organized, Tourism, Turkey and the Istanbul University Research
and it is as big as the building/room it is in- Fund (Pr. No : 44235, 32961, 24030) for their support
in the Aşıklı Höyük Research Project.
side. This indicates that this oven was not used
for daily/kitchen practices, but for communal
activities. Therefore the communal oven in
the Special Purpose Buildings Area in the 8th
millennium can be interpreted as a developed
form, and a similar communal use of the roast-
ing pits of the 9th millennium B.C
The fireplaces/hearths at Aşıklı were at
the core of production, consumption and shar-
ing in the life of its inhabitants. Over time,
hearths created social spaces, giving function
and meaning to the lived world. Through
this, they shaped the indoor life brought about
through sedentism. In this role, fireplaces fur-
thered the sedentary lifestyle and the new re-
lationships between the « hearth », « family »
and « home ».
41
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47
Architectural Techniques and Cultural
Relationships between the Caucasus and
Mesopotamia at the beginning of the sixth
millennium B.C.
Emmanuel Baudouin1 , Bertille LYONNET2 and Caroline Hamon3
Résumé
Les relations entre la Mésopotamie et le Caucase furent au cœur des problématiques des archéologues soviétiques dès le milieu
du XXe siècle, et cela du fait de la découverte d’objets de style mésopotamien retrouvés sur le site de Kültepe, au Nakhichevan
(Azerbaidjan), et plus récemment sur le site d’Aknashen-Katunarkh, en Arménie. Cependant, il faudra attendre les années 1990
pour que des équipes internationales entreprennent des recherches plus détaillées sur les différents aspects de cette présence exogène
sur les sites caucasiens.
Cet article est l’occasion de faire un bilan des techniques architecturales (fondations, techniques de construction, couvrement
et couverture) utilisées au Néolithique dans la région du Caucase et en Mésopotamie. Nous mettrons en lumière l’hétérogénéité
des techniques architecturales, ainsi que leurs similarités, observés sur les sites de la culture de Shulaveri-Shomu (à Mentesh Tepe,
Göy Tepe, Gadachrili Gora, Aruchlo, Aknashen-Katunarkh…) et de la culture de Halaf (à Tell Sabi Abyad, Tell Arpachiyah, Yarim
Tepe, Tell Yunus…) au début du 6e millénaire avant notre ère.
À partir d’exemples archéologiques précis, nous tenterons de définir les relations culturelles entre ces deux entités au travers
une analyse chrono-culturelle des techniques architecturales, dans le but de comprendre les mécanismes qui ont conduit à l’éclosion
de la culture de Shulaveri-Shomu.
Mots-clefs : Shulaveri-Shomu, Halaf, Caucase, Mésopotamie, techniques architecturales
Abstract
Relationships between Mesopotamia and the Caucasus were first studied in the mid-20th century by Soviet archaeologists after
the discovery of artefacts seemingly Mesopotamian in style at Kültepe, Nakhichevan (Azerbaijan), or more recently at Aknashen-
Katunarkh, Armenia. However it was only in the 1990s that scholars started more detailed investigations on the different aspects
of this southern presence.
This presentation will offer an overview of the architectural techniques (foundations, buildings techniques, covering and roofing)
used during the Late Neolithic in the Caucasus and in Mesopotamia. We will highlight both the heterogeneous nature of the
architectural traditions and the similarities of techniques observed in the Shulaveri-Shomu culture (at Mentesh Tepe, Göy Tepe,
Gadachrili Gora, Aruchlo, Aknashen-Katunarkh…) and in the Halaf culture (at Tell Sabi Abyad, Tell Arpachiyah, Yarim Tepe, Tell
Yunus…) at the beginning of the sixth millennium B.C.
From precise archaeological examples, we will try to determine possible relationships between these two cultures. Hopefully,
this should contribute to a better understanding of the mechanisms behind the genesis of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture.
Keywords: Shulaveri-Shomu, Halaf, Caucasus, Mesopotamia, architectural techniques
1. PhD, Université Paris IV-Sorbonne, ED 124, UMR 8167-Orient et Méditerranée, EPHE, UMR 7192 Proche-Orient Caucase:
langues, archéologies et cultures (PrOCauLAC).
2. Director of Research, Emeritus, CNRS, UMR 7192-PrOCauLAC.
3. Researcher, CNRS, UMR 8215-Trajectoires.
49
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – E. Baudouin et al., p. 49-83
to the Pre-Halaf and Halaf cultures found at

Introduction
Aknashen-Katunarkh (Badalyan & Haru-
tyunyan, 2014, p. 175: fig. 6 and p. 176:
D
uring the 1960’s mainly, soviet fig. 7.3-4; Harutyunyan, 2014, p. 194), and
archaeologists identified in south- Haci Elamxanlı (Nishiaki et al., 2015a, p. 284:
ern Caucasus, between the Kura fig. 3f) stress the need to understand the cul-
and the Araxes rivers, a sixth mil- tural relationships between these two regions.
lennium B.C. culture that they named Shomu-
Three main theories have been advanced
Shulaveri or vice-versa (Dzhavakhishvili &
to explain the sudden appearance of the
Dzhaparidze, 1975; Kiguradze, 1986; Na-
Shulaveri-Shomu culture in the region: 1) a
rimanov, 1987; Kushnareva, 1993). They
local and independent development with a “
proposed the existence of relationships be-
regional” neolithisation process (Lisitysyna
tween Mesopotamia and the Caucasus, espe-
& Prischpenko, 1977; Nebieridze, 1986;
cially because of the discovery of Halaf ce-
Amirkhanov, 1987); 2) relationships with
ramics at the site of Kültepe, in Nakhichevan
northern Mesopotamia, like exchanges of tra-
(Abibullaev, 1959; Narimanov, 1987), but
ditional craftsmanship (Kiguradze, 1986;
reasons for these relationships were not
Kushnareva, 1997); 3) “ colonization” of
clearly established. Since the 1990’s, re-
southern Caucasus by Mesopotamian com-
search in the Caucasus region has inten-
munities (Abibullaev, 1959; Narimanov,
sified. International archaeological teams
1987). Recent radiocarbon data (see below)
have specifically focused in this region in
have shown that the onset of the Shulaveri-
order to understand the neolithisation pro-
Shomu culture began around the beginning
cess, and to precise the chronological con-
of the sixth millennium B.C (i.e. at time
text of the Aknashen-Shulaveri-Shomu4 cul-
when a major change happened in Upper
ture (Badalyan et al., 2007), renamed by
Mesopotamia linked with the arrival of the
the recent discoveries at Aknashen-Katunarkh
Samarra components).
(Badalyan & Harutyunyan, 2014; Haru-
tyunyan, 2014), at Aratashen (Badalyan Architecture is one among several archaeo-
et al., 2007; Badalyan & Harutyun- logical remain (Aurenche, 1983, p. 3). Unlike
yan, 2014) and Masis Blur (Martirosyan- the others which are linked with material cul-
Olshansky et al., 2013) in Armenia. The ture (pottery, lithic tools, figurines…), its tech-
beginning of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture in nical inertia (Leroi-Gourhan, 1945, p. 243)
the Kura plain is also documented since 2013 makes it a reliable medium for the determi-
by excavations at Haci Elamxanlı (Nishiaki nation of cultural traditions. Technical inno-
et al., 2015a, p. 292). Sherds and a few vations may depend on the diffusion of tech-
other items in a “ Mesopotamian” style related niques and know-how based upon movements
4. For convenience, we will use in the following article the term « Shulaveri-Shomu » to define this culture.
50
of population: they, therefore, may underline example of Khirokitia in Cyprus, a settlement

different degrees of acculturation. dated to the seventh millennium B.C., shows
how a long lasting local architecture has de-
The analysis of the architecture can help
veloped after the sudden appearance of tech-
answering the three previous hypothesis pre-
niques issued from an older Mesopotamian tra-
sented above for the neolithisation process: for
dition (Le Brun, 1995).
instance, in the first case, a local development
can be detected in the slow architectural de-
velopment with a graduate evolution of the The aim of this paper is to characterize
techniques observed during the PPN period the architectural techniques attested in the
in Mesopotamia (Cauvin, 1978). In the sec- Shulaveri-Shomu horizon and to compare them
ond case, the exchange of know-how is a phe- with the architectural features identified in
nomenon well known in the Near East with the Halaf one in order to evaluate the nature
the diffusion of the mud-brick technique be- of the relationship between the two cultures.
tween the ninth and the seventh millennia B.C. Here, we do not rule out the hypothesis of
(Sauvage, 2009). And in the last case, the relationships with other cultures in northern
Figure 1: General map of the Caucasus (based on Martin Sauvage and Wikipedia).
51
Mesopotamia (Hassuna or Samarra cultures) The first Halafian elements make their
5
but this is beyond the scope of this paper . appearance, after a long gestation, at Tell
Halula (Molist et al., 2013, p. 446) or at
In Northern Mesopotamia, the first testi- Tell Sabi Abyad (Akkermans, 1996, Akker-
monies of the Halaf culture have been discov- mans, 2013, p. 43, Akkermans et al., 2014).
ered in the 1910’s at Tell Halaf (Oppenheim In this article, we shall mainly refer to re-
von, 1943) and since this period, our knowl- cent excavations in the Caucasus in which we
edge about the Halaf culture has much im- actively participated and where we have ex-
proved thanks to many excavations and pub- plored in details about twenty architectural
lications (Breniquet, 1996; Nieuwenhuyse structures, at Mentesh Tepe in Azerbaijan and
et al., 2013; Akkermans et al., 2014). Gadachrili in Georgia.
5. These elements are presented in Baudouin, 2018.
52
1. The Shulaveri-Shomu culture
1.1. Geography and chronology (Lyonnet & Guliyev, 2012; Lyonnet et al.,
2012).
In Southern Caucasus, the Shulaveri- Gadachrili Gora is a small mound situated
Shomu settlements are located in the alluvial on a tributary of the Chramis River, in the
plain along the tributaries of the Kura and Kvemo-Kartli plain of Georgia. It belongs to
Araxes rivers (Figure 1 and Figure 15), on one of the four “ Shulaveri group” of mounds
top of the Holocene terraces (Ollivier & of the region. A first expedition had been con-
Fontugne, 2012, p. 125), where rainfall is ac- ducted by the Georgian State Museum in the
tually varying between 200 and 400 mm/year 1960’s (Dzhavakhishvili & Dzhaparidze,
(Chataigner, 1995, pl. 4, 5 and 6). 1975). Faced with the destruction of the site by
Mentesh Tepe is situated in the middle constant erosion, Georgian archaeologists de-
Kura Valley, in the western part of Azer- cided to start new excavations in 2006, directed
baijan. Excavations6 started in 2008 under by Mindia Jalabadze (Georgian National Mu-
the direction of Bertille Lyonnet and Farhad seum). Further archaeological investigations
Guliyev (Azerbaijan National Academy of Sci- were done in 2012-2013 with a French col-
ences Institute of Archaeology and Ethnogra- laboration supported by different programs7 ,
phy). The site had been destroyed by bull- under the direction of Caroline Hamon (Ha-
dozer in the 1970’s, but destructions affected mon et al., 2016, p. 156: fig. 1). The lat-
only the later periods and not the Chalcolithic est data coming from these excavations show
and Neolithic levels. the existence of two separate levels during the
Neolithic period, both placed within the first
Radiocarbon samples attest of a continuous
third of the sixth millennium B.C. (Hamon
Neolithic occupation of about two centuries
et al., 2016).
within the first half of sixth millennium B.C.
(around 5800 and 5600 cal. B.C.: Lyonnet Among the purposes of these new inves-
et al., 2016, followed after a break by later suc- tigations, one was to precise the chronol-
cessive occupations during the Chalcolithic pe- ogy of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture (Fig-
riod (around 4800 and between 4300 and 4100 ure 2). Up to now, the oldest known dates
cal. B.C.), and, after another break, during come from Aknashen-Katunarkh (Badalyan
the Kura-Araxes period from the late fourth et al., 2010, p. 210: tab. 1) and Masis
to ca. the middle of the third millennium B.C. Blur (Martirosyan-Olshansky et al., 2013,
6. Financed by several institutions: Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et du Développement International

(MAEDI), Laboratoires Internationaux Associés (LIA) AzArLi, LIA AzAr2, Agence Nationale de Recherche
(ANR) Ancient Kura, ANR Kura in Motion!.
7. Georgian Wine Agency, LIA GATES, ANR Kura in Motion, ANR Orimil.
53
Figure 2: General chronology of the sixth millennium B.C., with Shulaveri-Shomu and Halaf sites (E. Baudouin).
54
b.
a.
c.
Figure 3: a. Mentesh Tepe (Azerbaijan), plan of the Neolithic levels (Lyonnet et al., 2016, p. 173: fig. 2). b.
Gadachrili Gora (Georgia), plan of sector 1 (Hamon et al., 2016, p. 165: fig. 21). c. Imiris Gora (Georgia), plan of
the Neolithic levels (levels IX to I) (based on the Georgian National Museum (GNM)).
p. 145: tab. 1) in the Ararat Plain, Armenia, 1.2. Architectural techniques

and from Haci Elamxanlı Tepe in the Kura Val-
The Shulaveri-Shomu culture is character-
ley, Azerbaijan (Nishiaki et al., 2015a, p. 287:
ized by its exclusively circular buildings, of-
tab. 2). These recent radiocarbon analyses
ten less than 4 m and exceptionally more than
place the birth of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture
5 m in diameter. Buildings can be adjacent,
around the beginning of the sixth millennium
like at Mentesh Tepe (Figure 3a.), Gadachrili
B.C., but currently, a precise global phasing
Gora (Figure 3b.), or Haci Elamxanlı Tepe
is difficult to establish because of the lack of
(Nishiaki et al., 2015b, p. 9: fig. 9), or
precise stratigraphic context of the sites exca-
are isolated but linked with separations walls,
vated before the 1990’s. Most of publications
like at Aruchlo, Georgia (Hansen & Mirt-
and reports do not give enough stratigraphic
skhulava, 2012, p. 62: fig. 81) or Imiris Gora,
information and, usually, the exact position of
Georgia (Figure 3c.).
the radiocarbon samples in the general stratig-
raphy is unknown.
55
a. b. c.
Figure 4: a. Mentesh Tepe, pebble layers (Su 955 and 824) under walls 782 and 783 – View from the East; b.
Pebble layer (Su 824) extended to the northern part – View from the North; c. Detail of the pebble layers (Su
824 and 955) under wall 783 – View from the West, sector 26 (Mission Mentesh Tepe).
stratigraphic context: this layer was also set

up under the first floor of the building. No
foundation trench was observed.
This practice seems to be documented at

other sites, like at Kültepe in Nakhichevan for
example, where Abibullaev describes a stone
layer mixed with a mud mortar (Narimanov,
1987, p. 87). Unfortunately, he does not spec-
Figure 5: Mentesh Tepe, pebble layer (Su 943) under ify if this layer was used as a foundation layer
the wall 718. View from the North, sector 26 (Mission or as the footing of the wall.
Mentesh Tepe).
Another type of installation layer was
found in 2014 in sector 26 at Mentesh Tepe. A
1.2.1. Foundations pebble layer (Su 824) was excavated on a sur-
face of 4 x 2 m. It was composed of relatively
In 2012, at Mentesh Tepe a pebble layer (Su
small pebbles, measuring between 3 and 6 cm
943) was discovered lying under the wall 718
long, mixed with a hard silt layer (Figure 4).
(Figure 5). This showed the use of a prelim-
inary layer before building installation (Bau- It was unfortunately disturbed by later
douin, 2017). This pebble layer had a limited Chalcolithic and Kura-Araxes pits to the
extent protruding under the wall nearly 20 cm north, the south and the west. This layer cov-
inwards. In 2014, the continuation of the exca- ers another pebble layer (Su 955), composed of
vations confirmed the presence of this pebble small pebbles mixed with a hard yellow stra-
layer to the west, and allowed to precise its tum. This one extends under the walls 782 and
56
Figure 6: Pebble layers (Su 945 and 948) under the floor (Su 944) – View from the South, sector 26 (Mission
Mentesh Tepe).
783 up to 1,5 m and was covered by internal From the presence of different techniques
and external floors. of implementation described above, three ma-
Two pebble layers were also set up in build- jor functions can be distinguished (Figure 7):
ing 795 (Figure 6). The first one (Su 945) 1 Pebble foundations/footings to protect
was composed of large pebbles (module be- the walls from humidity and to avoid a
tween 5 and 20 cm long), 30 cm thick. The premature wear of the base of the wall9
pebbles were mixed with an homogeneous and (wall 718 at Mentesh Tepe; Kültepe ?);
very compact yellow silt. This layer was set
2 Pebble foundations around and under
up against the bottom of the wall. The second
the building to level the earth before the
layer (Su 948), made of smaller and finer peb-
installation of the floors and/or the walls
bles than the first one, was laid in the centre
(walls 782, 783 at Mentesh Tepe);
of the building and covers partly the first one.
The first floor was set up on top of these two 3 Pebble foundations only inside the build-
pebble layers. Similar examples are attested ing to clean or purify the soils before the
at Imiris Gora or Khramis Didi Gora in the installation of the floors and to protect
8
Kvemo-Kartli region . them from moisture infiltration (build-
ing 795, Mentesh Tepe; Imiris Gora,
Khramis Didi Gora).
8. Unpublished documentation of Georgian National Museum (GNM)

9. Called by Jean-Claude Margueron « sillon destructeur » (Margueron, 1985)
57
shvili, 1970, p. 28, Kushnareva, 1997,

p. 32), and this has been confirmed re-
cently at Gadachrili Gora (Hamon et al.,
2016, p. 159). Moreover, recent discov-
eries have shown the existence of the
bauge technique at Aknashen-Katunarkh
(Badalyan et al., 2010, p. 191-192)
in Armenia. In the Neolithic level of
Mentesh Tepe, several examples attest
of the use of plano-convex mud-bricks
like in circular buildings n◦ 293 or n◦ 285
(Figure 8). The size of the bricks is more
or less constant (41-45 x 12-16 x 8-10
cm), and the mud consists of silt mixed
Figure 7: Summary diagram of the foundations tech- with sand and another mineral temper.
niques studied in this paper (author).
The walls are preserved on four courses
at best, and arranged in one single row
1.2.2. Building techniques in a stretcher pattern.
Two main techniques are used, one made

of manufactured mud-components like mud-
bricks and the other made of packed-mud (cob
a. b.
or bauge) used directly on the wall location.
a. Mud-bricks The Shulaveri-Shomu group

is characterized by the use of sun-
dried, shaped, plano-convex mud-bricks
(Chataigner, 1995, p. 58): this c.
is the case at Aruchlo (Lyonnet
Figure 8: Plano-convex mud-bricks from
et al., 2012, p. 66: fig. 92), Imiris Mentesh Tepe. a.: Detail of the four courses
Gora (Dzhavakhishvili, 1973, p. 48), of mud-bricks, wall 293 (Sector 10) – View from
the West; b.: Detail of the mortar between the
Shulaveris Gora (Dzhavakhishvili, mud-bricks, the wall 293 – View from the West;
1973, p. 19) in Georgia, or Göy Tepe c.: Detail of the first course of mud-brick, wall
285 (Sector 15) – View from the North-East
(Guliyev & Nishiaki, 2014, p. 5) and (Mission Mentesh Tepe).
Shomu Tepe (Narimanov, 1965, p. 46)
in Azerbaijan. But Kushnareva and The mud-bricks are bound together with
Narimanov also mentioned the use of a mortar made of brown silt mixed with
flat mud-bricks at Shulaveris Gora and organic temper. The interior face of the
Imiris Gora (Kushnareva & Cubin- building is covered by a thick (3-4 cm)
58
plaster with a material similar to that of However, at Gadachrili Gora, the build-
the mud-bricks. Similar materials were ing 2004 (horizon II) was built using ir-
found at Gadachrili Gora where build- regular elongated, flat, rectangular mud
ing 2003 (horizon II) on sector 2 was bricks (25-50 x 8-10 x 9 cm) laid in a
built with sun-dried plano-convex mud- regular stretcher bond, on the three sur-
bricks (Figure 9). All are of a stan- viving courses (Figure 10).
dard size (40 x 19 x 9 cm), and are ar-
ranged in a stretcher pattern in the sin-
gle surviving course. This technique is
well known in the Kura valley and oc-
curs, for example, at Aruchlo (Hansen
& Mirtskhulava, 2012, p. 63: fig. 83)
or Göy Tepe (Guliyev & Nishiaki,
2012, p. 15: fig. 5). The regularity in
the dimensions and shape as well as some
traces, like a tiny ridge, observed on the
top of the plano-convex mud-bricks in Figure 10: Gadachrili Gora, building 2004,
the Shulaveri-Shomu culture allow the with three surviving courses of mud-bricks –
View from the East, sector 2 (C. Hamon).
hypothesis that they were moulded and
not shaped individually by hands: mi-
cromorphological analysis are under way This technique is uncommon in the
on different samples at Gadachrili Gora Shulaveri-Shomu culture, and is only de-
and Mentesh Tepe to confirm it or not10 . scribed in another case at the base of
a building in Shulaveris Gora (Kigu-
radze, 1986, p. 18-19). This variation
in length of the mud-bricks could be the
result of intended trimming, like it has
been proposed for the seventh millen-
nium B.C. site of Khirokitia (Cyprus)
(Daune-Le Brun, 2003, p. 156), but we
do not have enough examples to prove it
for the moment. Nevertheless, these dif-
ferences in building techniques between
Figure 9: Gadachrili Gora, building 2003 contemporaneous buildings in horizon II
with plano-convex mud-bricks – View from the
South, sector 2 (C. Hamon). are striking.
10. These micromorphological analyses are carried out with the collaboration of Institut des sciences et
industrie du vivant et de l’environnement AgroParisTech and Cécilia Cammas (INRAP, CNRS).
59
b. Packed mud: cob or bauge in English, bauge in French (Roux &

Some walls are made of packed mud, Cammas, 2010), tawf in Arabic, chineh
cob or bauge, also called terre massive in in Iran or pakhsa in the eastern Iranian
french by Claire-Anne de Chazelles (Au- world (Scherrer, 2003), etc. Further
renche, 2003, p. 279, Aurenche et al., work is needed to revisit the confusing
2011, p. 16: fig; 2) (Figure 11). We must old archaeological literature and to cor-
underline here that there is a great confu- rect this “ outdated” terminology.
sion in the terms used in the archaeologi-
cal literature of the Near East concerning
this technique.
a.
b.
Figure 11: Summary diagram of implementa-
Figure 12: Gadachrili Gora, example of a wall
tion techniques using mud material (author).
made with the cob building technique (?). a.:
To the left, wall 217, constructed with mud
The word pisé is often erroneously used blocks, made of clay mixed with charcoal and
to determine any mud-building tech- organic material; b.: Detail of wall 217 – View
from the South, sector 1 (C. Hamon).
niques (Aurenche, 1977, p. 138). How-
ever, the real “ pisé technique” points At Gadachrili Gora, in horizon I, wall
to plastic mud packed between shut- 217 was difficult to identify and to fol-
ters with a hammer, and was certainly low at the time of the excavations (Fig-
unknown during the Neolithic periods. ure 12). It may have been constructed
This technique is completely different of cob. This technique involves the pil-
to that of mud stacked directly on the ing up of mud blocks of different sizes
location of the wall which has several and shapes: these blocks are composed of
names according to the area where it oc- clay mixed with organic inclusions (char-
curs (Aurenche, 2003, p. 279: tab. 1, coal, bones…) and the walls are then diffi-
Aurenche et al., 2011, p. 19-20): cob cult to distinguish from the surrounding
60
destruction or fill layers. It is possible span without support: 2,20 m) and recently
that this was also the technique identi- at Mentesh Tepe, in building n◦ 293 (inner
fied at Aknashen-Katunarkh under the diameter: 4,15m and span without support:
term pisé and dated to the beginning of 4,45m)(Figure 14). In the last case, the walls
the sixth millennium B.C. (Badalyan are preserved to a height of 50 cm at best and
& Harutyunyan, 2014, p. 165). are built with plano-convex mud-bricks, with
no visible batter inside. On the west side, in-
side the building, at least three postholes (Ph
1.2.3. Covering and roofing 1108, 1113, 1115) ca. 20 cm in diameter were
found at an equal distance from each other (27
Archaeologists often use the traditional
cm). These postholes were filled with com-
picture of beehive buildings to represent the
pact clay and pebbles to secure the wooden
villages of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture like
post. Another posthole filled with very com-
at Shomu Tepe (Munchaev, 1975, fig. 4)
pact sediment has been found in the central
or Imiris Gora (Dzhavakhishvili & Dzha-
part of the building, close to a structure made
paridze, 1975, fig. 26). This roof-covering
of mud-bricks put on their edge (St 346). On
might be possible in a few cases, like at
the eastern part of the building, postholes may
Shulaveris Gora building n◦ 11 (Figure 13).
have also existed but unfortunately have been
There, the inner diameter is 4,45 m, the span
partly obliterated by hearths dug into them.
without support is supposed to be of 4,85 m,
For this building, which is also the largest of
and the archaeologists describe a light batter
all those excavated at Mentesh Tepe for this
in order to build a corbelled vault (Dzha-
period, we can thus restore a system of sup-
paridze & Dzhavakhishvili, 1971, p. 110):
porting posts deleting the first function of the
this technique involves a mud-bricks stretcher
mud-brick wall which was used only as a “ cur-
bond with a progressive offset inside (batter)
tain wall” (Pérouse de Montclos, 2004,
to close the vault (Houben et al., 2006, p. 290,
p. 174, col. 83).
CRAterre et al., 1979, p. 235: fig. 323.
However, the use of another type of roof- To sum up, two main covering systems
ing is also possible, as shown by the discov- have been proposed for the buildings of the
ery of postholes inside several buildings. At Shulaveri-Shomu culture: the beehive roof
Imiris Gora, a central posthole has been iden- (Shulaveris Gora, Imiris Gora, Shomu Tepe…)
tified inside building n◦ 9-10 (inner diame- and the flat roof (Imiris Gora, Khramis Didi-
ter: 3 m and span without support: 3,40 m) Gora, Mentesh Tepe…). There does not seem
(Dzhavakhishvili & Dzhaparidze, 1975, to be a correlation between the building size
fig. 1, pl. XV), and, therefore, a “ flat” roof has and it way of covering (Figure 13). Re-
been proposed. Since then, several other ex- cent discoveries at Khirokitia (Cyprus) have
amples have attested the existence of this type demonstrated that the buildings were not cov-
of roof: it is the case at Khramis Didi Gora ered with a beehive roof as initially proposed
in building n◦ 6 (inner diameter: 1,80 m and (Dikaios, 1953, p. 196-231), but rather with a
61
Figure 13: Summary table with size of buildings, walls and internal arrangements to interpret roofing in the
Shulaveri-Shomu culture.
flat roof (Daune-Le Brun & Le Brun, 1996, erogeneous material (Daune-Le Brun, 2003,
p. 21-24). The batter inward is considered p. 154). Recent discoveries at Mentesh Tepe
by the last authors as due to several external would rather support this hypothesis, and the
causes like the weight of the roofing, the lack difficulty in identifying postholes encourages
of foundations, or an oblique thrust on het- us to revise the old publications.
d. e. f.
c.
g.
b. a.
h.
Figure 14: Mentesh Tepe, building n◦ 293. a.: General view of the building and localisation of postholes and
structures; b.: Plan and section of pit 1094 and posthole 1108; c.: Detail of posthole 1108 – View from the
North-East; d.: Detail of posthole 1133 – View from the East; e.: Plan and section of postholes 1108, 1113,
1115; f.: Detail of postholes 1113 and 1115 – View from the East; g.: Drawing plan of structure 346; h.: Detail
of structure 346 made of mud-bricks put on their edge – View from the North (photo: Mission Mentesh Tepe).
62
2. The Halaf culture
2.1. Geography and chronology In this study several major sites will be ana-
lyzed for comparisons, like in the Irakian Jezi-
In Northern Mesopotamia, the Halaf cul- rah, Yarim Tepe (Yoffee & Clark, 1993)
ture is settled in a similar geographical con- or Tell Arpachiyah (Mallowan & Cruik-
text, at the foothill of the mountains (Fig- shank, 1935; Hijara, 1980) or, for their
ure 15): with the exception of a few sites like good stratigraphic sequences and chronologi-
Tilki Tepe, located in the Anatolian mountains cal contexts, in the Syrian Jezirah, Tell Halula
or Tell es-Sawwan, situated low in the allu- (Molist et al., 2007, 2013) and Tell Sabi
vial plain (Hours et al., 1994, maps 14, 16, Abyad.
22a, 22c, 23b and 23c, Nieuwenhuyse, 2000, There is no doubt that, contrary to the
p. 181: fig. 69). Most sites are located where sudden birth of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture,
rainfall is around 200-400 mm/year (Hours a long period of gestation during the whole
et al., 1994, map 4). of the seventh millennium B.C. led to the
Black Aruchlo
Gr Imiris Gora
eat Gadachrili Gora
Shulaveris Gora Ca
ucas Shomu Tepe
Sea Kramis Didi Gora Kura
us Göy Tepe
Gargalartepesi
Aratashen L i t t l Mentesh Tepe
e Ca
Aknashen- uc +DFL(ODP[DQOÖ
Pountic Mountains as
Ku
Katunarkh Lake ra Kamiltepe

xes Sevan
u
Ara Ovçular Tepesi

s
Masis Blur es
Kültepe
ax
Caspian
r
A
t
r u s Mu ra
T a u Lake
Van
Yanik Tepe Sea
Tilki Tepe
Tigris Lake
es
r at Urmiah
Tell Turlu Eu p h dDYL7DUODVÖ Tell Sotto Tepe Gawra
Hajji Firuz Elb
Tell Yunus Tell Halaf Chagar
Bazar Tell Arpachiyah rouz
Kurdu
ikh
Tell Tell Tell Hassuna

Halula Sabi Abyad Yarim
B al
Tepe b
ur
Orontes
Z
Za
Jarmo
a bo
t
ea
a
Kh
Zab
Gr
tl Ganj Dareh
Khirokitia El-Kowm 2 Lit Tell
g
e
Tell Bouqras
Songor
Tell Baghouz Tell
es-Sawwan
Asiab
r
Mediterranean Tepe Sarab
o
Arabian s
D i yala
Choga Mami
Deh
Sea M Ali
e s Choga Sefid Kosh
Luran
Choga Mish
desert
Su
Kar k
o
Jordan
Sabz
po n aChoga Bonut
si a h
e
h
Caption Altitude (in m) ta

Ti
m
g
i
n
ris
Tell el’ Oueili Eup teas

ru
Dead 5 000 Ka
Sea 4 000 h ra
BLAC Rivers, seas, lakes Neolithic sites (before 6th millenium) Eridu
SEA 3 000
Neolithic sites, 6th millenium 2 500
Arabi Bassins, plains, deserts 2 000
Des Halaf sites 1 500
Lesser C Reliefs, mountains Shulaveri-Shomu sites

