Apocalyptic and Other Materials Suliman Bashear

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Apocalyptic and Other Materials on
Early Muslim-Byzantine Wars: A Review
of Arabic sources
SULIMAN BASHEAR
Introduction
The standard criteria for using as historical sources were established the late
apocalypses by
Byzantinist, Paul J. Alexander. Examining the process of literary embellishment and

of a few and Greek he arrived at the conclusion that
adjustment Syriac apocalypses,
historical are in fact ex-eventu", i.e.
apocalypses "prophecies having actually already
materialised around the time of their circulation. The amount of such material, he argued,
may serve as a kind of barometer for measuring the at a time

eschatological pressure given
in history since are written to comfort in times of tribulation,
apocalypses provide
particularly during grave military crises.1
In the field of Islamic studies some attention has been given to the spread in the late
seventh and early eighth centuries of Muslim eschatological the
speculations concerning
occupation of Constantinople.2 But all in all, exploring the possible use of apocalyptic
traditions for the study of early Muslim history is still a novelty, bid'a, though certainly
a blessed one.3 For W. L. Conrad and M. Cook have set out to
only recently Madelung,
study the rich apocalyptic material in the compilation Kit?b al-Fitan by Nu'aym b.
Hamm?d (d. 227 H.).4
note has been taken of a few cases where such use futile,5 it has been
Though proved
established that, on the whole, this material is earlier than the Schachtian method of isn?d
criticism could place it, and reflects historical situations which belong to the early
On the level of content, a few of
Umayyad period.6 aspects early Byzantine?Muslim
1
Paul J. Alexander, "Medieval apocalypses as historical sources", AHR 73 (1968), pp. 998?9, 1002, 1008.
2
E.g. A. A. Vasiliev, "Medieval ideas of the end of the world:
"
east and west", Byzantion 16 (1942?3), pp.
471-6 and the works cited therein; cf. also S. P. Brock, Syriac views of emergent Islam" ; in G. A. H. Juynboll
ed., Studies ... (Carbondale, 1982), p. 19.
3
L. Conrad notes how Steinschneider, Goldziher, Casanova and Abbott, though they used and discussed
"historical" apocalypses in their writings, "seem to have found little of historical merit in them". "Portents of
the hour: hadith and history in the first century a.h. ", typescript, p. 11 and nn. 48-51 (forthcoming inDer Islam).
4 "
W. Madelung, Abd Allah b. al-Zubayr and theMahdi", JNES 40 (1981), pp. 291-306; idem "The Sufyani
between tradition and history", 5/63 (1986), "pp. 4-48; idem, "Apocalyptic prophecies inHims in the Umayyad
age", JSS 31 (1986), pp. 141-86; M. Cook, Eschatology, history and the dating of traditions ", typescript; L.
Conrad, art. cit. and letter to me on 9 May 1989.
5
As demonstrated by both L. Conrad, p. 22 andM. Cook, pp. 10-25, concerning the belief that the Byzantine
final malhama would be led by Tiberius, son of Justinian II.
6
W. Madelung, "Apocalyptic prophecies...", art. cit., 180; L. Conrad's letter; and even the usually highly
sceptical M. Cook in a concluding note, art. cit., pp. 33-4, concerning the applicability of Schacht's method for
dating traditions in this field.
JRAS, Series3, 1,2 (1991).PP- 173-207

