Cross-cultural advertising research:

What do we know about the influence of

culture on advertising?

Stephan Dahl
Cross-cultural advertising research: What do we know
about the influence of culture on advertising?
Stephan Dahl, Middlesex University Business School, London

Abstract

Ever since Levitt's (1983) article "The Globalization of Markets", in which he claimed that
marketing can be standardised across cultures, the debate whether or not marketing, and
advertising in particular, can truly be standardised has divided both practitioners and
researchers in the field. However, there is an increasing body of research which casts serious
doubts over the claims made by Levitt and which suggests that advertising is strongly influenced
by (local) culture. This paper summarises the research carried out so far, and provides an
overview of the current state of knowledge. The paper also suggests further areas for research.

1. INTRODUCTION

In 1983, Levitt argued in his seminal article “The Globalization of Markets” that advertising and
marketing can be standardised across cultures, and since then there has been a heated debate as to
whether or not advertising can be standardised across cultures. In Levitt’s view, globalisation is
transforming the world into a ‘homocultural’ market place where all customers can be persuaded
by the same advertising appeals and values, irrespective of the culture they belong to. If this is
true, such a homogenisation of culture would have a number of important advantages from a
marketing point of view. Brands and brand image could be standardised without any great
problems across countries, and little adaptation would be required in local markets. There would
also be significant cost savings in producing advertising, as local market testing and localised
advertising design would be essentially a thing of the past.

However, although this view was popular at first, it was quickly challenged by a number of
authors in the field, not least by Kotler (1996), one of the most respected figures in marketing.
There was also empirical evidence to contradict it. For example, in a study conducted by Woods
et al. in 1985 into consumer motivations in purchasing, in the US, Quebec and Korea, the authors
concluded that there are “important differences in the reasons why consumers purchase products
familiar to the three countries”(p.155). The differences in why customers purchase products is

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crucial to the debate – and if there are conceivable differences, the fundamental principle of
Levitt’s argument is challenged greatly.

Research to date has tried to make the case both for as well as against standardisation
across cultures. It has manipulated a number of different factors, such as features studied and
countries selected, and has taken different explanatory perspectives to explain the similarities and
differences observed.

2. FEATURES OF ADVERTISEMENTS STUDIED

Cross-cultural advertising research has analysed a number of different advertising ‘features’, such
as appeals, themes used and a number of other, sometimes specific, factors. The variety of the
features examined reflects the multiple aspects that make any advertisement unique, as well as the
variety of possible approaches that can be used to analyse advertisements. Although this
‘multifaceted personality’ of advertising makes the medium rich and interesting to examine, it
also makes research in this area sometimes confusing because of the sheer variety of different,
sometimes overlapping and not clearly distinguished, research possibilities. This section will
consider the approaches most commonly used in intercultural and cross-cultural studies to date.

One of the most frequently researched features is the information content of advertising (e.g.
Bisswass, Olsen and Carlet, 1992; Katz and Lee, 1992; Mueller, 1992; Zandpour and Changhui,
1992; Lin, 1993; Zandpour et al., 1994; Al-Olayan and Karande, 2000; Ji and McNeal, 2001), or
the amount of information contained in each ad generally measured by counting each individual
‘information cue’ (or single piece of information). Overall, for this aspect, the current research
supports that cultures which are more high-context use fewer information cues per advertisement
than do cultures that are low-context (for a discussion of these concepts, please see Dahl,
2004(a)).

Other research has focused on advertising style using a variety of different style descriptions to
see how potential consumers are being convinced by the advertisers. (e.g. Katz and Lee, 1992;
Ramaprasad and Hasegawa, 1992 a/b; Zandpour and Chang, 1992; Lin, 1993; Zandpour et al.,
1994; Koudelova and Whitelock, 2001). This may include the type of argumentation used, such
as ‘logical arguments’, ‘providing information about the product’ as the main purpose of the
advertisement as well as the dramatisation used in the commercials or advertisements. These may
be, for example, showing a ‘slice of life’, ‘demonstrating the product’ etc. Generally it is hard to
generalise about the findings of these studies, as all have focused on various different styles
making the results difficult to compare. However, all researchers have found that substantial

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differences exist across countries, and that certain styles are more frequent in some countries and
less so in other countries.

Related to advertising style, some researchers focused on the creative strategies used in the
commercials (e.g. Zandpour et al., 1994, Koudelova and Whitelock, 2001). Creative styles focus
on the overall strategy that is used for a commercial (e.g. brand familiarisation, motivation with
psychological appeals), frequently drawing on Simon’s (1971) ten possible creative strategies.

Other researchers have looked at the ‘themes’ used in advertisements, or the activities and their
implied (or shown) thematic environment. Some researchers have looked in particular for gender
roles and gender stereotypes used in advertising (e.g. Gilly, 1988; Maynard and Taylor, 1999;
Milner and Collins, 1998, 2000; Ji and McNeal, 2001). Interestingly the findings are not
absolutely conclusive.
Other themes examined include, for example, work themes (Tansey, Hyman and Zinkhan, 1990;
Wiles, Wiles and Tjernlund, 1996, Tansey et al. 1997). A direct link between culture and work
themes is difficult to establish, although the research suggests that the themes do vary across
countries.

Other researchers have included a number of different aspects, including such diverse issues as
body shape (Wiles and Tjernlund, 1996, Tansey et al. 1997), price appeals (Al-Olayan and
Karande, 2000), sex-appeals (Biswass, Olsen and Carlet, 1992; Koudelova and Whitelock, 2001)
or the number of people depicted in adverts (Ji and McNeal, 2001).

A large number of researchers have focused on the appeals (or sometimes referred to as values)
used in advertisements across cultures. Generally this research focuses on the more implicit
values that are used in the adverts, rather than any functional feature of the commercial (such as
amount of information, style, creative strategy etc.). Examples of appeals include ‘self-respect’,
‘nurturance’, ‘belonging’ etc. Many researchers draw on Pollays (1983) list of 42 advertising
appeals, however, the number used, and the methods for deriving the appeals under investigation,
in each research is very different. For example, some researchers included only a very limited
number of appeals (e.g. Belk, 1985; Caillat and Mueller, 1996), others have used a quite large
number of appeals, such as Albers-Miller and Gelb (1996) who used 30 appeals in their research.
Most researchers link the appeals used in advertising a priori to possible cultural dimensions, such
as “Eastern” and “Western” values (e.g. Cheng and Schweitzer, 1996, Ji and McNeal, 2001, Lin
2001). Others have tried to link appeals to a broader framework, such as Hofstede (e.g Albers-
Miller and Gelb, 1996). All researchers indicate that there is some difference in the usage of
appeals across cultures. Most research finds that the majority of hypothesised relationships are

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supported, thus suggesting that there is a non-random variation of appeals across cultures
(Albers-Miller and Gelb, 1996).