1 000
500
Persian
Gulf
au
0
0 300 km
after GEOATLAS.com (2009)
Figure 15: General map of the Near East (based on Geoatlas.com).
63
development of the Halaf culture in north- 2.2. Architectural techniques

ern Mesopotamia. Various cultures have been
identified in different areas like Proto-Hassuna Unlike the Shulaveri-Shomu architecture,
(Le Mière, 2000) and Hassuna and, with con- the Halaf one mixes quadrangular13 and cir-
fusing terminology11 , Proto-Halaf or Pre-halaf cular plans.
(Campbell, 2007, p. 105). At Sabi Abyad However, only a few sites with a long
itself, the earliest levels are named Early Pot- stratigraphic sequence, like Yarim Tepe (Yof-
tery Neolithic until the last quarter of the sev- fee & Clark, 1993) or Tell Sabi Abyad
enth millennium B.C. At that time starts a (Akkermans, 1989, 1996; Akkermans et al.,
period labelled as Pre-Halaf, followed, around 2014), testify of changes from the Halaf IA on-
6100 B.C., by a Transitional period when the wards.
first occurrence of some sherds in the Samarra
In the Halaf IA at Yarim Tepe II in level
and Halaf style are noticed, and finally by the
9 (Merpert & Munchaev, 1993, p. 167:
Early Halaf around 5900 B.C. (Bernbeck &
pl. 45) or at Tell Sabi Abyad in level 8B-
Nieuwenhuyse, 2013). To classify halafian
7A (Operation I) (on the eve of the Tran-
settlements (Figure 2), we will nevertheless use
sitional Period)14 , both rectangular buildings
Stuart Campbell’s periodization (Campbell,
(often grill-planned or cellular plan) and cir-
1992, 2007) which distinguishes three main pe-
cular buildings are attested but not coupled.
riods: Halaf IA (6000-5800 B.C.), Halaf II
It is only during the Halaf II that tholoi (cir-
(5800-5400 B.C.) and Transition Halaf/Obeid
cular room) associated with a rectangular an-
(5400-5250 B.C.)12 . We will focus on the first
techamber occur (see below). It is the case
two periods to keep a chronological consistency
at Tell Arpachiyah in levels TT10-7 (Mal-
with sites studied previously in the Shulaveri-
lowan & Cruikshank, 1935, p. 25), Çavi
Shomu culture.
Tarlası (Mellink, 1985, p. 556: fig. 2), Tell
Yunus in the “Middle Halaf” levels (Wool-
ley, 1934, p. 148: fig. 1) or Tell Halaf, in the
11. For the « Halaf » terminology, see Campbell, 2007, p. 105 and recently Bernbeck & Nieuwenhuyse,
2013, p. 20-27.
12. Differences exist in the absolute dates given in the different publications from one and same author and
between authors. They, of course, follow the advance in radiocarbon dates.
13. The transition between circular and rectangular plan during PPNB period coincide with the invention
of the coin bonding (bonding between orthogonal walls). At Jerf el-Ahmar (Stordeur, 1999, p/ 136), this
technical innovation (to reinforce the solidity of the buildings) seems to be linked with a technical evolution
answering a need (J.-Cl. Margueron, pers. com.). Later, during the sixth millennium B.C., the bonding of
walls is used for rectangular architecture, like at Djaffarabad in Iran (Dollfus, 1975, p. 15), or at Hacilar in
Turkey (Mellaart, 1970, p. 25), but is not systematic in all the buildings (Aurenche, 1981, p. 119). In the
current state of our knowledge, it is difficult to know if this technical innovation was essential to explain the
transition between circular and rectangular architecture.
14. Level 8B (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 35: fig. 2.2); level 8A (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 41: fig. 2.10);
level 7B (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 50: fig. 2.13); level 7A (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 56: fig. 2.21).
64
Halaf II levels (Becker, 2013, p. 54-55: fig. 3). cal. B.C.), but a special installation un-
This typical type of building still occurs during der several buildings have been found in
the Transition Halaf-Obeid, but then alongside level 7 (6020-5995 cal. B.C.) consisting
rectangular buildings, with long rooms and de- of a layer of compact clay about 10-15
voted to dwelling purposes. cm thick discovered under the floor of
building 7.10 (Akkermans et al., 2014,
2.2.1. Foundations p. 60). The same installation made of a
The implementation techniques for the compact greyish clay about 40 cm thick
foundation of buildings as observed in the mixed with mud-bricks fragments has
Shulaveri-Shomu culture are also attested in been found under the walls of building
the Halaf culture (fig. 9) except for the third 7.11 (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 61).
one: In level 6 (6010 cal. B.C), a new founda-
1 The existence of stone footings15 is mention implementation is attested for the
tioned and is often the only remains of rectangular architecture: areas between
the architecture, like at Tell Arpachiyah the mud-bricks foundations of the cellu-
in levels TT10-7 during the Halaf II lar building 6.14 are filled with a com-
(Mallowan & Cruikshank, 1935, pact grey clay layer up to 30 cm thick
p. 25) or at Tell Turlu (Breniquet, (Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 75);
1991, p. 26: pl. VII). Other examples are
known at Tell Halula in Syria (Molist
Foundation under the walls (our point 1)
et al., 2007, p. 19: fig. 12) or at Çavi Tar-
seems to have been used often in the Halafian
lası in Turkey (Mellink, 1985, p. 556:
architecture during the Halaf IA and the Halaf
fig. 2), where two facing walls of large
II, while point 2 has been observed only during
pebbles have been raised to support the
the Halaf II at Tell Sabi Abyad. No founda-
mud walls. At Tell Sabi Abyad, in Op. I,
tion layers to prevent moisture infiltration (our
building I, level 3B (5940-5905 cal. B.C),
point 3) have been described in publications.
a stone foundation has been noticed only
under its external walls (Akkermans,
1996, p. 87: fig. 2.25) probably to pro- 2.2.2. Building techniques
tect them from humidity and to avoid a The use of shaped plano-convex mud-bricks
premature wear of the base of the wall; in Northern Mesopotamia seems to be a minor
2 Recent researches at Tell Sabi Abyad technique but is nonetheless known in the Ha-
(Op .I) have much improved our knowl- laf culture, as shown by the description of a
edge about foundations practices. None building at Tell Arpachiyah (Mallowan &
have been observed in level 8 (6125-6075 Cruikshank, 1935, p. 16).
15. The term “Foundation” used here is the buried part under the floor utilization of the building (Aurenche,
1977, p. 88) while the term “footing” is the base of the wall (Aurenche, 1977, p. 160-161).
65
The pisé technique is described at Tell thick deposit, in its turn covered by a buff
Yunus (Woolley, 1934, p. 147) or Tell layer, about 6-8 cm thick, etc. Apparently,
Arpachiyah (Mallowan & Cruikshank, various sources of clay were in use, which each
1935, p. 16, 25). A similar technique is men- must have had different qualities” (Verhoven
tioned for buildings 44A and 44B at Yarim & Kranendonk, 1996, p. 44). Obviously,
Tepe II: “The walls were made, in a conven- these building techniques can be considered to
tional manner, of clay layers, held together by be cob ones (Figure 11).
a stratum of grey-greenish loamy clay” (Mer-
Yarim Tepe II is one of the sites where
pert et al., 1977, p. 89). The same term
material techniques have been best analysed.
is used describing this architectural technique
Besides pisé techniques, the excavators de-
at Tell Sabi Abyad: “The generally 40 cm
scribe “cakes of clay” in tholos 42 (Merpert
wide walls of the level 6 buildings were sim-
et al., 1976, p. 45), level VI (Halaf II). They
ply founded on earth and were all built of pisé,
also mention mud-bricks not shaped individu-
laid down in layers of various colors and, most
ally by hands since period Halaf IA in tholos
likely, various consistency. The order was al-
55, level VIII (Merpert et al., 1978, p. 37).
ways the same: a grey, 2 or 3 cm thick loam
Catherine Breniquet supposed the appearance
band followed by an orange-brown, ca. 2-4 cm
of moulded mud-bricks16 during the Halaf II
Figure 16: Summary table of the evolution of mud-bricks sizes at Tell Sabi Abyad (Syria) (Op .I) between
levels 8 and 3B (6125-5905 B.C.) – based on Akkermans et al., 2014.
16. The first moulded mud-brick in the Near Eastern are said to occur during the ninth millennium B.C. in
Anatolia: “On remarque également que les briques de Çafer Höyük ou de Gritille ont pu avoir été moulées, ce
qui pourrait avoir également été le cas de celles de Çatal Höyük” (Sauvage, 1998, p. 100). On this issue, read
also Sauvage, 2009, p. 195 and Sauvage, 2001, p. 418.
66
period (around 5800-5400 B.C.) at Yarim Tepe world during the Bronze Age (Mallowan &
II, in level VI (Breniquet, 1996, p. 84)17 . We Cruikshank, 1935, p. 30). This term was also
know others examples of this technique at Tepe used to determine the dome covering, again in
Gawra in a circular building of level XX where reference to the circular Greek temples with a
mud-bricks are standardized (Tobler, 1950, domed-roof (Pérouse de Montclos, 2004,
p. 47-48), but the stratigraphic context needs p. 402, col. 194). Unfortunately, this termi-
to be verified. nology is twice inappropriate to determine the
At Tell Sabi Abyad, cob and mud-bricks are circular architecture of the Neolithic period, on
used. A study of the use of these techniques the one hand because it never had a funeral or
in connection with stratigraphy shows a con- a sacred function and, on the other hand, be-
stant decrease in the size of the mud-bricks because the archaeological data do not lead nec-
tween levels 8 and 3 (6125-5905 cal. B.C.) and essarily to a domed roof.
the gradual disappearance of the cob technique
At Yarim Tepe II, a ”cupola-shaped” roof
to the benefit of the mud-brick one (Figure 16
(Figure 18) has been advanced for tholos 63 in
and Figure 17). Cob nearly totally disappeared
level VIII, period Halaf IA (Merpert et al.,
around 6 000 B.C. (see discussion).
1978, p. 38), and for tholos 42 (inner diame-
ter: 3,90 m and span without support: 5,30
2.2.3. Covering and roofing
m), level VI, Halaf II (Merpert et al., 1976,
When Max Mallowan discovered the first p. 45). The same technique is mentioned
circular buildings at Tell Arpachiyah in at Tell Arpachiyah, in building Fd V2 (in-
the 1930’s, he called them tholoi, referring ner diameter: 4 m and span without support:
to the funeral architecture of the Aegean 4,60 m) (Mallowan & Cruikshank, 1935,
Figure 17: Summary table of the architectural techniques at Tell Sabi Abyad (Syria) with a gradual disappear-
ance of the cob technique and its replacement by mud-bricks (round building in orange) – based on Akkermans
et al., 2014.
17. Before this period, mud-bricks were apparently shaped by hands (Breniquet, 1996, p. 83). However,
published reports are not always clear about the exact fabrication (Munchaev & Merpert, 1973, p. 10-11,
Merpert et al., 1977, p. 85-87).
67
p. 27). At Tell Sabi Abyad, some buildings the centre a “stone plateform” (Akkermans,
have a lightbatter like building 8.1 (Op .I) 1989, p. 33: fig. III.10) interpreted first as a
(with an inner diameter of 3,10 m and an un- support for a room partition (Akkermans,
supported span of 3,90 m), level 8A (6125-6075 1989, p. 32), but later reconsidered as a sup-
cal. B.C.): “The walls seems to curve inwards port for a terrace roof (Akkermans, 2010,
gradually, suggesting a domed superstructure” p. 26).
(Akkermans et al., 2014, p. 36). This is also
the case for building 8.4 (Akkermans et al.,
2014, p. 40) and building 7.5 (Akkermans
The emergence of internal or external but-
et al., 2014, p. 52) in level 7B (6020-6005 cal.
tresses seems to have appeared later (Halaf II,
B.C.). However, the example of Khirokitia
around 5800-5400 B.C.), and to be linked with
discussed above, encourages us to be careful
the growing size of the circular buildings, like
about the hypothesis of dome-roofs.
at Yarim Tepe II, in tholos 23b (inner diame-
At Tell Sabi Abyad, in Op .I, tholos IX ter: 4,50 m and span without support: 5 m),
(with an inner diameter of 3,50 m, and span level III and at Yarim Tepe III, in tholos 3/1
without support: 4,40 m), level 6 (6010-5995 (inner diameter: 6 m, and span without sup-
cal. B.C.), the thickness of the wall, together port: 7-8 m). At Tepe Gawra, Arthur J. To-
with the discovery of reed-impressions and of bler described three buttresses preserved to a
circular wooden poles, allowed the interpreta- height of one meter inside the tholos of level
tion of a terrace covering for this circular build- XX (inner diameter: 5,25 m and span with-
ing. Another example confirms this interpre- out support: 5,85 m) (Tobler, 1950, p. 47
tation: in tholos P (Op .I) (inner diameter: 3 and pl. XLV). A similar implementation has
m) (stratum 6B) inside the building, archaeol- been observed inside two tholoi in level XVII
ogists have found three postholes (with a di- (inner diameter: 4,50 m and span without sup-
ameter of 12 cm and a depth of 6 cm) and in port: 5,10 m) (Tobler, 1950, pl. XVIII and
Figure 18: Summary table with size of buildings, walls and internal arrangements to interpret roofing in the
Halaf culture.
68
XLII)18 . It is clear that these buttresses built and that they reduced the span of the wooden
inside the buildings prevented a too high pres- beams.
sure on the walls due to a massive covering
18. Due to the lack of precise stratigraphy, we have to be careful about the chronology of the Tepe Gawra
buildings.
69
3. Discussion
These different observations testify of an 718) and are described for footings at
architectural complexity during the Late Ne- Kültepe in Nakhichevan, while in the Ha-
olithic period in southern Caucasus and north- laf culture this technique is used exten-
ern Mesopotamia, and of the great knowledge sively at Tell Arpachiyah (TT10-TT7),
the inhabitants already had of the properties Tell Halula, Tell Turlu, Çavi Tarlası or at
of building materials. Tell Sabi Abyad (Op .I, building I, level
Summing up what was presented above, we 3B);
have seen that the foundation techniques used
in these two regions were the following (Fig- 2 Pebble layers to level the earth, around
ure 19): and under the building are observed
in the Shulaveri-Shomu culture only at
1 Pebble foundations to protect the base Mentesh Tepe (under walls 782 and 783)
of the walls are used in the Shulaveri- up until now. This practice is well-
Shomu culture at Mentesh Tepe (wall known in the Halaf culture at Tell Sabi
Figure 19: Foundations practices. Summary table with examples studied in this paper chronologically classi-
fied.
70
Figure 20: Summary table about covering implementation studied in this paper with examples chronologically
classified.
Abyad (Op .I, buildings 7.10, 7.11) since We have also seen that two different tech-
the end of the seventh millennium B.C.; niques of covering are usually proposed: a
domed roof and a flat roof (Figure 20). While
in the first one the roof is built with mud-
3 Pebble foundations inside the building to
bricks, with a progressive offset inside, in the
purify the soils before the installation of
last one it needs wooden poles when the beams
floors, in the the Shulaveri-Shomu cul-
are not long enough to cover the span be-
ture are recognized at Mentesh Tepe (un-
tween the walls. In the Halaf culture, Cather-
der wall 785), Imiris Gora and Khramis-
ine Breniquet has proposed that terrace-roofs
Didi-Gora. We have not found any paral-
had replaced the domed-roof during the Halaf
lels in the Halaf culture. We must seek in
II, around 5800-5400 B.C. (Breniquet, 1996,
the Cyprus world, at Khirokitia, around
p. 85). Archaeological data about the roof-
the end of the seventh and the beginning
coverings are unfortunately too scarce.
of the sixth millennium B.C., to observe
a similar implementation (Moretti & We think possible to restore a domed roof
Brunet, 1990, p. 955: fig. 77 and at Tell Arpachiyah (building FdV2), and it is
p. 956). taken for granted during the Halaf IA period
– at Yarim Tepe II (level VIII: tholos 63) and
The use of foundations is not a systematic at Tell Sabi Abyad (Op .I, levels 8A-7B: build-
practice, either in Southern Caucasus, or in ings 8.1, 8.4, 7.5), and during the Halaf II pe-
Northern Mesopotamia, and the lack of archae- riod – at Yarim Tepe II (level VI: tholos 42)
ological data in the publications (Aurenche and at Tepe Gawra (level XX). In the Cauca-
1981: 104) does not allow a clear overview sus region, the dome covering is proposed at
about it. However, we observed a great sim- Shulaveris Gora (building 11: possibly dated
ilarity of implementation in the Halaf and in to the beginning of the Shulaveri-Shomu cul-
the Shulaveri-Shomu culture. ture).
71
As for flat roofs, at least two buildings at- Tepe is not an hapax in the Shulaveri-Shomu
test of the use of this covering technique in the culture.
Halaf culture at Tell Sabi Abyad (Op .I, level As was the case for the foundations, the
6, Halaf IA: tholos P, tholos IX). In a few cases, actual archaeological data about the differ-
we can restore a flat roof in the Shulaveri- ent types of covering do not allow an inter-
Shomu culture, at Imiris Gora (building 9- pretation linked with chronological or regional
10), Khramis Didi Gora and at Mentesh Tepe choices: the domed roof is used alongside the
(building 293). In the last one, recent re- flat roof during all the chronological sequence
searches prove that, already during the first we studied, both in the Halaf culture and in
quarter of the sixth millennium B.C., the pop- the Shulaveri-Shomu culture.
ulation had an advanced knowledge about the
Finally, we have seen that terminology
technique of architectural thrust by the use of
needs to be revised as far as the building
a posts system and the application of the ”cur-
material is concerned. In the Halaf culture,
tain wall” principle. This invites us to revise
the stacked-mud technique (cob or bauge) has
the previous archaeological descriptions since
been identified at Tell Yunus, Tell Arpachiyah,
it is probable that building 293 at Mentesh
and in the Halaf IA period at both Yarim
Tepe II (buildings 44A and 44B) and Tell Sabi
Figure 21: Material and implementation techniques. Summary table with examples studied in this paper
chronologically classified.
72
Abyad (Op .I, levels 8 to 3B) where cob is are nearly square and taller with a ratio around
used in combination with the mud-brick tech- 1:1 in the Halaf sites (Figure 22)19 . There
nique (Figure 21). On this last site, we ob- are some exceptions, like at Yarim Tepe II
served the gradual disappearance of the cob (Munchaev & Merpert, 1973, p. 11) and
technique around 6000 B.C., linked with a Tepe Gawra (Tobler, 1950, p. 48) in North-
trend of changes taking place at the time. Is ern Mesopotamia, where the bricks have sizes
this phenomenon only local, the result of an close to those of the Shulaveri-Shomu ones dur-
autonomous evolution on this site, or can it ing the Halaf II (around 5800-5400 B.C.)20 . We
be generalized on all the sites within the Ha- can nevertheless consider that a kind of re-
lafian culture? In the Caucasus region the gionalization for the shapes and manufactur-
stacked-mud technique is also used on the ear- ing techniques existed between the Shulaveri-
liest sites of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture: at Shomu and the Halaf cultures.
Aknashen-Katunarkh architectural techniques Furthermore, the regular dimensions and
using ”cob” and/or prefabricated components shape of the plano-convex mud-bricks in the
coexist (Badalyan et al., 2010, p. 191). This Shulaveri-Shomu culture allow the hypothesis
is also the case at Gadachrili Gora (horizon I) that they were moulded. If this technical evo-
and Masis Blur (Martirosyan-Olshansky lution can be proven from the very beginning
et al., 2013, p. 145). Later, the (moulded?) of this culture, it will then be anterior to its
plano-convex mud-brick technique will expand apparition in the Halaf culture, actually dated
widely. We still lack data and precise chrono- to around 5800-5400 B.C.
logical information to dismiss either a local Finally, the enigmatic implantations ob-
evolution of the techniques in the Caucasus it- served at Gadachrili Gora and Shulaveris Gora,
self, or the possibility that relations between with mud-bricks laid in a regular stretcher
northern Mesopotamia and southern Cauca- bond on three surviving courses (see above),
sus, clearly attested at the appearance of do not have analogies in the Halaf culture as
the Shomu-Shulaveri culture as mentioned in far as we know. Nonetheless, this technique
the Introduction, were maintained during the is well known during the sixth and the sev-
whole of the sixth millennium B.C. enth millennium B.C., for instance in Central
However, the comparison between the size Mesopotamia at Choga Mami (Oates, 1969,
of the mud-bricks among the Shulaveri-Shomu pl. XXII), and in Iran at Choga Banut (Kan-
and the Halaf cultures shows major differences, tor, 1978, pl. IIa). This observation points
testifying of their own cultural particularity: towards comparisons with other areas, par-
while the length/width ratio is around 2:1 in ticularly with the foothills of the Zagros, or
the Shulaveri-Shomu culture which means that towards other cultures, like the Hassuna and
the bricks are clearly rectangular, mud-bricks Samarra cultures.
19. See figure for bibliographic references.

20. Unfortunately, stratigraphic imprecisions and the lack of clear radiocarbon dates for these two sites do
not allow more precision for this point.
73
Figure 22: Graph with a regional repartition of the modules of mud-bricks in the Halaf and the Shulaveri-
Shomu cultures (author).
74
Conclusion
This brief overview of the architectural our current state of knowledge to quantify the
techniques during the first half of the sixth level in the exchanges of techniques that was
millennium B.C. confirms the know-how of reached.
the Late Neolithic populations in architectural Nevertheless, it seems that, later on, the
building techniques. Even if this field of re- Shulaveri-Shomu culture developed its own ar-
search is often poorly described, in partic- chitectural features, especially in the size and
ular the foundations of walls or the cover- shape of the mud-bricks. Further research with
ing techniques, these new arguments advanced more precise data should help us solve these
here support the hypothesis of relationships important questions.
between the Halaf and the first populations
of the Shulaveri-Shomu cultures. This could Acknowledgments
testity of movements of population and/or of Our warm thanks go to Farhad Guliyev, Isabelle
exchanges of materials between the two areas Abadie, Laurence Bouquet, Gaëlle Bruley-Chabot,
at that time, though we certainly need more Antoine Courcier, Alexia Decaix, Emeline Degorre,
Michel Fontugne, Denis Guilbeau, Xavier Husson,
data, based upon other types of evidence (pot-
Elsa Jovenet, Gaëlle Le Dosseur, Vincent Ollivier,
tery, obsidians, DNA, etc.) to assert this as a Laure Pecqueur, Modwene Poulmarc’h, Pascal Ray-
statement. Indeed, morphology and similari- mond, Camille Ringenbach, Camille Robert, Anaïck
ties in the foundation techniques between the Samzun, and all the Azerbaidjanese students (Valeh
Halaf and the Shulaveri-Shomu culture are not Alekberov, Aygün Aliyeva, Nedjat Ibrahimli, Mirdja-
far Mirgadirov, Elina Muradova, Shahin Selimbergu,
enough to explain relationship, as these ”uni-
Taoufiq Akhunzadeh) and workers who excavated with
versal” features seem to be distinctive for any us at Mentesh Tepe, as well as to Mindia Jalabadze,
community in a settling process (Aurenche, Tata Agapishvili, Irakli Koridze and the Georgian
1981, p. 185-186). A more valuable proof is (Dato Dolaberidze, Mariam Eloshvili, Saba Godzi-
the similarity in the evolution of the build- ashvili) and French (Gautier Broux) students and
workers who excavated with us at Gadachrili Gora.
ing techniques within these two areas, with
A special thanks go to the Routes de l’Orient’s staff
the gradual disappearance of the cob technique and especially Carolyne Douché and Fiona Pichon for
to the benefit of the mud-brick in northern the organization of this conference.
Mesopotamia at the outset of the sixth mil-
lennium B.C. matching with the appearance
of the Shulaveri-Shomu culture in the Cau-
casus region where both techniques are used
concurrently at its beginning, for example at
Aknashen-Katunarkh, at Gadachrili Gora and
at Masis Blur. But, even if these facts are con-
temporaneous in the two areas, it is difficult in
75
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83
La sédentarisation au Proche-Orient : éléments de
réflexion sur le rapport de l’être humain à l’espace
à l’aube de la Néolithisation
1
Sarah Dermech
Résumé
La représentation de l’espace par le cerveau humain est un champ de la recherche neuroscientifique en cours d’exploration ;
nous tentons d’éclairer le phénomène de la sédentarisation et son impact cognitif à la lumière d’hypothèses et résultats proposés par
la neurophysiologie et neuropsychologie. En premier lieu, nous présentons un bref rappel de l’évolution des formes des architectures
depuis l’Epipaléolithique final jusqu’à la fin du PPNB, notamment le passage des maisons traditionnellement arrondies du Natoufien
aux architectures rectangulaires et pluricellulaires caractéristiques du PPNB. En deuxième partie, des éléments sur les mécanismes
biologiques de la perception de l’espace et les stratégies de navigation par le cerveau humain sont présentés. Deux hypothèses
sont proposées : d’une part l’habitat permanent puis géométrique qui se met en place à partir de l’Epipaléolithique constitue un
environnement favorable à l’humain d’un point de vue cognitif ; d’autre part les motifs géométriques ornant la culture matérielle
ou l’architecture permettent de mieux percevoir leurs affordances.
Mots-clefs : sédentarisation, architecture, géométrie, espace, évolution cognitive.
Abstract
Space perception is a focus of several fields of research in neurosciences, neurophysiology and cognitive psychology. Some
results and hypothesis regarding the brain’s spatial representation system can shed a new light on the sedentarisation process and
construction of the first houses. We first review some archaeological data provided by recent salvage excavations on the syrian
Euphrates, especially the site of Jerf el Ahmar (PPNA). Here the transition from round to square houses can be observed during
the 800 years long occupation of the village. We then move on to present some results on the biological mechanisms underlying
spatial cognition and navigation strategies. Two hypothesis are submitted : First, stability and subsequent geometry provided by
the permanent environment of built houses since the Epipalaeolithic offers a cognitive advantage in terms of space perception.
Second, geometrical patterns adorning architecture or the material culture allow for a better estimation of their affordances.
Keywords : sedentarisation, architecture, geometry, space perception, cognitive evolution.
1. Docteure, UMR 7044 – Archimède, Institut d’Histoire et d’archéologie de l’Orient ancien, Université de
Strasbourg.
85
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – S. Dermech, p. 85-118
Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la mise

Introduction
en place progressive d’un habitat permanent
au cours de l’Épipaléolithique a permis l’ex-
ploitation de certaines capacités cognitives pré-
N
ous souhaitons proposer quelques
sentes mais peu exploitées jusque-là, notam-
pistes de réflexion sur les implica-
ment l’utilisation d’un référentiel allocentré
tions cognitives de la sédentarisa-
dans l’élaboration des stratégies de naviga-
tion2 , en éclairant le lien entre l’être
tion. L’utilisation de ce référentiel aurait ou-
humain et son habitat à la Préhistoire par des
vert la voie à des raisonnements géométriques,
données et hypothèses des neurosciences et des
exprimés dans l’architecture à partir du PP-
sciences cognitives.
NA. Il en a résulté un nouvel environnement
Cette approche nécessitait une coopération construit, permanent puis géométrique eucli-
entre les deux disciplines ; elle fut amorcée au dien4 , qui pourrait être un outil dont l’être hu-
cours de plusieurs rencontres avec Alain Ber- main s’est doté afin de faciliter l’épanouisse-
thoz3 . Il s’agit d’une recherche qui n’en est qu’à ment ou la mise en œuvre de potentiels cogni-
ses débuts et ce qui suit est ainsi formulé à titre tifs latents.
d’hypothèse. En se fondant principalement sur les don-
nées livrées par les sites de Mallaha et Qassa-
À partir de la fin du Paléolithique (Epipa- ra 3 (Natoufien), Wadi Tumbaq 1 et 3 (Khia-
léolithique) aux environs de 12 000 av. J.-C. au mien), Jerf el Ahmar, Wadi Tumbaq 3 et
Proche Orient, des groupes humains se séden- Dja’de (PPNA, PPNA final et phase de tran-
tarisent peu à peu au sein de la culture natou- sition PPNA/PPNB), Qassara Nord et Dja’de
fienne (par exemple Valla, 2008.). Il est dif- (PPNB ancien) et enfin Halula (PPNB moyen
ficile d’expliquer les raisons d’un changement et récent) (Figure 1), qui illustrent chacun des
si profond après plusieurs milliers d’années de étapes du processus de Néolithisation, nous
nomadisme. Il est par contre plus aisé d’envi- procédons par la technique du faisceau d’in-
sager ses conséquences ; nous nous concentre- dices, en observant que plusieurs faits ar-
rons ici sur l’impact de la sédentarisation sur chéologiques s’accordent de manière convain-
la manière dont le cerveau humain perçoit et cante avec les données des neurosciences et des
construit l’espace. sciences cognitives.
2. Trevor Watkins, entre autres auteurs, a insisté sur cette composante de la néolithisation et voit dans la
sédentarisation un changement conceptuel fondamental, celui de l’apparition de « maison » remplaçant les
« abris » : Watkins, 1990, p. 337, 344. Voir aussi Watkins, 2001, 2004b,a, 2010.
3. Alain Berthoz est ingénieur et neurophysiologiste, directeur du laboratoire Physiologie de la perception et
de l’action au Collège de France. Les données des neurosciences exposées ici m’ont été indiquées par lui.
4. Le terme « géométrie euclidienne » est employé ici de manière très simplifiée : il désigne l’étude des formes
et des propriétés des corps naturels. Il s’agit ici de la géométrie de l’espace sensible qui utilise les segments,
droites, plans, aires et formes qui permettent une reproduction de certains aspects de la nature.
86
Fig. 1: Carte des sites men-

tionnés dans le texte (fond
de carte Wikipédia).
1. Données archéologiques
Entre le Natoufien et le PPNB, le rapport Dans les « marges arides », un semi-

que les sociétés humaines entretiennent avec nomadisme a été mis en évidence à la fin de la
leur environnement évolue fondamentalement. période PPNB (Voir Cauvin, 1990.), de même
Ceci est rendu visible entre autres par l’ar- que la présence de structures légères sur cer-
chitecture. La sédentarité des populations de tains sites PPNA6 ou PPNB ancien7 pourrait
la fin de l’Epipaléolithique et des débuts du indiquer une occupation saisonnière du site.
Néolithique précéramique, élément essentiel de Nous brossons donc ici les grandes lignes d’une
notre hypothèse, n’est pas attestée avec certi- évolution qui est par ailleurs complexe, nuan-
tude sur tous les sites pris en exemple, ni un cée et montre des particularités régionales.
phénomène uniforme sur l’ensemble du Pro-
cheOrient5 .
5. Voir par exemple Valla, 2008 pour la période natoufienne ; Beeching, 2011.
6. Wadi Tumbaq 3 par exemple : voir Abbès, 2014.
7. Hypothèse avancée par E. Coqueugniot pour les niveaux du PPNA final, de transition PPNA/PPNB et
PPNB ancien : voir Coqueugniot, 2014.
87
Fig. 2: Essai de reconstitution en plan et

élévation de l’abri 131 du natoufien de Mal-
laha. Un espace a été creusé dans un talus
puis la paroi renforcée pour former un abri de
forme semi-ovalaire. Les hachures indiquent
les foyers construits (d’après Valla, 1988,
fig. 1).
1.1. Évolution de l’architecture du silex, les activités liées au feu (foyers) et

un agglomérat d’objets chargés de valeur sym-
Les établissements natoufiens se caracté- bolique (crâne humain, galets colorés, cheville
risent par des constructions semi-enterrées, de osseuse de gazelle). Au sein de la cabane 9 de
forme circulaire ou elliptique. À Aïn Malla- Qassara 3 (Syrie du sud), circulaire et de plain-
ha (Perrot, 1966; Valla et al., 1999, 2001, pied (Ibanez et al., 2012; Ibañez et al., 2012),
2004, 2007), les abris coexistent avec des struc- la différenciation de l’espace interne est maté-
tures non domestiques qui accueillent proba- rialisée par des murets de refend.
blement des activités techniques liées au feu L’architecture khiamienne, qui fait la tran-
(Samuelian et al., 2003; Valla, 2008). sition entre le Natoufien et le PPNA est peu
Une étude approfondie de l’abri 131 (Val- connue : A Wadi Tumbaq 1 et 3 (Abbès,
la, 1988) a permis d’en proposer une reconsti- 2008, 2014), il s’agit de structures subcircu-
tution (Figure 2) : il s’agit d’un abri semi-ovale laires enterrées ou construites en élévation,
et semi-enterré, avec renfort de la paroi par un parfois équipées d’un aménagement intérieur
mur en pierre. À l’intérieur de cet abri, la ré- tel qu’une banquette.
partition des outils et des traces d’occupation À l’horizon PPNA, les premiers essais
suggère des aires différenciées pour le travail d’agriculture prédomestique sont décelables
88
Fig. 3: Le chainage d’angle, illustré ici par la maison EA15 du niveau II/W apparaît à la phase moyenne de Jerf
el Ahmar. Cette technique nouvelle permet de joindre deux murs à angle droit et d’assurer leur stabilité. Elle
est d’abord appliquée aux murs de refend avant d’être étendue aux murs extérieurs pour former des contours
rectilignes (source :Stordeur, 2015, fig. 20).
sur certains sites qui semblent par ailleurs Elle donnera lieu à une « explosion créa-
être pleinement sédentaires, comme Jerf el Ah- trice qui n’a pas de précédent dans le do-
mar (Stordeur & Willcox, 2009). Ils té- maine architectural préhistorique » (Stor-
moignent par ailleurs d’un développement ex- deur, 2015, p. 164). En effet, le village connait
ceptionnel, notamment sur le plan architectu- à certains niveaux une diversité de plan in-
ral (Stordeur, 2015). édite (Stordeur, 2015, p. 164): des maisons
Établi sur le moyen-Euphrate syrien, Jerf courbes côtoient des constructions ellipsoïdales
el Ahmar (Stordeur, 1999, 2000, 2012, 2014, pluricellulaires ainsi que les premières maisons
2015; Stordeur & Abbès, 2002; Stordeur orthogonales. Les bâtiments communautaires
& Willcox, 2009) a fait l’objet de fouilles se développent de manière remarquable ; ils
de sauvetage entre 1995 et 1999, liées à la perdureront jusqu’à la fin de l’occupation du
construction du barrage de Tishrin. Cet éta- site et leur plan se déclinera et se perfection-
blissement permet d’observer, sur une période nera sur deux modèles : les bâtiments à divi-
longue d’environ 800 ans et 11 niveaux d’oc- sions radiales et, plus tard, les bâtiments non
cupation, l’évolution de l’architecture domes- divisés.
tique. Aux maisons rondes et monocellulaires
construites de plain-pied de la phase ancienne,
succèdent les premières constructions à divi-
sions internes ainsi que les bâtiments commu-
nautaires à divisions radiales lors de la phase Le bâtiment EA 7 du niveau I/E illustre
moyenne. bien le premier ce nouveau type de construc-
La maîtrise nouvelle de la technique du tion : de forme elliptique régulière, l’organisa-
chaînage des pierres (Figure 3), observée dès tion radiale des cellules et des banquettes ré-
la phase moyenne permet de construire à angle parties de part et d’autre du bâtiment semble
droit. Cette invention a d’abord été appliquée avoir été guidée par « un principe de symé-
aux murs de refend afin de créer des divisions trie axiale » (Stordeur, 2015, p. 167). L’es-
internes, et par la suite aux murs extérieurs pace central, vide, forme un polygone régulier
(Stordeur, 2015, p. 68; Figure 4). (Stordeur, 2015, p. 167).
89
térieur, des dalles posées de chant délimitent

une banquette, rythmée par 6 poteaux desti-
nés à soutenir la toiture, formant au centre un
hexagone équilatéral d’environ 2,50 m de cô-
té. La partie supérieure des dalles est décorée
d’une frise de triangles en relief et de lignes
brisées. Ce motif court sur toute la banquette.
Fig. 4: Les premières divisions internes orthogonales
apparaissent lors de la phase moyenne (niveau II/E), au
Au niveau des poteaux en bois, il a été prolon-
sein de maisons tripartites (source : Stordeur, 2015, gé sur l’enduit de terre qui les recouvrait, de
fig. 43 : 1 et 2).
manière à produire un décor continu (Stor-
deur, 2015, p. 150).
À la phase récente, des architectures com- La phase de transition PPNA/PPNB, pré-
plètement rectangulaires voient le jour et cédant l’abandon du site, a livré un autre
les bâtiments communautaires à divisions ra- exemple de bâtiment communautaire décoré
diales, construits sur le même modèle qu’à d’une frise de chevrons gravés en champlevé
la phase moyenne, se perfectionnent en fai- (Figure 6c) ; nommé « bâtiment aux stèles de
sant preuve d’un sens avancé de la géométrie vautour » en raison des représentations ani-
(Stordeur, 2015, p. 167; Figure 5a et Fi- males (Figure 8), il n’a pu être entièrement mis
gure 5b) ; enfin, la phase de transition PP- au jour à cause de la montée des eaux du lac
NA/PPNB témoigne d’un relâchement général de barrage.
dans les formes des maisons, visible par l’irré- Dans la même région, à Dja’de, la « maison
gularité et la diversité des plans, et un retour aux peintures » est un bâtiment subcirculaire
aux contours extérieurs arrondis, alors que les et semi-enterré attribué au PPNA final8 . Il est
divisions internes restent orthogonales. intéressant de noter, pour notre propos, que
À la même période, des bâtiments commu- ce bâtiment communautaire était aménagé de
nautaires non subdivisés à fonction spécialisée trois massifs radiaires décorés de peintures géo-
apparaissent. Selon D. Stordeur, leur concep- métriques ; l’un portait un motif de damier noir
tion et leur mise en œuvre, parfaitement sy- sur fond blanc et les deux autres un damier et
métrique et équilibrée, témoignent d’un sens des losanges rouges, blancs et noirs. Des frag-
de la géométrie jusque-là inégalé dans les ments d’une frise sommitale indiquent que des
réalisations architecturales (Stordeur, 2015, triangles équilatéraux noirs encadrés de points
p. 162). C’est le cas d’EA 53 (Figure 6a et rouges décoraient les parties hautes (Coqueu-
Figure 6b; (Stordeur, 2015, p. 144)), bâti- gniot, 2011, 2014; Figure 7). La culture ma-
ment circulaire enterré sur 2m, dédié à des térielle du PPNA montre des représentations
réunions et peut-être des cérémonies. À l’in- animales – réalistes ou non – et géométriques
8. D’après la dernière publication en date (Coqueugniot, 2014), cette structure est rattachée au PPNA
final (Dj I), soit au tournant du 9e millénaire.
90
(a) (b)
Fig. 5: a. Le bâtiment communautaire EA30 du niveau II/W de la phase récente montre des divisions radiales.
Il a été construit sur un principe de symétrie axiale (source : Stordeur 2014, fig. 9 : 1). b. Les bâtiments com-
munautaires à divisions radiales de Jerf el Ahmar. Les cellules se répartissent de part et d’autre d’une ligne
passant dans l’axe des deux murs porteurs (source : Stordeur 2015, fig. 59 et 60).
gravées sur des pierres. Des motifs de chevrons tiques observable au PPNA de Jerf el Ahmar
et de triangles se retrouvent fréquemment sur disparaît pour laisser place, de manière généra-
différents supports : stèles, vases en pierre ou lisée, à un plan rectangulaire à divisions ortho-
pierres à rainure (Figure 8). gonales (Voir par exemple Molist & Stor-
L’horizon PPNB succède au PPNA. Divisé deur, 1999). Les habitats sont désormais bâtis
en trois phases (ancien, moyen et récent), la sur un modèle récurrent de 3 à 4 pièces rectan-
plus ancienne est assez mal connue mais peut gulaires (Figure 9). En avant se trouvait une
être observée à Dja’de (Niveau Dj III : Co- pièce principale plus grande que les autres si-
queugniot, 1999, 2000, 2011, 2014) ou à Qas- tuées au fond de la maison, ces dernières ser-
sara Nord (Ibañez et al., 2012). Sur le premier vant probablement au stockage. À partir de
site, l’organisation villageoise est faite de mai- cet horizon, les constructions s’organisent éga-
sons unicellulaires, rectangulaires de petit mo- lement le long de ruelles (Molist, 2012; Mo-
dule, séparées par de larges espaces extérieurs. list et al., 2014) dans des villages de plus en
Sur le second, l’architecture est également rec- plus grands. Ce plan standardisé pourrait ré-
tangulaire aux angles arrondis. sulter d’une simplification de l’ouvrage, mais
il suggère aussi sur le plan cognitif l’extério-
Aux phases moyennes et récentes du PPNB
risation généralisée du référentiel euclidien de
de Halula (Molist, 1998, 1999, 2001, 2012;
base (trois axes orthonormés) dans l’architec-
Molist & Stordeur, 1999; Molist et al.,
ture domestique.
2014), la diversité des architectures domes-
91
(a) (b)
(c)
Fig. 6: a. Le bâtiment communautaire EA 53 du niveau –II/E, phase de transition PPNA/PPNB. Le détail de

la banquette en dalle de calcaire permet de voir la frise de triangles équilatéraux gravés en champlevé. Le motif
se poursuit sur l’enduit de terre qui recouvrait les poteaux de soutènement de la toiture (source : Stordeur,
2014, fig. 10 : 1 et 10 : 2). b. Le plan du même bâtiment montre les lignes de divisions géométriques qui ont
guidé sa conception (source : Stordeur, 2015, fig. 58 : 4). c. Le bâtiment EA 100 de la phase de transition
de Jerf el-Ahmar comprenait une dalle décorée de représentations humaines acéphales et une frise de triangles
gravés en champlevé surmontée par des lignes parallèles (source : Stordeur, 2015, fig. 110 : 1). Il s’agit d’un
autre exemple de triangles équilatéraux appliqué à l’architecture. Il peut être, lui aussi, mis en relation avec le
schéma de décharge triangulaire des neurones de grille du cortex entorhinal (voir infra).
92
Fig. 7: La « maison aux peintures » de