174 Suliman Bashear
relations have been dealt with as were reflected in this material.7 But to my
they
no attempt has been made so far to examine the issue of continuous
knowledge thorough
military campaigns to recapture Syria : an issue which is extensively covered by this kind
of material.8 This is a task which the present paper aims to accomplish. In doing so I shall
try to compare the arrived at from this material with the information
picture sporadic
a few sources on the military situation of the coastal towns
provided by historiographical
of Palestine, Lebanon and Syria in early Islam and throughout the Umayyad period. The
emergence of traditions the merits of these towns, them as
promoting ifada'U) considering
watch-posts (rib?t?t) and urging Muslims to defend and settle them, will also be
commented upon as these traditions may reflect the seriousness with which Islam
early
viewed the menace of a
Byzantine re-conquest.
Some limitations, however, must be stated at the outset. The aim of the present
primary
enquiry is to bring to light the overall picture of early Muslim apocalyptic speculations on
the conflicts with the Byzantines as in the Arabic sources, and not to
impending expressed
the and Greek materials on this issue or to conduct a cross
study Syriac thorough
examination of Arab and non-Arab sources. Though crucial, this latter task cannot be fully
before the basic work of amassing the Muslim material is done in a way that
accomplished
is equivalent to the work done on its Syriac and Greek Hence, the main
counterparts. only
outlines of the problems raised by students of this latter field will be addressed in the course
of the present leaving the detailed comparative investigation for such future
enquiry,
studies as it may stimulate.
Truce and treachery
reference to some future truce (hudna) between the Muslims and the
Apocalyptic
Byzantines (often referred to as Band al-Asfar) is made in a complex of traditional sayings

which were attributed to the several and which come in
Prophet through companions
textual formulations. One of them is the tradition of "the six portents of the
divergent
hour" as noted occurs in a few sources as associated with the
which, by Conrad, heavily
name of the 'Awf b. Malik a clear Hims?line o?isn?d, the commonest
companion through
link of which is Safw?n b. 'Amr (d. 155 H.).9 The main idea conveyed by this tradition
is that the Prophet named six portents (ashr?t)which can be identified as actual historical
events from early Islam and which would occur before the approaching end of the world
= the With minor variations were
(al-s?'a hour). these portents mentioned in the
order : the death of the the of the of

following Prophet, conquest Jerusalem, spread
(m?t?n, as a result of a the of wealth, a

mortality mawt?n) possibly plague, proliferation
general civil war (fitna) and, finally, a truce with and betrayal by the Byzantines who
7 on a certain
E.g. Conrad and Cook on the issue of the final Byzantine malhama, noted above; Conrad
Byzantine?Muslim truce referred to in the tradition on the "six portents of the hour"; and a few other related
issues brought up inMadelung's review of Hims? apocalyptic traditions.
8
Noted only briefly by M. Cook, art. cit., nn. 63, 93, 116.
9
L. Conrad, art. cit., 11 nn. 53-6 referring to: Nu'aym b. Hamm?d, K. al-Fitan, Ms. British Museum, Or.
9449, fols, 7(b)-8(a), n(a-b); Bukh?r?, Sahih (Beirut, 1981), 4/68; Ibn Hanbal (d. 241 H.), Musnad (Cairo, 1313
H.), 2/174, 5/228, 6/22, 25, 27; Ibn 'Asakir, T?r?kh (Damascus, 1951), 1/222-4.
Early Muslim apocalyptic materials 175
would assemble for the final war.10 In what follows, a brief review of the variant
general
contents of this tradition, to the names of its transmitters from 'Awf, will
corresponding
be made. Likewise I shall discuss similar notions attributed to the Prophet by companions
such asMu'?dh, Dh? Mikhmar, 'Abdullah b. 'Amr, Abu Hurayra, Hudhayfa and possibly
others too.
As transmitted by 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Jubayr b. Nufayr (Hims?, d. 118 H.) from his
father, the 'Awf tradition ends with the statement that at the time of the treacherous
the Muslims/var. their tent of command in a town