These studies, among others, and the extent of cultural differences in their findings have cast
significant doubt on the theories, and the applicability, of standardised, global advertising. This
suggests that localising advertising messages to suit consumer expectation in each market is still
the most important aspect in campaign planning across cultures (Albers-Miller, 1996b).

Apart from the multitude of features that have been studied to compare advertising across
cultures, previous research has also included advertising samples from a number of different
countries (or cultures).

3. COUNTRIES STUDIED

In order to test the viability of a standardised approach, research has collected advertising samples
from a number of countries. Reviewing the field, Saminee and Jeong (1994), reported on a total
of 24 cross-cultural studies in advertising for the period of 1980 to 1992. In their review, the
overwhelming majority of studies (21 out of 24) examined advertising in the US compared to at
least one other nation, whereas the second most studied country was Japan, but with only 7
studies, the UK was included in 4 studies.

Since then, it seems that the number of studies in the area has increased significantly.
However, the focus on largely culturally very distant countries has not subsided (see also Table
II). Most researchers have still selected the countries because they are culturally dissimilar (e.g.
Katz and Lee, 1992; Culter and Javalgi, 1992; Cheng and Schweitzer, 1996, Al-Olayan and
Karande, 2000; Ji and McNeal, 2001).This bias was also pointed out by Frazer, Sheehan and Patti
(2002), who called for a closer examination of culturally close countries, precisely because of a
lack of research in this area.

Although the main focus in previous studies on culturally dissimilar countries is important, it
may suggest that advertising is not different in culturally close countries. If, however, research in
culturally similar countries could establish to what extent and how even small cultural differences
might play a role in advertising, then the arguments against standardised advertising would be
even stronger.

Moreover, the present focus on two or three culturally ‘distant’ countries may sometimes
replicate previous findings, rather than adding to the body of knowledge. For example, Table II.
lists seven studies looking at the US and Japan in some combination and four studies involving
either (South) Korea or China and the US. Despite the diverse possibilities for examining

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different features, a certain amount of reproduction of previous research may be inevitable in
these studies.

4. EXPLANATORY PERSPECTIVES

Researchers have used a number of different explanatory perspectives to compare advertising

across cultures. Some proposed research questions and hypotheses loosely based on cross-cultural
theories, such as Hall’s (e.g. Biswass, Olsen and Carlet, 1992; Cheng and Schweitzer, 1996) in
combination with economic and other data; a few are strictly based on cross-cultural theories,
such as Hofstede’s (Albers-Miller and Gelb, 1996). Other studies have used country-specific
information, such as predominantly economic data (e.g. Tansey, Hyman and Zinkhan, 1990;
Culter and Javalgi, 1992; Mueller and Caillat, 1996; Tse, Belk and Zhou, 1989; Wiles, Wiles and
Tjernlund, 1996). A large number of the studies have looked at advertising in general, without a
specific research question, although some studies were particularly interested in a limited number
of societal phenomena, such as gender roles and work ethics (e.g. Gilly, 1988; Tansey, Hyman,
Zinkhan and Chowdhury, 1997). All this cross-cultural research can broadly be classified into
three categories from an explanatory perspective:

Sociological research: Research of this type usually focuses on a certain aspect of society as
portrayed in advertising, and typically tries to contrast culturally inspired norms such as gender
roles across different countries. (e.g. Gilly, 1988; Tansey, Hyman, Zinkhan and Chowdhury,
1997; Maynard and Taylor, 1999).

Ethnology inspired research: Studies in this category rely on a set of historic and general society
values to explain perceived differences in advertising in two or more countries (e.g. Mueller and
Caillat, 1996; Wiles, Wiles and Tjernlund, 1996). This type of research generally does not focus
on cultural dimensions.

Cross-cultural psychology inspired research: This type of research aims to provide a somewhat
deeper explanation of observed differences in advertising by linking appeals and observations to
cultural dimensions, and hence tries to forecast value and appeal differences in various countries
(e.g. Albers-Miller and Gelb, 1996). It usually tries to explain observed differences and
similarities by using fundamental dimensions of cultural variability.

5. SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH

The main aim of ‘sociological research’ is usually to investigate certain isolated societal
phenomena, the interplay of these phenomena in society at large and the portrayal of them, or

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encouragement by advertising. Given this research direction, this type of research is usually less
interested in overall cultural values in the societies examined, but focuses on a more selective set
of values in the society in question, or appeals as used as marketing stimuli.

The aim of research in this category is not to explain observed differences in a broad, cultural
context, but rather to explain isolated societal phenomena. A good example of this type of
research is Tansey et. al (1997) ‘An Advertising Test of Work Ethics in the UK and the US’. In the
study, the authors examine if a perceived decline in work ethics is reflected in a decline in work-
related themes in advertising. Their research focus is therefore limited to an isolated set of work-
and leisure-themes in advertising in business journals (achievement, affiliation, work- and leisure
themes).

Another frequently quoted study which can be classified as ‘sociological’ research is Gilly (1988)
Sex Roles in Advertising: A Comparison of Television Advertisemenst in Australia, Mexico and
the United States’. In this study, Gilly examines the difference in gender role portrayal in
television advertising in the three countries studied. Other examples include Belk (1985)
examining the westernisation and the frequency of status and materialism appeals in Japanese and
US print advertising, or Maynard and Taylor (1999) examining ‘girlish’ images in Japanese and
US print advertising.

As the previous examples suggest, this type of research is mainly interested in a clearly defined
societal phenomenon or a set of defined phenomena, and tries to research it through content
analysis of advertising images, messages or appeals. Frequently, this type of research is used to
illustrate the relationship between advertising and culture in general – often with the implicit
assumption that advertising itself is necessarily reflective of culture (Saimee and Jeong, 1994).

Limited to the research of an isolated phenomenon, this type of research usually does not claim to
illustrate a certain preference for any themes, styles or appeals dominant in any one country
overall, nor does it claim to provide a wide ranging analysis of cultural or stylistic differences in
advertising as a whole.

6. ETHNOLOGY INSPIRED RESEARCH

A distinct set of research work has tried to develop a broader analysis of advertising and links to
particular countries or cultures. Research in this category has tried to compare different aspects of
advertising and to establish links between the aspects examined and the society, country or
culture from which the advertising was obtained, for example on the basis of history, language
and so on. Generally, research in this category has a broader focus than the limited research foci

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found in the sociological research category, but it still does not aim to establish a firm link
between cultural values as a predictor of advertising content (as cross-cultural research attempts
to do).