Dja’de portait différents motifs géométriques
peints retrouvés principalement sur les mas-
sifs radiaires (haut) ainsi qu’une frise de tri-
angles (bas). (photos : E. Coqueugniot et
DAO : G. Robine, mission archéologique de
Dja’de el-mughara, Ministère des Affaires
étrangères).
1.2. Changement du rapport de est visible à travers les sépultures intimement

liées à l’espace construit durant les trois phases
l’humain à l’espace
du Natoufien, fait qui n’a pas été observé aux
Malgré une incertitude quant à l’occupa- périodes antérieures9 . Par la sédentarité s’ins-
tion continue ou saisonnière de certains éta- talle également une nouvelle relation de l’être
blissements pris en exemple, les phases suc- humain aux différents espaces qui l’entourent
cessives que l’on observe à Mallaha montrent (Lussault, 2007).
que ses occupants y revenaient année après an-
née, gardant en mémoire ce lieu et révélant Les espaces en jeu sont : l’habitat, son vil-
un attachement au village. C’est ainsi que le lage, l’environnement proche dont il tire sa
rapport au territoire change progressivement subsistance, que ce soit par la pêche et la chasse
à la fin du Paléolithique et au début du Néo- autour de la source de Mallaha et plus tard les
lithique, et qu’un lien nouveau se crée entre champs cultivés de Jerf el Ahmar (Stordeur
l’humain et son habitat (Valla, 2008). Ce lien & Willcox, 2009; Willcox, 2014), et l’en-
9. Pour lesquelles la documentation archéologique est, il est vrai, plus lacunaire.
93
Fig. 8: Des motifs géométriques de chevrons, triangles et rectangles décorent différents objets : stèle (Stor-
deur, 2014, fig. 4.4), plaquette en pierre décorée sur une face (Fouille franco-syrienne de Jerf el Ahmar. Mission
Permanente El Kowm Mureybet - Image communiquée par D. Stordeur) ou vase en chlorite importé d’Anatolie,
très fréquent sur les sites PPNA de la région (Stordeur, 2015, fig. 3).
Ce vase est gravé de motifs géométriques simples. L’essentiel du décor est constitué par deux fines bandes paral-
lèles encadrant une bande brisée : Il en ressort deux séries de triangles quasi équilatéraux de direction opposée.
Des incisions parallèles remplissent l’espace intérieur ; leur direction alterne, de manière à donner à l’ensemble
un équilibre visuel. En dessous et au-dessus de ce décor principal, d’autres lignes brisées forment deux frises de
chevrons gravées en champlevé.
vironnement lointain10 . Les données des neu- Au cours des périodes survolées, des mo-
rosciences modernes suggèrent que le cerveau tifs géométriques de carrés, rectangles, cercles
dispose de réseaux neuronaux différents pour et chevrons s’observent dans la culture ma-
ces espaces d’action emboités (Committeri térielle et dans le bâti. Il peut s’agir d’un
et al., 2004). décor appliqué à des objets ou bien de mo-
tifs peints ou gravés ornant l’intérieur des
constructions11 . Çatalhöyük, en Anatolie, a
aussi livré de nombreuses peintures aux mo-
tifs géométriques (voir entre autres Hodder,
2007, 2012).
10. Il existe encore d’autres espaces, notamment si l’on considère le corps humain : l’espace de son propre
corps, de préhension etc.
11. La maison 22 de Tell Mureybet (PPNA) était décorée d’une fresque de chevrons noirs (et peut être rouges)
sur fond blanc : Stordeur & Ibánez, 2008
94
Fig. 9: Maisons contemporaines du PPNB moyen et récent de Halula (source : Molist & Vicente, 2013,
fig. 4).
95
2. Apport des recherches en neuroscience sur la percep-

tion et la construction de l’espace
Deux points seront envisagés ici : en pre- caliser un objet en un point quelconque de
mier lieu l’importance du corps dans la percep- l’espace signifie se représenter les mouvements
tion et la construction de l’espace ; en second (c’est-à-dire les sensations musculaires qui les
lieu quelques bases neurologiques de la naviga- accompagnent et qui n’ont aucun caractère
tion spatiale. géométrique) qu’il faut faire pour atteindre cet
objet » (Berthoz, 1997, p. 44).
Suivant A. Berthoz, si notre représenta-

2.1. Perception de l’espace et tion de l’espace n’est en fait qu’une « simu-
mouvement lation » des mouvements qu’il nous faut faire
pour le parcourir, la question se pose de sa-
La théorie sur laquelle nous nous appuyons
voir comment l’espace géométrique a pu naître.
postule que l’espace ne peut être conçu et per-
Il faut, dit H. Poincaré, chercher dans la fa-
çu sans un corps physique qui s’y déplace.
çon dont nous évaluons le changement qui af-
fecte un objet. Celui-ci peut subir un change-
2.1.1. Le sens du mouvement
ment d’état ou de position. Dans les deux cas,
Selon Alain Berthoz (Berthoz, 1997), le le changement se signale par « une modifica-
cerveau n’est pas une machine réactive, c’est tion dans un ensemble d’impressions ». Selon
une machine proactive qui projette sur le A. Berthoz, Poincaré entend par là quelque
monde ses interrogations. Il sert à prédire le fu- chose de très proche de ce qu’il appelle une
tur, à anticiper les conséquences de l’action (la « configuration » d’états des capteurs senso-
sienne propre ou celle des autres) et à gagner riels (Berthoz, 1997, p. 44). Le cerveau dis-
du temps. À cette fin, des mécanismes biolo- tingue changement d’état et changement de
giques très variés ont été mis en place au cours position en ceci que ce dernier peut être corri-
de l’évolution et ont doté le cerveau de modèles gé : « Nous pouvons restaurer l’ensemble pri-
internes du monde et du corps qui reflètent mitif d’impressions en faisant des mouvements
les grandes lois de la physique Newtonienne, qui nous replacent vis-à-vis de l’objet mobile
comme par exemple la gravité. dans la même situation relative » (Berthoz,
L’élaboration de son ouvrage Le Sens du mou- 1997, p. 45).
vement (Berthoz, 1997) repose sur l’idée que
l’être humain perçoit son environnement en Selon H. Poincaré, « un être immobile n’au-
y reconstituant les mouvements de son corps. rait jamais pu acquérir la notion d’espace,
Cette hypothèse de représentation de l’espace puisque, ne pouvant corriger par ses mouve-
avait déjà été énoncée par le mathématicien ments les effets des changements des objets
Henri Poincaré. Alain Berthoz nous dit : « lo- extérieurs, il n’aurait eu aucune raison de les
96
distinguer des changements d’état » (Poin- théorique. J. Gibson, à l’instar de H. Poincaré

caré, 1902, p. 78, cité par (Berthoz, 1997, raisonne en termes d’avantage pour l’humain.
p. 45)). A. Berthoz ajoute que la vue et le
toucher ne pourraient pas nous donner le sens 2.1.2. L’avantage de la géométrie eucli-
de l’espace sans le sens musculaire (Berthoz, dienne
1997, p. 45). Ainsi, nos perceptions et repré-
Il existe de nombreuses géométries. Des
sentations de l’espace ne seraient possibles que
données récentes (Bennequin et al., 2009) in-
grâce à des reconstitutions des mouvements du
diquent que, dans la génération de trajectoires
corps. Ce mécanisme permet aussi, comme le
avec la main ou en marchant (trajectoires lo-
propose H. Poincaré, de donner naissance à
comotrices), le cerveau utilise sans doute une
l’espace géométrique et à sa représentation.
combinaison de géométries euclidienne, affine
et équi-affine. Toutefois, la géométrie eucli-
Le rôle de l’action dans la perception de dienne occupe un statut privilégié car, suivant
l’espace a été aussi suggéré par le psychologue H. Poincaré : « la géométrie euclidienne n’est
James Gibson (Gibson, 1986), pour qui la per- pas vraie, elle est avantageuse. Par sélection
ception de l’environnement dépend des actions naturelle, notre esprit s’est adapté aux condi-
qui y sont possibles. Ce dernier est constitué tions du monde extérieur, il a adopté la géomé-
de plusieurs éléments tels que les surfaces et trie la plus avantageuse à notre espèce, ou en
les substances : « We live in an environment d’autres termes, la plus commode. Or la géo-
consisting of substances that are more or less métrie euclidienne est et restera la plus com-
substantial ; of a medium, the gaseous atmos- mode : 1◦ Parce qu’elle est la plus simple ; et
phere ; and of the surfaces that separate the elle n’est pas telle seulement par suite de nos
substances from the medium. We do not live in habitudes d’esprit ou de je ne sais quelle intui-
“space” (Gibson, 1986, p. 32). En proposant tion directe que nous aurions de l’espace eu-
la notion d’affordance dans les années 1980, clidien [. . . ] ; 2◦ Parce qu’elle s’accorde assez
il a insisté sur le fait que nous ne pouvons rai- bien avec les propriétés des solides naturels [. . .
sonner sur l’habitat humain et l’environnement ] » (Poincaré, 1902, p. 56).
construit comme s’il s’agissait d’un espace abs- Il faut ici faire un rappel sur l’existence
trait, qu’il soit géométrique ou non (Gibson, d’un système sensoriel, autour duquel est orga-
1986). nisée toute la perception du mouvement dans
l’espace (Berthoz, 1997, p. 43). Il s’agit du
système vestibulaire de l’oreille interne (Fi-
L’affordance est l’ensemble de toutes les po- gure 10), qui permet au cerveau de connaitre
tentialités d’action dans un espace donné. Elle les mouvements de la tête et du corps dans l’es-
est une notion importante pour nous car elle pace. Il est donc à la base du sens de l’équilibre,
met l’accent sur l’espace en tant qu’environne- mesure la verticale et assure la stabilisation du
ment vécu dans lequel l’être agit, se déplace et monde visuel sur la rétine pendant nos mou-
influe, et non pas sur un espace mathématique vements. Il est essentiel dans l’orientation spa-
97
Fig. 10: Schéma de l’oreille interne (source : Blausen.com staff. ”Blausen gallery 2014”. Wikiversity Journal of
Medicine. DOI :10.15347/wjm/2014.010). Les canaux semi-circulaires qui détectent les accélérations, décéléra-
tions et rotation de la tête s’organisent selon trois plans approximativement perpendiculaires. Leur configuration
pourrait être à l’origine du référentiel orthonormé de la géométrie euclidienne.
tiale et sert aussi de référence aux structures du plan horizontal de la tête. Ce détail ana-
cortex cérébral impliquées dans la construction tomique est important car les trois plans
de carte mentale de l’espace, comme l’hippo- ainsi constitués forment un référentiel
campe, et dans la mémoire des trajets. Les ré- euclidien fondamental égocentré (cen-
cepteurs sensoriels du système vestibulaire de tré sur le corps), qui sert de référentiel
l’oreille interne sont : à toute notre perception du mouvement
a. les canaux semi-circulaires. Ils dans l’espace. Selon A. Berthoz, « la géo-
contiennent un liquide, l’endolymphe, métrie des canaux dicte l’organisation de
dont le déplacement est senti par des cils l’analyse cérébrale du mouvement visuel
sensoriels qui permettent au cerveau de et peut-être aussi nos mouvements. Elle
sentir des rotations, accélérations et dé- pourrait encore être à l’origine de la géo-
célérations de la tête, de même que son métrie euclidienne » (Berthoz, 1997,
immobilité. Très tôt dans l’évolution, p. 43).
les canaux sont apparus chez certains
animaux. Les mammifères en ont trois b. Les otolithes (utricule et saccule) dé-
de chaque côté de la tête, placés dans tectent les accélérations linéaires mais
trois plans approximativement perpen- aussi la composante de la gravité sur
diculaires, dont l’un d’eux correspond au leurs surfaces sensibles. Avec la vision et
98
la proprioception, ils sont les principaux ments et peut être même des géométries dif-
responsables de la détection de la verti- férentes12 . Pour un habitant de Jerf el Ah-
cale, mais ils contribuent aussi avec les mar, cela signifie que différents réseaux de neu-
canaux à la constitution, lors des dépla- rones sont à l’œuvre lorsqu’il se livre à des ac-
cements, d’une représentation des trajets tivités domestiques, par exemple la prépara-
et de l’orientation dans l’espace. Les pation de nourriture dans la « cuisine »13 de la
tients qui ont des lésions de ces capteurs maison EA10 (Figure 11), lorsqu’il participe à
ont un déficit dans leur navigation dans des réunions au sein du bâtiment communau-
l’environnement et la mémoire des tra- taire (espace extra-personnel), lorsqu’il déam-
jets. bule dans le village (espace environnemental),
ou bien lorsqu’il chasse dans la steppe14 .
Le cerveau humain dispose également
2.2. Bases neurologiques de la
de stratégies cognitives multiples (Berthoz,
navigation dans l’espace 2001) pour encoder les itinéraires. En effet, il
L’être humain ne dispose pas seulement est possible de représenter la place des objets
d’un ensemble de capteurs (vision, système dans une pièce ou en extérieur de plusieurs fa-
vestibulaire, audition etc.), pour s’orienter et çons.
créer des représentations de l’espace dans le-
2.2.1. Référentiels, stratégies de navi-
quel il navigue. L’évolution a doté le cerveau
gation et codages égo- et allocen-
de plusieurs modules pour traiter les diffé-
trés
rents espaces. Les neurologues et neuropsy-
chologues ont montré que différents réseaux Afin de décrire les relations spatiales de
sont sollicités dans l’espace du corps, l’espace deux objets dans une pièce (une chaise et une
« péri-personnel » (atteindre un objet avec la table), plusieurs codages sont utilisables. Une
main), l’espace « extra personnel » c’est-à- première façon de coder consiste à tout rap-
dire l’espace que l’on parcourt avec la marche porter à soi, à estimer la distance et l’angle
proche (une pièce) et un espace « environne- de chacun de ces objets par rapport à son
mental » (Berthoz, 1997, p. 108). Ces diffé- propre corps. Ce codage de type polaire est ty-
rents réseaux seraient liés au fait que des ac- piquement égocentré. La place des objets peut
tions différentes sont réalisées à des échelles aussi être codée en coordonnées cartésiennes
croissantes et qu’elles nécessitent des traite- en utilisant, par exemple, les deux axes for-
12. Galati et al, 2010 ; Berthoz, comm. pers.

13. Stordeur, 2015, p. 185 et fig. 63 : 1 et 2 ainsi que la reconstitution 3D de cette cuisine et des activités
qui s’y déroulaient par Y. Ubelmann : Stordeur, 2015, fig. 103 : 2.
14. C’est dans cette même steppe, et non dans la vallée, que l’orge a été cultivée : Stordeur & Willcox,
2009, Stordeur, 2015, p. 22. Il serait intéressant de se demander quels réseaux neuronaux de perception de
l’espace sont alors mis en œuvre, car le champ devient un environnement familier, bien qu’ouvert et situé dans
un espace plus large.
99
més par les plans frontal et sagittal du corps de l’observateur et son repère fondamental est
ou les plans perpendiculaires des canaux semi- décentré dans l’espace extérieur. La puissance
circulaires verticaux. Ce référentiel reste égo- de ce dernier est de permettre une manipula-
centré (Berthoz, 1997). On peut imaginer tion mentale et des relations entre les objets
que ce type de codage ait été utilisé lors de la sans avoir à les référer en permanence à soi.
préparation de nourriture où l’habitant avait Selon A. Berthoz, « C’est cette capacité de
besoin de passer d’un outil à un autre (en réfléchir à la distance entre le clocher du vil-
l’occurrence des meules, un petit bol, des mo- lage et le poste de police, entre la synagogue
lettes dans la « cuisine » de la maison EA10, et le pâtissier, de se demander si l’une est plus
Figure 11b et Figure 11c), ceux-ci étant si- grande que l’autre, qui caractérise le cerveau
tués dans son espace de préhension ou péri- humain et ouvre aux spéculations de la géomé-
personnel15 . trie. De plus, le codage allocentrique est inva-
Une autre façon de localiser consiste à uti- riant par rapport à nos propres mouvements ; il
liser les relations des objets entre eux ou par se prête donc bien à la simulation interne, men-
rapport à une référence extérieure à son propre tale, des déplacements. Il apparait assez tardi-
corps. Un néolithique pouvait, par exemple, vement chez l’enfant qui rapporte d’abord l’es-
mesurer la distance entre le champ et le fleuve pace à son propre corps » (Berthoz, 1997).
par rapport au village. Il n’y a aucune réfé- Ces deux formes de codage ne sont pas ex-
rence à son propre corps : le codage sera dit clusives l’une de l’autre. Elles impliquent diffé-
« allocentré », centré ailleurs que sur le corps rentes zones du cerveau (Galati et al., 2010)
(a) (b) (c)
Fig. 11: La reconstitution de l’intérieur de la cuisine donne à voir l’espace de préhension et péri-personnel.
Les activités menées au sein de cette pièce de 8m² devaient être réalisées grâce à l’utilisation conjointe d’un
référentiel égocentré pour passer d’une meule à l’autre par exemple, et d’un référentiel allo-centré afin de se
déplacer de l’intérieur de la pièce à une zone de cuisson située dans la cour extérieure sur laquelle donne la
cuisine et ensuite circuler dans le village.
a. Une restitution en élévation du village du niveau II/W montre l’insertion de la maison EA 10 dans son
contexte villageois. b. La « cuisine » de cette maison reconstituée par Y. Ubelmann. Source : Stordeur, 2015,
fig. 103.1 et 2. c. Trois zones d’activités différentes ont été identifiées au sein de cette pièce, en lien avec la
préparation, le maintien au chaud et le stockage des aliments. Source : Stordeur, 2014, fig. 8.
15. Pour une description complète de cette « cuisine » ainsi que la localisation de ses équipements et les
quatre zones d’activités qui y ont été identifiées, voir Stordeur, 2015, p. 185 et fig. 63 : 1 et 2
100
Fig. 12: L’homme utilise différentes stratégies de navigation et perspectives pour se déplacer dans l’espace. A
gauche, la perspective de route est celle d’un observateur au sol : il ne perçoit que ce qui lui est directement
visible. Au centre, la perspective « oblique » est utilisée dans les systèmes d’aide à la navigation routière : elle
est une combinaison des deux autres. A droite, la perspective de « survol » ou aérienne fait appel à l’utilisation
d’un référentiel allo-centré. Les deux dernières sont plus efficaces dans la découverte de raccourcis (source :
Barra et al., 2012, fig. 1).
et se combinent lors de la navigation spatiale, car on se représente les mouvements néces-

mettant en œuvre plusieurs stratégies cogni- saires pour atteindre le verger. Ensuite, pour
tives. organiser le trajet vers le puits, il est utile de
pouvoir se référer à une carte, c’est-à-dire à un
A. Berthoz prend l’exemple suivant : sup- codage allocentré. Il s’agit ici d’une stratégie
posons que nous habitons un endroit de la ville de survol, où l’on visualise mentalement une
et que nous souhaitons aller cueillir des fruits carte de l’environnement vue du dessus, et où
dans un verger à l’extérieur et prendre de l’eau l’on suit le trajet sur cette carte mentale. Pour
dans un puits. Mais le puits est distant du ver- revenir à la maison, il faut faire une combinai-
ger dans la campagne. Le codage égocentrique son subtile de changements de perspectives et
permet de coder notre trajet vers le verger ; la de codages allo- et égocentré. Comme on le voit
stratégie mise en œuvre est dite « de route »,
Fig. 13: Gauche : cellules de lieu de l’hippocampe (« place cells »). Droite : cellules de grilles du cortex ento-
rhinal médian (« grid cells »). Les pics d’activation de ces neurones (en rouge) se superposent à la trajectoire
de l’animal (en noir).
Les cellules de lieu s’activent en un seul endroit, nommé champ d’activation (« firing field »), tandis que les
champs d’activation des cellules de grille forment une matrice de triangles équilatéraux qui couvre toute la sur-
face de déplacement, indiquant une cartographie interne de l’espace suivant ce schéma de triangles équilatéraux
(source : Moser et al., 2008).
101
ici, la navigation suppose en fait une « mani- un autre endroit, d’autres neurones réagissent,
pulation » dynamique de référentiels spatiaux indiquant que des « cellules de place » forment
et de modes de codage (Berthoz, 2001, et une sorte de cartographie interne de la pièce
comm. pers.) impliquant des aires du cerveau au sein de l’hippocampe. Les époux Moser18
différentes (Barra et al., 2012). ont mis en évidence des « neurones de grille »
Il est possible de combiner les stratégies dans le cortex entorhinal, proche de l’hippo-
allocentrées et égocentrées dans une perspec- campe (Moser & Moser, 2008). Chacun de
tive hybride dite « oblique » (Barra et al., ces neurones décharge lorsque l’animal se dé-
2012): c’est un compromis entre la perspective place dans une pièce à des endroits précis dis-
de route et la vue aérienne (Figure 12). Des tribués selon une grille faite des sommets de
expériences ont montré qu’elle permet de trai- triangles équilatéraux (Figure 13). Lorsque le
ter les informations spatiales de manière très rat passe par certains points de l’espace, arran-
efficiente, et de trouver des raccourcis plus ef- gés selon un hexagone, ces neurones s’activent,
ficacement que la perspective de route. formant une sorte de système de coordonnées
À Çatalhöyük, on peut envisager qu’une pour la navigation spatiale.
des peintures représentant le village et son en- Initialement découvertes chez le rat, ces cel-
vironnement soit une illustration de ces deux lules de grille ont été aussi découvertes chez
stratégies de navigation combinées dans une les primates (Killian et al., 2012). L’être
même iconographie (voir infra et Figure 15). humain cartographie donc l’espace selon ce
schéma de grille, avant de spécifier à quelle
2.2.2. Neurones de grille du cortex en-
place il se trouve. En raison de cette parti-
torhinal
cularité, ces neurones sont considérés comme
Des zones du cerveau impliquées dans le étant à la base de la géométrie euclidienne19 .
codage allocentré et la constitution de véri- Ils codent l’espace lors des déplacements phy-
tables « cartes cognitives » ont été mises en siques. Initialement découvertes chez le rat, ces
évidence chez les mammifères16 . Les travaux cellules de grille ont été aussi découvertes chez
de John O’Keefe17 sur des cellules nerveuses les primates mais aussi lors d’une exploration
se trouvant dans l’hippocampe, une zone au visuelle, sans locomotion20 . Des motifs hexa-
centre du cerveau, ont montré que lorsqu’un gonaux ou triangulaires équilatéraux observés
rat se trouve à un endroit d’une pièce, cer- dans l’ornementation architecturale et sur des
taines cellules s’activent ; lorsque qu’il passe à vases nous ont évoqué ce schéma de décharge
16. Voir par exemple Moser et al., 2008.