Byzantine campaign (fust?t) would be
called Damascus in the Gh?ta area.11 From Abu Idr?s al-Khawlan? (Syrian, d. 80 H), 'Abd
al-Ham?d b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Zayd b. al-Khatt?b (Medinese? Kufan? or Jazari?, d. c.
120 H.), Damra b. Habib d. 130 H.), 'Abdullah b. d. c.
(Hims?, al-Daylam (Jerusalemite,
100 H.), 'Abdullah b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n al-'Uqayl?, Zayd b. Rufay', Hish?m b. Y?suf
(Hims? successor who moved toW?sit) Sha'b? (Kufan, d. 103H.) andMuhammad b. Ab?
Muhammad, we learn that the Byzantine would be massive and of
campaign composed
eighty banners (gh?ya, gh?ba, raya) under each of which would be 12,000 men.12 The
versions of Sha'b?, 'Abd al-Ham?d and Makh?l (the last one being reported either from
<-
Kh?lid b. Ma'd?n (Hims? d. 103H.) Jubayr b. Nufayr (d. 75-80 H.) or else directly from
'Awf) say that the Byzantines will prepare for the of a woman's pregnancy, i.e. nine
length
months.13 From the versions of'Abd al-Ham?d, Ibn Abu Idr?s and Sha'b? we
al-Daylam,
learn that the Prophet made this statement to 'Awf while in Tab?k.14
An in two sources was

interesting variant occurring only early transmitted by Hish?m
b. Y?suf and an unnamed on the of Safw?n b. d.
figure authority Sulaym (Medinese
124?30 H.). It includes the element of conquering "the city of unbelief" (mad?nat al-kufr),
among the six portents tradition of'Awf.15 But most is

possibly Constantinople, unique
a variant reported through the Egyptian line: 'Abdullah b. Wahb (Egyptian, d. 197 H.)
<- 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Shurayh d. <- Rabfa b. Sayf d.
(Alexandrian, 167 H.) (Alexandrian,
10
Compare also with Nu'aym, 138(b); Ibn Ab? Shayba (d. 235 H.), Musannaf, (Bombay, 1983), 15/104-5;
Abu 'Ubayd (d. 224 H.), Ghartb al-Had?th (Haydarabad, 1967), 2/85-7; Ibn Maja (d. 275 H.), Sunan (Cairo,
1953), 2/134?2, 1371 ;Tabar?n? (d. 360 H.), al-Mu'jam al-Kab?r (Baghdad, 1984), 18/40?2, 54-5, 64, 66, 79-81 ;
idem, al-Mu'jam al-Awsat (Riyad, 1985), 1/67-8; IbnManda (d. 395), Kit?b al-Im?n (Beirut, 1985), 2/914-16; al
H?kim (d. 405 H.), Mustadrak, (Beirut, 1986), 4/419, 422-3, 551-2; Bayhaq? (d. 458 H.), al-Sunan al-Kubr?,
(Haydarabad, 1356 H.), 9/223, 10/248; W?sit?, Fada'il al-Bayt al-Muqaddas, (Jerusalem, 1979), 52-3; Ibn al
Murajj?, Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis, Ms. T?bingen 27, fol. 17 (a-b) ;Diy?' al-D?n (d. 643 H.), Fada'il Bayt al-Maqdis
(Beirut, 1985), 70; al-Muttaq? al-Hind?, Kanz al-'Umm?l, in the margin of Ibn Hanbai, 6/11 ; Ibn Kath?r (d. 774
H.), al-Nih?ya (Cairo, 1980), 1/81-4, 86-9; Qurtub?(d. 671 H.), Tadhkira (Cairo, 1986), 2/312-14, quoting Marj
al-Bahrayn by Abu al-Khatt?b b. Duhya (d. 633 H.); Suy?t? (d. 911 H.), al-Durr al-Manth?r, (Cairo, 1314 H.),
6/59; Qastal?n?, Irsh?d al-S?r? (Cairo, 1293), 5/286-7, Ibn Badr?n, Tahdh?b Tar?kh Ibn 'As?kir (Damascus, 1329
H.), 1/49-50; Ibn 'Abd al-H?d? (d. 744 H.), Fada'il al-Sh?m (Cairo, 1988), 27-8; al-Alb?n?, Takhr?j Ah?d?th ai
Raba'? (Beirut, 1403 H.), 61-3; Barazanj? (d. 1103 H.), al-Ish?'a H-Ashr?t al-S?'a (Cairo, 1393 H.), 48.
11
Nu'aym, 7(b)-8(a) ;Tabar?n?, M. K. 18/42; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/222-4; Ibn Hanbal, ;
6/25 W?sit?, 52-3 ; Ibn al
Murajj?, I7(a-b) ; Ibn Kath?r, 1/83. See also Suy?t?, 6/59; Qurtub?, 2/321 ; Ibn 'Abd al-H?d?, 27-8 ; Ibn Badr?n,
1/49; Alb?n?, 61-3; and compare with Ibn Manda, 2/915-16.
12
Nu'aym, n(a-b); Tabar?n?, 18/40-1, 54-5, 64, 66, 79-81; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/224; Ibn Hanbal, 6/22, 27;
Bukh?r?, 4/68 ;Abu 'Ubayd, 2/85-7; Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/104; IbnMaja, 2/1341-2, 1371; al-H?kim, 4/419,422
3 ;Bayhaq?, 9/223 (but compare with 10/248) ;Diy?' al-D?n, 70, al-Muttaq?, 6/11 ; Ibn Kath?r, 1/82, Qastal?n?.
5/286-7; Ibn Manda, 2/914; Ibn al-Jawz? (d. 597 H.), Ghartb al-Had?th, Beirut 1985, 2/171.
13
Nu'aym, 8(a); Tabar?n?, 18/41-2, 54-5; al-H?kim, 4/422; but compare with Ibn Manda, 2/914-15.
14
Tabar?n?, 18/54-5, 66; Ibn Maja, 2/1341-2, al-H?kim, 4/419, 422-3; Bayhaq?, 9/223; Ibn Kath?r, 1/82.
15
Nu'aym, 8(a); Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/104.
176 Suliman Bashear
c. 120 H.) <- b. 'Abdullah. We also notice that the same was attributed to the
Ish?q Prophet
: <-
i.e. not through 'Awf. The main idea in both cases is
by the chain Makh?l Hudhayfa,
that 'Awf/Hudhayfa came to the Prophet after the latter had achieved a conquest (fifathin
lahu), congratulated him and expressed his hope that war had ended. To this the Prophet
said that war would not end until six things had happened and proceeded actually to name
the same elements in the six portents tradition. The fifth of these, we are
usually occurring
told, would commence when a was born whose would be