Research in this category tries to characterise the cultures it is examining using a variety of
different indicators. Some research is based purely on historic and economic data, such as Wiles,
Wiles and Tjernlund (1996) research into print advertising in the US and Sweden. Other
researchers have included various, limited aspects of cross-cultural theory (Hall, 1963, 1976,
1984, 1987) or intercultural theory (Hofstede 1980, 1991) in their research (Caillat and Mueller,
1996; Cheng and Schweitzer, 1996; Whitelock and Rey, 1998; Ji and McNeal, 2001; Koudelova
and Whitelock, 2001), yet have not aimed to examine if a systematic link exists between cross-
cultural or intercultural theory and advertising content.

Studies in this category address a wide range of different research questions, and consequently
examine a variety of differences (or similarities) in advertising. Wiles et al. (1996), for example,
examined the following appeals in various product categories in Swedish and US print
advertising: youthfulness, the number of ethnic minorities shown in advertising, body shape
levels of undress, leisure activities and housework/childcare activities shown, individual
performers or explicit relationships. Their aim was to establish if there is a difference between
appeals used in advertising today and the appeals used 20 years ago. They also examined the
extent to which the portrayal of models differs between the two countries. They conclude that
overall there are relatively few differences, with both US advertisers as well as Swedish
advertisers relying mostly on leisure themes and the portrayal of people as individuals rather than
people in a relationship. They also conclude that the appeals used in US advertising have changed
little over the last 20 years. Their study is interesting, especially as it suggests that there is little
difference between Swedish and US advertising.

This ‘similarity’ finding has been challenged by nearly all other studies. For example Caillat and
Mueller (1996) investigated beer advertising in the UK and the US and examined a limited and
modified set of (what they call) ‘cultural values’ (individualism, modernity, achievement,
tradition and eccentricity), defined using Pollay’s (1983) list of advertising appeals, and
advertising appeals as defined by Berkman and Gilson (1987), as well as the rhetorical style and
the occasion for product usage. They found that there is a substantial difference in both the
appeals used, the occasions in which the products are used in the commercials, and the rhetorical
style used in commercials.

Also using a number of appeals based on Pollay’s framework of advertising appeals, Cheng and
Schweitzer (1996) examined the differences in Chinese and US television advertising. For their

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research they selected a number of appeals as being representative of ‘Western’ values
(progressive appeals, such as ‘modern’), or representative of ‘Eastern”, traditional values (appeals
such as ‘traditional’ or ‘family’). Similar to Caillat and Mueller (1996) they found that overall
advertising appeals reflected local values: Chinese commercials reflected more symbolic and
traditional values, which they previously associated to traditional ‘Eastern’ values, than did US
advertising. They also found that Chinese commercials for imported products relied most heavily
on ‘Western’ values.

Examining advertising from a different perspective, Whitelock and Rey (1998) did not examine
cultural values or appeals per se, but restricted their study to the exploration of the degree of
standardisation of television commercials shown in the UK and France, i.e. to what extent
advertisers use ‘global’ commercials in France or the UK. They found that French advertising
overall contains less standardised advertising than does British advertising. Given that
‘standardised’ advertising is often associated with US-American advertising, their study may
suggest that different degrees of standardisation may be possible, i.e. that the UK advertising
market may be more suitable for standardised campaigns than the French market.

Koudelova and Whitelock (2001), however, extended this methodology and examined UK and
Czech commercials for a large variety of different factors. In their study, they include the format,
or advertising style, such as the commercial as a ‘story’, a ‘drama’, a ‘slice of life’ representation,
an ‘analogy’ or using a ‘problem and solution’ approach. They also include other executional
formats such as the usage of the product, the type of presenter used, the visual impression, the
role played by the music, type of humour and sexual appeals as well as a number of creative
strategies used in their study.

Ji and McNeal (2001) followed a similar approach to Cheng and Schweitzer (1996). In their
research into children’s commercials in the US and China, they used a number of appeals
modified from Pollay (1983) (adventure, convenience, effectiveness, economy/price, education,
fun, health, popularity, uniqueness) alongside other variables such as the activity depicted, the
information content, number, gender and ethnic status of the models used, etc. Similar to Cheng
and Schweitzer (1996) they conclude that Chinese commercials reflect more traditional Chinese
appeals than did their US counterparts.

In another study focusing on both Chinese and US television commercials in general, Lin (2001)
used a coding scheme adopted from Mueller (1987), which classifies a number of cultural values
as either ‘Western’ or ‘Far Eastern’, an approach also similar to Cheng and Schweitzer (1996)
and Ji and McNeal (2001). The derived coding scheme uses appeals such as group consensus,
soft-sell, hard-sell, veneration, modernity, status appeal, product merit, independence/individual,

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oneness with nature and time-orientation. Lin concludes that in Chinese advertising the portrayal
of ‘Far Eastern’ values remains ‘stable’ when compared to Cheng (1994).

It is interesting to note, that although most studies in this category use a wide variety of measures
of ‘cultural’ difference, most - with the exception of Wiles et al. (1996) - conclude that there are
very clear ‘cultural’ differences in the various factors of advertising execution or appeals studied
in those studies. For those studies not involving a Far Eastern culture, all but the Wiles et al. study
concluded that the examined factors were significantly different. Caillat and Mueller (1996) reject
Levitt’s (1983) hypothesis that advertising messages can be standardised in culturally close
countries, based on their findings on the differences in beer advertising in the UK and the US. In
their conclusion, Caillat and Mueller state clearly that US advertising showed significantly more
‘American’ values, and British advertising showed significantly more ‘British’ values. Although
it seems debatable in the light of cross-cultural research that the UK and the US are indeed as
culturally close as Caillat and Mueller try to point out, the extent of differences found suggests
that even between countries which may easily be considered to be culturally close, substantial
differences can exist in advertising. This is especially important, as there is significant leverage
for the argument that a ‘globalisation’ of consumer needs (and with it a standardisation of
advertising appeals) would first occur in two countries that share the same language and that are
both at a similar level of economic development.

Similar to Caillat and Mueller (1996), Frazer, Sheehan and Patti (2002) examined advertising
from culturally close countries. They examined a variety of appeals, creative strategies, humour
type and selling propositions in television commercials from the US and Australia. Focusing on
commercials that received awards for their effectiveness (EFFIE awards), they found that in
nearly all categories significant differences were found. More importantly, however, they
concluded that the current body of research is limited with regards to differences in advertising in
culturally close countries.

Koudelova and Whitelock (2001) conclude that there is a similarity in creative strategies between
Czech and UK commercials in 8 out of 14 product categories, however that the executional
format (or content) was significantly different in all product categories they examined.