17. Récompensé en 2014 par le prix Nobel de médecine : voir par exemple O’Keefe et al., 1998.
18. Egalement récipiendaires du prix cette même année.
19. Hafting et al, 2005 ; Doeller et al, 2010.
20. Killian et al., 2012, p. 761 : « Our results provide a direct demonstration of grid cells in the primate and
suggest that EC (enthorinal cortex) neurons encode space during visual exploration, even without locomotion ».
102
des neurones de grille : nous y reviendrons plus Que peuvent nous apprendre ces dévelop-
bas. pements en neurosciences sur l’évolution du
rapport de l’humain à son espace et son ha-
bitat lors des premières sédentarisations et au
cours de la Néolithisation ?
103
3. Discussion
Nous avons tenté de lier entre eux ces tielle de l’information que fournit cet objet au
éléments et certaines observations archéolo- regard de l’orientation spatiale. Des tests sur
giques, ce qui nous a amené à considérer quatre des rats ont montré que la stabilité des points
points : les implications d’un environnement de repère dans un cadre géométrique de réfé-
constitué de points de repères stables, corro- rence (une zone carrée de 10m² dans laquelle
laire de la sédentarité ; l’avantage d’un envi- les rats se déplacent) est une condition de l’ap-
ronnement bâti aux formes de géométrie eucli- prentissage spatial et de l’usage de ces repères
dienne ; les décors géométriques que l’on ob- dans l’utilisation d’un codage allocentré, afin
serve dans l’architecture et la culture maté- de se repérer et se déplacer dans cet espace
rielle ; les référentiels utilisés lors de la concep- (Biegler & Morris, 1993).
tion et réalisation de ces derniers. Ces études semblent indiquer que la per-
ception de l’espace par le cerveau et la mise en
œuvre de stratégies de déplacement est facilitée
3.1. Sédentarité et stabilité des lorsque celui-ci contient des éléments stables
repères spatiaux qui peuvent être utilisés comme des points de
repères constants, à partir desquels la recons-
Les différents éléments relatifs à la ma-
truction d’une carte et la localisation des com-
nière dont l’humain se représente l’espace nous
posantes d’un environnement est possible.
invitent à proposer l’hypothèse suivante : au
cours de la Néolithisation, l’environnement La stabilité des éléments constitutifs d’un
permanent puis géométrique qui se met pro- environnement apparaît donc comme un prére-
gressivement en place représente un avantage quis pour l’apprentissage spatial de l’être hu-
pour l’espèce. main, par la mémorisation de l’emplacement
Les effets sur le cerveau d’un environne- de ces objets après des expositions répétées,
ment constitué de points de repères stables ont grâce à une association de leur emplacement
été mis en évidence lors de travaux récents avec d’autres caractères permanents de l’envi-
(Committeri et al., 2004; Galati et al., ronnement (Galati et al., 2010). En ce sens,
2010) où il a été demandé à plusieurs sujets de la sédentarisation peut être considérée comme
situer des objets par rapport à l’observateur la mise en place de repères spatiaux fixes. Ces
situé dans une scène, par rapport à un objet repères ont pu être naturels dans un premier
movible dans cette même scène et par rapport temps (éléments du paysage) puis construits
à un bâtiment ou à une fontaine, ces derniers (habitats) : peu à peu, les groupements hu-
étant des repères spatiaux fixes : la vision d’un mains sédentarisés se sont dotés de nouveaux
objet stable active automatiquement certaines repères spatiaux fixes.
zones (le cortex pariétal médian et le cortex En lien avec la théorie du Sens du mou-
temporal), indépendamment de l’utilité poten- vement, on peut aussi avancer l’idée que l’être
104
humain effectue des simulations de mouvement Ainsi, il nous a semblé possible de prendre en
du corps plus facilement dans un environne- compte ses travaux pour la Préhistoire.
ment stable et familier, ce qui lui permet d’en La mise en œuvre d’un sens de la géomé-
saisir les potentialités d’actions et de déplace- trie euclidienne dans l’élaboration des plans
ment plus efficacement. des architectures du PPNA a permis de créer
On pourrait alors parler d’un « avantage d’abord des divisions internes strictement or-
cognitif » de la sédentarité, ce qui semble être thogonales, puis des maisons rectangulaires. Il
corroboré par le caractère exponentiel de l’évo- apparaît intéressant de se rappeler qu’à Jerf
lution culturelle et cognitive observée depuis. el Ahmar, le chainage des murs à angle droit
a d’abord été appliqué aux murs internes,
comme s’il s’agissait d’une projection au sol
3.2. L’avantage d’un environne-
d’un repère orthonormé. Cette observation est
ment bâti aux formes de renforcée par le constat de D. Stordeur qui
géométrie euclidienne souligne que, sur ce site, la division intérieure
importe plus que la forme du contour (Stor-
L’affirmation de H. Poincaré sur l’avan- deur, 2015, p. 173).
tage de la géométrie euclidienne peut-elle s’ap-
L’intuition de la géométrie existerait a prio-
pliquer à la Préhistoire ? Une équipe de
ri chez tous, nomades ou sédentaires. Avec la
chercheurs en imagerie neuroscientifique (De-
sédentarisation, elle devient un outil cognitif
haene et al., 2006) s’est interrogée sur une
qui va s’exprimer et se développer (on passe
question similaire : « la géométrie constitue-
de l’intuition de la géométrie à une véritable
t-elle un noyau dur d’intuitions présent chez
maitrise et mise en pratique, sur tous sup-
tous les hommes, sans égard pour leur culture
ports, et avec création de formes complexes
ou leur éducation ? ». Les résultats de leurs
très bien réalisées) et façonner l’environnement
expériences menées sur un groupe d’indigènes
construit de manière de plus en plus prégnante.
amazoniens isolés tendent vers l’affirmative,
Parce qu’elle est avantageuse pour l’humain,
et montrent que l’utilisation de concepts de
la géométrie euclidienne, désormais très pré-
base comme les points, lignes, parallèles ou
sente dans l’architecture, permet de créer un
angles droits est universel et ne dépend pas
environnement cognitivement favorable pour
de la culture : « [. . . ] the spontaneous unders-
les sociétés sédentaires.
tanding of geometrical concepts and map by
Plus tard, au IVe et IIIe millénaire av. J.-C.,
this remote human community provides evi-
ces mêmes outils cognitifs permettant la créa-
dence that core geometrical knowledge, like ba-
tion d’une architecture géométrique seront à
sic arithmetic, is a universal constituent of the
l’œuvre lors de la réalisation des plans de
human mind » (Dehaene et al., 2006, p. 381).
villes nouvelles : Habuba Kabira (Strommen-
Cette proposition corrobore l’hypothèse de ger, 1980) – de plan trapézoïdale – ou al-
H. Poincaré qui liait l’adoption de la géométrie Rawda(Castel et al., 2005, voir aussi Mar-
euclidienne à l’évolution de l’espèce humaine. gueron, 2013) – de plan radioconcentrique –
105
montrent l’utilisation d’un référentiel allocen- rielle (Figure 14). Cette comparaison peut éga-
tré dans leur conception. lement s’appliquer aux chevrons ou triangles
peints dans des maisons (ex. Mureybet), des
3.3. Fonctions potentielles des
bâtiments spéciaux (Dja’de) ou gravés dans
décors à motifs géomé- des bâtiments communautaires (Jerf el Ahmar
triques - fig. 6a et c). Nous pensons également possible
que ce schéma des cellules de grille soit en lien
Notre première hypothèse était que l’habi- avec le plan hexagonal de l’espace intérieur du
tat permanent puis géométrique qui se met en bâtiment EA 53 à Jerf el Ahmar (fig. 6a et b).
place à partir de l’Épipaléolithique constitue S’il n’est pas nécessaire de se déplacer au
un environnement favorable à l’humain d’un sein d’un espace pour le coder, alors il est pos-
point de vue cognitif. Nous pouvons à présent sible que les motifs triangulaires observés dans
soumettre une autre proposition : les formes l’architecture néolithique aient servi de points
géométriques choisies pour l’ornementation de de repère pour en faciliter la perception. Cette
la culture matérielle (vases et plaquettes par hypothèse est renforcée par le fait que les tri-
exemple) facilitent la perception de leurs di- angles qui décorent les stèles et bâtiments sont
mensions et de leurs volumes, c’est à dire leurs équilatéraux ou quasi équilatéraux. Ces formes
affordances. Ces décors ont une fonction sem- ont aussi été gravées sur des vases avec le même
blable lorsqu’ils sont peints ou gravés sur les objectif de faciliter la perception de la sur-
constructions. face et du volume de ces objets. En dehors de
Le schéma d’organisation des « cellules de toute considération de marqueur culturel par
grille » qui servent à encoder l’espace lors de ailleurs, elles auraient ainsi eu pour fonction
l’expérience locomotrice ou par simple explo- de mieux permettre de saisir les affordances
ration visuelle peut être mis en rapport avec des productions matérielles ou des espaces bâ-
certains décors observés dans la culture maté- tis, en termes de volumes et de contenance.
Fig. 14: Ce vase en pierre (droite - voir supra Figure 8) est gravé de motifs géométriques simples. L’essentiel
du décor est constitué par deux fines bandes parallèles encadrant une bande brisée : il en ressort deux séries de
triangles quasi équilatéraux de direction opposée. Des incisions parallèles remplissent l’espace intérieur. Leur
direction alterne, de manière à donner à l’ensemble un équilibre visuel. En dessous et au-dessus de ce décor
principal, d’autres lignes brisées forment deux frises de chevrons, gravées en champ levé.
Ces triangles, déclinés de plusieurs manières, pourraient correspondre à l’extériorisation et la reproduction, sur
le vase, de la matrice des cellules de grille (gauche). Il s’agirait alors d’un décor appliqué à une surface dans le
but d’en faciliter la perception.
106
3.4. Référentiels égo et allocen- nautaires a été posée par D. Stordeur, suite à
l’observation de similarités frappantes entre la
tré : comment construire
maison 47 de Mureybet, le bâtiment EA 7b (ni-
une maison carrée veau I/E), qui en est une version plus grande
et plus aboutie et le bâtiment EA 30 de Jerf el
Bien que la compréhension et l’intuition de Ahmar21 . Ces constructions relèvent du même
la géométrie euclidienne apparaissent être uni- plan et de la même conception, permettant à
verselles, elles ne sont pas innées ; les travaux l’archéologue de parler de « forme standardi-
de Jean Piaget et Bärbel Inhelder (Piaget sée, imposée » (Stordeur, 2006, p. 30) même
& Inhelder, 1948) ont montré qu’il s’agit lorsqu’ils ont des dimensions différentes.
d’une construction mentale qui prend place par L’utilisation d’un référentiel allocentré per-
étapes successives chez le jeune enfant entre met de manipuler mentalement des formes géo-
4 et 11 ans. L’équipe de Daniel Bennequin métriques et de créer des plans ; si, comme
semble avoir établi, quant à elle, que le déve- nous le pensons, cette faculté s’exprime dans
loppement chez l’enfant des géométries équi- l’architecture du PPNA, il est alors envisa-
affines et affines intervient après celui de la géo- geable que des plans des bâtiments aient cir-
métrie euclidienne (Bennequin et al., 2009). culé à l’échelle d’une région, par exemple entre
À l’issue d’une évolution cognitive de plusieurs Mureybet et Jerf el Ahmar.
années, l’enfant a acquis différents outils, dont Comme nous l’avons vu plus haut, la na-
la capacité d’utiliser un référentiel orthonor- vigation dans l’espace suppose une « manipu-
mé et allocentré qui lui ouvre les portes des lation » dynamique de référentiels spatiaux et
manipulations mentales de l’espace, et entre de modes de codage différents (Barra et al.,
autres facultés celle de concevoir des plans. 2012).
Il est possible que l’évolution des plans des La possibilité de combiner ces codages,
maisons et bâtiments communautaires que l’on c’est-à-dire des opérations subtiles de change-
observe, notamment à Jerf el Ahmar, illustre ment de perspectives et de codages allo- et égo-
l’acquisition ou l’expression durant la Préhis-
centré est féconde et s’illustre dans la pers-
toire de cette faculté nouvelle d’utiliser un ré-
pective « oblique ». Une des peintures mu-
férentiel allocentré. Elle permettra, à terme, de
rales du Néolithique anatolien de Çatalhöyük
construire des bâtiments et des plans de village
(Mellaart, 1967) (VIIe millénaire av. J.-C.)
avec une maîtrise avancée de leur forme. illustre sur un même mur une vue du paysage
Sur le Moyen-Euphrate, la question de la du Hasan Dağ surplombant la plaine de Konya
transmission des formes des bâtiments commu- où le village s’est implanté (Figure 15).
21. Stordeur, 2015, p. 167: « Il faut en effet avoir un sens des formes très développé pour être capable de
reproduire aussi fidèlement, à près de 60km de distance et sans doute une cinquantaine d’années plus tard, un
modèle architectural d’une grande complexité. Comment s’était transmise la tradition ? La similarité est en
tous cas frappante, d’autant qu’on retrouve ce modèle un peu plus tard, à tell ‘Abr 3, où il sera décliné avec
quelques modifications. »
107
Fig. 15: En haut, différentes stratégies de navigation spatiales (voir infra Figure 12). En dessous, une peinture
de Çatalhöyük (env. 6200 av. J.-C.) représente sur un même mur une vue du village ainsi que le volcan Hasan
Dağ qui surplombe la plaine de Konya, distant d’environ 135km du village (source : Mellaart, 1967, pl. 59 et
60).
108
Il ne s’agit pas d’une perspective oblique tiel allocentré) avec le volcan au loin (référen-
proprement dite, mais d’une combinaison de tiel égocentré et perspective de route). Ce dé-
deux perspectives et référentiels différents au cor, dont les interprétations diffèrent, pourrait
sein d’une même représentation : le village est alors être l’expression de la faculté d’utiliser
dessiné vu de dessus au premier plan (utilisa- concurremment différentes stratégies de navi-
tion d’une perspective aérienne et un référen- gation dans l’espace.
109
Conclusion
La représentation de l’espace par le cerveau Cependant, la sédentarité des populations
et ses mécanismes biologiques est un champ de natoufiennes et du PPNA – voir au-delà – est
la recherche en cours d’exploration. Les fouilles débattue et il est possible que ces sociétés aient
de sauvetage, en particulier sur le site de Jerf été semi-nomades, occupant les établissements
el Ahmar, ont permis de montrer l’évolution selon un rythme saisonnier. Il semble donc
de l’architecture d’un village sur environ 800 qu’une sédentarité, même partielle, ait permis
ans, notamment le passage des architectures le développement de nouvelles stratégies de na-
rondes héritées de l’Épipaléolithique, aux ar- vigation. Cette question reste à approfondir.
chitectures rectangulaires et pluricellulaires ca- De la même manière qu’il avait agencé les pre-
ractéristiques du PPNB et de la fin du proces- mières maisons natoufiennes en aires dédiées à
sus de néolithisation. Nous avons tenté d’éclai- différentes activités, l’humain organise désor-
rer ce processus à l’aune de certains méca- mais des espaces construits et emboités – la
nismes de représentation de l’espace par le cer- maison, la cour, le village, le champ, la steppe
veau. Néanmoins, il ne s’agit que de pistes et – à l’aide d’outils cognitifs, utilisant ce que H.
de propositions préliminaires. Poincaré appelle la géométrie « la plus com-
Le Néolithique marque une organisation mode », à savoir la géométrie euclidienne avec
nouvelle de l’environnement, qui, contraire- un système de repères orthogonaux. Cette ar-
ment aux périodes antérieures, est bâti et s’ins- chitecture nouvelle serait l’extériorisation des
crit ainsi durablement dans le paysage humain. règles qui président à la manière dont le cer-
La sédentarité permettrait l’exploitation si- veau perçoit l’espace.
multanée de plusieurs stratégies de navigation Merlin Donald (Donald, 1998, 2008) pro-
grâce à l’utilisation de plusieurs référentiels et pose que, à partir du Paléolithique supé-
codages : égo- et allocentré, euclidien, polaire, rieur, l’évolution cognitive humaine ne repose
et sans doute d’autres modes de codages géo- plus sur des changements génétiques, mais sur
métriques en conservant leur cohérence et la l’environnement culturel. Il nomme encultura-
capacité de passer de l’un à l’autre. Ces facul- tion22 ce mécanisme de transmission des ac-
tés s’expriment pour la première fois de ma- quis. À cause de ses implications cognitives,
nière aussi visible et prégnante au sein des ar- la sédentarisation en tant que facteur culturel
chitectures ; les groupes humains façonnent dé- constituerait donc un rouage important de ce
sormais un environnement qui leur est favo- mécanisme.
rable d’un point de vue cognitif.
22. Le terme anglais enculturation fait référence à un mécanisme d’échange, de modification et de trans-
mission des représentations élaborées et partagées de la réalité entre individus, au sein d’un espace social. Le
savoir accumulé par chaque individu s’exprime ainsi sous une forme compréhensible par les autres, est testé
dans l’espace public et transmis aux nouvelles générations. Les esprits individuels baignent dans cet espace lors
de leur croissance et leur développement intellectuel, et tombent ainsi sous l’emprise de cette culture : c’est la
notion d’enculturation. Voir Donald, 2008, p. 46.
110
111
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118
Agricultural Strategies at Dja’de el-Mughara,
Northern Syria (10th - 9th millennium cal. BC)
Carolyne Douché1 & Fiona Pichon2
Résumé
Vers 12 000 av. n. è., au Proche-Orient, se mettent en place de profondes mutations, qui, sur près de cinq millénaires,
permettent l’émergence des premières sociétés sédentaires. L’économie de subsistance, jusqu’alors caractérisée par la cueillette et
la chasse, repose progressivement sur la culture des plantes et sur l’élevage. Ces changements s’observent sur le site de Dja’de el-
mughara (Syrie du Nord) dont l’occupation, depuis la seconde moitié du 10ème millénaire (fin du PPNA) jusqu’à la seconde moitié
du 9ème millénaire (PPNB ancien), permet de mieux comprendre l’évolution des pratiques agricoles durant la néolithisation. Cet
article présente les résultats préliminaires d’une étude qui associe l’analyse archéobotanique des macrorestes végétaux et l’analyse
fonctionnelle des outils de moisson. L’outillage provenant des niveaux les plus anciens de Dja’de étant actuellement conservé en
Syrie, l’analyse fonctionnelle ne porte que sur le matériel de la phase récente (DJ3). La confrontation de ces deux approches dresse
néanmoins un premier aperçu de l’évolution des stratégies agricoles dans l’une des premières communautés villageoises du Proche-
Orient. L’identification des végétaux exploités par les habitants permet d’aborder leur éventuelle utilisation à des fins domestiques.
L’étude de près de quatre cents échantillons archéobotaniques ne montre aucun indice de domestication morphologique des
plantes à Dja’de. Toutefois, l’augmentation de la fréquence des céréales et des légumineuses au cours de l’occupation du site,
conjuguée à celle des mauvaises herbes arables, laisse envisager la pratique de la culture, et non plus seulement de la cueillette,
comme moyen de subsistance. Par ailleurs, l’analyse fonctionnelle d’une centaine de lames lustrées permet de comprendre la manière
dont les villageois ont exploité les ressources végétales disponibles dans leur environnement, en particulier les céréales, durant le
processus de domestication.
Mots-clefs : Néolithisation ; Syrie ; Dja’de el-mughara ; agriculture ; économie végétale ; analyse archéobotanique ; analyse
fonctionnelle ; moisson ; éléments de faucille.
Abstract
In Southwest Asia, the numerous mutations that have taken place around 12000 cal BC resulted in the emergence of the
first sedentary societies. Hunting and gathering were progressively replaced by plant cultivation and animal husbandry as a new
form of subsistence. Those changes can be observed at Dja’de el-Mughara (Northern Syria), occupied for a long time from the
10th millennium (late PPNA) to the end of the 9th millennium cal. B.C (early PPNB). The site highlights the evolution of
agricultural practices during this period, also characterised by many social and technological changes. This paper aims to present
some preliminary results from both archaeobotanical study and functional analysis of harvesting tools. Due to the syrian conflict,
most of the lithic pieces were inaccessible, thus the functional analysis was only carried on the material from the late phase (DJ3).
This work provides an insight into the evolution of agricultural strategies at one of the earliest sedentary communities. The identified
taxa allow us to discuss their probable use in daily life activities.
The study of more than 400 archaeobotanical samples shows that there is no evidence for morphological domestication.
However, the increase of frequencies of cereals and pulses with time, associated to that of arable weeds, let consider that inhabitants
of Dja’de were cultivators and not only collectors or gatherers. The functional analysis of a hundred glossy blades from Dja’de allow
to understand the way neolithic groups exploited the plant resources in their environment (especially cereal harvesting) during the
process of plant domestication.
Keywords : Neolithisation ; Syria ; Dja’de el-mughara ; Agriculture ; Plant Economy ; Archaeobotanical Analysis ; Functional
Analysis ; Harvesting ; Sickle Blades.
1. PhD, Panthéon-Sorbonne University (Paris 1), ED 112, UMR 7041 - ArScaN and UMR 7209 - Archéozoo-
logie et Archéobotanique
2. PhD, Paris-Sorbonne University, UMR 8167 - Orient et Méditerranée
119
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – C. Douché & F. Pichon, p. 119-149
1. Introduction
The 11th-9th millennia cal. B.C is a key phrates. However, due to its high topographic
period for subsistence change in Southwest position, the tell was preserved from the rising
Asia since practices evolve from acquisition river even after the impoundment of the dam.
(hunting, gathering and collecting) to pro- Excavations stopped in autumn 2010, and were
duction (animal husbandry and cultivation ; resumed in 2011 because of the Syrian civil
Aurenche & Kozlowski, 1999; Tanno & war.
Willcox, 2006; Willcox & Tanno, 2006; The deep stratigraphy, based on several
Willcox et al., 2008a; Cauvin, 2010). Du- soundings (Figure 2), suggests that the small
ring this period, we observe an increasing num- village (around 1,5 ha) was occupied from
ber of (semi)-permanent settlements presen- the final PPNA (9310 cal. BC) to the early
ting preliminary signs of agriculture (Will- PPNB (8290 cal. B.C). The site was abando-
cox, 1996, 1999; Stordeur & Willcox, ned around 8200 cal. B.C. It wass inhabited
2009; Willcox & Stordeur, 2012) like again during the Pre-Halaf period (beginning
the recovery of higher quantities of cultivars of the 6th millennium B.C) and during the Ear-
(mainly cereals and pulses), the reduction of ly Bronze (3rd millennium BC).
wild plants and some changes in seeds mor-
phologies (Willcox, 2004). The archaeobota- 1.1.1. The natural environment
nical study carried on aceramic neolithic sites
give insights into the large diversity of plants The village was situated on the middle qua-
exploited by the inhabitants. The functional ternary terrace (QII Pleistocene terrace) on the
analysis conducted on lithic tools offers a good left bank of the Euphrates in the south east
opportunity to grasp plant exploitation moda- corner of the close to the Jezireh (Besançon
lities. & Geyer, 1996; Coqueugniot, 1998; Bel-
mont, 1999). This formation consists of gra-
vels and pebbles of metamorphic rocks from
1.1. The site of Dja’de el-
the Taurus mountains and consolidated there
mughara in a type of conglomerate that preserves the
Dja’de el-mughara is located in northern tell from lateral erosion exerted by the Eu-
Syria on the western bank of the Euphrates ri- phrates (Coqueugniot, 1998). The high po-
ver (Figure 1). The tell has been excavated by sition of the site, located 15m above the allu-
É. Coqueugniot between 1991 and 2010 (Co- vial plain, protected it from the violent floods
queugniot, 1998; Coqueugniot, 2014), in regularly caused by the Euphrates river (Co-
the context of the permanent mission of El queugniot, 1998).
Kowm-Mureybet, and as part of the interna- The site is situated in the area where an-
tional rescue project linked to the construction nual rainfall are between 250 and 300 milli-
of the Tishreen flood barrier on the Middle Eu- meters (Figure 1). The alluvial plain, compri-
120
Fig. 1: Situation of the neolithic site of Dja’de in Northern Syria (DAO C. Douché).
sing the main river and occasional meanders plants (oriental terebinth, almond trees and
forming vegetalised islands with poplars and wild cereals), lithic raw materials (basalt and
tamarisks, constituted a rich ecological niche flint) were also found in the Jezireh (Coqueu-
(Roitel, 1997; Coqueugniot, 1998; Hel- gniot, 1998). Thus, complementarity of re-
mer et al., 1998; Willcox et al., 2008b). sources available in the local environment pro-
The banks of the Euphrates and the quater- vided a favorable natural surrounding for a
nary terraces spreading layers of the river’s (semi-) permanent type of habitat. This might
left bank were also sources of lithic raw ma- explain the longevity of the occupation of the
terial, including flint pebbles (Coqueugniot, site from the final PPNA to the early PPNB,
1994a). Furthermore, resources like wild fau- corresponding to approximately one millen-
na (gazelles ; Gourichon & Helmer, 2004), nium.
121
1.1.2. The occupation The earliest phase, “ Dja’de 1” (9310-8830

cal. B.C.), corresponds to the final PPNA. The
domestic architecture is characterised by small
The neolithic occupation was divided in
rectangular and circular units with tiled floors
three main phases according to the archi-
and walls made of mud and large stones (Co-
tecture and the lithic technology (Coqueu-
queugniot, 2014). Lighter structures were al-
gniot, 2014).
Extension
Extension
Excavation houses
Fig. 2: Localisation of the soundings areas on the archaeological site (DAO C. Douché from G. Devilder).
122
so discovered on the edge of the tell. Apart wad arrowheads and blades with “ergot” are
from domestic structures, the main discove- also characteristic features.
ry from this period is the “Painting Building”
The phase “ Dja’de 3” (8540 - 8290 cal.
, a subcircular and half-buried construction
B.C) corresponds to the second part of the ear-
with exceptional dimensions (internal diame-
ly PPNB. Contemporary levels were discovered
ter close to 7.50 meters) whose some walls are
at Mureybet IVA (Cauvin, 1977 and Cheikh
covered with black, white and red geometric
Hassan (Abbès, 2002) but these were flooded
patterns (Coqueugniot, 2014). This building
by the Euphrates following the construction
reminds the “community buildings” of Murey-
of the dam of Taqba. The domestic architec-
bet, Jerf-el-Ahmar and Tell’ Abr (Stordeur
ture is characterised by rectangular buildings
et al., 2000; Yartah, 2004). For this phase,
with mud walls and stone framework, smal-
burial deposits were rare (Chamel, 2014). The
ler than the previous phase and often single-
lithic industry is essentially laminar with uni-
celled. Grill-plans are still present. A collective
polar and some bipolar knapping (Arimura,
grave (« Maison des morts ») delivered about
2007). The major tools are scrapers and lami-
80 skeletons, buried as primary and secon-
nar tools include arrowheads, drills, burins and
dary inhumations located near or inside the
glossy blades (Arimura, 2007).
cells (Chamel, 2014). The lithic industry is
The phase “ Dja’de 2” (8800-8500 cal. based essentially on a bipolar laminar knap-
B.C) corresponds to the beginning of the early ping made with soft stone hammer and using
PPNB. Actually, this phase is only discovered a fine grain flint (Coqueugniot, 1994a; Ari-
at Dja’de. Rectangular houses often composed mura, 2007). Among the tools, Byblos arro-
by several large cells (7 m x 2,5 m) represent weads, blades with “ergot” and glossy blades
the domestic architecture and several grill- are characteristic elements.
plans structures were identified in open-areas
Thus, this transition period, from PPNA to
(Coqueugniot, 2014). In the “E sounding”
PPNB, is marked by many social and techno-
, layers composed by numerous animal bones
logical changes and agriculture is one of them.
mixed with charcoals were interpreted as re-
maining of feasts (Gourichon & Helmer,
2004; Coqueugniot, 2014). Collective graves
were often related to architecture whereas iso-
lated bone remains were mainly found in open
areas (Chamel, 2014). Bipolar laminar knap-
1.2. Problematic
ping is oriented towards obtaining straight and
regular blades extracted from various types of
cores among them naviform cores are conside- The PPNA (9500-8700 cal. B.C) is charac-
red as cultural markers of PPNB period (Co- terized by cultivation of morphologically wild
queugniot, 1994b; Arimura, 2007). Among plants (cereals and pulses). The presence of
them, endscrapers type are still major tool, As- arable weeds, the increase in seed size, the mul-
123
tiplication of storage places3 , sickle blades and 1.3. Material and method
grinding stones on many sites in the Levant
(Colledge, 2001; Willcox, 2004; Willcox In order to answer such questions, we com-
et al., 2008a) suggest the relative intensifi- bined two complementary approaches : ar-
cation of practices. From the Middle PPNB chaeobotanical study of macroscopic charred
(7500-7000 cal. B.C), the first evidences of remains and functional analysis of “glossy
morphological domestication of cereals appear. blades” .
Some researchers (Hillman & Davies, 1990)
have also underlined the significant role of
sickles blades in crop domestication, which 1.3.1. The archaeobotanical study
may have operating an involuntary selection
During the 20 years of excavations, thick
of grain with solid rachis (mutant specimens
ashy layers were observed and systematic sam-
present in tiny proportion among wild ce-
pling was carried out. Samples were taken from
reals). Sowing this seeds would have led to the
diverse archaeological contexts like hearths,
morphological domestication. From the Late
pits, occupation and demolition layers as well
PPNB (7500-7000 cal. B.C), agricultural prac-
as burials.
tices are clearly set up with a large part of
Charred remains were recovered using the
domestic cereals.
flotation method with a 0.5 mm mesh. 227
The aim of this paper is to highlight the
samples were studied as part of European pro-
agricultural strategies at Dja’de el-mughara, a
ject and published by G. Willcox (Willcox,
key site in understanding the process of neo-
1996). The study was then extended and detai-
lithisation, since its occupation, which stands
led as a part of a PhD, mainly by giving greater
on the eve of morphological domestication of
consideration of archaeological contexts and
cereals, is contemporary of the proto- agri-
chronology. Sorting was led using a Nikon SM
culture step (Willcox, 2008; Stordeur &
645 and identifications relied on reference col-
Willcox, 2009; Stordeur & Willcox,
lections and atlases of the Archéorient Insti-
2012;Yartah, 2004). The main questions rised
tute (Jalès) and those of the National Museum
are : which types of plants were exploited by
of Natural History (Paris). A minimum num-
the inhabitants and how (i.e. gathered or culti-
ber of individuals (MNI) have been estimated
vated) ? What is the ‘position’ of Dja’de regar-
by counting and converting the total number
ding the domestication process ? Which har-
of fragments according to categories (1/2, 1/4
vesting technics were used ? And, finally, how
of a complete specimen).
these plants were used in the domestic space ?
3. As the possible round granaries discovered at Dhra’ in Jordan (Kuijt & Finlayson, 2009; Kuijt, 2009).
Even if the function of those buildings as granaries is not clear (due to the absence of grain), the amount of
grains recovered on archaeological sites increases, showing a more efficient collect or a better production.
124
1.3.2. The functional analysis crease of cereals in the subsistence economy of

the Neolithic groups, led people to associate
According to methodological protocols es- the « gloss » to cereals harvesting (Cauvin,
tablished by S. Semenov and L. Keeley (Se- 1983). However, we have to mention that this
menov, 1964; Keeley, 1980), the aim of the macroscopic criterion is insufficient to consis-
functional analysis is to reconstitute the func- tently interpret the « glossy blades » as si-
tion of tools from the macro- and microscopic ckles blades : the work of another siliceous soft
study of use-wear traces (micropolish, stria- plants — and even that of various wet raw ma-
tions, edge-rounding and edge-removals). On terials — also produce a macroscopic gloss on
the working edge, the organisation of these use- the working edge (Anderson, 1991; Ander-
wear traces depends on the activity made with son, 1992; Anderson-Gerfaud et al., 1991;
the tool. For interpreting them, it is necessary Cauvin, 1983) ; Cauvin & Coqueugniot,
to refer to an experimental collection of tools 1985; Jensen, 1994; Korobkova, 1993; Vau-
whose function is known by the researcher. ghan, 1985). That is why, recognising the
The type of tools studying here was se- function of the « glossy blades » and identi-
lected from a functional character : the pre- fying sickles blades requires to resort the me-
sence, on blades, of a typical macroscopic thods of functional analysis.
« gloss » traditionally associated to the col-
lect of siliceous soft plants, and particular- We analysed 96 glossy blades coming from
ly in the context of the Neolithic to ce- Dja’de 34 . This sample was collected by
real harvesting (Anderson-Gerfaud, 1988; É. Coqueugniot during the excavations and
Anderson, 1991 ; Anderson, 1992; An- brought to France to document harvesting
derson, 1998; Korobkova, 1993; Unger- technics used at Dja’de. The observations were
Hamilton, 1988; Unger-Hamilton, 1989; made with a Perfex Science macroscopic bi-
Unger-Hamilton, 1991). Indeed, among the nocular (magnification 45x) and an Olympus
lithic tools from Near eastern Neolithic sites, BHM metallographic microscope (magnifica-
the glossy blades are common. Their increase tion 100x, 200x, 400x). The interpretations
in the lithic industries, correlated with the in- were based on comparisons made with tools
4. The number of glossy blades considered here is less important than that given in a previous publication
because we preferred to exclude those whose stratigraphic context was disturbed by more recent levels (Pichon,
2017a)
5. Cereal harvesting was carried out near Séranon in the Alpes-Maritimes in France. During these experi-
ments, curved and straight sickles implemented with flint blades were used to cut semi-green and ripe domestic
emmer wheat (T. subsp. monococcum). In order to complete our experimental collection, cutting of yellow and
green reeds was realised in the Northern France (Pichon, 2017a)
6. The study of the archaeological tools required comparisons with experimental tools, which may have been
used to collect plants in similar environmental conditions (climate, soil dryness, maturity of plants). So, we
consulted the experimental collection of P. Anderson, which contains blades used to harvest green and half-
green wild cereals (T. dicoccoides, Hordeum spontaneum, T. boeticum subsp. thaoudar) from Jebel Druze in
Syria, half-green wild cultivated cereals from Jalès (T. boeticum subsp. thaoudar), to cut green and yellow reeds
125
from personal experimentations5 and from P. removals (Jensen 1994) — of cutting cereals,
Anderson’s experimental collections6 . reeds and grasses.
Despite a chronological study of plant re-
The observations made of these experimen- mains evolution, the confrontation of these two
tal blades allowed us to recognise the diagnos- approaches only concerns the last occupation
tic characters — such as the morphology, the phase (Dja’de 3). This is due to the limited ac-
topography and the extent of the micropolish, cess to lithic industry, mainly stored in Syria,
the presence of striations, the degree of edge- and that is not available.
(Phragmites communis) and various grasses (Anderson-Gerfaud et al., 1991; Anderson, 1998; Anderson,
2000
126
2. Archaeobotanical study : results from Dja’de 1 to 3

(C. Douché)
In total, 281 samples from levels dated to chaeobotanical study shows important quan-
the PPN periods were analysed, which cor- tities of fruits (1799 remains (NR)) among
responds to 50419 items (Figure 3). The ar- which we found oriental terebinth (Pistacia
Fig. 3: a. Secale sp. grains, b. Secale sp. spiklet bases, wild type (smooth scars), c. Secale sp. spiklet bases,
domestic type (tied rachis), d. Hordeum vulgare sp. grains, e. Lens sp. seeds, f. Papaveraceae seeds, g. Adonis
sp. seeds.
127
sp.), cappers seeds (Capparis sp.), figs achenes visible on the archaeological material : roughly,
(Ficus cf carica) and some almonds nutshells the shattering scar is straight and smooth for
(Prunus/Amygdalus sp.). We have to mention wild (brittle rachis) and rough (or damaged)
that some fruits, like cappers and figs, provide for domestic cereals (Table 1).
numerous seeds. So, in order to reduce that Chaff remains analysis, indicate that the
bias, we calculated the number of individuals morphology of cereals is of wild type. Even if
(NMI), based on the number of seed per fruit. some domestic types spikelets were identified,
We observe that oriental terebinth is the their quantity is insignificant (5% ) compared
main taxa encountered at Dja’de, which re- to wild type which represents 95% .
flects the steppic environment surrounding the Apart from cereals, archaeobotanical
site. A large proportion of cereals, grains (6619 samples delivered some pulses (Figure 5). We
items) and chaff (1499 items) remains, were found peas (Pisum sp.), bitter vetches (Vicia
identified. Glume wheats (emmer and einkorn ervilia), faba beans (Vicia faba), and few chick-
wheats), hulled barley and rye remains were peas (Cicer sp.), but the most important seed
recovered. Ubiquity percentages (number of is the lentil (Lens sp.). Seeds are present in
samples in which a taxa is present) show approximately 80% of samples from the three
that barley is the most common taxa, through phases, often in huge quantities.
all occupation levels (present in ca. 80% of The domestication process of pulses is only
samples ; Figure 4). Rye is the second most im- visible for peas. But unfortunately, the preser-
portant cereal, and grains ubiquity increases vation of the testa from archaeological peas of
between the beginning and the end of the oc- Dja’de was not good enough to determine their
cupation. Finally, einkorn and emmer wheat status7 . Nonetheless, the huge quantities and
grains are present in low quantity but their the size of lentils seeds suggest the possibility
ubiquity increase through time. of their cultivation.
Grasses are annual plants, which means Finally, a broad-spectrum of wild plants
that in the wild, when plant are ripe, they dif- were identified among the numerous macrore-
fuse seeds (ear shatter and spikelet bases fall mains recovered from Dja’de (Figure 6). Al-
down on the ground), grains germinate and though few have been identified to the spe-
come to fruiting the following year. The gene cie level, most of them could be considered
causing the smooth abscission at maturity was as arable weeds (i.e. plants growing in dis-
turned off that lead to facilitate the cultivation. turbed habitats, especially fields). We encoun-
For domestic cereals, even when they are ripe, tered Poaceae family plants such as Bromus
ears do not shatter and threshing is required sp., Eremopyrum sp., Lolium sp., Stipa sp.,
to break up the ears. This shattering way ac- and Taeniatherum sp.. Most of such wild taxa
cording to wild or domestic type is more or less present an increasing ubiquity from the ear-
7. Few peas seem to present a testa with a rough texture, potential evidence of wild specimen.
128
Fig. 4: Cereal grains ubiquity in % (number of samples in which the taxa is present). DJ1 : 60 samples, DJ2 :
65 samples, DJ3 : 156 samples.
liest to the latest period. These plants proba- cultivated plants, by the wind (as they are very
bly come from the steppic area. Small Legumes light) or by animals.
such as Astragalus sp. or Medicago sp. and a
Wild barley stands are still visible in the
large variety of very small seeds (Hyoscyamus
local environment of the site. Wild einkorn is
sp., Glaucium sp., Silene sp.) were also identi-
found farther north near the Turkish border
fied in quite important quantities. They might
while wild rye only grows considerably farther
have been imported in the village as weeds of
north at high altitudes (for example in the Ka-
1) Wild specimens 2) Domestic specimens

Scar surface : smooth and Scar surface : rough, damaged or internodes remained
straight steep orientation attached (sometimes smooth)
Ventral surface of internode
straight
Curve below the scar surface, Curve below the scar surface, well pronounced and
more or less marked adjacent
Torn tissues on the lower part of the scar
Lower part of the scar protrude from the scar
Upper abscission scar not Scar morphology affected by charring : torn tissues in the
affected by charring lower part of the scar are bent
Maximum internode thickness : Maximum internode thickness : 0.56 - 1.04mm
0.72 - 1.29mm
1) Scar Orientation < 100° Scar orientation > 100°
Tab. 1: Table showing the different morphological criteria used in archaeobotany in order to differentiate wild
and domesticated emmer wheat spikelets (based on Tanno & Willcox, 2012; Weide et al., 2015).
129
Fig. 5: Pulses ubiquity in % (number of samples in which the taxa is present). DJ1 : 60 samples, DJ2 : 65
samples, DJ3 : 156 samples.
raça Dağ mountains) and probably represent a region around the Middle PPNB (Willcox,
degraded landscape from the Neolithic period, 2008; Willcox et al., 2008a) due to the on-
as testified by their importance in archaeobota- set of warm and dry Holocene climate. Hill-
nical assemblages. The predominance of barley man and colleagues found grains and chaff in
in crop assemblages might reflect the ecological the Konya Basin, at the Middle-Late PPNB
conditions around Dja’de because such plant is site of Can Hassan III (French et al., 1972;
well tolerant to arid conditions and poor chalk Hillman, 1978), but this could be the result
soils. of the climatic gradient since the site is loca-
ted in an area where mean annual rainfall are
The presence of rye during the Neolithic around 400-600 mm/year.
period is interesting because this cereal doesn’t
The increase of wild - potentially arable
grow in the local environment today. This
weeds - plants, through the time might cor-
taxa was identified on several aceramic neo-
respond to the intensification of cultivation
lithic sites in the Middle Euphrates area as at
(Willcox, 2012; Snir et al., 2015). Compa-
Abu Hureyra (grains) (Hillman, 2000; Hil-
ring their height with crops, highlights the pre-
lman et al., 2001), Tell Mureybet (impres-
sence of small wild plants which could indicate
sions ; Willcox, 2008, Jerf el-Ahmar (grains
a cut in the lower part of the cereal stems.
and chaff ; Stordeur & Willcox, 2009;
Stordeur & Willcox, 2012) and Tell Abr’ Based on archaeobotanical remains, it ap-
3 (grains ; Willcox, 2009;Yartah, 2013). pears that plants exploited by the inhabi-
Some argue that rye disappeared from the tants of Dja’de were still morphologically wild
130
Fig. 6: Wild plants (possible arable weeds) ubiquity in % (number of samples in which the taxa is present).
DJ1 : 60 samples, DJ2 : 65 samples, DJ3 : 156 samples.
(smooth rachis). Nonetheless, according to the probably used for human consumption ; chaff
ubiquity and morphology (grains well develo- might have been used as fuel (the use as fodder
ped) of crops and weeds, it seems that a culti- is unlikely since all animals exploited - mostly
vation process was established. gazelles, hares, aurochs and birds - were wild
The low cut of cereals and the recovery of and hunted) and straw may have been used in
many chaff remains testify the complex and architecture (particularly rye which produces
integrated system of agriculture : grains were long and strong stems).
131
3. Functional analysis : results from Dja’de 3 (F. Pichon)
Traces on the blades present some common The polish texture is generally smooth and
features related to the work of siliceous plants reflectivity is bright to very bright. Numerous
in a cutting motion (Figure 7). Traces are bi- longitudinal and parallel striations indicate the
facial and covering (more than 1 mm), often one way motion of the tools. Cutting edge are
macroscopic. completely rounded and covered by the polish
Fig. 7: Archaeological traces related to the to the work of siliceous plants in a cutting motion and interpreted
as cereals harvesting (up) and reeds cutting (down).
132
and often retouched or resharpened, so that diagnostic feature of cutting grasses (van Gi-
the scars are difficult to identify. jn, 1989; Jensen, 1994).
Based on these significant elements of com-
Variations observed in these use-wear parison, we propose that 84 items where used
traces, in term of degree of polish development for harvesting cereals (96 active areas ; Figure
(linkage and intrusion) and polish topogra- 7a). The others were probably used for cutting
phy, are probably dependant in the length and siliceous plant material harder than cereals (11
intensity of work (Jensen, 1994). But some items with 12 active area ; Figure 7b) and other
subtle variations are also related to the type of kind of soft but undetermined siliceous plant (1
siliceous plants, i.e. grasses, reeds or cereals, item with 2 active areas).
which have been cut with these blades. Ex-
perimental data have indeed shown that some • The sickles blades are mainly obtained
traits, related to variation in polish topogra- from bipolar knapping (80% ), whereas
phy and polish texture and directional fea- the others are undermined (19% ) or uni-
tures, appear to be exclusive to certains plants polar (0,01% ). Central blades are prefer-
and can be observed in archaeological context red (57% ) but lateral blades are also well
(Jensen, 1994). Degree of intrusion and pre- represented (30% ). Selected blades are
sence/absence of scars are also really helpful as regular : they present a plane face (rare
diagnostic elements of contact material (Jen- curvatures are due to the convexity of
sen, 1994). the preserved bulb), and straight profile.
The width are between 9, 88 and 23,31
Thus, use-wear created by the harvest of ce- mm (average : 15,54 mm +/-2,98) and
reals is less bright and smooth than use-wear the thickness are between 2,15 and 8,05
from cutting reed and polish topography is ge- mm (average : 4,61 mm +/-1,10). The
nerally rather flat than domed (Anderson- lengths of the preserved sickles blades
Gerfaud, 1983; Vaughan, 1985; Unger- are between 22,76 and 142,94 mm, (ave-
Hamilton, 1988; van Gijn, 1989; Jensen, rage : 59,18 mm +/- 25,45), but essen-
1994). Moreover, polishes from cutting reeds tially concentrated between 30 and 60
may be present some linear depressions which mm. The standard deviation shows a si-
give it a fluted or rippled topography (Jen- gnificant dispersion of the values around
sen, 1994). The traces are also more intrusive the average, explained by the presence
for the cereals than those from reeds or grasses. of long and whole blades and by a proxi-
For the reeds, the polish is evenly distributed mal blade fragment of 90 mm in length.
over the high points of the immediate edge In general, the lengths of conserved si-
and the first part of the interior area (Jen- ckle blades segments are between 30 and
sen, 1994; for the grasses, the polish, which is 60 mm. In the Northern Levant, at Mu-
smooth and domed, is limited along the imme- reybet, sickle blades are between 40 and
diate edge (van Gijn, 1989; Jensen, 1994). 60 mm in length and 10 and 15 mm
Striations and fluted polish topography are not in width during the PPNA (phase IIIA ;
133
Cauvin, 1978, p. 68; Ibáñez Estévez, Their relatively short dimensions let us
J.-J.and González Urquijo & A, consider them as « sickle elements »
2008, p. 378) and get closer to those of (Cauvin, 1983) aligned one after the
Dja’de 3 during the EPPNB (phase IVA ; other to form a continuous cutting edge.
Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and González The polish is often more intense and in-
Urquijo & A, 2008, p. 401). At Jerf el- vasive on the central part of the blades
Ahmar, during the PPNA, strong blades, while it is more limited or totally absent
50 to 60 mm long and 10 to 13 mm wide, on their extremities (Figure 9). Thus, the
are used as sickles (Stordeur & Ab- central part of the cutting edge being
bès, 2002, p. 580). During the transi- exposed the most with the worked ma-
tion phase (recent Mureybetian), their terial, which is consistent with a cur-
dimensions are even more important : ved haft. On some blades, this hypo-
the blades are 60 mm in length and 15 thesis is also confirmed by the retouch
mm in width (Stordeur & Abbès, of the opposite cutting edge and/or of
2002, p. 580). During the MPPNB, at the extremities and which give them a
Halula, sickle blades are between 50 and slightly curved morphology adapted to
90 mm in length (Borrell & Molist, the handle. These elements evokes the
2007, p. 62). This phenomenon of enlar- parallel insertion of the sickle blades in-
gement of the blades is general and all to a curved handle, process attested in
the tools, including sickle blades, follow other neolithic sites of the Middle Eu-
this trend. phrates such as at Mureybet IVA du-
ring the EPPNB and at Halula du-
Cutting edges are in most cases retou- ring the Middle and Recent PPNB
ched (73% of the active areas) and func- (Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and Gonzá-
tional study showed that these retouches lez et al., 1998; Ibáñez Estévez, J.-
took place during the use for resharpe- J.and González Urquijo & A, 2008;
ning the edges (60% of the retouched Borrell & Molist, 2007). The appea-
areas) (Pichon, 2017a; Pichon, 2017b). rance of curved sickles, which differ from
On 12 blades, the distribution of use- epipalaeolithic straight sickles, seems to
wear shows that the two edges have been reflect an intensification of agricultural
used for harvesting and for at least 7 of practices at this time. Improving the ges-
them, edges were resharpening. ture and the rhythm of the harvester, it
represents crucial evolution in harvesting
The in-band distribution of the polish
techniques (Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and
and the presence of black-brown residues
González et al., 1998, p. 134; Astruc
on some blades show that the blades were
et al., 2012, p. 685).
inserted in a parallel way in a handle and
maintained by mastic, probably bitumen Some variability on the degree of
(Figure 8). striation and the topography, more
134
or less flat, of the polish were ob- ted is the micropolish) and on the hu-
served (Figure 10; Pichon, 2017a). midity of the stems (the dryer are the
Regarding the experimental context stems, the more abraded and flatter is
(Unger-Hamilton, 1989;Anderson, the polish).
1991; Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and
Fluctuations in the modalities of the har-
González et al., 1998; Ibáñez et al.,
vest at Dja’de, linked to these factors,
2014), this kind of variations is depen-
could explain the variations of the ar-
ding on the intensity of use, on the height
chaeological use-wear traces (Pichon,
of the harvest (the lower is the cutting,
2017a).
the more abrasive particles are between
the blades and the stems, the more stria- It lets consider a certain level of techni-
cal complexity for the same activity with,
breaking before use
Cereals
1 cm
x2 50 µm
Fig. 8: Preserved brown adhesive residue, probably bitumen, on a sickle blade from Dja’de 3 (Picture F. Pichon).
8. Since the conference, another hypothesis, based on confocal microscopy, has been proposed to explain this
variability in Dja’de and the general evolution of harvest traces during the neolithisation in the Levant (Ibáñez
et al., 2014; Ibáñez Estévez et al., 2016;Pichon, 2017b). Between 12,000 and 5,000 BP, polish become more
flat, striated, abraded and less shiny (for example : Anderson, 1992; Unger-Hamilton, 1992; Ibáñez Esté-
vez, J.-J.and González et al., 1998). Through experimentations, these variations have been linked with new
economic behaviours, such as cereal cultivation. Experiments have shown that the harvest of wild cereals should
be made before the full maturity of the ears to prevent excessive loss of grains, while the harvest of domestic
135
Cereals Cereals Cereals
Cereals Cereals
1 cm
Fig. 9: Polish distribution (in grey) on the sickle blades suggesting the parallel insertion of the blades in a
curved handle (Drawing by F. Pichon).
perhaps, the practice of harvesting at dif- tel, 1997, p. 103). This kind of acti-
ferent cutting heights and at inhomoge- vity with flint blades is indeed docu-
neous maturity stages of the cereals8 . mented in other epipalaeolithic and neo-
lithic levantine sites as Hatoula (An-
• The blades used for cutting harder sili-
derson, 1994, p. 281), Hayonim (An-
ceous plants are not very different from
derson & Valla, 1996), Aswad (An-
the sickle blades both in knapping tech-
derson, 1995, p. 224), Abu Hureyra
nique (mostly bipolar central blades) as
and Mureybet (Anderson, 1992, p. 201;
in morphology (average width : 15,99 ±
(Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and Gonzá-
4,51 ; average thickness : 4,58 ± 0,94 ;
lez Urquijo & A, 2008, p. 401). Final-
average length of 6 complete tools :
ly, the blade used for cutting undetermi-
56,95 ± 21,22). Only one blade present
ned soft siliceous plant (grasses ?) is real-
traces on both edges. Like observed on
ly different from the others. This is a long
the sickle blades, black-brown residues
blade (123,11 mm in length, 17,76 mm
of adhesive are present showing that
in width and 7,40 mm in thickness) with
they were certainly used hafted, but
proximal laterals and opposite notches,
without possible reconstruction. These
used on both edges. The traces do not ex-
blades could be used to cut aquatic
tend to this retouched part, which seems
species growing in the alluvial plain,
to be the prehensile part.
like reeds (Phragmites communis) (Roi-
grain occurs when the ears are ripe. However, the polish from harvesting green cereals are more domed and
shiny as those related to the harvest of ripe cereals. So, the evolution of traces have been linked to the degree
of moisture present on the stems, and by hypothesis, connected to the domestication process
136
Fig. 10: Archaeological polish interpreted from harvesting cereals : variations in degree of striations and in the
topography of the micropolish (domed to flat) (Pictures by F. Pichon). The raw material is a fine-grained flint.
137
4. Discussion
The combination of results from archaeo- nolly, 2006; Conolly et al., 2011). The va-
botanical and functional analysis highlights riations observed on the sickles-blades from
the exploitation of Poaceae (including reeds, Dja’de (see below) have been already obser-
Phragmites sp.) by the neolithic inhabitants ved on the epipalaeolithic and neolithic si-
of Dja’de. The reed importance was already ckles from the Near East : the micropolish are
shown by the charcoal analysis led by V. Roi- more intensively developed and become flat-
tel (Roitel, 1997). At Dja’de, as most of the ter and more abraded during the neolithisation
sites situated on the edge of the Euphrate ri- (Unger-Hamilton, 1991; Anderson, 1992;
ver (Willcox et al., 2008c), the villagers knew Ibáñez Estévez, J.-J.and González et al.,
how to take advantage of the ecosystems diver- 1998). These developments have been linked
sity supplying both by the riparian forest (in to the maturity of the seeds at the time of
particular reeds) and the steppic area (Poa- the harvest (green or ripe) and thus were re-
ceae but also oriental terebinth and almonds lated to the necessary changes in harvesting
that were collected around the site). The ac- techniques in the crop domestication (Unger-
quisition of those plants can be related to va- Hamilton, 1989; Anderson, 1991; Ibáñez
rious uses, as raw material like fuel and liter Estévez, J.-J.and González et al., 1998).
as well as worked like food (human and ani- At Dja’de, these variations could also be re-
mal), architecture (wattle-fence, roof) or bas- lated to this process : this issue is actually
ketry (mats, containers ; Stordeur, 1989). studied with confocal analysis applied to sickle
About that, ethnographic materials suggest a blades from Dja’de (Ibáñez et al., 2014).
wide range of uses in the domestic space for
those plants, which is not necessarily found in
the archaeological records (i.e. plaited crafts ; Grasses may have been collected for dif-
Ertuğ, 2006). ferent purposes than food supplies. Some ob-
servations like the striated micropolish as well
The discovery of many cereal grains and as the presence of weed plants with a small
chaff remains (barley, rye and glume wheats) height in the archaeobotanical assemblages in-
suggests their use as the main food base. Al- dicate that some sickle blades were used to har-
though cereals are still of wild type, their in- vest close to the ground in order to recover the
creased frequency through the occupation per- stalks. If, we know that chaff material is used as
iod of the site in parallel with that of arable tempering in leben at Dja’de (Figure 11) like
weed plants probably indicates the setting up in the other aceramic sites in the Euphrates
of the first agricultural strategies. Dja’de is a (Stordeur & Willcox, 2009), we can also
part of the global dawn of farming process, consider that the straw, as well as the stalks
observed in the whole Near East (Willcox, of reeds, may have been used in the domestic
2014; Colledge, 2001; Colledge & Co- space such as components of the architecture.
138
differential longevity according to the grasses