Byzantine prince daily growth
like the yearly growth of an ordinary boy. When he reached the age of twelve the
would crown him Then he would incite them to a war of re-conquest,
Byzantines king.
order the manufacture of warships in the islands and on the mainland and in
transport
these warriors who would land between Antioch and al-'Ar?sh (...fa-baatha fl al-jaz?'ir
wa-l-barriyya bi-sariat al-sufun thumma hamala fih? hatt? yanzil bayna ant?kya
al-muq?tila
wa-1-ar?sh).16 At this stage 'Awf s tradition brings the following addition by Ibn Shurayh:
"I heard somebody saying that there would be 12 banners under each of which would be
12,000 men. The Muslims would assemble under their leader in Jerusalem and consent to
his opinion to move to the city of the Prophet (S) (= Medina) so that their garrisons
(mas?lihuhum) would be at the Sarh and Khaybar. Said Ibn Ab?Ja'far : the Prophet (S) said :
would drive my to the birth of wormwood (man?bit al-sh?h)".
They community places
We are also told that one third of theMuslims would be killed and another third would
flee while the remainder would be victorious. would drive the Byzantines as far as
They
Constantinople and even conquer it when hearing that the false messiah (al-dajj?l) had
and that would be the sixth portent. From tradition we also learn
appeared, Hudhayfa's
that the Byzantines would have 300 ships besides the 80 banners. After the Muslims had
regrouped in Medina and received reinforcement from the Arabs, Yemen and the
Bedouins (var. also from Syria), they would set out to meet the Byzantines. The latter
would request the return of the non-Arabs, but the mawalx would refuse to join them and,
finally, the war would be fought and won by the Muslims.
Two sources which preserve 'Awf s tradition to the fact that a similar one was
point
transmitted from Abu Hurayra by aMedinese line the main link in the chain of which was
Sa'?d (d. 117-26 H.). The apparent difference between the two traditions
al-Miqbar? only
is that the Abu one about "the construction of the
Hurayra speaks Jerusalem", being
second portent, instead of its conquest.17
Another similar tradition was reported through Mu'?dh b. Jabal with the isn?d:Wakf
(d. 197H.)
<- Nahh?s b. Qahm (Basran, d. ?) <- Shadd?d Abu 'Amm?r (Damascene mawl?
of Mu'?wiya, d. ?).Without speaking about a truce with the Byzantines, it nevertheless
reiterates the same six portents of 'Awf and mentions the Byzantines' treachery/invasion
(ghadr/ghazw) under 12 or 80 banners (using the term band instead of gh?ya).1*