It is interesting, however, that Wiles et al (1996) conclude that there is relatively little difference
in advertising, based on their research looking at youthfulness, individualism, the portrayal of life
of leisure and body shape and racial distribution in comparison to the average population in the
top circulation publications of the US and Sweden. Although they point out that differences exist
(such as more portrayal of friendship, and less portrayal of youthfulness in Swedish advertising),
they conclude that overall the countries do not differ greatly. However more interestingly, they

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compare their findings with a study of 1978 (of advertising in the U.S.). They conclude that there
seems to be generally no significant change in values portrayed in U.S. advertising. Potentially,
this supports the view that advertising values are somewhat less “quickly” changed than often
predicted.

Research in this category is, however, often very limited in a broader application because the
explanatory framework used is usually quite country specific. Other researchers have tried to take
a broader view, a view which could be describes as a ‘cross-cultural research’ approach.

7. CROSS-CULTURAL RESEARCH

Cross-culturally inspired research tries not only to describe perceived differences and similarities
in advertising, but also attempts to relate the findings back to established cross-cultural and
intercultural research. By establishing the link between observed differences and cultural
dimensions, cross-cultural advertising research aims to identify, at least potentially, a certain
degree of predictability in the observed differences.

Most researchers have drawn on the works of Hofstede (1980, 1991, 1994) or Hall (1963, 1976,
1984, 1987, 1990) in order to explain and potentially predict observed differences/similarities.

For example, Milner and Collins (2000) aimed to establish a link between the
femininity/masculinity values of a country and the portrayal of gender roles in television
advertising in Japan, Russia, Sweden and the US. They demonstrated that television advertising
in feminine cultures features more depictions of relationships between men and women than
commercials shown in masculine societies. However, their predictions of an emphasis on
productivity in masculine societies and the portrayal of fewer gender differences in feminine
societies were not supported by their research. Given their proposed link between advertising
features and intercultural communication theory their findings could potentially be useful for
more than the countries they have studied. Following their findings, it could be hypothesised that
Dutch advertising (feminine culture) would probably contain more depictions of relationships
between men and women than Mexican advertising (masculine culture).

Zhang and Gelb (1996) took a different approach when looking at advertising. They examined the
effects of different advertising appeals in both the US and China from a consumer perspective,
rather than relying on current practice. Focusing on individualism/collectivism, Zhang and Gelb
designed two different adverts for each of two products; one product which was ‘socially visible’
(photo camera) and another product which was used most often in private (toothbrush). For both
products, two adverts were designed, one reflecting ‘individual’ values, and one reflecting

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‘collectivist’ values. The camera was then ‘marketed’ to 160 students (i.e. 80 students each) from
the US and China with the (individualistic) slogan “come and indulge in the joy of self-
expression” in one ad – and to another group with the collectivist slogan “Share the moments of
joy and happiness with your friends and family”. The toothbrush ad was created with the
individualist slogan “reach out for the pleasure of brushing” and with the collectivist slogan
“Everybody likes the brand name Flexbrush”. The students were then shown a portfolio of 5
different ads containing the two modified advertisements. The respondents then ranked all five
adverts on various scales, such as ‘unpleasant – pleasant’, ‘not-irritating – irritating’ and so on.
Zhang and Gelb concluded that “Chinese consumers respond more favourably to a collectivistic
than to an individualistic appeal” (p.43). Although this preference was true for the camera advert
(i.e. socially visible product), the Chinese respondents showed a preference for the individualistic
toothbrush ad (i.e. private product). This led Zhang and Gelb to hypothesise that “Possibly
appeals counter to the cultural norm will attract buyers – if the product is used in private and the
culturally incongruent appeal at least matches the product, as in the case of an individualistic
appeal for a toothbrush”(p.44).

Al-Olayan and Karande (2000), using a more traditional approach based on advertising practice,
also used Hofstede’s individualism and collectivism as well as Hall’s high-context/ low-context
concept in their content analysis of magazine advertisements from the US and the Arab world.
The researchers examined the advertisements for a number of aspects, such as information
content, usage of price appeals and depiction of men and women. Al-Olayan and Karande
demonstrated that more Arabic ads showed either the women’s faces only or depicted women in a
long dress and that relatively fewer people were shown in Arab advertisements, but no difference
was found in the number of women shown in adverts. They also identified that significantly more
US adverts than Arab adverts are comparative adverts (i.e. directly comparing one’s products to
the products of a competitor), and that US commercials tended to contain more information clues
than Arab advertisements. Finally, their research also indicated a larger presence of price
information in US adverts. Unfortunately, relatively few links are made by Al-Olayan and
Karande between the identified cultural influence factors and the resulting observations. In their
article, they only stress the negative relationship between the price/promotion information and a
high-context society, such as the Arab world, and they explicitly state that the regulations
regarding comparative advertising have not been clarified, i.e. that there may well be other factors
that influence the presence of comparative advertising techniques in the Arab world.

Cho et al. (1999) develop a more fundamental framework for the analysis of cultural value
differences in television commercials in the US and Korea. Their study addresses Hofstede’s

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individualism/collectivism as well as time orientation, relationship with nature and contextuality.
Cho et al. developed their own dual coding scheme, which is used to examine both the overall
theme of the commercial as well as the execution (or content of the commercial) for the same
variables. Both schemes differed in the variables that were addressed, reflecting the thematic
focus or the executional focus. For example, the scheme for coding executional items as
collectivist included “ a conversation among people, featuring people in harmony with one
another and featuring people working together”. The same item on the thematic scheme focused
on “ appeals about the integrity of or belonging to family or social group, emphasis on conformity
or harmony, reflection of interdependent relationships with others, emphasis on the achievements
of the family or social group, emphasis on the benefits to families or group members” (p.65f).
Concerning the thematic content of the commercials, Cho et al. observed that individualism was
more often used in US commercials than in Korean commercials, however, they failed to find a
significant difference in the amount of what they called ‘predominantly collectivist’ themes
between the countries. The study did, however, find support for a more individualist execution in
the US, and a more collectivist execution in Korea. The study also failed to substantiate the
hypothesis that Korean commercials would show more past-oriented themes, and US
commercials more future oriented themes. There was no evidence of this in the execution of the
commercials, although Korean commercials showed a preference for associating products with
‘youth’ more often than the US commercials. US commercials however showed a greater
preference for depicting short-run enjoyment and pleasure. Cho et al did find support that
oneness-with-nature themes were more frequent in Korean commercials, and manipulation-of-
nature themes were more dominant in US commercials. This difference was also observed in the
executional format of the commercials. Cho et al also found support that Korean television
commercials swere more a high-context than their US counterparts.