type used : reed roof can survive between 50-
100 years whereas rye or wheat roofs have to
be repaired very 20-35 years (Berge, 2009).
Finally, leaves or stems of cereals and reeds
can also be used to make some mats : this
tradition was important in Anatolia as floor
coverings and for the construction of the cei-
lings of mud-roofed houses (Ertuğ, 2006).
Fig. 11: Impressions of chaff and grains in leben (Pic-

ture by É. Coqueugniot).
Indeed, some ethnoarchaeological re- At Dja’de, woven mats were identified du-
searches, like the work of F. Z. Ertuğ about Fig. 12: Preserved
ring the phytolithic
excavation (Figure skeleton mats
12). They lying
were on
pre-
a floor from Dja’de (Picture by É. Coqueugniot).
basket work craft in Turkey (Ertuğ, 2006), served thanks to their high content in siliceous
show that the building construction with wi- (phytoliths) and their analysis show that it
ckerwork or woven twig is still visible in some might be related to reed plants (Phragmites or
Anatolian villages : stems are used making Typha sp.)9 . They were probably used to cover
some fences (especially for animals). The same the floors - the geomorphological study shows
study also show that the reeds screens are used that vegetation covers recovered some occupa-
by the nomads of Southeast Anatolia as par- tion floors in Dja’de (Hourani, 1993) - or al-
titions walls in tents, wind breaks around the so to envelop the deceased bodies (i.e. kind of
tents and as sheep pens. This type of plants shroud) as suggested by remains of a mat in
can be used to build roofs. For example, rye the “Maison des morts” (Chamel, 2014). Fi-
has high and strong stems adapted to such ap- nally, leaves and stems (i.e. reeds, rye) can be
plication (i.e. north European thatched roofs ; also used for basketry to make some contai-
Nolan et al., 2015). Roof coverings have a ners, which one can easily imagine the utility
9. Willcox, personal communication
139
in a sedentarity agricultural community. The The inhabitants of Dja’de needed thus easi-
presence of transversal use-wear traces related ly accessible and renewable material organic
to scraping of siliceous soft plants (like reeds) (Belmont, 1999).
on some other tools from Dja’de could be a But, grasses (i.e. reeds and cereals stems)
witness to this type of activity. are annuals : they complete their life-cycle in
At Dja’de, one of the excavation areas light one year and they reach maturity around the
buildings (huts or tents) were unearthed (Co- end of spring/beginning of summer. They were
queugniot, 2014: study made by M.-A. Cour- widely available in the local environment (the
ty) and layers showing occupation and aban- alluvial plain and the steppic area) of the site
donment phases, which could refer to a seaso- every year. In this context, the preferential
nal village occupation (Coqueugniot, 2014). choice of this light construction material seems
According to building materials, we can rational, whereas wood material was probably
imagine that regular raw material acquisition less abundant (partly due to a longer reproduc-
was necessary to make some reconstructions tion cycle), required a woodland management
and repairs. and was likely used for architectural structures
For example, the winter rains probably had (mostly posts) (Belmont, 1999).
consequences/took its toll on roofs and walls.
140
Conclusion
As presented above, it seems that every site, meaning that agricultural practices were
year, around the beginning of May, according intensified.
to the well development of cereal caryopsis According to archaeozoological data,
(barley). (before grasses maturity and grains people were hunting during the winter season.
spread on the ground), the group harvested Based on archaeobotanical data, they were
wild cereals with sickles with a low cut, then managing cereals and pulses during spring and
separated grains, chaff and stalks, repaired old thanks to use-wear analysis we might say that
and built new structures and finally lived there they were harvesting before maturity, at the
(cooking, hunting, making mats). end of spring. Finally, archaeological discove-
The use-wear analysis lead on harvesting ries show that people were using by-products
tools presents marks corresponding to the har- for domestic activities during the following
vest of cereals with such humidity in their stem period.
suggesting that they may have been cut be- In the long term, and if the political situa-
fore their maturity (green or semi-green). This tion allows a return to the Syrian terrain, it
hypothesis feats well with the observations will be envisaged to complete this first mul-
made on plant remains (particularly spike- tidisciplinary approach by studying the glossy
lets) presenting the characteristics of wild mor- blades coming from Dja’de 1 and 2.
phologies. Indeed, experiments showed that to
be efficient (least grain spillage of germinable Aknowledgements
grain), wild cereals should to be cut in a green We thank É. Coqueugniot for having en-
state and wild cultivated cereals in a semi- trusted us the study of the lithic and ar-
green state (Anderson, 1991;Ibáñez Esté- chaeobotanical material of Dja’de. We since-
vez et al., 2016). rely thank P. Anderson and G. Willcox, spe-
Cultivation practices seem testified by the cialists in the origins of agriculture in the Near
presence of arable weeds identified in ar- East, for their support and assistance provided
chaeobotanical samples. As already mentio- during the study of these differents artefacts.
ned, arable weeds grow in disturbed habitats, The use-wear analysis of sickle blades was al-
especially fields were cultivation practices (like so conducted in the IMF-CSIC in Barcelona :
ploughting, irrigation) were made. More the we thank the direction of the laboratory for al-
practices are intensive ; more such type of inva- ways facilitating the access in them places and
sive plants is developed. We noted that arable to the platform of microscopy and J.-J. Ibanez
weeds increased through the occupation of the for insuring the guidance of this research.
141
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149
En marge du PPNC, le Néolithique précéramique
récent chypriote (7-6e millénaires av. J.-C.).
Étude des pratiques d’exploitation et d’utilisation

des ressources végétales du village de Khirokitia
(Chypre)
Andréa Pares1 et Margareta Tengberg2
Résumé
La présente étude s’inscrit dans la continuité de la dynamique de recherche archéobotanique conduite dans le cadre de la
Mission archéologique française depuis 1976 sur le site néolithique précéramique de Khirokitia, situé au sud-est de l’île de Chypre.
Elle vise � réaliser une première synthèse intra-site des pratiques d’exploitation et d’utilisation des ressources végétales sur la base
des résultats carpologiques publiés et sur les résultats récemment obtenus, couvrant aujourd’hui la totalité de la séquence du site, sur
près d’un millénaire d’occupation (6800-5500 av. J.-C.). Les produits de l’agriculture forment la majorité des carporestes, notamment
les blés vêtus, principaux éléments de l’alimentation. Les traitements qui leur sont associés occupent une place importante dans
les activités domestiques de la communauté comme le montre l’analyse spatiale des assemblages carpologiques de l’intérieur et de
l’extérieur du village. Les données sur les activités de cueillette concordent avec les résultats anthracologiques et témoignent d’une
communauté tournée vers l’utilisation des ressources locales, disponibles dans les formations végétales proches du site. La mise en
évidence de changements significatifs au cours de la séquence, qu’ils soient d’origine climatique ou anthropique, montre la flexibilité
d’une économie de subsistance et la vulnérabilité des associations végétales. L’étude permet d’aborder la question des échanges
entre le continent et Chypre au cours du Néolithique précéramique récent (7000-5500 av. J.-C.), période du développement original
de la « Culture de Khirokitia ».
Mots-clefs : île, Néolithique, Chypre, diffusion néolithique, agriculture, cueillette, espace domestique
Abstract
The present study continues the development of archaeobotanical research conducted within the framework of the French
archaeological Mission since 1976 on the preceramic Neolithic site of Khirokitia, southeast Cyprus. It aims at performing the first
comprehensive intra-site study of the exploitation and use of plant resources from both published and novel archaeobotanical data,
covering the entire sequence of the site of nearly one millennium (6800-5500 B.C.). The products from agricultural activities form
the majority of macro remains, in particular hulled wheat, the primary food resource. The spatial analysis of the samples inside
and outside of the village shows that activities linked to hulled wheat occupy an important place in the domestic activities of the
community. The data on harvesting combined with the analysis of charcoal remains indicates the use of local, available resources.
Changes in plant ratios during time, of either climatic or anthropological origin, underlines the existence of changing subsistence
strategies and vulnerable vegetation associations. The study has also made use of questions on exchanges between the continent
and Cyprus during the early pre-ceramic Neolithic (7000-5500 B.C.), a key period of the original development of “ Culture of
Khirokitia”.
Keywords :island, Neolithic, Cyprus, Neolithic diffusion, agriculture, foraging, domestic space
1. UMR 7041, ArScan ; UMR 7 209 Archaeozoology, Archaeobotany : Societies, Practices, Environments Muséum national
d’Histoire naturelle – CNRS –Sorbonne Universités CP 57, 55 rue Buffon, F-75005 Paris, France (pares@mnhn.fr)
2. UMR 7 209 Archaeozoology, Archaeobotany : Societies, Practices, Environments Muséum national d’histoire naturelle – CNRS
– Sorbonne Universités CP 56, 55 rue Buffon, F-75005 Paris, France (tengberg@mnhn.fr)
151
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – A. Pares & M. Tengberg, p. 151-168
rokitia », dont les pratiques liées à l’exploita-

Introduction
tion des ressources végétales de subsistance ont
été peu étudiées.
L
a présente étude s’inscrit dans la
continuité de la dynamique de re-
cherche archéobotanique sur le site
de Khirokitia-Vounoi, dans le sud-
est de l’île de Chypre, initiée par la Mission
de fouilles française en 1976, sous la direction
de Alain Le Brun et Odile Daune-Le Brun.
Elle vise à réaliser une première synthèse intra-
site de l’économie végétale de Khirokitia à par-
tir, d’une part, des données déj� publiées et,
d’autre part, des résultats récemment obtenus
par l’analyse d’un corpus important de nou-
veaux échantillons.
Quatre études carpologiques ont été réali-
sées sur ce site entre 1972 et 1994 : celle me-
née par J.G. Waines et N.S. Stanley-Price en
1977 (Waines & Price, 1977) puis, dans le Fig. 1: Schéma de la séquence chronologique des
niveaux et sous-niveaux du site de Khirokitia.
cadre de la Mission française, par N. Miller
en 1984 (Miller, 1984) et J. Hansen en 1989
et 1994 (Hansen, 1989, 1994). Les résultats Les nouveaux échantillons analysés dans le
témoignent d’une conservation exceptionnelle cadre de cette étude présentent plusieurs inté-
des restes végétaux, rencontrés en nombre net- rêts :
tement supérieur au autres sites néolithiques
précéramiques chypriotes, faisant de Khiroki- • un intérêt chronologique car ils pro-
tia une source privilégiée d’information pour viennent de l’ensemble de la séquence
l’étude de l’agriculture du Néolithique chy- d’occupation, des niveau d’occupation
priote (7-6e mill. av. J.-C.). Ces recherches bé- précéramique antérieurs et postérieurs
néficient de la richesse et de la diversité de au déplacement et à la contraction du
la documentation recueillie durant quarante village à la fin du niveau B, ainsi que du
ans de fouilles par P. Dikaios (1936-1946) puis niveau d’occupation céramique (ca. 5500
par la Mission archéologique française (1976- av. J.-C.) (Figure 1) ;
2009) (Dikaios, 1953; Le Brun, 1984, 1989,
1994, 2005). L’intérêt de cette documentation • un intérêt spatial car certaines séries pro-
est d’autant plus vif qu’elle illustre l’aboutis- viennent de contextes non encore étu-
sement du Néolithique précéramique, période diés, tels que des espaces non-bâtis � l’in-
clef du développement de la « Culture de Khi- térieur du village et des espaces situés à
152
l’extérieur de l’enceinte qui entourent le contenus de fosses, cuvettes, remblais, maté-

village ; riau de construction…).
Les prélèvements sont en général de 8 litres
• un intérêt méthodologique par l’emploi et correspondent à la mesure d’un seau, moins
d’outils et méthodes modernes d’analyse dans certains cas, ou plus (jusqu’à 32 l). La
carpologique (analyse fonctionnelle des fraction organique des prélèvements est re-
caractères biologiques des taxons, mor- cueillie par flottation manuelle, en plongeant
phométrie géométrique…). les sédiments dans une bassine d’eau, et au
moyen d’un tamis de 0,25 mm. A la fin des
1. Méthode fouilles en 2009, un nombre important de prélè-
vements, conditionnés dans des boîtes en plas-
L’étude carpologique de Khirokitia-Vounoi
tique, restait � étudier (503 échantillons). Ils
a été conduite selon trois axes : celui de
constituent la majeure partie du corpus de
l’agriculture, (champs, activités agraires, trai-
notre étude carpologique comprenant au total
tements des céréales), celui de la répartition
602 échantillons, dans lesquels 89 012 restes de
spatiale des dépôts (espaces destinés au activi-
graines, éléments de fruits et de rachis ont été
tés domestiques impliquant le travail des végé-
dénombrés (nombre de restes brut).
tau) et celui de l’exploitation des associations
végétales locales (cueillette, collecte de bois) en
s’appuyant également sur les données anthra-
cologiques (Thiébault, 2003). Les principaux
résultats de chacun de ces axes sont présentés
ci-dessous et permettront d’étudier l’évolution
dans le temps de l’économie végétale et, plus
largement, de l’économie de subsistance en in-
cluant dans notre discussion les données is-
sues de l’étude archéozoologique (Davis, 1984,
1989, 1994, 2003).
Notre analyse prend en compte les échan-
tillons nouvellement étudiés, inédits, ainsi que
les résultats des travaux antérieurs publiés
par J. Hansen (Hansen, 1989) et N. Mil-
ler (Miller, 1984) correspondant au même
ordre de comptage. Une stratégie de prélè-
vement systématique au cours des trente an-
nées de fouilles françaises a permis de recueillir
une grande quantité de sédiments provenant
de contextes non-érodés variés (espaces � l’in-
térieur à l’extérieur de l’habitat et du village,
153
2. Résultats archéobotaniques
L’étude des nouveaux échantillons a permis avaient été constatés en abondance dans les as-
de reconnaître quasiment toutes les espèces dé- semblages (Murray, 2003; Colledge & Co-
jà identifiées sur le site ainsi que 66 taxons sup- nolly, 2007).
plémentaires, la plupart sauvages, identifiés à Durant toute la durée d’occupation du site,
l’espèce et parfois à la sous-espèce. les taxons les plus importants, tant en occur-
Comme l’avait déjà constaté J. Hansen rence qu’en quantité de restes, sont les plantes
(Hansen, 1989, 1994, 2001), la principale ca- cultivées notamment les blés vêtus tels que
ractéristique des assemblages de Khirokitia est l’engrain (Triticum monococcum) et l’amidon-
la prépondérance des céréales, des grains et nier (Triticum dicoccum). Dans les niveau an-
des sous-produits de traitement de céréales qui ciens, ils forment un trio avec la lentille (Lens
forment 84% des restes (Figure 2). culinaris) alors qu’à partir du niveau E, celle-
ci diminue de manière significative. Dans une
moindre mesure l’orge vêtueHordeum vulgare
subsp. distichum) fait partie des plantes culti-
vées avec le nouveau blé vêtu (Triticum tétra-
ploïde), l’engrain à deux grains (T. monococ-
cum-2 grains), le petit pois (Pisum sativum),
l’ers (Vicia ervilia) et la gesse (Lathyrus sati-
vus/blepharicarpos). Elles sont accompagnées
de plantes de nature domestique/ sauvage
comme le lin (Linum usitatissimum/pubescens)
et la fève (Vicia faba/narbonensis), aussi pro-
Fig. 2: Diagramme circulaire illustrant les parts de
bablement cultivées (Figure 3).
chaque catégorie de plantes. Données de thèse, de Mil-
ler, 1984 et Hansen, 1989 incluses. Les graines indé- Si l’origine proche-orientale est une certi-
terminées et autres éléments végétaux sont exclus.
tude pour les taxons domestiques, elle n’est
pas moins probable pour les espèces dont
La concentration en éléments de balles la détermination est incertaine « domes-
constitue une exception dans les sites chy- tique/sauvage ». Le lin, l’engrain à deux grains,
priotes néolithiques et montre une forte dis- la fève et le nouveau blé vêtu, absents des
parité entre les sites, dans les activités do- assemblages de Khirokitia jusqu’à la présente
mestiques qui y prenaient place (Colledge étude, renforcent l’image d’un héritage conti-
& Conolly, 2007). Le site de Kissonerga- nental des semences et d’une continuité avec le
Mylouthkia est le seul autre site chypriote Néolithique précéramique ancien.
(Néolithique précéramique ancien) où des ré- Le nouveau blé vêtu n’avait pas pu être
sidus de nettoyage fins –glumes et adventices - identifié sur l’île avant 2000, année où cette
154
Fig. 3: Histogramme empilé basé sur les proportions de carporestes (par rapport aux totaux des restes des
niveaux, N) des plantes cultivées, selon la séquence stratigraphique du site, à l’intérieur de l’enceinte du village.
variété de blé vêtu a pour la première fois été la liste des plantes cultivées : l’orge à six
reconnue (Jones et al., 2000). Il correspond rangs et le blé nu tétraploïde (Triticum du-
à un blé tétraploïde aujourd’hui répertorié en rum/turgidum) déj� attesté par J. Hansen
Turquie, Europe centrale et occidentale entre (Hansen, 1994). Leurs vestiges ponctuels et
le PPNB et l’âge du Fer où il semble dispa- très rares dans nos assemblages laissent penser
raître des cultures de blés (Jones et al., 2000; à des « contaminants ». Le blé nu est en ef-
Köhler-Schneider, 2003). Presque toujours fet parfois considéré comme une adventice des
minoritaire, ce blé constitue comme à Khiro- cultures dans les sites néolithiques européens
kitia une céréale complémentaire des cultures (Maier, 1996) tandis que l’orge à six rangs
principales de blés vêtus, d’engrain et d’ami- peut apparaître spontanément et de manière
donnier. indépendante dans les champs d’orge sauvage
Deux autres céréales domestiques, pré- et cultivée à deux rangs(Tanno & Takeda,
sentes en nombre très réduit, complètent 2004).
155
3. Discussion
des cultures dans lesquelles elles ont grandi : la

La présence du blé nu sur le site de Khiro-
saisonnalité, l’intensité du travail de la terre et
kitia (depuis le niveau H) constitue un indice
la productivité des champs. L’étude repose sur
clair de l’introduction de semences provenant
des données relatives à l’écologie des taxons
du continent très rapidement après sa mise en
sauvages inféodés au champs (période de flo-
culture, datée de la seconde moitié du 8e millé-
raison, cycle végétatif, hauteur de la canopée,
naire av. J.-C. (Zohary & Hopf, 2000). Son
nature des substrats…) provenant d’ouvrages
introduction dans l’île, intentionnelle ou non,
spécialisés sur la flore chypriote (Hand et al.,
n’est pas suivie d’une intégration de l’espèce
2011; Meikle, 1977, 1985; Pantelas et al.,
dans les cultures de Khirokitia et sa rareté dans
1993; Viney, 1994; Sfikas, 1998). Cette mé-
nos assemblages, tout comme celle de la fève,
thode, appelée FIBS (Functional Interpreta-
de la gesse et de l’ers, constituent des distinc-
tion of Botanical Survey), a été développé par
tions significatives avec les modes de cultures
l’UCPE (Unit of Comparative Plant Ecology)
du continent à partir de la seconde moitié du 8e
et appliquée à l’étude de plusieurs autres sites
millénaire av. J.-C. (Zohary & Hopf, 2000).
(Charles et al., 1997, 2002; Bogaard et al.,
1999, 2001; Jones et al., 2010).
3.1. Pratiques agricoles Les herbacées sauvages de Khirokitia ont

L’étude des activités agraires réalisées � toutes des périodes de floraison débutant avant
Khirokitia repose sur des données abondantes juin, ce qui permet d’éviter la sécheresse carac-
d’éléments de sous-produits de céréales et de téristique du climat méditerranéen. Les herba-
plantes identifiées comme adventices et rudé- cées à la floraison tardive sont absentes et celles
rales. Les bases d’épillets et de glumes repré- à la floraison longue sont rares. Toutes corres-
sentent plus de 57% des restes tandis que les es- pondent à des cultures sèches d’hiver, tribu-
pèces sauvages des champs, considérés comme taires essentiellement de la pluie et non de crue
adventices ou rudéraux, s’élèvent à 9% (45 ou de l’irrigation. De plus, l’analyse des cycles
taxons). végétatifs des adventices (taxons thérophytes,
Les principales adventices sont l’ivraie (Lo- annuels à floraisons courtes) montrent que le
lium rigidum/perenne), l’orge sauvage (Hor- travail de la terre était probablement effectué
deum spontaneum), l’avoine (Avena sterilis), à la fin de l’été, lors des premières pluies, avant
la mauve (Malva) mais aussi, la chenillette le semis des céréales. Les quelques taxons � flo-
(Scorpiurus muricatus), l’alpiste (Phalaris mi- raison longue, pérenne/bisannuels et géophytes
nor/paradoa), la luzerne (Medicago spp. ) et la indiquent une production extensive peut-être
fumeterre (Fumaria). Les qualités botaniques avec pratiques de jachère. Ces hypothèses sont
de chacune des herbacées sauvages identifiées cohérentes avec les données écologiques des
� l’espèce nous permettent d’évaluer la nature mêmes taxons, marqueurs de sols pauvres en
156
nutriment (oligotrophe), de pentes calcaires et légumineuses et par J. Hansen pour les cé-
peu compétitives. réales :
Les cultures pratiquées à Khirokitia étaient ”The continued paucity of barley
probablement de faible production, extensives may indicate that this was not a
et tributaires de la saison des pluies (octobre- separate crop at Khirokitia, but was
février), à l’image des cultures connues au- grown with the wheat”
jourd’hui au Proche-Orient, dans les régions — Hansen, 1994, p. 394
recevant moins de 300 mm de pluie par an
(Araus et al., 2003). Afin de minimiser les D’après l’analyse de saisonnalité des
pertes potentielles de productivité, ces types cultures, la récolte est effectuée au printemps,
de cultures se composent généralement de plu- au moment de la maturation des plantes culti-
sieurs plantes cultivées. Dans les assemblages vées et des adventices. Les analyses de l’ou-
de Khirokitia, l’analyse des associations des tillage lithique montrent que la récolte est réa-
plantes cultivées ne montre aucune partition lisée à l’aide d’un outil de type faucille en coupe
claire de groupes de taxons mais plutôt des as- basse adapté aux cultures mixtes (Astruc,
sociations de taxons selon leur occurrence res- 2002, p. 79), probablement complété par une
pective dans les assemblages (Figure 4). récolte à la main. Ces méthodes sont cohé-
La culture mixte présenterait également rentes avec la présence de champs de densité
l’avantage de soutenir les plants d’amidonnier faible, mites, ou sur sols pentus.
après les pluies, de supporter les plants de légu-
mineuses, de leur apporter une protection et de
3.2. Traitement des récoltes
permettre une récolte minimum garantie par
l’engrain, plus tolérant au conditions de crois- La récolte est la première étape du trai-
sance variables. Connue aujourd’hui dans les tement des céréales vêtues. Les suivantes ont
cultures biologiques (dites « intercalaires »), pu être définies et localisées de manière précise
cette hypothèse est défendue pour le PPN par grâce à la présence ou à l’absence de produits
A. Butler (Butler, 1998) pour les céréales- ou sous-produits (Stevens, 2003).
Fig. 4: Compositions relatives des assemblages de plantes cultivées ; proportions des échantillons où deux
taxons sont présents ensembles, parmi le total des échantillons combinés.
157
D’après la composition des assemblages de entre les habitations suggèrent qu’ils étaient
Khirokitia, récolte, séchage, vannage et pre- transportés par petites quantités, dans des
mier tri ont été réalisés à l’extérieur du village. sacs. Trois étapes sont ensuite réalisées à l’in-
Le battage consiste à séparer le chaume des térieur du village :
éléments de l’épi puis à disloquer les épillets
entre eux, le vannage à séparer les éléments • celle du décorticage qui vise à sépa-
lourds (grain, épillet) des éléments légers (ra- rer le grain de céréale vêtue (caryopse)
chis, balle, paille, glumelle, petit grain) et en- de son enveloppe (glume, glumelle, base
fin, le premier tamisage grossier a pour objectif d’épillet) avec l’aide d’une meule et d’un
d’enlever les gros adventices des produits de ré- percuteur (mortier, pilon en bois) (As-
colte. à 5 mm laisse en effet peu de doute sur truc, 1994),
la réalisation de ce tamisage à l’extérieur du • puis celle du second tamisage qui
village (Figure 5). Le chaume, la paille et les consiste à retenir le bon grain et à
gros adventices séparés à l’extérieur du village laisser passer les petites adventices et
pouvaient être employés pour le fourrage, la les céréales immatures, inférieures à 5
vannerie ou comme dégraissants dans la fabri- mm (mauves, trèfles, mélilots, astragales,
cation de terre à bâtir en dehors de l’enceinte ivraie, orge sauvage, brome),
du village.
• et peut-être celle du dernier vannage per-
mettant aux derniers éléments de balles
et de petits grains d’être écartés.
Parmi les sous-produits séparés à l’intérieur

du village, les adventices de petite taille, en
faible nombre, sont très probablement réutili-
sées pour le fourrage tandis que les éléments
de balles sont systématiquement jetés au feu.
Leur abondance sur toute la séquence d’occu-
Fig. 5: Histogramme empilé du nombre de
pation et la bonne connaissance de l’espace vil-
taxons petits, moyens ou gros selon la mesure de lageois nous permet de réaliser l’étude des dis-
leur section la plus grande, parmi les plantes culti-
vées et les herbacées sauvages. Taxons identifiés
tributions des compositions carpologiques, ni-
à la famille exclus. veau par niveau et sous-niveau, afin de mieux
comprendre l’organisation des activités domes-
Seuls sont introduits dans le village les tiques dans les différents espaces du village.
grains, épillets, certains éléments de rachis et Le tissu villageois s’organise selon des es-
adventices (inférieurs à 5 mm). L’étroitesse paces d’habitat et des zones de circulation et,
du passage permettant l’entrée dans le vil- au niveau C et B, des espaces non-bâtis, in-
lage (Le Brun, 2001, p. 114, Le Brun, 1994, terprétés comme des espaces communautaires.
p. 143) et l’exiguïté des espaces de circulation La maison est définie par le regroupement de
158
constructions circulaires autour d’un espace soigneusement nettoyés, systématiquement ou