The elements of truce with and treacherous by the Byzantines for nine
preparations
months are stated in a tradition of'Abdullah b. 'Amr b. al-'?s as the fifth portent, the sixth
16 -
Compare: Nu'aym, 117(a) 118(a); al-H?kim, 4/551-2; Qurtub?, 2/318 quoting al-Irsh?d by Ibn Burj?n.
17
Al-H?kim, 4/419; Bayhaq?, 9/223.
18
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/104-5; Ibn Hanbal, 5/228; Tabar?n?, 20/122, 173; Daylam? (d. 509 H.), al-Firdaws
(Beirut, 1986), 2/237; Diy?' al-D?n, 70-1 ; Ibn Kath?r, 1/84-7, Haytham? (d. 807 H.), Majma' al-Zaw?'id (Cairo
and Beirut, 1987), 7/322; Suy?t?, al Durr, op. cit., 6/59; idem, al-J?m? al-Kab?r (Cairo, 1978), 1/542.
the conquest of Constantinople. It was transmitted by Abu Jann?b al-Kalb? (d. 150
being
<- his Ab? <- Ibn 'Amr <- the to another tradition
H.) father, Hayya Prophet.19 According
transmitted by Abu Fir?s, mawl? of Ibn'Amr, on the authority of Abu Qab?l (Huyayy b.
H?ni', d. 128 H.), Ibn'Amr is quoted as will invade
Egyptian saying: "you Constantinople
three times. In the first one you will face affliction and hardship (bala wa-shidda). In the
second there will be a peace pact {sulk) between you and them so that the Muslims will
build mosques in it, join them in a raid beyond Constantinople and return to it; and in
"20
the third invasion God will open it for you...
Another group of traditions the notion of truce, co-operation, and then treachery
brings
the Byzantines, but outside the context of the six portents. Abu is said to have
by Qab?l
transmitted a tradition from several ('an ghayr w?hid min ash?b al-ras?l...)
companions
according to which the Prophet said: "there will be a truce between theMuslims and the
The Muslims will send an army to to them. An enemy
Byzantines. Constantinople help
will attack from behind and both Muslims and Byzantines will fight him together. God
'
will give victory and they will defeat and kill the enemy. Then a Byzantine will say the
' ' "
cross has won while aMuslim will God has won '. The tradition goes on to describe
say
how in the heat of debate theMuslim will kill the Byzantine. Returning to Constantinople,
the Byzantines will violate the and commit a treacherous of Muslims there.
pact killing
But that the latter will seek revenge, will set out for an invasion under 80
knowing they
banners, etc.21
With minor variations, the same tradition was attributed to the the
Prophet through
companion Dh? Mikhmar (sometimes stated as Dh? Mikhbar), nephew of al-Najash?.