Taking an even broader view, Zandpour, et al (1994) developed a hypothesised model as a

possible intercultural guideline, predicting preferences for creative strategies, information content
and advertising style. Their model was largely based on Hofstede’s (1991) four dimensions but
also included polychronic and monochronic time-orientation. The researchers then tested the
proposed model in eight countries (Taiwan, Korea, Germany, UK, France, Spain, US, Mexico).
With regards to the creative strategy used in advertising, Zandpour et al. found that an
‘information’ strategy was most dominant in countries that were individualistic, in countries that
were polychronic and in cultures low in uncertainty avoidance. A strategy based on ‘argument’
was found most dominantly in cultures that were low in power distance and/or high in uncertainty
avoidance. A different strategy, ‘motivation with psychological appeal’ was more likely to be
used in countries that had a high power distance and that were collectivist, but also in countries

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with a high advertising expenditure per capita. They also found that a creative strategy focusing
on ‘brand familiarisation’ was mostly used in markets where commercial breaks were allowed
during programming, a ‘symbolic association’ strategy was most frequently found in polychronic
cultures with a low power distance – or in markets with a strict advertising control. ‘Imitation’
strategies were found to be most dominant in cultures that were monochronic and showed high
power distance and high uncertainty avoidance.

Zandpour et al. also demonstrate that the information content of advertising has a tendency to be
higher in individualistic societies, as factual information is seen as underlying the personal
decision-making process. Also concerning advertising style, Zandpour et al. demonstrate a
culture-specific preference for certain advertising styles. They find, that a ‘lecture’ style is more
likely to be used in cultures that are high on power distance and uncertainty avoidance. The
lecture style was also found to be avoided in individualistic societies, and in societies with a
polychronic time-orientation. A ‘drama’ style was demonstrated to be less often used in cultures
high on uncertainty avoidance A mixed ‘drama-lecture’ style was found to be characteristic of
cultures where there was a notable absence of US advertisers. Although some of the original
hypotheses remained unconfirmed, Zandpour et al. developed a relatively coherent framework
and demonstrated the influence of cultural dimensions and time-perception on the creative
approach, substance and the style of television commercials.

Although Zandpour et al did not look at the use of appeals in advertising, it may be interesting to
review their findings for the UK and Germany in comparison to their other findings, as these two
countries are also included in this study. In terms of creative strategy, Zandpour et al. found that
German advertising favoured an ‘argument’-based style (used by 60% of reviewed commercials).
The argument-strategy relies on both actual facts as well as reasoned arguments within the
commercial. The argument-strategy was the most frequently used strategy in Germany and the
least frequently used strategy in Mexico (9%) for all eight countries studied. In the UK, this
strategy was only the second most frequently used strategy (32%), with an ‘information’-strategy
being more frequently used (61%). The information based style relies on giving actual facts
during the commercial, however does not make use of any arguments to combine the presented
facts, nor does it make any combined conclusions. This style, however, was the second least
favoured style in German advertising, with only 8% of commercials using it. Overall, it was most
used in the UK and least used in Germany. The third most used style in the UK (31%) and second
most used style in Germany (36%) was an ‘imitation’-style. The imitation style relies on
testimonials “by those whom the viewers perceive as credible, familiar, and attractive sources”
(p.41). This style was relatively often used in all eight countries, however, it was most frequently

13
used in Korea (58%) and least used in France and Spain (22%). Motivation with psychological
appeals, i.e. commercials relying on an “imaginary benefit with very little factual or explicit
support”(p.41) was largely more often used in Germany (23%) than in the UK (3%). The strategy
overall was the least frequently used in Mexico and Germany (both 3%) whereas it was most
often used strategy in Taiwan (29%). A symbolic-association strategy, linking the product to a
symbol and relying on implicit information, was used much more in the UK (17%) than in
Germany (3%). From all eight countries this strategy was the least frequently used in Germany,
and the most often used strategy in Spain (26%).

Zandpour et al. also probed for information cues present in advertising, using a list of 14
information cues developed by Resnik and Stern (1977). They probed for information cues in the
visual part of the commercial, the sound only as well as overall cues. The most ‘informative’
advertising was found to be in the US and Korea (1.87 cues), and the least ‘informative’
commercials were Mexican commercials (1.00). German commercials also contained relatively
few information cues (1.14 in total), relying both on sound (1.10) and vision (1.10) equally. The
German score was the second lowest score of all countries tested in the study. UK commercials
relied more heavily on sound (1.14) rather than vision (1.10), and were found to contain the
second largest amount of information cues overall (1.56) after Korea and the US. For the
Netherlands, Zandpour et al. predicted a very high informativeness-score based on their model.

The third factor studied looked at the different advertising styles that can be used for a
commercial. Zandpour et al classified commercials to be either a drama-style, i.e. based around a
story, or a lecture-style, i.e. directly addressing the audience and “impos[ing] an explicit
conclusion on the audience” (p.42). Alternatively the style could be a mixture of both, i.e. a
drama-lecture mixture. Neither German nor UK advertising relied heavily on a drama-style
(Germany 13% and the UK 14%). The drama style was used most often in France (27%), and
least often used in the US (4%). However, German advertising relied heavily on the lecture-style
(60%), whereas this style was not very often used in the UK (18%). Overall, the lecture-style was
most frequently used in the US (76%) and the least often used in the UK. UK advertising relied
more heavily on a mixture of both styles (69%), whereas this was less frequently used in
Germany (27%). This mix of styles was the most often used in the UK overall, and the least often
used in Mexico (17%). For the Netherlands, Zandpour et al predicted a high preference for the
mixed style, whereas the drama style would be least preferred by advertisers with the lecture style
being more often used.

The Zandpour et al. study has yielded a number of interesting results, particularly with regards to
the UK and Germany, which, despite being geographically and possibly culturally close seem to

14
show a number of differences in the features that they examined. If these features can be observed
in countries that could easily be regarded as suitable for standardised advertising, and if
advertising execution is predictive of viewer perceptions, one could expect that, for example, UK
commercials might potentially confuse German viewers by using different styles, strategies and a
different amount of information cues per commercial, and, of course, vice versa.

This possible "confusion" was reported by Dahl (2004(b)). Looking at advertising appeals in
Germany, the Netherlands and the UK, Dahl reported substantial differences in these culturally
close countries in terms of appeals usage as well as negative perceptions of German, Dutch and
British consumers towards advertising from the other country, as well as a preference for
culturally congruent styles and appeals in advertising in all three countries investigated.

Tai (2004) looked at cultural values and the preference for one of two message strategies.
Analysing service advertising in Hong Kong and the US, Tai looked at whether there was a
preference for either “informational strategies”, that is to say a focus on providing a unique
selling position, use of comparative advertising or factual description; or for “transformational
strategies”, such as relying predominantly on enhancing the brand or user image. Tai found that
the use of ‘informational strategies’ was more frequent in the US than in Hong-Kong and that
‘transformational strategies’ were more frequent in Hong-Kong. She concludes therefore that
“masculine culture, and cultures with long-term orientation or low individualism are more likely
to adopt transformational message strategies” (p. 438).