non-couvert, sorte de petite cour intérieure (Fi- avant abandon, tandis que les espaces atte-
gure 6). nants à ces installations (l’extérieur des habi-
tations et les fosses) sont riches en carporestes.
Aucun stockage de produits de récoltes n’a
clairement été localisé. Néanmoins, la présence
en grand nombre de graines carbonisées à l’ex-
térieur du village dans du remblai et matériau
de construction et en moindre nombre dans une
cuvette de l’intérieur du village (S.145, niveau
E) envisage l’hypothèse de stockage dans un
périmètre proche autour du village.
Les habitations semblent généralement
Fig. 6: Reconstitution d’une maison composée de
plusieurs éléments construits autour d’une cours s’organiser selon le même modèle. La cour in-
en plein air (Le Brun, 1995, fig. 18, dessin réalisé térieure où se trouve une meule (ou, lorsqu’elle
par O. Daune-Le Brun).
a disparu, de pavements de pierres sur les-
quels elle devait reposer) est dédiée au décorti-
Les éléments de balles carbonisés, présents
cage. Les éléments d’habitation semblent être
sur l’ensemble des sols du village, suggèrent
le lieu d’activités diverses ainsi que le suggèrent
la circulation de matière entre les espaces ex-
des concentrations d’outils en pierres ou en os,
térieurs et intérieurs, c’est-à-dire entre aires
mais pauvres en carporestes, et certains es-
de feu, aires de cuisson puis aires de rejet.
paces non-nettoyés, probablement associés au
Les combustibles sont carbonisés à l’extérieur
décorticage.
de l’habitation, puis les braises incandescentes
L’espace extérieur non-bâti situé au niveau
sont apportées à l’intérieur ainsi que le sug-
C, dont aucune fonction domestique n’avait pu
gèrent les traces de brûlé trouvées à l’intérieur
être identifiée auparavant, semble également
de certaines vaisselles en pierre. Alimentés par
destiné au décorticage et au tri des grains. Dé-
ces braises, les foyers sont aménagés sur une pe-
gagé sur quarante mètres carrés, cet espace
tite plate-forme rectangulaire recouverte d’une
au sol soigneusement enduit, aménagé de deux
plaque de pierre, ou d’un dallage de galets, qui
plateformes et d’une structure pavée, a pu ser-
joue le rôle de plaque de réfraction (Molist,
vir au traitement d’une grande quantité de
1989, p. 55) (Figure 7).
produits de récolte, suggérant une organisation
En dépit d’une forte homogénéité des as-
communautaire du traitement des céréales.
semblages, tous très riches en éléments de
balles, notre étude met en évidence des com-
3.3. Exploitation des fruitiers
positions carpologiques singulières, récurrentes
ou originales. En effet, les foyers comme les L’analyse spatiale a également permis de
autres installations � usage domestique (cu- reconnaître des concentrations régulières de
vette, bassin, meule, pavement de pierres) sont pistaches qui, au contraire de celles des grains,
159
Fig. 7: Schéma du fonctionnement des foyers sur plateforme situés à l’intérieur des éléments d’habitations
à Khirokitia- Mission archéologique française. A droite : foyer consistant en une petite plateforme recouverte
d’une dalle ou de galets jouant le rôle de plaque de cuisson (plaque de réfraction).
sont présentes exclusivement dans les zones de (Type Pyrus sylvestris) et, pour le niveau céra-
rejets (fosses, espaces extérieurs). mique, de la vigne (Vitis vinifera subsp. sylves-
La pistache sauvage (Pistacia atlanti- tris). Ce sont des ressources communes du bas-
ca/terebinthus/lentiscus)est le principal fruit sin Méditerranéen, présentes dans les pentes
identifié dans nos assemblages (99% des restes rocheuses locales et près des cours d’eau. Ces
de fruits). Les fragments d’endocarpes, fruits espèces fruitières sont indigènes de l’île sauf
entiers ainsi que de restes de pédicelles et de l’amandier et la vigne qui, selon les spécia-
charbons de bois témoignent de la collecte listes de la flore chypriote actuelle, sont aujour-
de branches de pistachier auquels sont encore d’hui considérées comme des espèces naturali-
associées les grappes de fruits. Le pistachier sées non-invasives, introduites (Meikle, 1977,
semble ainsi avoir été plutôt utilisé comme p. 609, Sfikas, 1998).
combustible et moins comme ressource alimen- La présence de la vigne confirmerait l’in-
taire, au même titre que les balles de céréales, troduction d’un nouveau cortège de plantes
davantage adaptées � la chauffe des foyers iden- venues du continent lors de la période cé-
tifiés sur le site. ramique de Sotira (dès 5500 av. J.-C) tan-
Les autres fruits sont exploités de manière dis que la présence de l’amandier pose ques-
indépendante à celle de leur bois. Il s’agit de tion. A moins que cette espèce ait constitué
l’amande (Amygdalus), de la figue (Ficus cari- un arbre fruitier indigène rare au Pléistocène
ca), des glands de chêne (Quercus), de l’olive avant de disparaître de l’île, les restes de Khi-
(Olea europaea), de fruits type rosier des chiens rokitia constituent le premier exemple d’intro-
(Rosa type canina) et de type poire sauvage duction d’espèce fruitière pour le Néolithique
160
précéramique de l’île. L’identification préalableveau B, comme l’indiquent l’augmentation de

d’autres restes de prunoïdées sur les sites de la proportion de pin et de fabacées ainsi que
Parreklisha-Shillourokambos et de Khirokitia- l’apparition du genévrier dans les diagrammes
Vounoi suggèrent d’ailleurs une introduction anthracologiques. L’hypothèse d’une défores-
antérieure des prunoïdées dans l’île (Hansen, tation par brûlis ou incendie accidentel expli-
1994, p. 394, Waines & Price, 1977, Will- querait en partie le développement du pin, es-
cox, 2000). pèce pyrophyte, mais n’écarte toutefois pas un
La diffusion d’espèces fruitières simultané- changement dans l’aire d’approvisionnement
ment � celle des plantes cultivées est une hy- en bois (Thiébault, 2003).
pothèse qui a été avancée par G. Willcox pour La présente étude indique un changement
le PPNA levantin (9500-8700 av.J.-C.) (Will- continu et linéaire dans les pratiques agraires
cox, 1996, 2014). Comme pour le daim, prin- et, en fin de séquence, un changement brutal
cipal gibier à Khirokitia (Davis, 1984, 1989, dans les pratiques de cueillette. Qu’en est-il des
1994, 2003), l’introduction de l’amandier sug- pratiques d’élevage, dont les principaux résul-
gère des relations étroites avec l’environnement tats ont été publiés par S.J.M. Davis (Davis,
sauvage et souligne l’attachement des sociétés 1994, 2003)?
� des activités de cueillette et de chasse au Les analyses archéozoologiques menées sur
PPNC (6200-5500 av. J-C). les restes animaux (moutons, chèvres, daims
Comme pour l’évolution des assemblages et cochons) concordent avec la chronologie des
de plantes cultivées, l’activité de cueillette pré- changements reconnus par l’archéobotanique.
sente des changements dans le temps, égale- Le mouton augmente de manière significative
ment notés par l’étude anthracologique (Thié- à la fin du niveau B et supplante le daim. Les
bault, 2003). Les fruits collectés se diversi- niveau anciens montrent une baisse importante
fient à partir du niveau D, le bois de frêne de la chèvre (G-E) et une augmentation ponc-
est alors collecté, puis au niveau B, l’olive tuelle du porc (entre les niveau F-D)(Figure 8).
prédomine au moment où la collecte des bois La corrélation de ces résultats pluridiscipli-
de fruitiers diminue (Thiébault, 2003). Lesnaires met en évidence deux phases de chan-
diagrammes anthracologiques et carpologiques
gements : le changement noté dans les niveau
montrent également deux oscillations impor-récents (fin du niveau B-A-III/I) est à la fois
tantes du pistachier, une dans les niveau an-
documenté par les données anthracologiques et
ciens (niveau E/D) et une dans les niveau ré-
archéozoologiques tandis que celui noté dans
cents (niveau B/A-III/I) (Figure 8). les niveau anciens (niveau E/D) est documen-
té uniquement par la carpologie et, dans l’at-
3.4. Évolution de l’exploitation du mi- tente de données complémentaires, peut-être
lieu par l’anthracologie.
L’ouverture du milieu par l’homme est per- Les causes de ces changements sont incon-
ceptible au début de la séquence d’occupa- nues. Entre les niveau J et E, les hommes au-
tion mais devient significative à la fin du ni- raient pu procéder à un changement de leur
161
économie de subsistance en réduisant les es- celle de la lentille. L’ouverture progressive de

pèces éventuellement « moins intéressantes » la végétation et l’extension des espaces de prai-
telles que la lentille, l’amidonnier ou la chèvre ries auraient également pu favoriser l’élevage
et en privilégiant l’élevage du mouton et la du mouton. Ces changements se situent dans
culture de l’engrain qui s’affirmeront progres- une période d’instabilité climatique mise en
sivement par la suite. La hausse du nombre évidence par une étude géomorphologique me-
des adventices caractéristiques des champs et née au pied de la colline au contact de la ri-
l’augmentation de la taille du mouton (fin du vière, sur le site « Kh-Potamos » (Hourani,
niveau B) pourraient en témoigner (Davis, 2008). Grâce au calage chronologique propo-
2003). sé entre cette séquence et celle du sommet de
Toutefois ce nouvel élan dans l’activité la colline, cette période d’instabilité reconnue
agro-pastorale pourrait aussi être le résultat de à « Kh-Potamos » (P10-P3) correspondrait au
facteurs climatiques favorisant la prolifération niveau H à B de la séquence de référence (Hou-
de l’engrain dans les champs et contraignant rani, 2008; Daune-Le Brun, 2008).
Fig. 8: Schéma récapitulatif des principaux changements reconnus au cours de l’occupation néolithique précé-
ramique de Khirokitia, d’après les données carpologiques de notre étude, anthracologiques (Thiébault, 2003)
et archéozoologiques (Davis, 1994, 2003).
162
Conclusion
En conclusion, la reconstitution de l’exploi- cadée contemporaine des changements de l’es-

tation des ressources végétales à Khirokitia a pace bâti au niveau ancien E (extension vers
été réalisée grâce au données publiées multiples l’est au pied de la colline, correspondant plus
et abondantes et au nouvelles données carpo- ou moins au niveau P8 « Kh-Potamos ») et à
logiques. Nos résultats donnent tout d’abord la fin du niveau B (déplacement des limites du
l’image d’une vie en communauté bien orga- village sur les flancs nord et sud) (Le Brun
nisée dans laquelle l’entretien et la localisa- & Daune-Le Brun, 2009). Les données bio-
tion des espaces dédiés au activités domes- archéologiques témoignent de la capacité de la
tiques sont précis et homogènes dans le temps. communauté de s’adapter au variations clima-
L’étude carpologique, quant à elle, montre tiques et/ou à l’ouverture du milieu ainsi que
l’importance des blés vêtus, non seulement de poursuivre le développement de l’activité
dans l’alimentation mais aussi dans les acti- agro-pastorale.
vités domestiques du village (matériel com- De manière générale, les principales espèces
bustible et dégraissant dans les matériau de exploitées ne changent pas ni dans la séquence
construction). d’occupation de Khirokitia, ni dans la période
La cueillette de fruits, tout comme la col- précédente, le Néolithique précéramique an-
lecte de bois, semble suivre un mode d’acquisi- cien. Les introductions éventuelles de semences
tion opportuniste. C’est seulement lors du dé- exogènes identifiées dans cette étude (aman-
placement du village, à la fin du niveau B, que dier et blé nu) ont peu de poids dans l’éco-
la cueillette des fruits et l’absence de la collecte nomie de subsistance de Khirokitia et date-
de leurs bois pourraient indiquer un change- raient du tout début de l’occupation, peut-
ment dans l’exploitation de la végétation ar- être avant. L’absence notable à Khirokitia d’es-
borée locale. pèces exploitées sur le continent, telles que le
Les changements de l’économie de subsis- pois chiche ou la vigne, constitue aussi un point
tance mis en évidence au cours de l’occupa- de divergence avec l’agriculture du PPNB final
tion du site montrent à la fois une évolution (fin du 8e - 7e millénaire av. J.-C.) et conforte
continue depuis les niveau anciens, semblable à l’hypothèse, proposée à partir d’autres études
celles reconnues dans les différents domaines de archéologiques, de l’isolement de l’île durant le
la vie quotidienne (ressources lithiques, tech- Néolithique précéramique récent (Guilaine &
niques de construction…), et une évolution sac- Le Brun, 2003).
163
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168
Continuity and change through personal
ornaments : Aşıklı Höyük, Central Anatolia,
Turkey
Sera Yelözer1 , Devrim Sönmez2
Résumé
Parmi les trouvailles archéologiques, les parures peuvent être comprises à la fois comme des symboles et des objets reflétant
certains aspects personnels et sociaux de l’identité de leur propriétaire. Chercher à comprendre l’utilisation de ces objets person-
nels dans les sociétés préhistoriques peut ainsi contribuer à évaluer les valeurs et traditions sociales, technologiques, cognitives,
symboliques ou encore économiques de ces dernières. Il permet également parfois d’étudier leurs relations avec le monde extérieur.
L’étude en série de ces objets personnels permet de mettre en lumière des choix identitaires socialement induits. Cela peut ainsi
refléter des dynamiques identitaires d’inclusion et de distinction, à l’échelle de l’individu dans la société et à celle de la société
dans son ensemble. Des données récentes sur le site néolithique ancien d’Aşıklı Höyük, situé en Anatolie centrale, suggèrent que la
sédentarisation a commencé dans la région aux alentours du IXème millénaire av. J.-C. Le site a été occupé de manière continue
sur plus de 1000 ans. Les fouilles et les recherches récentes ont porté sur les changements intervenus lors de l’adoption de ce
nouveau mode de vie sédentaire. Le VIIIème millénaire est contemporain de tournants importants dans le mode d’occupation du
territoire et dans les techniques architecturales. En revanche, d’autres aspects, comme les pratiques d’inhumation, le mode de
subsistance et les technologies, se caractérisent avant tout par la continuité. D’un côté, les études soulignent une dynamique de
changement très progressive et d’un autre côté, elles donnent à voir comment la communauté est restée liée à son passé. L’objectif
de cette présentation est de contribuer à comprendre et à tester les indices du changement et/ou de la continuité au sein de la
communauté néolithique à partir de certains de ses produits, à savoir les parures. Les assemblages comprennent des perles, des
colliers, des bracelets et des objets interprétés comme des « boucles de ceintures ». Ces objets provenant de contextes et de couches
archéologiques différents, seront examinés selon leur contexte, leur matière première et leur morphologie, afin de questionner les
processus de changement et/ou de continuité, et au-delà leurs impacts sur le nouveau mode de vie adopté et sur l’organisation
sociale de la communauté.
Mots-clefs : Parures, identité, perles, boucles de ceinture, Aşıklı Höyük
Abstract
Body ornaments can be read as both symbols and media reflecting personal or social aspects of their owners’ identities.
Understanding the use of ornaments in prehistoric societies can contribute to an evaluation of their social, technological, cognitive,
symbolic and economic systems, values or traditions, as well as their relations with the outer world. As a whole, these items may
reflect individual or corporate identities, personal and social aspects of both the individuals within the society and the society itself
as a whole. The present data from Aşıklı Höyük, an early Neolithic settlement located in Central Anatolia, suggests that sedentism
in the region begins around the 9th millennium B.C. Habitation at the site is continuous, lasting more than 1000 years. Notably,
in the 8th millennium there are indications for significant changes in settlement pattern and architecture; in contrast, traditions
in other aspects such as burial customs, subsistence and technologies, remain constant. Studies demonstrate on the one hand a
gradual and rather slow change, yet on the other hand it is apparent that the community was intrinsically bound to its past. The
aim of this contribution is to identify changes and/or continuity in the community through selected small finds, namely personal
ornaments, comprising beads, necklaces, bracelets and the so-called belt buckles. These finds, which have been found in various
contexts and layers, will be assessed with respect to raw materials and shapes/types. Aspects of change and/or continuity will
be identified. Implications for our understanding of newly established life ways and social organization of the community will be
discussed.
Keywords: Personal ornamentation, identity, beads, belt-buckles, Aşıklı Höyük
1. PhD Student, Istanbul University, Department of Prehistory, Istanbul, Turkey

2. Archaeologist (MA), German Archaeological Institute, Istanbul, Turkey
169
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – S. Yelözer & D. Sönmez, p. 169-206
a time of unparalleled transition in human so-

Introduction
cieties. In addition to a broad array of socio-
economic developments, subsumed under the
B
eads, as archaeological indicators of
term ‘Neolithisation’, changes also affected re-
the concept of ornamentation, first
lationship mechanisms between agents, i.e. be-
appear in the archaeological record
tween the agent and the ń thing ż and be-
in the Palaeolithic. These early
tween the agent and the community. In ref-
examples were made from hard animal tis-
erence to I. Hodder’s (Hodder, 2011; Hod-
sues such as shells, animal bones and teeth.
der, 2012; Hodder & Doherty, 2014) the-
The shell beads from Skhul Cave (Israel) dat-
ory of human-thing entanglement in which he
ing to 100 000 B.P. (Bar-Yosef Mayer,
identifies four different dimensions (the de-
2013b, p. 139); Nassarius gibbosulus shell beads
pendence of humans on things, things depen-
from North Africa, dating to 82 000 B.P.
dence on things, things dependence on hu-
(Bouzouggar et al., 2007, p. 9964); shell,
mans, and humans dependence on humans) it
bone, teeth and some stone beads from differ-
can be argued that ornaments played a multi-
ent Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic settle-
dimensional role in building relationship mech-
ments in Europe (from 40 000 B.P. onwards)
anisms of social interactions.
(Alvarez-Fernandez, 2011, p. 7 ; Van-
haeren & d’Errico, 2006, p. 1119; White, Ornamentation can be regarded as a con-
1993, p. 334) all constitute the earliest exam-
cept that goes beyond the use of beads and
ples of ornamentation. First examples of beads
pendants as necklaces, amulets3 or bracelets,
and pendants made from stones and miner- only with aesthetic motivations. The use of
als, mainly from steatite, are also known from
pigments, tattoos, beads, pendants and also
Upper Palaeolithic Europe (Vanhaeren & clothing are all components of a complex sys-
d’Errico, 2006, p. 1108). It is noted thattem in which identities or different social state-
in Southwest Asia, there is a certain increase
ments are expressed through the object and
in the production and use of beads and pen-
also the body itself (Eicher & Barnes,
dants from various stones and minerals with
1992; Wright, 2012, p. 423-425). It is also
the onset of the Neolithic (Alarashi, 2014;
noted that the use of ornaments are indica-
Bar-Yosef Mayer & Porat, 2008, p. 8548; tors of evolutionary, cognitive, symbolic and
Bar-Yosef Mayer et al., 2013, p. 139). social changes. They express developments
The Neolithic of Southwest Asia, a in the way human societies functioned and
wide geographical zone covering Anatolia, valued objects (Kuhn et al., 2001; Stiner
Mesopotamia, the Levant and Cyprus, marks et al., 2013). As suggested by several au-
3. The term « amulet » is described as an object with apotropaic powers, used as a protection in various
belief systems (Baysal & Miller, 2016, p. 13-14). Although it is being widely used as a term in beads re-
search, especially in Near Eastern prehistory, Baysal and Miller (2016) emphasize that this term should be used
carefully, only where supporting contextual information is evident in ascribing the object with such a function.
170
thors (Baysal, 2012; Newell et al., 1990;

Rigaud, 2011; Vanhaeren, 2005), body or-
naments may have conveyed non-verbal mes-
sages to those within and outside a respective
community. It follows that we are able to track
changes and continuities in personal and social
identities through ornamentation.
Figure 1: Map showing Aşıklı Höyük and other Neolithic sites in the Central Anatolian plateau (Özbaşaran,
2011).
171
Figure 2: B.3, a characteristic semi-

subterranean, oval kerpiç building of
the 9th millennium B.C. settlement
phase (Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
1. Aşıklı Höyük
Aşıklı Höyük4 is an Aceramic Neolithic set- ing obsidian, basalt, gypsum and tufa (Tun-
tlement, located in the Cappadocia region of cel, 1998). The settlement was founded upon
Central Anatolia (Figure 1). alluvial fill on the eastern bank of Melendiz
This region is comprised of different ecolog- River, which originates in the Melendiz Moun-
ical zones and niches, with lowlands and mountains and flows into the canyons of the Ihlara
tainous areas, thus providing unique habitats Valley, surrounded by Hasandağ and the ob-
for different plants and animal species. Cap- sidian sources of Nenezi and Göllüdağ. A rich
padocia is characterized by mountainous high- variety of habitats can be found in close prox-
lands, and alluvial, clayey-calcareous plains imity to the site (Özbaşaran, 2011, p. 107).
and basins, a complex geomorphology resulting Most recent data from Aşıklı Höyük attest
from its volcanic past. Aşıklı Höyük is situated to sedentary way of life in the region from
in an area rich in raw material sources, includ- around the mid-9th millennium B.C. Occupa-
4. Excavations were first carried out by Ufuk Esin from Istanbul University and since 2006 by Mihriban
Özbaşaran.
172
tion at the site continued without interruption can be summarized as follows (Duru, 2013;
for in excess of one thousand years, coming Özbaşaran, 2011):
to a close at the end of 8th millennium B.C.
(Esin & Harmankaya, 2007; Özbaşaran,
• Level 4 : Mid-9th millennium B.C. – end
2011; Özbaşaran, 2013) (c. 8350 - 7300 cal.
of the 9th millennium B.C.
5
B.C.) . • Level 3 : End of the 9th millennium B.C.
– first quarter of the 8th millennium B.C.
Recent fieldwork and research has fo-
cused mainly on earliest phases of the settle- • Level 2 : First quarter of the 8th millen-
ment, characterized by wattle and daub struc- nium B.C. – end of the 8th millennium
tures and round/oval, semi-subterranean ker- B.C.
piç buildings. The latter were on average 4.0
m in diameter, with plastered walls and floors, In the 9th millennium village, subsistence
round-shaped hearths, pits and various in-situ practices were based on hunting and gather-
finds, e.g. grinding stones (Figure 2). Another ing. Wild fruits, cereals and legumes were
characteristic feature of the early settlement collected, though small amounts of domesti-
phase (9th millennium B.C.) is that external cated cereals, including emmer and einkorn
open spaces were used intensively as collective wheat, are also in evidence (Ergun, 2016).
multi-task work areas. Subsequently, in the 8th Hunted quarry comprised a wide array of large
th
millennium B.C. there was a shift to rectangu- and small animals. During the 8 millennium
lar kerpiç buildings. This development went B.C., subsistence strategies show an increased
hand in hand with changes to internal set- focus on ovicaprids and the management of
tlement structure; daily activities transferred sheep/goats, where through time the diversity
to the flat roofs of the rectangular buildings in hunted species began to decrease (Stiner
(Esin & Harmankaya, 1999; Esin & Har- et al., 2014). Gradual changes have also been
mankaya, 2007; Duru, 2013; Özbaşaran, documented in chipped stone industries (Kay-
2013; Özbaşaran & Duru, 2015) (Figure 3). acan, 2014). It is based on this background
that parallel changes identified in personal or-
According to the ongoing fieldwork and nament assemblage from Aşıklı Höyük will now
studies, the chronological sequence at the site be discussed.
5. Results of the C-14 samples taken during the 2015 excavation and research season are not included here
(Özbaşaran, 2015, pers. com.).
173
Figure 3: Settlement layout at the 8th millennium B.C. at Aşıklı Höyük (Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
174
2. Personal ornaments from Aşıklı Höyük
Analysis of personal ornaments at Aşıklı 2.1. Descriptive variables : raw

Höyük has previously been conducted by R.
materials, colours and types
Bains (Bains, 2013a), focusing on stone and
mineral beads. Her work included manufac- Raw material choices are closely related
ture marks analysis on a small group of beads to factors such as colour, texture, hard-
in addition to raw material, typological, and ness/softness of the material, and availabil-
spatial distribution analysis on 881 beads in to- ity of sources. Indeed, raw material ac-
tal. Technological analyses are also conducted quisition systems reflect aesthetical prefer-
on bone beads and belt buckles by R. Christi- ences and give information about human-
dou (Christidou, 2010; Christidou, 2011; environment/landscape interactions as well as
Christidou, 2013; Christidou, 2014). At about the relationship between communities.
the moment, one of the authors undertakes As discussed by several authors, the reasons
the continuing work on beads. The contin- and meanings behind raw material preferences
uing work includes a sustained methodology might also convey aspects of socio-historical
of Bains, based on the combination of previ- importance (Alarashi, 2014; Bains, 2012;
ous results and the study of 1170 beads by the Baysal, 2015a, p. 103; Gosden, 2005, p. 193;
2016 excavation season. Here, only the results Rigaud, 2013; Taborin, 1996; Vanhaeren
of the work done until 2015 will be introduced & d’Errico, 2003) that is a part of the entan-
and discussed consisting of 1159 beads in total. gled relationship mechanisms between humans
The main aim of this paper is to contribute and the things that surrounds them (Hodder,
to testing the level of change and/or continu- 2012; Hodder & Doherty, 2014; Hodder,
ity in the Aceramic Neolithic community of 2016).
Aşıklı Höyük through the personal ornaments, Types and forms can reflect the designed
by presenting some preliminary results from and/or intended style of a certain object as a
two finished (Sönmez, 2018; Yelözer, 2016) result of the production sequence from the ac-
MA thesis projects. The finds stem from var- quisition of the raw material to the finished
ious contexts and archaeological layers; they status of the object. While typological studies
will be assessed based on different parameters, constitute an important step in understanding
including raw material choices, forms (typol- production sequences and modelling various
ogy), colour and context, with the objective of chaînes opératoires (Alarashi, 2014; Bains,
questioning changes and/or continuity, as well 2012; Bains, 2013a; Bar-Yosef Mayer,
as related implications for our interpretation of 2013b; Vanhaeren et al., 2013, p. 503), it
newly established Neolithic life ways and social is also a classification method for distribu-
organization. tion analysis and comparisons within and be-
tween archaeological sites (Newell et al.,
1990; Rigaud et al., 2015; Vanhaeren &
175
d’Errico, 2006). It is also stated that early bead producers and users (Wright & Gar-
Neolithic beads show little consistency and rard, 2003, p. 278).
standardization. Moreover, typology and re- The questions behind our approach in
lated terminologies do not always reflect the studying raw material, colour and type selec-
overall meaning and significance of the Ne- tion in ornament production and use at Aşıklı
olithic beads (Baysal, 2015b, p. 11). There- Höyük are as follows:
fore, typology may not necessarily reflect how
• Which raw materials were preferred for
the prehistoric people perceived and valued
ornament production?
objects from different materials and types
(Bains, 2013a; Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2013b). • Were there any visible patterns with re-
spect to raw material choice for certain
Colour selection in ornament production,
types and which types were dominant?
as we have mentioned above, is closely related
• Is raw material choice driven by cer-
to raw material selection and accessibility.
tain colour preferences and which colours
However, in addition to the direct effect of raw
were dominant?
material accessibility on colour preferences, it
is suggested that certain colours clearly visi- • Within the chronological settlement se-
ble in nature, such as green and red, are used quence what were the continuing and
as a media of communication for transmitting changing parameters of raw material,
messages by many species (King, 2005). It colour and type? Further, what were
have also been demonstrated that bead colour the shared elements in ornamentation
can be artificially modified using pigments and between communities in Anatolia or the
heating (Baysal, 2013; d’Errico et al., 2015; Near East?
Wei et al., 2016). The assemblage of personal ornaments
Regarding bead colour choice in the south- from Aşıklı Höyük consists of 1159 beads
ern Levant, Bar-Yosef Mayer and Porat have found individually or in bead groups (Table 1).
noted that the number of green coloured beads Through fieldwork continuing since 1989, a
and pendants increased dramatically with the total of 1177 beads have been found : 1008
onset of the Neolithic, thus suggesting that this of them belong to 17 bead groups discovered
colour was possibly chosen as a symbol of na- mostly with burials and 169 single beads found
ture and fertility, i.e. in relation to increasing in midden deposits, open area fills or activity
agricultural activities (Bar-Yosef Mayer & areas.
Porat, 2008). At the Neolithic bead produc- Various stones and minerals, animal bones
tion sites of Jilat and Azraq in Jordan, green and teeth, native copper and malachite, fresh-
and red coloured beads are reported to be dom- water and marine shells, and clay constitute
inant, and it is suggested that bead producers the raw materials used for ornament produc-
at these sites had clear colour preferences, and tion at Aşıklı Höyük. Furthermore, there is
the symbolic meanings attributed to certain a broken bracelet (Astruc et al., 2011) rep-
colours may have driven choices of Neolithic resenting the only example of obsidian use
176
Ornament type Bead Belt buckle Belt hook Bracelet Total

QTY 1159 65 9 1 1234
Table 1: Ornaments from Aşıklı Höyük.
Raw Animal Native

Stone/mineral Shell Clay Obsidian Unknown Total
material bones/teeth copper/malachite
QTY 897 228 65 27 6 1 10 1234
Table 2: Raw materials of ornaments from Aşıklı Höyük.
Type Quantity Percentage

Type 1 Pendant 69 5,95
Type 2a Disc, flat 777 67,04
Type 2a.1 Disc, flat (double perforated) 1 0,09
Type 2b Disc, flat, globular 54 4,66
Type 3 Cylindrical 70 6,03
Type 3a Cylindrical, short 32 2,76
Type 3b Cylindrical, standard 53 4,57
Type 3b.1 Cylindrical, standard (conical) 1 0,09
Type 3c Cylindrical, long 1 0,09
Type 3d Tubular 3 0,26
Type 3e Barrel 10 0,86
Type 3e.1 Barrel, collared ends 2 0,17
Type 4a Oval, elliptical 8 0,69
Type 4b Oval, lenticular 24 2,07
Type 4b.1 Flat-oval, lencticular 15 1,29
Type 5 Square, lenticular 2 0,17
Type 6 Conical 1 0,09
Type 7 Collared butterfly 1 0,09
Type 8 Saddle shaped 1 0,09
Type 9 Flat-parallelogram (multiple perforations) 1 0,09
Type 10 Spacer 1 0,09
Type 11 Natural shaped (Shells) 27 2,32
Type unidentified 5 0,43
Total 1159 100
Table 3: Quantities and percentages of bead types from Aşıklı Höyük.
177
Figure 4: Typology of beads from Aşıklı Höyük.
for ornamentation (Table 2). The bead as- constitute the majority, followed by pendants6
semblage is dominated by beads made from (n=69) (Figure 4 and Table 3).
various stones and minerals (77.39%) followed
by beads made from animal bone (13.81%). 2.1.1. Stone ornaments
The remaining bead assemblage is comprised
As noted above, a seminal study of the
of copper and malachite beads (5.61%), shell
bead assemblage from Aşıklı Höyük was un-
beads (2.33%), clay beads (0.51%) and beads
dertaken by R. Bains (Bains, 2013a). She
made from animal teeth (0.26%). Belt buckles
identified 11 kinds of stones. In the course
and hooks are all made from animal bone.
of ongoing fieldwork and the analysis of newly
discovered beads from the site this number
A total of 11 bead types have been identi- has now increased to 15, including carnelian,
fied at Aşıklı Höyük. The belt buckles and belt chlorite, meerschaum, granite, steatite, serpen-
hooks were considered as separate groups (Fig- tine and serpentinite, hard and soft limestone,
ure 5). Among the bead types, flat disc beads soft saccharoidal and impure marble, tufa and
(n=777) and cylindrical bone beads (n=93) turquoise (Yelözer, 2016, table 3, p. 34).
6. Here, after Beck (1928) classification, pendants are evaluated as a different bead type regarding the
off-center position of their perforation (for a similar differentiation, see also Bains, 2012, p. 79). However,
according to Baysal & Miller (2016, p. 14) there is a need of standardization in the literature regarding the
use of this term and due to the inconsistency in the form of different ornamental elements named as pendants
in the literature, classifying certain beads as pendants may limit the potential to interpret those objects unique
aspects individually.
178
Figure 5: Typology of belt buckles and belt hooks from Aşıklı Höyük.
The stone bead assemblage is dominated by The stone and minerals apart from steatite,
steatite and limestone (46.49% and 31.44%, re- limestone and marble are evidenced only in
spectively). The third most numerous stone is certain bead types, whereas the most domi-
marble (2.90%), followed by carnelian (1.78%). nant stone and mineral types such as steatite
Stone/mineral type
Unidentified
Serpentinite
Meershaum
Serpentine
Limestone
Turquoise
Carnelian
Faience ?
Chloride
Steatite
Granite
Marble
Quartz
Jasper
Bead type
Tufa
Pendant 3 1
Flat, disc 357 277 9 2 1 2 1 2 122
Disc, oval, globular 44 2 1 1 1 3 2
Cylindrical 6 2
Barrel 2 5 1 1
Barrel, collared ends 2
Oval, elliptical 3 1
Oval, lenticular 7 5 3 3 2 1 1 1
Flat-oval, lenticular 11 1 1
Square, lenticular 1 1
Conical 1
Collared butterfly 1
Saddle shaped 1
Flat-parallelogram 1
Table 4: Quantities of stones and minerals according to bead types at Aşıklı Höyük.
179
0.17%
10.44%
Green
15.10% 42.19%
Red
6.21% Blue
White/beige/grey
Brown
25.54%
0.35% Black
Colour unidentified
Figure 6: Percentage distribution of bead colours at Aşıklı Höyük.
and limestone were apparently preferred for The most dominant bead colours at Aşıklı
the production of flat disc beads, the most Höyük are green and red, in accordance with
dominant bead type (Table 4). the prevailing stone and mineral types, steatite
and limestone. The third colour group is
Although few in number, flat disc beads white/beige, again related to the most fre-
made from limestone are evidenced from the quent stone types, limestone and marble.
earliest phases. Marble and serpentine beads Other stone/mineral colours include brown,
are used for the first time through the end of blue and black (Figure 6). Intentional colour-
the 9th millennium B.C (during the transition ing of beads by adding pigments is rare al-
between Level 4 to Level 3). But their use though there are two examples; one is an
will increase through the 8th millennium B.C. oval-lenticular limestone bead found with red
(throughout Level 2D and 2A-C). Steatite, ochre (Figure 7), the other one is a shell bead
first seen at Level 3, increases during the latest (cf. 2.1.3 Shell beads).
phases of Level 2 (Level 2A-C). Within vari-
ous phases of Level 2, some stone and mineral
types begin to be used although very few in
number or represented by single beads. These
include jasper (Level 2J), turquoise (Level
2F-G-H), serpentinite and meerschaum (Level
2D). During the latest phases of occupation
at the site (Level 2A-C), stone and mineral
types in bead production begin to vary where
tufa, faience (?), granite, chloride, quartz and
carnelian are introduced within the repertoire
Figure 7: Oval-lenticular limestone bead, found with
(cf. Figure 21). red ochre (Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
180
Figure 8: Illustrations of hare (left) and fox (right); preferred bones for bead production, coloured with red
(Illustrations modified from the drawings of Coutureau & Forest, 1996 (left) and Coutureau & Bemilli,
2007 (right), that were themselves redrawn after Barone, 1976 and Ducrotay de Blainville, 1839).
80
72
70
60
50
QTY
40 36
29
30
20
9
10
3 4 4
1 1 2 1 1
0
Cylindrical, Cylindrical, Cylindrical, Cylindrical, Tubular Cylindrical Pendant (red Pendant Pendant (red Pendant Disc, flat Spacer
standard standard, short long (preform) deer canine (stylised, deer canine) (natural
conical imitation) teardrop shaped,
shaped) ovicaprid
incisor)
Bead/Pendant Type
Figure 9: Distribution of animal bone/tooth beads and pendants from Aşıklı Höyük according to bead typol-
ogy.
2.1.2. Ornaments from animal bones blage; 65 belt buckles and 9 belt hooks) and
and teeth teeth (3 pendants). Their selection stands in
direct relation to prevailing broad spectrum
th
The second most dominant raw materi- hunting strategies in the 9 millennium B.C.
als used for ornament are the animal bones Mostly long bones of hare (Lepus capensis),
7
(160 beads or 13.81% of the bead assem- fox (Vulpes vulpes) and birds were preferred
7. According to archaeozoological research conducted on the faunal remains of the earliest levels, water
birds were frequently hunted as a food source, whereas other large birds such as common crane (Grus grus),
owls (Strigidae) and raptors (Falconiformes) were occasionally exploited for raw materials (Stiner et al., 2014,
p. 8405). Although the exact species of the birds exploited as a raw material source for the cylindrical bead
production at Aşıklı Höyük have not been identified, we may assume that the aforementioned pattern may be
applicable to this situation.
181
for cylindrical bone beads (Figure 8). Red likely a reflection of the advantageous physical
deer canine (Cervus elaphus) and its imitations properties of these bones for bead production.
made from other animal bones were preferred Within the assemblage, there are two red
for pendants. Bones from large mammals were deer canine pendants. At some time, both
rarely used for beads. these pieces were broken and then repaired; af-
ter which one specimen appear to have been
Belt buckles and hooks were produced
reused as a ‘button’, as suggested by the lat-
solely from animal bone. Due to heavy pol-
eral notches used to attach the object to fab-
ishing, it is difficult to identify the preferred
rics (Christidou, 2010). Deer canine imita-
animal species. Long bones of large mammals
tion pendants, all made from mammal bones
may have been used for belt buckle and belt
also shows signs of repair, as indicated by a
hook production.
re-perforation on a specimen. The deer ca-
Among personal ornaments made from an- nine pendants can also be regarded as ‘natu-
imal bone and tooth the majority is made rally shaped’, since no modifications were un-
up of cylindrical beads and pendants (48.46% dertaken. Another ‘naturally shaped’ pendant
each, respectively). Mostly metatarsal and was made from the incisor of an ovicaprid with
metacarpal bones of wild hare were preferred a perforation on the apex. The majority of
for cylindrical bead production. This is most pendants are imitations of red deer canine.
Figure 10: Flat, teardrop shaped stone pendant (a); stylized, teardrop shaped, possibly canine imitation pen-
dant (b); red deer canine imitation pendants, notice the re-perforated pendant in the middle, on the right (c);
red deer canine pendant, possibly re-used as a ‘button’ after the breakage (d); pendant made from the incisor
of an ovicaprid (e) (a: Bains, 2013b; b, c, d, e: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
182
Figure 11: Shell beads

from Aşıklı Höyük. a. Conus
mediterraneus; b. Columbella
rustica; c. Nassarius gibbosula;
d. Cypraea sp.; e. Theodoxus sp.;
f. Cerastoderma edule; g. Murex
sp. ; h. Cerithicum vulgare;
i. cf. Episiphon filum (Aşıklı
Höyük Research Project).
Canine imitation pendants can also be into a bead (Figure 11 and Figure 14). A fossil
divided into sub-categories based on shape; shell, identified as Cerithiopsiae, possibly from
whereas some can be described as stylized the Taurus Mountains, and with what could be
‘teardrops’, others clearly adhere more closelynatural perforations (Bar-Yosef Mayer, 2015,
to the original deer canine form (cf. Figure 9 pers. com.), may also have been used as an
for the distribution of animal bone and animal ornament (Figure 12). An exceptional find
tooth beads and pendants after bead typology, within the shell bead assemblage is the Nassar-
and Figure 10 for pendants). ius gibbosulus shell bead with red ochre inside,
Beads and pendants made from animal which bears evidence of intentional colouring
bone and teeth are evident from the earliest (Figure 13).
phases of the settlement and their use contin-
ues throughout the overall occupation at the
site (cf. Figure 21).
2.1.3. Shell beads
Shell beads make up just 2% of the over-

all bead assemblage. The majority of shells
used for this purpose are gastropods from
the Mediterranean, such as Columbella rus-
tica, Nassarius gibbosulus, Conus mediterra-
neus, Cerithicum vulgare, Murex, and Cypraea.
Additionally, there is a single example of a bi-
valve (Cerastoderma edule), pierced through
the umbo and a single example of a scaphopod
(cf. Episiphon filum). The only freshwater mol-
lusc shell modified and used for ornamentation
Figure 12: Fossil shell from Aşıklı Höyük (Aşıklı
is a Theodoxus shell, which had been fashioned Höyük Research Project).
183
Nassarius, Conus and Columbella beads Copper and malachite beads from Aşıklı
are evident from the earliest phases of the set- Höyük, with further examples from Çayönü
tlement; the rest of the different shell taxa (Erim-Özdoğan, 2011, p. 214), reflect the
within the assemblage are represented by sin- earliest use of native copper and malachite in
gle examples, seen throughout the overall oc- Anatolia. There are several copper sources
cupation. During the earlier phases of the reported from Central Anatolia (Esin, 1999;
8th millennium B.C. settlement (Level 2F-G- Yalçın et al., 2015), where Neolithic people
H; cf. Figure 21), there is the single example may have encountered pieces of native copper
of intentional colouring of shell beads (a Nas- and malachite on the surface. Such pieces may
sarius bead found with red ochre inside). have been perceived as green coloured stones
and/or minerals.
2.2. Production
A previous study by R. Bains (Bains,