Rather than developing a hypothetical model, Albers-Miller and Gelb (1996) attempted to
measure the extent to which cultural dimensions are reflected in advertising appeals (and values)
in current advertising practice. Based on a PhD thesis study by Albers (1994), they used a list of
42 common advertising appeals published by Pollay (1983), the same list as used partially by
Cheng and Schweitzer (1996) and Caillat and Mueller (1996). Out of the 42 appeals, 12 appeals
are argued to have no relation to any of the dimensions and were eliminated. Subsequently, the
relationships between the remaining 30 appeals and the cultural dimensions were hypothesised.
For example, relative frequency of self-respect appeals is expected to correlate with country
scores on the individualism dimension, i.e. the higher a country scores on the individualism
dimension, the more self-respect appeals are likely to be used in the commercials of that country.
Some of the hypothesised relationships were identical to the hypothesised relationships used in
the PhD thesis, however some hypothesised relationships were changed, some of the appeals
removed and only four of the five Hofstede (1991) dimensions were included in the study.
Albers-Miller and Gelb selected advertising in four product categories for their research: office
equipment, financial services, clothing and accessories, and travel services. Around 200

15
advertisements in all four categories were selected from the main business publications of Chile,
Brazil, Taiwan, Japan, India, Israel, Mexico, United States, France, Finland and South Africa, and
coded using the 30 appeals identified as being culture related.

As a result, and before the removal of outliers, 10 of the 30 hypothesised relationships were found
to be statistically significant. For Power Distance, five of eight hypothesised appeals were found
to be significantly correlated. After removing unexpected data (outliers in their data), because of
the small sample size, one more appeal was found to be statistically significantly correlated,
bringing the total of appeals for Power Distance to six appeals.
For Uncertainty Avoidance, three of eight hypothesised appeals were found to be significantly
correlated, with two more being statistically significant after removal of outliers.
For the Masculinity/Femininity dimension, two of the six hypothetically related appeals were
found to be significantly correlated, with a further two appeals being added after the removal of
unexpected observations.
For the Individualism/Collectivism dimension, originally none of the hypothesised appeals were
found to be significantly correlated, however after removal of outliers three appeals were found to
be significantly correlated with this dimension.

This confirmed 18 of the 30 hypothesised relationships. Albers-Miller and Gelb concluded from
their findings, that advertising appeals may be related in a non-random way, i.e. that advertising
values may well vary to some extent in line with the cultural dimensions as described by
Hofstede. Despite not confirming all of their hypothesised relations, the study pointed out that the
usage of appeals in advertising could potentially be a function of cultural dimensions, and as such
that there is possibly a predictive function of cultural dimensions and appeals used in advertising.

However, the study also revealed that the links between appeals and cultural values may be more
complicated than originally thought. Despite the changes being made from the original PhD
thesis, the study did not provide support for an overwhelming majority of the hypothesised
relationships. De Mooij (1998) suggests some further alterations to the hypothesised links. A
complete overview of the appeals and their hypothesised relationships is given in table I. Another
potential point for critique is that the study relied only on one model and measure of cultural
dimensions. Despite being the most frequently used model, it could be argued that Hofstede’s
model, and data, are possibly out of date and because of the specific group surveyed not
necessarily applicable to a broader audience, such as a general advertising audience.

16
Table I: Comparison of appeals and hypothesised relationships
Dimension Albers Albers-Miller and Gelb De Mooij
Individualism Independence Independence Independence
Distinctive Distinctive Security (Self-respect)
Freedom Security (Self-respect)
Independence
Collectivism Popular Popular Popular
Affiliation Affiliation Succorrance
Family Family Community
Succorrance Succorrance
Community Community
High Power Distance Ornamental Ornamental Ornamental
Dear Vain Vain
Vain Dear Dear
Status Status Status
Sexuality
Health
Low Power Distance Cheap Cheap Cheap
Humility Humility Nurturance
Wisdom Nurturance Plain
Moral Plain Distinctive
Nurturance Freedom
High Uncertainty Safety Safety Tamed
Avoidance Tamed Tamed Durable
Neat Durable Relaxation
Low Uncertainty Adventure Adventure Adventure
Avoidance Untamed Untamed Untamed
Magic Magic Magic
Youth Youth Youth
Casual Casual Casual
Masculinity Effective Effective Effective
Durable Convenient Convenient
Convenient Productivity Productivity
Safety (self-respect)
Productivity
Femininity Relaxation Natural Natural
Enjoyment Frail Frail
Frail Modest Modest
Natural Safety
Modest Humility
Plain Affiliation
Family
High Long-term Traditional Not measured Modern
orientation Mature
Modern
Technological
Low Long-term Not measured Not measured Traditional
orientation

17
8. SUMMARY OF STUDIES

Table II summarises the most frequently cited studies that have been conducted in cross-cultural
and intercultural advertising research over the last few years. The table demonstrates the extent to
which differences in aspects of advertising have been found across countries, as well as the
variety of different aspects that have been examined by the various researches.

Table II: Comparison of previous studies

Year Authors Countries/Framework Aspects Outcome
1985 Belk US, Japan Status Appeals in print advertising Higher frequency
Sociological of status appeals in
Japan
1985 Woods et al. US, Korea, Quebec Consumer motivation Significant
Ethnology differences
1989 Wiles and US, UK Humour in advertising Type of humour
Spouts Ethnology used similar to use
in respective
country
1990 Gilly Australia, Mexico and Sex Roles in Advertising Australian ads
US show lowest
Sociological gender differences,
largest differences
observed in
Mexico.
1990 Tansey, Brazil, US Themes in car adverts Urban themes more
Hyman and Sociological in Brazil
Zinkhan Leisure themes
more in US
Work themes equal
in both

18
1992 Alden, Hower Korea, Germany, Humour in advertising Some similarities,
and Lee Thailand and US but content is
Ethnology different
1992 Biswass, Olsen US, France Information content US higher in
and Carlet Ethnology Emotional appeals information
Humour content
Sex France higher for
everything else
1992 Cutler and US, France, UK Visual components of print Seven out of ten
Javalgi Ethnology advertising components were
different
1992 Katz and Lee UK, US Information content and Significant
Ethnology Advertising format differences
1992 Mueller US, Germany, Japan Information content and Standardised ads
Ethnology standardisation less informative
Need for adapted
ads
1992 Ramaprasad, Japan, US format of creative strategies Few similarities,
Hasegawa Ethnology very different
information
strategies. “This
study should give
pause to
practitioners who
advocate complete
standardization in
global advertising”
1992 Zandpour, US, Taiwan, France creative strategy, information “Distinct national
Changhui Ethnology content, and execution communication
patterns”
1993 Lin US, Japan Message strategies Japanese
Ethnology Information content commercials less
information cues
Very different
message strategies
1994 Zandpour et al. Taiwan, Korea, Creative strategies Broad support for
Germany, UK, France, Information content hypothesised
spain, US, Mexico (+ Advertising style relationships in all
predictions for 15 more hypothetically predicted based on three categories
countries, but not Hofstede
tested)
Cross-Cultural
1996 Albers-Miller Chile, Brazil, Taiwan, 30 appeals based on Pollay and 18 of 30
and Gelb Japan, India, Israel, linked to Hofstede. hypothesised
Mexico, US, France, relationships
Finland, South Africa confirmed
Cross-Cultural
1996 Caillat and UK, US Five values Differences found
Mueller Ethnology Rhetorical style in all aspects
Occasion for product usage

19
1996 Cheng and US, China Western and Chinese values Chinese
Schweitzer Ethnology (based on Pollay) commercials use
more symbolism
and traditional
values.
1996 Wiles, Wiles US, Sweden Youthfulness Little difference
and Tjernlund Ethnology racial distribution No difference over
body shape 20 years in the US.
level of undress
leisure/houshold/work activities
relationships of characters
Changes over 20 years in US ads
1996 Zhang and US, China Response to two different product Chinese consumers
Gelb Cross-Cultural ads: camera and toothbrush responded more
Two versions of ads: Individual favourably to the
benefit and collectivistic benefit collectivistic ads.
However more so
for the camera than
the toothbrush
1997 Tansey et al. UK, US Work ethics and work related Inconclusive: No
Sociological advertising themes shift in the UK,
some shifts in the
US.
1998 Whitelock and UK, France Standardised advertising French advertising
Rey Ethnology less standardised
than UK.
1999 Cho et al. US, Korea Themes Korea: more youth
Cross-Cultural and collectivist
content, higher-
context
US: more short-
term enjoyment,
individualistic
content and low-
context
1999 Maynard and Japan, US Girlish images in print advertising More ‘girlish’
Taylor Sociological images in Japanese
adverts
2000 Al-Olayan and US, Arab world Information cues US more
Karande Cross-Cultural Price appeals information cues
depiction of men/women US more price
information
Arab fewer people
2000 Millner and Japan, Russia, Sweden, Gender roles in tv commercials Commercials in
Collins US feminine cultures
Cross-Cultural depicts more
relationships.
However, no
support for fewer
gender differences
or emphasis on
productivity

20
2001 Ji and McNeal US, China Selected appeals Chinese
Ethnology Activity shown commercials
Information content reflect traditional
Number of people Chinese values
Gender
Ethnicity of people shown
2001 Koudelova and UK, Czech Rep. Advertising style ‘Creative
Whitelock Ethnology Product usage strategies’ similar
Presenter for six out of 14
Visual impression product categories.
Music Executional format
Humour very different
Sexual appeals
selected creative strategies
2001 Lin US, China Soft-sell/Hard-sell Chinese
Cross-Cultural Youth/ Modernity commercials more
Tradition traditional and
Individualism/Collectivism collectivistic
Status
Time orientation
2002 Frazer, US, Australia Selected appeals Major differences
Sheehan and Ethnology Creative strategies found in all
Patti Humour styles categories
2004 Dahl (b) Germany, Netherlands Appeals (Pollay 1983) Major differences
and UK found
2004 Tai US, Hong Kong Message strategies Significant
Cross-Cultural (transformational or informational) differences found

As can be seen from the table, little research has been done comparing the attractiveness of
advertising to the consumer, rather than focusing on the advertising content. After an extensive
literature search, only Zhang and Gelb (1996) and Dahl (2004(b)) make an attempt to study the
perception of advertising content by the consumer. Both studies confirmed that consumers appear
to favour culturally congruent appeals and styles.

However, both studies have been relatively small, and there is still no extensive data for this
issue. This is because of a fundamental problem in the research design in nearly all previous
studies. Most studies rely on analysing advertising content, which inevitably has undergone some
adaptation to the target market (e.g. by translating). Also, different national advertising samples
may simply contain more ‘home made’ advertising, which as such might well reflect different
values than advertising which is imported, yet this may not necessarily result in any difference in
attractiveness to the consumer. As such, the research only focuses on the ‘seller’ side, or the
advertisements, but neglects to seek the views of consumers in those countries (or the ‘buyers’
side).

21
This difference is particularly problematic as it is often difficult to compare research results from
different studies, especially as the methodologies and research foci are very different and varied.
The different ‘background’ with which the observed differences are explained (i.e. sociological
data, historical data, cultural values, etc.) also makes a comparison of the different studies, and
their findings, problematic. The often limited analysis, and the reluctance to link observed
similarities and differences to cultural dimensions in a systematic way, also frequently makes it
impossible to generalise findings beyond the countries in which the research has been carried out.
This often limits the usefulness of the research to only a selected number of countries, and
therefore has a limited commercial application.

The most frequent choices of countries are based upon culturally very different countries. This
tendency has been previously pointed out by Saminee and Jeong (1994), yet to date the research
focus has not shifted (Frazer, Sheehan and Patti, 2002). Although research in culturally very
distant countries is useful for exploring the field, observed differences may not be so surprising,
precisely because the researched countries are extremely different. This research focus also bears
the danger of duplicating previous studies rather than moving forward and gaining a deeper
understanding. For example, five of the reviewed studies in Table 3.2 have compared information
content between Far-Eastern countries and Western countries. Of the studies published in the past
few years, all but three have compared Far-Eastern (Korea, Japan, China) and Western countries
(US, UK). Two studies compared a former Eastern-block country (Czech Republic) or a
multitude of Arab countries with a Western country (UK or US). Again, lifestyles, incomes, etc
are very different in these comparisons, so that observed differences may be less surprising. Only
of the studies has compared advertising in truly culturally close countries (Dahl, 2004(b)).

This does raise the question to what extent ‘small’ cultural differences influence advertising, and
if there is any difference at all in ‘culturally’ close countries, either by measure of cultural values
or indeed by measures of economic development etc. Although de Mooij (1997), for example,
dedicates a chapter of her book to the discussion of various styles found in different cultures, and
how European advertising styles differ, there is little research evidence to support this. More hard
evidence is needed to substantiate these claims, especially if researchers in this area, such as de
Mooij, are to convince advertising agencies to adapt their marketing strategies to local markets.

The breadth rather than depth of previous research also seems to support that the claim that
variation in the different aspects of advertising is quite substantial, even considering the lack of
hard data or the focus on culturally very different countries. The nearly unanimously observed
differences certainly cast serious doubt on Levitt’s argument about a ‘global message’ and

22
contradicts, at least from the ‘sellers’ side’ any suggestion of a possible standardisation of
advertising across different cultures.