2013a) has conducted Scanning Electron Mi-
croscope (SEM) analysis on a small group of
beads to shed more light on the production
of stone beads at Aşıklı Höyük. According
to her results, most of stone beads within the
sample, identified as finished products, had
undergone through final polishing, culminat-
ing in the eradication of production marks.
Analysis revealed that the majority of beads
had been drilled mechanically and biconically,
Figure 13: Nassarius gibbosulus shell
bead with red ochre inside (Aşıklı
which was probably an easier method for hard
Höyük Research Project). minerals, and subsequently polished en masse.
An interesting specimen with respect to pro-
duction techniques is a broken flat parallelo-
2.1.4. Clay beads gram bead with multiple perforations. The
A small number of clay beads are known bead, which has 4 perforations on the back-
from Aşıklı Höyük. It follows that clay was side, 1 perforation on the lateral side and 2
one of the preferred materials for the produc- perforations on the front side, was found on
tion of oval, elliptical or flat, disc shaped beads. the floor level of a building (Building RI). The
This bead type appears only in the upper lev- perforations on the back and lateral sides were
els (Level 2D), during the 8th millennium B.C. not finished. There are no typologically sim-
settlement phase (cf. Figure 21). ilar beads within the assemblage. Therefore,
2.1.5. Copper beads we may assume that the specimen reflects an
attempt to produce an unfamiliar bead type.
184
Concerning the belt buckles, Christidou related worked bone finds. As we can trace
(Christidou, 2013) has shown that the man- the production sequence through various re-
ufacturing sequence would have commenced lated finds, it can be assumed that these types
with the choice of mammal bone, followed by were produced within the settlement.
cutting and perforation stages. After this, the
intended form was given, a process that con- 2.2.1. Production and use sequence of
tinued with grinding and scraping. Traces of the cylindrical bone beads
mending and reuse are also observed on some
As discussed above, the choice of a par-
examples.
ticular animal bone for bead production at
Therefore, the belt buckle production and
Aşıklı Höyük was clearly multi-dimensional.
use sequence can be described as follows :
Following the preparation of the raw mate-
• Choice of mammal bone
rial, the first stage of the production was the
• Cutting sawing process. R. Christidou states that the
• Perforating surfaces of bird bones were scraped prior to
• Grinding sawing, while other bones, e.g. long bones
• Scraping from hare, show no such traces (Christi-
• Mending dou, 2011). Again, according to SEM anal-
• Reuse ysis conducted by R. Bains, the sawing pro-
cess was probably conducted with the use of
The most solid evidence for local bead pro- a sharp, hand-held tool; the bone was sawn
duction at Aşıklı Höyük comes from cylindri- back and forth a quarter of the circumference
cal bone beads and deer canine pendants, as at a time, resulting with the unaligned sawing
suggested by the occurrence of preforms and marks (Bains, 2013a). There are also worked
Figure 14: Aşıklı Höyük shell beads, percentage distribution according to shell taxa.
185
Figure 15: A diagram for the production and use sequence of the cylindrical bone beads found at Aşıklı Höyük
bone pieces, which display clear manufacture open activity area and also another red deer
marks : Examples where the manufacturing canine bead preform.
process had commenced but was never com- Polishing was not a standard procedure
pleted, the preform (as well as the debitage) since we see both cutmarks and breaking
having been abandoned. marks on the bead surfaces. But the polished-
After the sawing process, the pieces were look stems from the intensive use of the beads,
fractured into beads measuring 1-2 cm each whereas there is also evidence of mending and
(cf. Figure 15 for the proposed production and reuse. In the case of the deer canine imita-
use sequence of cylindrical bone beads). Some tion pendants, re-perforation is observable : in
examples could be identified as preforms due to some cases, after the breakage of the hole, the
the cut marks, which could also have been used surface of the fracture was smoothened and
as beads with aesthetical motivations (Chris- then the object was re-perforated. R. Chris-
tidou, 2011). There is also evidence of pen- tidou has previously suggested traces of mend-
dant production within the site, suggested by ing and re-use on a genuine deer canine pen-
a broken fragment of an herbivore (possibly a dant and also a realistically represented deer
red deer) canine, found on the floor level of an canine imitation pendant (Christidou, 2010;
186
Christidou, 2013; Yelözer, 2016, p. 78-80; such as midden deposits of open area fills, sug-
Yelözer & Özbaşaran, 2014) (Figure 16). gesting that discard was the latest stage of the
During the course of the ongoing work, this production and use sequence of the ornaments.
practice is also observed on a bead group con- The multi-functioned external activity ar-
sisting of deer canine imitation pendants com- eas of the 9th millennium B.C. settlement
bined with copper beads found with an adult phase reveals worked bone specimens, bone
female burial during the latest phases of the 8th bead preforms and debitage related to bead
millennium B.C. settlement (cf. Figure 10c). production, however no definable beadworking
The wider implications of this situation will areas and/or ateliers inside the buildings were
be discussed below (cf. 2.3.2 Ornaments from identified all through the sequence (Figure 17).
animal bones and teeth). 2.2.2. Production methods of the shell
beads
Although manufacture marks analyses on
the shell bead assemblage have not been con-
ducted yet under microscope, some different
production methods are identified after Fran-
cis (Francis Jr, 1982, p. 713). It could be
suggested that while some of the shell beads
were perforated by gouging (Figure 18a), some
were perforated using the method of percussion
(Figure 18c and Figure 18d). In some cases,
sawing and grinding methods were also applied
–observed especially on the Nassarius gibbosu-
lus and cf. Episiphon filum shells (Figure 18b
and Figure 18e).
2.3. Discussion
Here, the assessment of the ornaments from
Aşıklı Höyük will be evaluated within the con-
Figure 16: A discarded bead group con-
sisting of cylindrical bone beads and red text of regional comparisons and afterwards
deer canine imitation pendants found in an
the continuities and changes based on orna-
open area fill at Aşıklı Höyük (Aşıklı Höyük
Research Project). mentation at Aşıklı Höyük will be discussed.
2.3.1. Ornaments from stones and min-

Besides the open activity areas, especially
erals
during the 9th millennium B.C. settlement
phase, most of the cylindrical bone beads and As introduced above, the stone bead assem-
deer canine imitation pendants made from dif- blage is dominated by steatite and limestone,
ferent mammal bones are found in contexts followed by marble and carnelian. Steatite and
187
Figure 17: Possible bead production areas (?) in the 9th millennium B.C. settlement (Level 4, 4GH Deep
Trench Plan: Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
188
Figure 18: Proposed shell bead production methods at Aşıklı Höyük. Gouging (a); percussion (c and d);
sawing and/or grinding (b and e) (Aşıklı Höyük Research Project).
limestone were apparently preferred for the What is interesting is that while obsidian
production of flat disc beads, the most dom- is the most exploited and the most accessible
inant bead type. There is a similar pattern material for tool production at Aşıklı, there
also in the Aceramic Neolithic settlement of is only one example revealing the use of ob-
Boncuklu Höyük in the Konya Plain. As at sidian for ornamentation. Even more inter-
Aşıklı Höyük the flat disc beads made from esting is that this piece was recovered from
limestone (which is thought to have been pro- the fill of a special purpose building, located
cured from a local source at Bozdağ, approx- in the public area of the 8th millennium B.C.
imately 20 km from the settlement) make up settlement. This find might suggest that raw
the majority of the bead assemblage at Bon- material source availability was not the only
cuklu Höyük. According to Baysal (Baysal, motivation for ornament production and use.
2013; Baysal, 2014b, p. 60; Baysal, 2014a, Furthermore, an obsidian provenance study of
p. 30), in a wider context, stone disc beads the bracelet shows that it may be of Eastern
are one of the major unifying elements of the Anatolian origin, and therefore reflect inter-
Neolithic ornamentation practices in Anatolia action between regions and communities (As-
and even beyond, as far as the Levant (Bar- truc et al., 2011, p. 3423). A similar spec-
Yosef Mayer, 2013b). Keeping in mind the imen, reported to be a comparable profiled
similarity between the two sites, the use of the bracelet, is also known from Neolithic Çukuriçi
most accessible raw material for the produc- Höyük on the Aegean littoral (Horejs et al.,
tion of the most commonly produced bead type 2015, p. 303). Obsidian is also used as a raw
suggests that accessibility was a determining material for ornament production during the
factor in material choice. late Neolithic, as reported from the Halaf lev-
els of Domuztepe in southeastern Anatolia and
189
Tell Arpachiyah in northern Iraq (Healey & use pattern. During the 8th millennium B.C.
Campbell, 2014). settlement phase, eight individuals were found
Another parameter we see in stone and buried with single green beads, whereas the
mineral choice for bead production is the hard- rest (n=16) were buried with bead groups con-
ness grade of the material. Either soft but not sisting of beads from various colours, forms and
fragile or hard but fragile stones were preferred raw material. The use of green colour in such
for bead production at Aşıklı Höyük. It is es- a practice may suggest that the colour green
pecially difficult to work on hard but fragile was symbolically charged.
stones and minerals that have low resistance
2.3.2. Ornaments from animal bones
to fracture, therefore it has been suggested
and teeth
that the existence of beads made of such min-
erals (e.g. carnelian) could indicate a higher Bead production using animal bone and
skill level of some bead producers at the site teeth at Aşıklı Höyük can be summarized as
(Bains, 2013a, p. 13). However, since car- follows :
nelian is not a local mineral and no related
• Bones used for bead production at Aşıklı
bead production debitage have been identified,
Höyük are consistent with the commonly
it cannot be ruled out that these beads were
hunted animal species.
produced off-site and brought to the settle-
• Long hollow bones from hare, fox and
ment as finished products. Thus, instead of
birds were the preferred bones for bead
indicating the skill level of the bead producers
production.
at Aşıklı Höyük, the data indicates some in-
• Observable patterns in pendant produc-
sights into interaction networks. Considering
tion differ from the above. The red
that carnelian is the preferred material for oval,
deer canines were apparently preferred
flat/oval and lenticular beads, and seeing that
for pendants but due to their scarcity,
these are the least frequently observed bead
among other factors that may be related
types in the assemblage, we can assume that
to symbolic behaviours and choices, its
carnelian beads did not constitute a standard
imitations were frequently made on var-
component of ornamentation at Aşıklı Höyük
ious animal bones.
but likely reflect more personal choices or inter-
action with different regions/communities and Cylindrical beads and pendants dominate
also convey symbolic meanings in relation to the assemblage of beads made from animal
these factors at the same time. bones and teeth. Cylindrical beads made from
While green and red, as discussed above, the long, hollow and easily perforable bones
are commonly preferred bead colours during of wild hare are also evident at the contem-
the Neolithic in a wider spatial context, the porary site of Boncuklu Höyük in the Konya
burial practices at Aşıklı Höyük which we see Plain. Baysal has suggested that this choice
some individuals interred with green coloured might be attributable to prevailing social val-
single beads also forms an interesting colour- ues and meanings connected with this animal
190
(Baysal, 2013, p. 8). In addition to the Ace- all scarcity of deer canines and also to sym-
ramic Neolithic sites of Aşıklı and Boncuklu bolic relations between hunting activities and
Höyük, the archaeological record (also from ornamentation. In other words, it serves as
later periods) has produced evidence that ‘spe- a mirror on the relationship between animals
cial’ powers were probably attributed to skele- and humans (Choyke, 2001, p. 252). It is
tal parts of some animals (including parts of also emphasised that the imitated forms and
the skull and the paws). This tradition might materials carry a social and symbolic mean-
be traced back to certain physical activities ing of their own (Baysal, 2015b, p. 18). As
that animals and humans perform with these also observed at Aşıklı Höyük, red deer canine
parts of the body (Choyke, 2010, p. 200-201). imitation beads also have flattened and styl-
The aforementioned insights serve to ex- ized versions at the Pottery Neolithic settle-
pand our knowledge of ornament production ment of Çatalhöyük in the Konya Plain. It is
on animal bone at Aşıklı Höyük. Consider- suggested that while genuine red deer canines
ing that cylindrical beads were being made on need only perforation through its root to be
bone from species already hunted for nutri- converted into an ornament, the imitation and
tional purposes, it does not surprise that this stylized forms made of bone were first chipped
bead type became a standard ornament at the of large mammal long bone cortex, abraded
site. Notably, for the earlier levels of the set- into shape, and then perforated after the shape
tlement the faunal assemblage features much was roughed out (Bains et al., 2013, p. 361).
higher species diversity; wild hare, fish from The prolonged use life history of ornaments
the Melendiz River, and different bird species suggested by the traces indicating intensive use
were frequently hunted (Stiner et al., 2014, of the items, mending and re-use is particu-
p. 8405). Especially in these earlier levels a larly evident in the case of the bone beads,
multi-purpose exploitation and manipulation deer canine pendants and its imitations. The
of small prey as a raw material source for or- polished look that stems from intensive use is
nament production cannot be ruled out. clearly observable on cylindrical bone beads.
Red deer canine pendants at Aşıklı Höyük In some cases, the objects function was possi-
were clearly symbolically charged, thus con- bly transformed after the curation process. A
firming previous observations for a broad ge- pendant made from red deer canine, found at
ographical area and a significant time span. the earliest levels of the 9th millennium B.C.
It is evidenced that these beads have been settlement at Aşıklı Höyük illustrates this par-
mimicked using different animal bones, stones ticular situation. R. Christidou (Christidou,
and minerals, and even Spondylus shell, (in 2010; Christidou, 2013) suggests that the
the case of the latter at the Neolithic settle- specimen may have been used as a ‘button’
ment of Uğurlu (Baysal & Erdoğu, 2014, after the breakage, as observed by the verti-
p. 374)) since the Palaeolithic. Covering a cal notches concentrating at the sides of the
wide area from Europe to the Near East, this hole and the use-wear traces on the fracture
trend is thought to be related to the over- (cf. Figure 10d).
191
This practice continues during the 8th mil- the level of interaction of the Aşıklı commu-
lennium B.C. settlement phase, suggested by nity with the possible circulation networks of
an assemblage of deer canine pendants and marine shells were also low. As Baysal &
copper beads including re-perforated pendants Miller (2016, p. 16) indicates that the inhabi-
found with an adult female burial. Here, we tants of the contemporaneous Boncuklu Höyük
may speak of a shift in use and a quite special preferred beads made from the local stones and
treatment for red deer canine pendants. Con- used them more intensively although they had
sidering that the deer canine imitation pen- access to certain ‘exotic’ raw materials such as
dants are evident from the earliest occupation marine shells. A similar situation is applicable
phase at the site, this example brings forward to Aşıklı Höyük.
issues of memory and communal history ex-
Another suggestion for interaction be-
pressed through these objects. According to
tween regions through a particular perforation
Baysal and Miller (Baysal & Miller, 2016,
method in Nassarius shell bead production
p. 17), the phenomenon of curation and re-
is suggested between Boncuklu Höyük in the
use, observed also in other Neolithic settle-
Konya Plain and Shillourokambos in Cyprus
ments, indicates that prehistoric beads carried
(Baysal, 2013, p. 10; Serrand et al., 2005,
an importance beyond solely motivations of
p. 126: fig. 5i). These two Aceramic Ne-
display. Emphasizing that most of these cu-
olithic sites are contemporaneous with Aşıklı
rated beads with prolonged life histories have
Höyük. Considering that Cappadocian obsid-
lost their original aesthetical qualities, sym-
ian diffused via a network linking Neolithic
metrical forms and their primary quality as a
Central Anatolia with Cyprus (Balkan-Atlı
bead with their broken holes, they suggest that
& Binder, 2012, p. 76), we can assume that
the meaning of these objects was beyond their
additional raw materials, including shells for
physical properties, forms and aesthetical as-
ornamentation, were also subject to exchange
pects.
along these same channels.
2.3.3. Shell beads One specimen within the shell bead assem-
The shell bead assemblage, dominated by blage at Aşıklı Höyük, identified as a fossil
marine mollusc shells from the Mediterranean, shell (Cerithiopsiae) from the Taurus Moun-
may reflect the interaction level of the Aşıklı tains, has similar examples from the Pottery
community with the possible direct and indi- Neolithic settlement of Çatalhöyük. Unlike
rect circulation networks of the Mediterranean Aşıklı Höyük, it is suggested that fossil hunt-
shells 8 . Considering the small number of the ing, in addition to the use of marine mol-
shell bead assemblage, one may suggest that lusc shells, indicates that the Çatalhöyük in-
8. Bar-Yosef Mayer (2013b, p. 139) suggests that « The presence or absence of certain bead types can
inform us about long distance contacts as the result of exchange of raw materials and finished products, the
diffusion of ideas or the movement of artisans along specific routes, and the possible value of unique types either
economic or symbolic. »
192
habitants were involved in an extensive ex- that they are strikingly rarely present, compar-
change network spanning much of the Near ing to the stone and bone beads (Bains et al.,
East (Mayer et al., 2010, p. 376-385). It 2013, p. 346-355) . There is also a single exam-
is also stressed that the un-perforated fos- ple of a clay bead from the 9th millennium B.C.
sil shells at Çatalhöyük could be interpreted settlement of Pınarbaşı and nine clay beads
as exchange items, ‘gifts’ or ‘souvenirs’ that are also reported from Boncuklu Höyük in the
served as ‘amulets’, but not as beads (Bains Konya Plain (Baysal, 2013, p. 6). While
et al., 2013, p. 358; Bar-Yosef Mayer, the Pınarbaşı and Boncuklu Höyük clay beads
2013a, p. 332; Mayer et al., 2010, p. 387 ). are regarded as crudely made examples, it is
There is also evidence of colouring of beads stated that the clay beads from Çatalhöyük
made from organic materials such as shells at are more neatly formed; other examples of Ne-
the contemporaneous site of Pınarbaşı in the olithic clay beads comes from Çukuriçi Höyük
Konya Plain, where shells were coloured with in the Aegean littoral, with polished clay beads
red ochre, (similar to the Aşıklı Höyük spec- reflecting a higher quality and craftsmanship
imen; cf. Figure 13) or turned into black via (Baysal, 2015b, p. 15-16).
heating (Baysal, 2013, p. 6).
2.3.5. Contextual and chronological
2.3.4. Clay beads distribution of the ornaments:
continuities and changes
The few number (n=6) of clay beads forms
an interesting pattern considering that clay is During the 9th millennium B.C. settlement
one of the most extensively exploited raw ma- phase, majority of the ornaments are found
terials at Aşıklı Höyük, especially as a con- in open activity areas and midden deposits,
struction material, but also as a raw material mostly as broken and discarded pieces, sug-
for various artifacts. Similar to Aşıklı Höyük, gesting the end of their use-life histories. Be-
clay is regarded as the most extensively used sides the open activity areas, especially during
raw material, as a construction material, and the 9th millennium B.C., most of the cylindri-
also for various artifacts such as clay objects, cal bone beads and deer canine imitation pen-
figurines, pottery, stamp seals and beads at dants made from different mammal bones were
the Pottery Neolithic site of Çatalhöyük in the abandoned in contexts such as midden deposits
Konya Plain. It is reported that Çatalhöyük of open area fills. They could have been thrown
clay beads were made of alluvial clays avail- away, lost or employed in ritual practices9 .
able in the vicinity of the site, and varied in However, in the 8th millennium B.C., the great
typology from tubular and flat disc beads to majority of the ornaments are found together
lenticular beads and pendants; it is also stated with burials as bead groups (Figure 19).
9. Involvement of beads in rituals was attested for the PPNA Northern Mesopotamia at Tell Mureybet
and Jerf-el Ahmar. Indeed, groups of beads made from cylindrical bones and stones were found in various
non-funerary contexts, sometimes associated to bucranium or horns (Alarashi, 2014).
193
1000 932
800
600
400 26
4 31
200 18 9 9th millennium B.C.
59 8
61
0 2 8th millennium B.C.
0
Buildings 0
Open areas/ 1 Surface finds
activity areas Midden fills Street fills
Burials
Context
unknown
QTY
b
80
59 61
60
26 31
40
18 25
4 9
20 8
9th millennium B.C.
0 2
0 8th millennium B.C.
Buildings 0
Open areas/ 1
activity areas Midden fills Street fills Surface finds
Burials
Context
unknown
Context
Figure 19: Comparison of the spatial distribution of ornaments between the 9th and the 8th millennium B.C.
settlement phases at Aşıklı Höyük. Quantity of each bead in bead groups found with burials indicated (a); each
bead group found with burials counted as single ornaments (b)
Here, we may briefly introduce the burial 77 of them belong to the 8th millennium B.C.
practices of the Aşıklı community in order to (Yelözer, 2016, p. 144).
comprehend the changes in the concept of or-
namentation and burial practices. During the Although one may suggest that there is an
overall occupation span of almost 1000 years increase regarding the number of buried indi-
at Aşıklı Höyük, 8910 individuals, both female viduals within the settlement through the later
(n=34) and male (n=16), and within all age levels, the difference in the number of burials
groups (54 adult and 35 neonate, infant and may be related to the difference of the exca-
child burials) have been buried within the set- vated areas between the 9th and the 8th mil-
tlement, under the floors of the buildings in lennium B.C. settlement phases. But still, we
hocker position. 12 of the burials belong to the may speak of a change in the burial practices.
9th millennium B.C. settlement phase, while During the 9th millennium B.C., the burials
had no ‘belongings’ with them; through the
latest levels of the 8th millennium B.C. settle-
10. Number of individuals included in this study.
194
ment phase, we begin to see individuals buried the square lenticular bead, conical bead and
with objects such as awls, antlers, belt-buckles, the butterfly bead. This development could
obsidian tools, baskets, beads or bead groups be related either to new and varied production
and in some cases, a combination of these ob- techniques or to increased interaction with dif-
jects (Duru, 2013, p. 209-212; Esin & Har- ferent communities.
mankaya, 2007, p. 265; Özbaşaran, 2011, The prominent features regarding continu-
p. 110; Özbaşaran, 2013, p. 4-5; Özbaşaran ities and changes in ornamentation between
& Duru, 2015, p. 48). the 9th and the 8th millennium B.C. settlement
Regarding the contextual distribution of phases are as follows :
the ornaments; burials with ornaments mostly During the 9th millennium B.C.,
belong respectively to females, neonate/child • Cylindrical bone beads constitute the
burials and male burials. The bead groups are majority, followed by red deer canine im-
found with adult burials (with the exception itation pendants.
of a child burial, found with a bead group and
• Shell beads are mostly from Mediter-
red ochre placed in mouth) and mostly con-
ranean, except a Theodoxus freshwater
sist of stone and mineral beads. In the single
mollusc.
case of an adult female burial, a combination
• There are very few examples of flat,
of red deer canine imitation pendants made
disc beads made of limestone and barrel
from animal bones with copper beads were
shaped beads.
found (Esin, 1995, p. 65). The single beads
are found with female and infant/child buri- • There are a few belt buckles and belt
als (n=9), and as discussed above, although hooks that belong to this phase.
there is no consistency in the form and the Both beads and belt buckles show a
raw materials of these beads, eight of them significant increase in number and also
are green. Considering the examples such as change regarding context and use during the
bead groups found together with the skele- 8th millennium B.C. settlement phase (Fig-
tons in burial pits during the 8th millennium ure 20).
B.C. settlement phase, it could be suggested There are certain prominent features of or-
that the concept of ornamentation started to namentation during the 8th millennium B.C.,
change and gain a new meaning. This sugges-
tion will be discussed below. • In this phase, there is a great variety
Although few in number, the three domin raw material choice, bead colours and
inant bead types (cylindrical beads, flat disc types. Certain bead types represented by
beads and pendants) are evident from the very single examples, such as the collared but-
earliest levels of the site. Through the later terfly bead and the conical bead begin to
levels of the 8th millennium B.C., bead types emerge. Regarding the collared butterfly
begin to increase, the repertoire now including bead, which is a sub-type of the char-
single examples of different bead types such as acteristic ‘butterfly beads’, a widespread
195
Figure 20: Comparison of the chronological distribution of ornament categories and types between the 9th
and the 8th millennium B.C. settlement phases at Aşıklı Höyük
form in Neolithic Southwest Asia known shift regarding the concept of ornamen-
especially from the Abu Hureyra set- tation during the later levels of the occu-
tlement on the Euphrates (Alarashi, pation at the site occurs at the same time
2016; Moore et al., 2000, p. 291), it with the introduction of various raw ma-
could be suggested that these new types terials and bead types in the repertoire
could indicate an increase in interaction as mentioned above.
with different communities and regions.
• The bead groups are found with skele- • The continuing elements are the cylindri-
tons in burial pits, directly related with cal bone beads and the red deer canine
individuals, which may indicate a shift imitation pendants. These can be con-
in the burial practices of the community sidered as the transmitted elements re-
but also the perception of ornamentation lated to a possible shared/common his-
and ‘ownership’ of the ornaments. This tory and identity of the community.
196
Conclusion
The new elements we begin to see during as a marker or a symbol of their com-
the 8th millennium B.C. and the difference in munal history, and transferred between
their spatial distribution patterns are the indi- individuals and/or generations13 .
cators of change (to see the changes and contin-
uing elements, cf. Figure 21). These indicators • The increase in the scope of the raw ma-
can be interpreted as follows : terials used and types preferred could
indicate either an increase in the skill
• The individuals of the 9th millennium levels of the bead producers and users
B.C. settlement phase were buried with within the community or interaction and
no ‘belongings’. The change in the 8th communication with different Neolithic
millennium B.C. may be interpreted as groups from regions where those raw ma-
a shift from ‘item’ to ‘possession’, which terials are readily available.
further suggests that these items began
to gain a new ‘personal’ meaning. Dur- • The single example of an obsidian
ing the latest occupation phase of the bracelet specimen could be indicative of
settlement, the assemblage of red deer a long distance trade/exchange or inter-
canine pendants and copper beads found action network. This, with the variety in
with an adult female burial11 as dis- bead types and raw materials, strength-
cussed above, may suggest a shift in ens the suggestion that the Aşıklı com-
value with a reference to the shared past munity began to interact more with the
of the community. The prolonged use ‘outer world’ during the latest phases of
life history of the pendants as suggested the occupation. Although marine shells
by the re-perforated specimens within could also be evidence for an interaction
this assemblage could indicate that these network, the small number of the assem-
objects may have had been intensively blage suggests that the Aşıklı community
used by the deceased during her life- may have chosen to be distant to such a
time12 but also that these objects may network. Therefore, one could suggest
have had been valued by the community that they began to interact more with
11. Regarding the finding position of the bead group on the head of a female burial, Esin interprets the bead
group as a ‘diadem’ (Esin, 1995, p. 65).
12. For a similar comment on not re-perforated but heavily worn shell beads found with an adult female in
a grave at Çatalhöyük see Bains et al., 2013, p. 358.
13. In her study of the beads from the Late Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic (mid-7th to mid-6th millennia
B.C.) settlement of Aktopraklık in northwestern Anatolia, E. Baysal also notes that ”The extreme degree of
wear of some hard-stone examples (…) suggests very prolonged use, possibly over the course of several decades
or more than one generation” Baysal (2016, p. 54).
197
Raw material With burials

Stone/mineral
Single bead
Bead group
bone/tooth
Women
Copper
Animal
Form Colour
Infant
Shell
Clay
Men
e
l
as
ve
Ph
Le
Cylindrical, long
Cylindrical, conical
ends
Carnelian Spacer
Quartz Cerithicum vulgare Collared butterfly Blue
Chlorite Murex sp. Barrel, collared ends
Granite Conical
A-C Square, lenticular
Faience (?)
ends
8th millennium B.C.
Oval, flat, lenticular

Tufa
ends
Oval, elliptical
Level 2
Saddle shaped
Serpentinite Brown
D
Meerschaum Black
F-G-H Turquoise Nassarius gibbosulus bead with red ochre
I
Cerithiopsiae sp.
Paralellogram/flat,
J Jasper
Cypraea sp. multiple perforations
2J/3A cf. Episiphon filum

A
B
Level 3
C
D
Oval, lenticular ends
E Steatite Cerastoderma edule Red
Disc, oval
Serpentine
3E/4A
Marble
9th millennium B.C.
Red deer
Nassarius
A canine (natural
Level 4
gibbosulus
shaped)
B Columbella rustica
C Bird Tubular
Hare Theodoxus sp. Disc, flat White
Conus
Fox Barrel Green
mediterraneus
Imitations of red
Level 5
Cylindrical
Limestone deer canine
Ovicaprid
incisor (natural Pendant
shaped)
Figure 21: Changes and continuing elements in ornaments between the 9th and the 8th millennium B.C.
settlement phases at Aşıklı Höyük
198
different regions but kept distance to cer- constructing social relationships and identities
tain elements at the same time. was multi-dimensional; therefore it is empha-
• Considering the small numbers of belt sised that personal ornaments placed in graves
buckles and hooks, one might ask may also reflect the preference of the mourn-
whether these combined items could be ers rather than reflecting only the individual
indicators of ‘ownership’ (?). identities. With this suggestion in mind, we
• As indicators of continuity, it is clear may interpret the continuities and changes in
that some of the ornaments were in com- burial practices and ornamentation at Aşıklı
mon use among the Aşıklı community, Höyük as an indicator of both emerging indi-
with a shift in value and perception vidual identities and new social relationships
through time. These include the cylin- within the community.
drical bone beads as local production These continuing and changing concepts in
and the red deer canine pendants, gen- ornamentation as discussed above, brings out
uine and imitations. These pendants had further questions on the social structure of the
possibly a strong meaning for the Aşıklı community, as well as communication and in-
community. We see its imitations from teraction issues. Diversity and variety in raw
various animal bones quite often. And materials, strongly indicates increasing inter-
this trend possibly belonged to a wider action and communication with different Ne-
level of identities and perception, as we olithic groups and also geographies over the
have discussed above. occupation. The single example of the obsid-
Considering this continuity, it could be ian bracelet, which most probably has East-
suggested that these items began to gain a ern Anatolian origin, also strengthens this sug-
symbolic meaning, reflecting the communities’ gestion. Another indicator of interaction and
bounds to their past. But at the same time, the communication can be traced through some
new generations must have valued them in an- features, common for many Neolithic commu-
other way than their ancestors had, since they nities in Anatolia, which in some cases cover
begin to be evident in different contexts, such even wider contexts in terms of time and space.
as burials. This new relationship between the These, as Baysal suggests, are the types of
ornaments and the individuals may also sug- beads that are most commonly found geo-
gest emerging individual identities. Regard- graphically and temporally, which could also
ing ornament technologies at the Pottery Ne- be indicators of social identity. Quoting her
olithic site of Çatalhöyük, Wright (Wright, words, we can say that these types of Neolithic
2012) suggests that although personal orna- beads form a non-verbal language and media
mentation was a mean of expressing and cre- of communication between different Neolithic
ating social identities, the role it played in groups (Baysal, 2012).
199
Acknowledgements
We sincerely thank Carolyne Douché and Fiona Pi-
chon for organizing the conference where this paper was
first presented. We are grateful to Mihriban Özbaşaran
for her kind and patient supervision and also encour-
agement on the MA thesis projects that this article
is a product of; we are also indebted to her for her
valuable contributions on this paper. We also wish to
thank Güneş Duru, Nurcan Kayacan and Melis Uz-
durum for their valuable comments, Lee Clare for his
corrections on the language of the draft, Hala Alarashi
for kindly accepting to review the text and the anony-
mous reviewers for their kind critiques and suggestions.
Lastly, we would like to thank the General Directorate
of Cultural Assets and Museums, Ministry of Culture
and Tourism-Turkey and Istanbul University Research
Fund (Pr. no. 44235; 32961; 24030) for their support
in Aşıklı Höyük Research Project.
200
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Des Femmes et des Formes :
« Sex-Symbols », Déesses, Parturientes… ?
Béatrice Robert1 et Maëlis Poulot-Cazajous2
Résumé
Suivant la formulation d’Alain Testart, qui, à la façon de Claude Lévi-Strauss, note que « les femmes sont donc bonnes à
penser » (Testart, 2010, p. 20), nous nous attarderons sur un sujet toujours d’actualité : celui des « Déesses-Mères » et de ses
représentations figurées au cours du Néolithique au Proche-Orient.
Partant du principe que les images sont créées pour exprimer des idées et que le message transmis n’est que le reflet d’un
contexte environnemental et idéologique spécifique, nous nous attacherons à l’image de la femme au travers de ses aspects physiques
et visuels et de ses différents statuts. Nous raisonnerons de manière diachronique sur différentes représentations féminines du
Néolithique proche-oriental en parallèle d’œuvres issues des champs des arts plastiques et du design contemporains et nous nous
questionnerons sur les liens existants entre les productions concernées et les messages symboliques, idéologiques, politiques et sociaux
véhiculés par ces exemples.
Cette analyse nous permettra de réfléchir sur l’image de la femme livrée par les objets archéologiques et sur les modalités de
sa transposition dans la production artistique actuelle.
Mots-clefs : Représentations féminines, symboles, Néolithique, Arts plastiques, Design.
Abstract
According to Alain Testart who, in the same way of Claude Lévi-Strauss, notes that ”women are therefore good to think”, we
will focus on a topic still relevant : the ”Mother-Goddesses” and their iconographies during the Neolithic in the Near East.
On the basis that images are made to express ideas and that message conveyed is only the reflection of a specific environmental
and ideological context, we will focus on the image of woman through her physical and visual aspects as well as its various status. Our
reflexion will be based on different female representations from the Near Eastern Neolithic period and from some works produced
by the visual arts and contemporary design, and we will question ourselves about the links between these productions and the
symbolic, ideological, political and social messages conveyed by those examples.
This analysis will allow us to think about the image of woman shown by the archaeological objects and the modalities of its
illustration in the current artistic production.
Keywords : Female representations, symbols, Neolithic, Visual Arts, Design.
1. Docteur en Histoire, Langues et Civilisations des Mondes Anciens, Chercheur Associée Laboratoire TRACES Toulouse –
UMR 5608 Equipe Préhistoire Récente du Bassin Méditerranéen.
2. Docteur en Histoire de l’Art, Enseignante Design Créasud/Ecole de Condé et Sup de Pub/Inseec (Bordeaux).
207
Routes de l’Orient, �Actes I – 2018 – B. Robert & M. Poulot-Cazajous, p. 207-219
voir d’engendrer une progéniture mâle et/ou