Yet in order to be convincing both commercially as well as academically, it may be desirable to

have a broader framework than the selected number of aspects typically used by researchers, and
backing such a framework by a well researched secondary model of variations across cultural
dimensions, such as Hofstede’s (1991) or Schwartz’s (1994) model. Again, the lack of consistent
and systematic research and research design hinders the arguments put forward by many
researchers.

9. DISCUSSION

This paper aimed to present an overview of the most important and most frequently quoted
studies in cross-cultural advertising research. Although every literature review is by definition
limited, we have explored a number of different areas, such as research related to sociological
phenomena, research based mostly on an ethnological approach to advertising differences, and
finally a number of research samples that use cross-cultural and intercultural theory as their base.

Whereas the first two categories of research are mostly descriptive in their function, the third
category aims to, at least to some extent, establish a predictive pattern of differences based on
cultural dimensions. Studies in this category usually compare a wide range of different factors,
which are hypothetically linked to previously established cultural dimensions, using frameworks
such as Hofstede’s cultural dimensions (1991). If a significant correlation between the
hypothesised relationships and the predicted factors, such as advertising style or appeals usage
can be established, then this type of research assumes a wider applicability of its findings in line
with cultural dimensions. For example, if it can be observed that usage of the appeal ‘dear’ is
positively correlated with a high power distance in a number of countries studied, then this type
of research assumes that the frequency of the occurrence of ‘dear’ in advertising can be
generalised. I.e. the appeal will be used mostly in countries that have a high power distance score,
and will not be used, or used less in countries that score low on the power distance index
irrespective of whether or not those countries have been studied previously. Given the uncertainty
an advertiser faces when advertising in a different culture, such research is the most commercially
useful research. At present though, research in this area is relatively sparse, especially when
compared to the other two types of research. Research in this area also lacks any explanation of
how powerful any cultural variation might be in terms of actual impact on the advertising, i.e. is
advertising only largely different in culturally very distant countries, or do ‘smaller’ cultural

23
differences have a significant effect. Caillat and Mueller (1996) and Frazer, Sheehan and Patti
(2002), although not using intercultural theory to explain their findings, seem to suggest that even
small ‘cultural distances’ may well have a significant impact on advertising in other cultures.

Although the research outcomes of such research are the most ‘rewarding’ in terms of being the
most widely applicable, the methodologies used have a number of potential risks. Primarily, these
studies rely on cultural dimension data that has been produced in a usually different context. For
example the most frequently used framework, Hofstede’s cultural dimensions, is derived from
research carried out in a work environment in IBM. The values derived from this research may
not be easily transferable to the general population at large in any one culture, and may also be
quite specific to employees of that company, as it is an American-owned high-tech company with
a specific corporate culture. Also, the data was collected more than thirty years ago, and may
arguably be out of date. At the same time, culture-level data cannot easily be transferred into a
prediction about the behaviour or attitudes of any one individual. This in turn may limit the
applicability of the findings, as these may not apply to any individual case, or the success or
failure of any individual commercial. For example, Zhang and Gelb (1996) seemed to suggest
that in some cases collectivistic consumers preferred individualistic appeals.

This type of research also assumes that cultural dimensions are necessarily the same for human
behaviour and interaction and for advertising. This again may be problematic, as advertising is
not normally a good reflection of everyday life. However, despite these limitations, the research
outcomes suggest that at least for a culture-level analysis the cultural dimension data provides a
somewhat robust, but not perfect guide line and that there are potentially some links between the
overall advertising practice and the cultural dimensions (as suggested by the findings of Albers-
Miller and Gelb, 1996; Zandpour et al. , 1994).

Another problematic aspect of research in this category is the assumption that any one factor,
which is being examined, is necessarily associated with just one cultural dimension. In other
words, the assumption that the occurrence of an appeal such as ‘family’, for example, is
necessarily a function of a collectivist society. Although it can be argued that the family at large
plays a more important role in the life of people in collectivist societies, the appeal ‘family’ may
well not be connected directly to this cultural dimension, as it is assumed, for example, by Alber-
Miller and Gelb (1996). Since advertising does not necessarily reflect the reality, but could
portray an idealised world, the family-appeal may arguably prove to appeal more to people from
an individualistic society, as it could be argued that people from an individualistic society may
find the ideal of an ‘idyllic extended family life’ attractive because it is not necessarily a reality in
their culture. Hence, images of the extended family enjoying a meal together may well be

24
appealing precisely because it may not be the norm in the society. At the same time, the appeal
could be argued to be strongly connected to affiliation needs, as argued by de Mooij (1998), and
as such would not be connected either to individualism, but be part of femininity. However, there
is also no argument to contradict that the appeal may indeed be part of more than one cultural
dimension, for example, be part of both individualism and femininity. This adds substantial
complexity to the normally proposed linear links between advertising appeals and cultural values
in previous research. Although it does not totally invalidate any possible linear links, it does
indicate that the researcher has to keep an open mind as to possible alternative interpretations of
appeals, rather than relying rigidly on a framework which is exclusively linear.

10. CONCLUSION

The results so far seem to indicate that there is some relationship between culture and appeals
used in advertising (Albers-Miller and Gelb, 1996; Zandpour et al. , 1994). Thus, current research
seems to support the view that a homogenisation of (advertising) culture, as predicted by Levitt
(1983) is not occurring at present. However, as most of the research carried out so far has focused
on advertising rather than customer perception, critics may well argue that it is not the consumer
who is blocking standardisation, but rather that it is the adverts themselves which are not
standardised. Also, a large amount of the studies used to argue against Levitt’s hypothesis
examined countries that are culturally very distant. So it could also be argued that very large
differences in culture do indeed require different approaches, whilst culturally close countries
would not merit a different approach for each country or culture.

Although it seems unlikely that any cultural-values based approach can ever fully reflect and
predict the full extent of an advertising markets’ values, styles, strategies etc. the research to date
seems to suggest that cultural-values play a significant role in shaping the various values,
strategies etc. used in the market. Especially the frameworks proposed by Zandpour et al. (1994)
and Albers-Miller and Gelb (1996) seem to establish a possible basis for further research into the
link between culture and advertising. Their work provides a framework, which at least potentially
could simplify local adaptation of an advertising campaign significantly, as the most likely factors
may potentially be, at least to some extent, predictable.

However, overall a more systematic approach based on a substantive secondary data framework
may help substantially to gain a deeper understanding of how advertising varies across cultures.
At the same time, research should move away from culturally very different cultures and focus
more on culturally close countries in order to explain the subtle impact of culture, rather than
possibly duplicate work previously done.

25
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