Introduction
femelle.
C
et article est consacré à la Malgré les multiples choix esthétiques qui
femme du Néolithique et à son s’offrent aux « artisans-créateurs » de cette pé-
image. Quoi de plus normal d’abor- riode (et même au Chalcolithique), force est de
der un tel sujet dans un colloque constater que les figurations varient assez peu,
dédié à l’espace domestique du Néolithique ? et sont quasiment toutes représentées par des
Non, il n’est pas question ici d’associer la formes généreuses au niveau des hanches, de
femme à des considérations d’ordre ménager la poitrine ou encore du fessier. Les attributs
même si souvent les figurines féminines pro- sexuels sont accentués (seins, triangle pubien)
viennent de contextes domestiques, ni même et parfois exagérés comme en témoignent les
de se hasarder à prouver l’existence d’un « être figurines de Çatal Hüyük (Mellaart, 1963,
suprême » dans le cas de découvertes en fosses p. 94 : fig. 30, p. 92 : fig. 28, Mellaart &
(celles-là étant souvent des dépotoirs et en au- Zundel-Bernard, 1969, p. 95 : fig. 73, Mel-
cun cas des structures rituelles). Il s’agit sim- laart, 1975, p. 106 : fig. 54), Hacilar (Mel-
plement de s’intéresser aux représentations fé- laart, 1975, p. 115 : fig. 65, Mellaart, 1961,
minines du Néolithique, puis à celles de la scène p. 50-60) ou encore Sha’ar Hagolan(Mébarki
artistique contemporaine (des années pop à nos & Garfinkel, 2006, p. 27).
jours), et de comprendre ce qui, dans la femme, Cela ne signifie pas que d’autres choix plas-
est, et persiste à être, source d’inspiration. En tiques n’aient pas été développés à ces mêmes
quelques mots il s’agit de comprendre les rai- périodes, mais que la forme opulente a large-
sons pour lesquelles le corps féminin opulent ment prédominé au cours de la période Néo-
fait figure de modèle iconographique et surtout lithique à céramique dans les régions syro-
l’intérêt manifesté pour la femme enceinte au anatoliennes. Il ne faut certainement pas cher-
cours du temps. cher un lien avec un quelconque canon de
beauté physique, mais plutôt une volonté de
1. Femmes et « Déesses- « l’artisan-créateur » de modeler une forme
Mères » : modalités plas- renvoyant à des schèmes, des valeurs ou des
fonctions spécifiques faisant écho au groupe au-
tiques
quel il/elle appartient. Après avoir considéré
Depuis les premiers signes d’expres- bon nombre du mobilier existant ou plutôt à
sions plastiques, particulièrement au Néo- notre disposition, il nous paraît évident de sou-
lithique au Proche-Orient, la femme figure ligner que toutes ces images de femmes au tra-
parmi les sources d’inspiration privilégiées. vers des figurines rendent compte de trois pré-
Nommée déesse-mère, parturiente, gestatrice, occupations majeures : le pouvoir fertile de la
mère… elle est avant tout femme, caractérisée femme, sa capacité à produire et/ou à repro-
par des spécificités anatomiques et biologiques duire, et sa capacité à faire grandir, à dévelop-
qui font d’elle un être unique ayant le pou- per.
208
Ajoutons à cela que malgré la diversité de la femme et celle qui se modifie lors de la
des matériaux potentiellement à disposition grossesse.
(argile, pierre, bois, ossement…), la majorité Sur les sites d’Hacilar (Mellaart, 1961,
des figurines reste fabriquée en argile : terre p. 55 : fig. 15 et 16, p. 60 : fig. 22 et 23), de Ça-
crue et/ou terre cuite, sous la forme de sta- tal Hüyük (Mellaart & Zundel-Bernard,
tuettes et/ou de vases anthropomorphes (à Ya- 1969, p. 95 : fig. 73), de Tell Aqab (Da-
rim Tepe II (Merpert & Munchaev, 1993, vidson et al., 1981, p. 8), de Chagar Ba-
p. 147 : fig. 8.15), Tell es-Sawwan (Breni- zar (Mallowan, 1936, fig. 5 : 12-5)… ou en-
quet, 1991), Tell Hassuna(Ippolitoni Stri- core de Tell Masaïkh (Masetti-Rouault,
ka, 1992), Domuztepe (Carter & Camp- 2015, p. 322 : fig. 19) (et pendant toute la
bell, 2005, p. 320 : fig. 11), Hacilar (Lesure, période halafienne), la position assise est ré-
2011, p. 191 : fig. 90), (Séfériadès, 2003, p. 2- currente. Qu’il s’agisse de femmes assises par
9) à titre d’exemples). Ce choix n’est certai- terre, sur un siège simple de type tabouret ou
nement pas anodin à cette époque et nous ne encore sur un siège complexe formé par des
croyons pas vraiment que celui-ci soit à ratta- animaux, cette position semble intimement as-
cher à des préoccupations d’ordre technique ou sociée à l’enfantement ou l’accouchement. La
de chaîne opératoire. En effet, la terre demeure femme peut être représentée les bras sur les
par essence associée à la notion de fertilité et accoudoirs, sur ou sous les seins ou sur les
devient rapidement indissociable du principe cuisses. Rappelons ici un élément souligné par
féminin et de la femme dans le cadre de mythes M. Éliade (Eliade, 1969), à savoir qu’en dé-
créateurs. Elle est aussi présente au travers de motique égyptien « s’asseoir par terre » signi-
ses tâches ou de ses activités (potière, cuisi- fie accoucher.
nière…). À ce sujet, rappelons que la femme
Enfin, la dernière position observée est celle
est souvent assimilée à une marmite, un pot
étendue. Plusieurs figurines féminines de ce
où s’opère une cuisson ; la cuisson correspon-
type proviennent du site de Hacilar (Mel-
dant à la gestation et à la création d’un produit
laart, 1961, p. 59 : fig. 21). En général, la
(Héritier, 2002, p. 262).
femme modelée est seule ou accompagnée d’un
autre personnage qui s’apparente à un enfant.
Le registre des postures témoigne égale-
La scène ici représentée se rattache plutôt à
ment de la capacité de la femme à mettre au
l’allaitement.
monde ou à enfanter.
Enfin, rajoutons que lorsqu’un décor est
Sur le site d’Hacilar, la position debout, les présent, il semble avoir pour fonction d’atti-
bras sous ou sur les seins est observée (Mel- rer le regard sur des spécificités symboliques
laart, 1961, p. 50 : fig. 6 et 7). Elle rappelle du corps de la femme et/ou culturelles ratta-
les gestes d’allaitement ou de soulagement des chées au groupe auquel elle appartient. Qu’il
douleurs dues aux suites de l’accouchement. s’agisse de peintures, parfois d’incisions et/ou
Notons que cette partie du corps est certaine- d’impressions, les motifs sont répartis sur l’en-
ment celle qui apparaît la plus caractéristique semble de la surface et sont de plusieurs types :
209
géométriques simples ou plus complexes. Ils l’image de la femme, à ses capacités à repro-
déterminent ou précisent les zones du corps, duire (le groupe et par extension l’espèce hu-
mais aussi la présence d’ornements corporels maine) et à protéger (son enfant, par là-même
(bijoux, tatouages). la communauté et les biens indispensables à
Ainsi, un premier constat s’impose. Parmi sa survie). Sa place est donc unique et cru-
les exemplaires que nous possédons (à Çatal ciale car elle seule peut procréer et donner la
Hüyük, Hacilar ou encore sur les sites hala- vie. Il n’est donc pas étonnant que les attributs
fiens plus tardifs dont la filiation phylogéné- sexuels soient clairement identifiables et souli-
tique syro-anatolienne est désormais reconnue gnés par les artisans, de même que les modifi-
(Robert, 2010)) : cations du corps lors de la gestation, de l’ac-
couchement et de l’allaitement.
• le corps de la femme dans sa nudité et
Ce qui transparaît avec les multiples re-
son intimité est souligné ;
présentations féminines (simples figurines ou
• les attributs sexuels sont accentués et/ou
même vases anthropomorphes), c’est que pour
exagérés ;
les communautés orientales du Néolithique la
• certains états comme : être enceinte, al-
femme renvoie l’image d’un être indispensable,
laiter, accoucher, sont marqués par des
unique, solide et rassurant. La femme est
positions (assise, étendue…) spécifiques.
« bonne à penser » car elle véhicule dès lors,
L’intérêt est donc avant tout porté sur le tant par son image que par sa place au sein
corps de la femme, sa capacité à se transfor- de la communauté, plusieurs messages impor-
mer et sur les conséquences de cette transfor- tants.
mation : à savoir la naissance d’un nouvel être
Le premier message est idéologique. La
mâle ou femelle. Ce n’est pas le corps normal
femme, qu’elle soit représentée seule, avec ses
d’une femme, mais celui qu’elle possède à un
semblables ou encore avec des animaux, est as-
certain moment de sa vie, lorsqu’elle est en-
sociée aux notions de fécondité, de fertilité, à
ceinte, qui retient l’attention de « l’artisan-
l’aspect nourricier, à la protection ou encore à
créateur » et devient ainsi source d’inspiration.
la maîtrise des animaux. Sans rentrer dans la
lecture faite par A. Testart de la « Dame de Ça-
2. Des femmes « bonnes à tal Hüyük » comme métaphore de la domina-
tion de la femme (de l’humanité) sur les bêtes
penser3 » – forces sauvages – soumises (Testart, 2010,
Qu’on les appelle « déesse-mère », partu- p. 10), il est tout à fait envisageable de pro-
riente ; qu’elles aient le rôle de gestatrice ou poser avant tout une fonction apotropaïque de
seulement de mère, toutes ces figurines fémi- son image. Elle garantit le bon développement
nines de l’époque néolithique sont rattachées à du vivant et de sa santé, donc du groupe dans
3. Testart, 2010, p. 20
210
son ensemble. Seule procréatrice, protectrice ciaux. En mettant l’accent sur les formes opu-
mais aussi éducatrice, elle participe et surtout lentes, les caractères sexuels et surtout l’exagé-
détermine le bon fonctionnement du groupe, ration et la déformation du corps féminin, c’est
car par essence, sans elle, la vie ne peut être la procréatrice autant que la créatrice qui est
créée. mise à l’honneur. C’est surtout la femme qui
assure :
Le deuxième message est symbolique.
Chaque représentation féminine, par les pos- • le développement du groupe (mâles et fe-
tures (accouchement, enfantement ou allai- melles),
tement), les gestes (mains sous ou sur les • la cohésion du groupe par les règles d’al-
seins, enfant serré contre la poitrine), les pro- liance,
bables ornementations corporelles (bijoux ou
• la parenté et une partie de l’éducation
tatouages) ou vêtements suggérés par les dé-
par la transmission orale (activités ou
cors, ou encore les exagérations des caractères
conseils) ;
anatomiques, renvoie à la sacralisation de la • la transmission de savoir et savoir-faire.
femme. Cette dernière est d’autant plus ma-
nifeste que la majorité des figurines, à laquelle
s’ajoutent les vases anthropomorphes, est réali- Enfin, son statut qui dépend des tâches do-
sée à partir d’argile, matériau particulièrement mestiques (cuisine, poterie, éducation des en-
symbolique. fants…) qui lui sont attribuées (avec tous les
tabous qu’elles comportent), est à l’image de la
En effet, rappelons, même si ces considé-
structuration de la communauté avec ses règles
rations peuvent paraître anachroniques, que
et ses interdits. La femme est tout autant à
nombre de mythes créateurs ont pour origine
l’origine de la survie du groupe qu’à son déve-
le modelage de personnages à partir d’argile :
loppement.
l’Epopée de Gilgamesh (Azrié, 1979, p. 14),
la Bible de Jérusalem ( la Genèse) (Bagot La femme devient donc une source d’inspi-
et al., 1992, Genèse 2, 7), les Travaux et les ration incontournable et évidente à cause du
Jours d’Hésiode (Hésiode & Mazon, 1960, mystère de l’accouchement qui est étroitement
p. 42-106), le Golem (Meyrink, 1971, p. 38- liée à sa personne. Si à notre époque, celui-ci
39). De même, à partir des nombreux cultes n’a plus d’existence réelle (peut-on le croire),
de la Terre-Mère, M. Éliade souligne que « la au Néolithique, il est plus que probable que ce
femme est donc mystiquement solidarisée avec phénomène interroge : menstruation, déforma-
la Terre ; l’enfantement se présente comme une tion du corps, possibilité de pouvoir produire
variante, à l’échelle humaine de la fertilité tel- des principes masculins et/ou féminins… En-
lurique » (Eliade, 1969, p. 124). core une fois, comme le note M. Éliade, « le
mystère du sang trouve son couronnement dans
Les derniers messages véhiculés par les re- l’accouchement. La révélation qu’elle est créa-
présentations féminines, figurines et/ou vases trice sur le plan de la vie constitue, pour la
anthropomorphes, sont politiques et/ou so- femme, une expérience religieuse intraduisible
211
en termes d’expérience masculine » (Eliade, La beauté de l’acte de porter un enfant

1959, p. 104). est mise en relief, mais en allant au-delà de la
réalité de la déformation du corps (la Femme
enceinte de Ron Mueck exposée à la National
3. L’iconographie féminine Gallery of Australia en 2002, admirée par ses
sur la scène artistique congénères (Storr & Paton, 2013, p. 160).
L’artiste créé des sculptures humaines gigan-
contemporaine tesques hyperréalistes, en silicone et résine de
polyester. Celles-ci se distinguent et choquent
La nature des créations depuis les années
par leurs dimensions et par les détails de la réa-
pop indique que les formes généreuses inspirent
lisation, entre précision chirurgicale et justesse
encore les artistes. Les formes de la femme sont
des émotions retranscrites (cheveux, expres-
toujours une source d’inspiration et la question
sion du visage, position des membres). Ici, l’ar-
de sa nature fertile reste ouverte, tant pour les
tiste ne joue pas sur la séduction, sur la beauté
créateurs masculins que féminins. On retrouve
de l’être, loin des canons classiques, il montre
chez certains d’entre eux, le désir de perpétuer
les imperfections physiques et mentales, il élève
l’héritage plastique du Néolithique (en s’ap-
la banalité, lui donne une autre dimension par
puyant simplement sur une tradition iconogra-
la nuance. La mère à l’enfant est aussi repré-
phique ; ou en revendiquant clairement de nou-
sentée avec Woman with shopping (Exposition
veaux concepts) : soit par goût esthétique ; soit
”Ron Mueck” à la Fondation Cartier pour l’art
par intérêt technique ; soit par le désir d’inter-
contemporain, Paris, du 16 avril au 29 sep-
roger la symbolique. En effet, les lignes, les ron-
tembre 2013), il montre une femme avec son
deurs, les positions, les postures permettent de
enfant coincé dans son manteau, qu’elle ne re-
jouer avec la matière (terre, bronze, fer, plas-
garde même pas, car elle doit transporter des
tique…). Ce jeu de matières ne laisse aucune
sacs de provisions. Ses sujets invitent à l’obser-
illusion sur la volonté des artistes (hommes et
vation et à la réflexion. Le lien avec le regar-
femmes) de représenter la femme dans son in-
deur est direct et parfois cru, provoquant ain-
timité la plus profonde.
si un questionnement (sur soi et les autres) et
Quels sont alors les messages véhiculés au
parfois un malaise. L’image traditionnelle de la
travers de ces œuvres ? Dans la lignée des fi-
parturiente du Néolithique prend de l’ampleur
gures du Néolithique, la parturiente est tou-
dans la création contemporaine. Elle est très
jours à l’honneur ainsi que la sacralisation de
souvent reconnaissable au premier coup d’oeil,
la femme dans son rôle de mère et de pro-
mais les artistes la dotent d’un message sup-
tectrice. La référence à la mère est le déno-
plémentaire, plongeant ainsi le spectateur au
minateur commun de tout individu sur cette
coeur de débats d’ordre sociétal.
planète. Elle établit un contact direct avec la
cible (public ou acheteur) qui n’a aucun mal Le thème de la mère fait référence au sou-
à retrouver une connexion familière idéale ou venir (psychologie) et à la notion de bien-être.
idéalisée avec son enfance et sa mère. L’idée de cocon est développée dans le mobi-
212
lier, notamment par Gaetano Pesce avec le fau- tions et sentiments ambivalents qui en dé-
teuil la Mamma (Bony, 2004, p. 141) (le bien- coule. Son expérience de mère viendra nour-
être est accentué par la matière – mousse de rir sa production artistique sous fond de ré-
polyuréthane expansé). Outre sa valeur d’es- flexion politique autour de la condition de
time, cette assise, également appelée Donna, femme artiste. Dans Pregnant (Bernadac &
possède une véritable valeur technique. Ela- Storvse, 2008, p. 198), on retrouve l’em-
borée en mousse de polyeuréthane compressé, ploi de l’aiguille, outil qu’elle considère comme
le fauteuil arrive sous la forme d’une galette étant magique, car ayant le pouvoir de répa-
fine et compacte qui se déploie lorsque l’ache- ration. Ce processus de réalisation est en adé-
teur l’ouvre et laisse rentrer l’air. Ainsi, au-delà quation avec son approche et son questionne-
d’un design/témoignage, G. Pesce ouvre la voie ment concernant l’expérience intime de la ma-
du design participatif, permettant au client ternité. La démarche de Niki de Saint Phalle 4
d’achever la démarche de l’artiste, lorsque l’ob- est assez similaire. Actrice majeure du Nou-
jet prend vie sous ses yeux. Il peut ainsi aller veau Réalisme, elle met la femme au centre
se lover dans les formes rondes, généreuses et de son œuvre, en l’affranchissant des tabous
anthropomorphes du fauteuil faisant référence visuels pour défendre sa position dans la so-
à la mère nourricière. ciété. La femme n’est pas une femme objet,
Néanmoins, les créateurs apportent un mais une héroïne de son temps, celle qui in-
message supplémentaire concernant la posi- vente le monde. Les différents rôles de la femme
tion sociale de la femme. Les femmes artistes sont transformés en véritables mythes. Victime
révèlent dans leurs œuvres leur intimité (en- de violence physique et morale, Niki de Saint
fance, souffrances, infertilité, combat idéolo- Phalle se sert de son art comme catharsis. Ses
gique, statut). Par exemple, les émotions liées Accouchements intègrent un programme de ré-
à la grossesse et à l’accouchement ont été reflexion “ devenir femme“ inpiré des pensées de
présentées par Louise Bourgeois (Bernadac Simone de Beauvoir (« On ne naît pas femme,
& Storvse, 2008, p. 198), Niki de Saint on le devient » de Beauvoir, 1949, p. 285-
Phalle (RMN, 2014a, p. 109) ou encore Ali- 286). Là encore, la mère, femme, artiste tortu-
son Lapper (Bousteau & Lequeux, 2013, rée est mise en lumière. En défendant une vi-
p. 115) (autoportrait enceinte réalisé par Mark sion avant-gardiste, elle choisit de déranger et
Quinn exposé sur des colonnes de Trafalgar de changer les codes visuels traditionnels pour
Square à Londres). Le thème de la materni- affranchir la femme des règles qui lui sont im-
té est majeur chez Louise Bourgeois (Lauter- posées et qu’elle doit subir. Son Accouchement
wein, 2011). L’artiste évoque toutes les étapes, (RMN, 2014a, p. 109) résume ce tableau chao-
de la fécondation à la relation mère/enfant, tique et terrifiant où on observe une accumula-
en passant par l’accouchement et les émo- tion de poupées et d’araignées qui recouvrent
4. Exposition « Niki de Saint Phalle » au Grand Palais, du 17 septembre 2014 au 2 février 2015 (RMN,
2014b).
213
le corps d’une femme. Le jeu et la violence se véhiculent des messages politiques, elles sont
cotoient. Dépasser les difficultés que la socié- voluptueuses, gaies, libérées des carcans.
té impose aux femmes, c’est aussi le combat
Le droit des femmes est également abordé
d’Alison Lapper. Handicapée et abandonnée
par Gaetano Pesce qui ajoute un boulet à la
à la naissance, elle utilise son corps meurtri
Mamma. Le designer exprime clairement l’idée
dans sa production. Son rapport à la mater-
que les femmes sont prisonnières des préju-
nité est puissant et confus : sa mère qu’elle
gés masculins (Bousteau & Fayolle, 2004,
ne connaît pas, cette mère qu’elle veut devenir
p. 142). Cet objet témoignage sera retranscrit
malgré toutes les adversités et les inquiétudes.
dans la pierre (sculpture installée devant le
Alors qu’elle attend un enfant, elle pose pour
MAXXI de Rome).
le sculpteur Marc Quinn, provoquant à la fois
dégoût et admiration. La sacralisation de la femme n’est pas
remise en cause ; elle est modifiée. Si cer-
tains artistes utilisent la douceur et l’humour,
Niki de Saint Phalle a créé avec ses Na- d’autres s’orientent vers une approche plus
nas5 une véritable mythologie féminine. Dans provocatrice. Niki de Saint Phalle6 (Hon7 ) et
son travail coloré, les rondeurs du corps fémi- Anish Kapoor8 (Léviathan9 ) proposent une ex-
nin et l’érotisme illustrent des (auto)portraits, périence artistique déroutante : pénétrer à l’in-
à la fois réels et fantasmés, de l’artiste et de la térieur du corps féminin. Hon (”Elle” en sué-
femme contemporaine, ainsi que ses caractéris- dois) est une Nana éphémère géante de 27 m
tiques (fille, épouse, mère, guerrière, sorcière et de longueur et 6 m de hauteur. Le Léviathan
déesse) ; elles servent à poser les grandes ques- est une structure monochrome constituée de
tions entourant la femme, son corps et son sta- dés de pvc rouges, soudés les uns aux autres
tut dans une société dominée par la figure mas- et gonflée comme un ballon (35 m de hauteur,
culine (engagement, militantisme). CesNanas 100 m de longueur et 72000 m³ de vide) qui
5. Niki de Saint Phalle considéra avec intérêt le fait que Nana désignait au 19ème siècle une prostituée (Zola,
1880) et que les Sumériens vénéraient un dieu Nanna (RMN, 2014b).
6. Au sujet de Hon, l’artiste indique : « Elle représenta pour beaucoup de visiteurs comme pour moi le rêve
du retour à la Grande Mère. Des familles entières avec leurs enfants, leurs bébés, vinrent la voir. HON eut une
vie courte mais pleine » (RMN, 2014b).
7. Perreau, 2014, p. 73.
8. Le Léviathan a été créé pour l’exposition : Anish Kapoor, Monumenta 2011, Paris, Grand Palais,
du 11 mai au 23 juin 2011 (http ://www.culture.gouv.fr/Nous-connaitre/Decouvrir-le-ministere/Histoire-
du-ministere/Ressources-documentaires/Discours/Discours-de-ministres-depuis-1999/Frederic-Mitterrand-
2009-2012/Communiques-2009-2012/MONUMENTA-2011-Anish-Kapoor-Leviathan-au-Grand-Palais-277-687-
visiteurs). L’artiste définit le Léviathan avec les mots suivants : « Cette grande force archaïque est pour moi
liée à l’obscur. C’est un monstre encombré par son corps qui garde des régions oubliées de notre conscience ».
9. Bousteau & Lequeux, 2013, p. 90.
10. Le Léviathan est un monstre marin terrifiant mentionné dans la Bible faisant référence à l’enfer, à la bête
de l’Apocalypse (Bible de Jérusalem, Livre de Job, Jb 41,1) ; il est aussi associé au serpent monstrueux dans
l’iconographie sumérienne.
214
doit son nom au monstre marin évoqué dans la

Conclusion
Bible10 . Il s’agit d’une nouvelle métaphore du
gouffre et du monde féminin, ce dernier étant A l’issue de cette étude, force est de consta-
cher à l’artiste. Suivant la sensibilité de cha- ter que l’intérêt porté au corps féminin dans
cun, il est possible de voir dans cette installa- les arts plastiques traverse les époques. Qu’il
tion un monstre, une caverne, une Vénus sur- s’agisse de la Préhistoire ou bien de la pé-
dimentionnée 11 . riode contemporaine, la femme opulente a tou-
Ici, il s’agit de braver l’interdit et de réduire jours tenu une place de choix chez les artisans
la femme à un sexe que l’on visite. Derrière un comme les artistes. Inutile de polémiquer sur
aspect ludique, les artistes représentent l’as- l’aspect sensuel des formes, ce n’est pas dans
pect purement anatomique et biologique au cette direction qu’il faut chercher une explica-
travers des enveloppes, des couleurs, des mation à ce type de représentation. Ce qui doit
tières et des formes. être retenu relève bien plus du symbole et du
Chaque visiteur a la possibilité de voya- rôle de génitrice. La femme opulente renvoie
ger à l’intérieur de la Mère, de la Procréatrice, à une valeur universelle, celle de la fertilité,
d’approcher les tabous, en renversant l’expé- de la mère qui transmet la vie. Elle est sa-
rience de l’accouchement. Il s’agit d’un véri- cralisée car elle est la seule capable d’engen-
table choc physique et esthétique. Les sens sont drer son semblable, de garantir son dévelop-
développés. L’expérience est personnelle, in- pement ; elle est en charge de la survie du
trospective, et renvoie à sa propre existence. groupe. Cette sacralisation (qui se rapproche
Les questionnements et les émotions se mul- parfois du fantasme ou du mystère) repose sur
tiplient au sein des ces installations inédites, des fondements biologiques dans ce qu’ils re-
provocantes et poétiques. La figure n’est plus présentent de plus domestique (intimité, rap-
uniquement le symbole de la naissance, mais à port à l’homme, tâches journalières). Ce sont
la fois celui celui de l’enfermement, et celui de surtout les liens familiaux ou de groupes qu’elle
l’intrusion d’un public étranger qui a l’oppor- engendre qui importent. En quelques mots ce-
tunité de voir l’invisible, puis, par la suite, de la revient à se questionner sur l’identité : celle
parler de l’indicible. du groupe ou bien celle de l’individu. Ce der-
nier aspect émerge clairement dans la produc-
tion contemporaine où les artistes exposent
leurs œuvres (textes et explications à l’appui).
Le passage d’une réflexion sur l’identité du
groupe à celle de l’individu génère un glisse-
ment qui se traduit par la désacralisation du
11. L’artiste déclare également : « Je voulais faire trois trous plutôt que trois volumes dans cet espace
cruciforme. Il s’agit, je le reconnais d’une référence à l’intérieur, au corps. Cela devient une sorte de Vé-
nus de Willendorf, quelque chose de très féminin. Souffler dans cet espace c’est le rendre « enceinte »
(http ://blogs.lesechos.fr/judith-benhamou-huet/anish-kapoor-le-grand-palais-et-sa-a5680.html).
215
corps de la femme. Ce phénomène correspond niteur. En est-il pour autant l’artisan ? S’il
à l’effondrement des tabous en rapport avec est impossible de répondre pour le Néolithique,
les modalités de procréation (cycles, fluides, pour les œuvres actuelles, il est aussi bien
sang…) développés surtout par les femmes ar- créateur que consommateur, acteur et/ou ac-
tistes elles-mêmes, devenues maîtres de leur tif (par sa présence et/ou par sa connaissance
corps. Si les formes généreuses persistent c’est et sa réflexion). Il retranscrit ou s’approprie
que non seulement elles rappellent la mère, va- cette image de la femme au sein de son espace
leur universelle, dans ce qu’elle a de protecteur domestique. L’érotisme ou la sensualité sont
et de rassurant ; mais désormais, elles symbo- exclues de ses préoccupations (comme le dé-
lisent également la liberté et le combat pour montrent des artistes comme Ron Mueck, Gae-
l’émancipation. tano Pesce ou encore Marc Quinn). C’est pour
On peut alors s’interroger sur la place de lui une façon de braver l’interdit, les tabous et
l’homme dans ces représentations ? Au Néoli- d’imposer sa domination. Dans le même temps,
thique comme aujourd’hui, même rarement fi- certains artistes masculins s’effacent derrière
guré12 (Tell Aswad ou encore Nevali Çori par des portraits de femmes pour souligner leur
exemple) dans la production manufacturée, il vraie valeur politique (par exemple, le photo-
reste omniprésent par essence, car il est le gé- graphe JR avec Women are Heroes13 ).
12. Ayobi, 2013, Fig. 35, Morsch, 2002, p. 148-149. A noter que malgré leur rareté, les figurines masculines
sont présentes au Néolithique, en terre crue, cuite ou en pierre.
13. http ://www.jr-art.net. Film documentaire réalisé en 2010 (sorti en 2011).
216
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219
Annuaire des contributeurs
Baudouin Emmanuel Docteur, Pichon Fiona Docteure,

UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée. UMR 8167- Orient et Méditerranée,
emmanuel.baudouin.1@sorbonne-universite.fr Université Paris-Sorbonne.
fiona.pichon@live.fr
Dermech Sarah Docteure, Poulot-Cazajous Maylis Enseignante

UMR 7044 – Archimède, Université de Créasud/École de Condé ; Sup de
Strasbourg. Pub/Inseec, Bordeaux.
s_dermech@hotmail.fr maylis@poulot-cazajous.net
Douché Carolyne Docteure, Robert Béatrice Professeur de Lettres

Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne. modernes, membre associée UMR5608
carolyne.douche@gmail.com TRACES, Toulouse.
bealithic@yahoo.fr
Hamon Caroline C.R. CNRS, Sönmez Devrim MA student,

UMR 8215 Trajectoires. Istanbul University.
caroline.hamon@mae.cnrs.fr devrimsnmz@gmail.com
Lyonnet Bertille D.R. émérite CNRS, Uzdurum Melis Doctorante, RA

UMR 7192 PROCLAC. Université d’Istanbul, département de
blyonnet@wanadoo.fr Préhistoire.
muzdurum@gmail.com
Pares Andréa Élève conservateur du patri- Yelözer Sera Doctorante,

moine, Institut national du patrimoine. Istanbul University.
an.pares@gmail.com serayelozer@gmail.com
220
Quelques mots sur Routes de l’Orient
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From The Caucausus To The Arabian Penindula. Domestic Spaces in The Neolitic

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R e v u e d e l ’O r i e n t a n c i e n

From the Caucasus to the Arabian Peninsula:

F. Abbès (UMR 5133-Archéorient)

Organisatrices du colloque et responsables de l’édition des Actes

ISSN 2272-8120 - Dépôt légal : mars 2014

2. UMR 6566 - CReAAH.

Enfin, la question des productions tech-

11. UMR 6566 - CReAAH

Enjoy the read !

Emmanuel Baudouin, Bertille Lyonnet & Caroline Hamon

Carolyne Douché & Fiona Pichon

Andrea Pares & Margareta Tengberb

Étude des pratiques d’exploitation et d’utilisation des ressources végétales

Sera Yelözer & Devrim Sönmez

Béatrice Robert & Maëlis Poulot-Cazajous

Annuaire des contributeurs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220

Quelques mots sur Routes de l’Orient . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221

Mots-clefs : Foyers, organisation spatiale, maison, sédentarisation, Aşıklı Höyük.

Keywords: Hearth, Use of Space, Residence, Sedentism, Aşıklı Höyük.

1. PhD candidate, Istanbul University, Department of Prehistory.

The Neolithic of the Near East exhibit

2. Fire Installations at Aşıklı

Figure 4: Typology of fireplaces/hearths from Aşıklı Höyük (Uzdurum, 2013).

unfinished, or it is the construction tech- proximately 0.10 meters in depth ; how-

3. Spatial and Diachronic Distribution Analysis of the

The classification of fire installations in (middens, streets or passages). Typical Aşıklı

50% 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Without hearth

40% With hearth

Figure 14: An ex-

Figure 15: An example of

Residential Area Special Purpose

in plan (Figure 12). No more than one hearth

at the corners of the rooms, where building 20

Almost all of the hearths are in East-West or

Figure 18: According to building type, spatial dis-

Figure 20: Hearths as

Understanding fireplaces/hearths is criti- open spaces and buildings was abandoned.

differences with the dome-shaped ovens within Acknowledgements

Çilingiroğlu A. & Çilingiroğlu C., 2007, «Ulucak», in Özdoğan M. & Başgelen N.

Düring B. S., 2006, Constructing Communities: Clustered Neighborhood Settlements of the

Duru G., 2013, Tarihöncesinde İnsan-Mekan, Topluluk-Yerleşme İlişkisi : MÖ 9. Bin Sonu-

Duru R., 2007, «Göller Bölgesi Neolitiği: Hacılar-Kuruçay Höyüğü Höyücek-Bademağacı

Özbaşaran M., 2011b, «Re-Starting at Aşıklı», Anatolia Antiqua XIX, p. 27–37.

Özbaşaran M., 2013, «Orta Anadolu’nun Neolitikleşme Sürecinde Aşıklı», in Alparslan

TuğlacıP., 1972, Okyanus Ansiklopedik Sözlük, Pars Yayinlari, Istanbul.

Emmanuel Baudouin1 , Bertille LYONNET2 and Caroline Hamon3

Mots-clefs : Shulaveri-Shomu, Halaf, Caucase, Mésopotamie, techniques architecturales

Keywords: Shulaveri-Shomu, Halaf, Caucasus, Mesopotamia, architectural techniques

to the Pre-Halaf and Halaf cultures found at

of population: they, therefore, may underline example of Khirokitia in Cyprus, a settlement

5. These elements are presented in Baudouin, 2018.

1. The Shulaveri-Shomu culture

6. Financed by several institutions: Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et du Développement International

p. 145: tab. 1) in the Ararat Plain, Armenia, 1.2. Architectural techniques

stratigraphic context: this layer was also set

This practice seems to be documented at

8. Unpublished documentation of Georgian National Museum (GNM)

shvili, 1970, p. 28, Kushnareva, 1997,

Two main techniques are used, one made

a. Mud-bricks The Shulaveri-Shomu group

b. Packed mud: cob or bauge in English, bauge in French (Roux &

2. The Halaf culture

Katunarkh Lake ra Kamiltepe

Lesser C Reliefs, mountains Shulaveri-Shomu sites