According to one variant, transmitted from him by Kh?lid b. Ma'd?n <- Jubayr b. Nufayr,
the over the role of the cross and its breaking aMuslim would occur after the
struggle by
joint campaigners had encamped in "a plain with ruins" (marj dh? tul?l). Then, we are
told, the Byzantines would treacherously kill the Muslim group and prepare for the
malhama.22 Note, however, that the place of the joint campaign is not always specified and
sometimes is even said to be from behind the Muslims (min waraikum) rather than the
(min waraihim). Note also that the statement "80 banners, under each banner
Byzantines
12,000 men" is from a few sources.
dropped
Another variant of this tradition was transmitted b. Ab?'Amr (a
by Yahy? al-Sayban?
Hims? who took part in the against under Maslama, d. 148 H.).
campaign Constantinople
It says that the pact would be meant to last ten years. The Byzantines, however,
initially
would soon breach it and prepare the malhama for nine months.23 Tabaran? mentions other
successors who transmitted this tradition from Dh? Mikhmar but no variant details are
19
Ibn Hanbal, 2/174, Ibn Kath?r, 1/81-2; Suy?t?, D?rr 6/59 and J. K. 1/542; Haytham?, 7/321-2.
20
Nu'aym, 120(a); 131(a), i34(a-b); cf. also al-Muttaq?, 6/21.
21
Nu'aym, i3o(a-b).
22
Compare: Nu'aym, 120(a); Ibn Ab? Shayba, 5/325-6; Ibn Hanbal, 4/91, 5/371-2, 409; Abu Daw?d (d.
275 H.), Sunan (Beirut, n.d.), 4/109-10; Ibn Maja, 2/1369; Tabar?n?, 4/235-6; al-H?kim, 4/421; Bayhaq?,
9/223-4; Suy?t?, Durr 6/60 andj. K. 1/543 quoting also Ibn Hibb?n, Baghaw?, B?r?d?, Ibn Q?ni' and al-Diy?';
Qurtub?, 2/313-14; Ibn Kath?r, 1/86; al-Muttaq?, 6/11 ;Haytham?, Maw?rid al-Zam'?n (Medina n.d.), 463. See
also Barazanj?, 99, where a similar notion was introduced without being attributed to Dh? Mikhmar.
23
Nu'aym, 136(b); Tabar?n?, 4/236.
178 Suliman Baskear
are 'Abdullah b. Muhayr?z

given. They (aMeccan who settled in
Jerusalem, d. 96-9 H.),
R?shid b. Sa'd (Hims? d. 108 H.) and Yaz?d b. Sulayh (Hims? d. ?).24
A similar tradition was reported by Kh?lid b. Ma'd?n from the companion 'Abdullah
b. Busr (Hims?, d. 88 H.) without attributing it to the Prophet. It does not provide
sufficient details and was introduced only in the context of Kh?lid's enquiry about the
conquest of
Constantinople.25
New elements can be found in a tradition attributed to the Prophet the chain :Abu
by
b. Kurayb, Hims? d. <- b. al-Yam?n.
al-Z?hiriyya (Hudayr 129 H.) Hudhayfa According
to this the would break the truce within nine months.
Byzantines treacherously They
would attack the Muslims under 80 banners on sea and land, between and Acre
camp Jaffa
and burn their no retreat. We also learn that the Muslims would have
ships allowing
reinforcements from as far as Hadramawt of the Yemen.26
In another tradition of Hudhayfa as well as one of Abu Um?ma al-Bahil?, truce and war
with the Byzantines are introduced in the context of other events and the
pre-messianic
identities of both theMahd? and the one who would lead the Byzantines in their malhama.
One clearly feels the moulding of elements from different currents; e.g. the number of
truces, characteristics of the Mahd?, his a descendant of the Prophet, etc. We also
being
notice that each of the two traditions occurs in only one source and does not a wide
enjoy
circulation.27 However, the tradition of Hudhayfa in contains a few of the
particular
elements already known from those of the other reviewed above: the
companions,
Muslim breaking of the cross, the treacherous Byzantine violation of peace, their secret
preparation for war and the invasion of Antioch with 12 banners under each of which
would be 12,000 men. We also learn that the Muslims of the east would fail to
give support
to Damascus which would be overrun the Byzantines for Four Arab tribes
by forty days.
would apostatise, join the Byzantines and profess Christianity; but, eventually, the
Muslims under the Mahd? would be victorious just before hearing that the dajj?l had
appeared.
A number of traditions were associated with the name of
brought by Nu'aym mostly
Ka'b or even to are because
early mid-second-century figures. They interesting they
contain most of the elements known from the prophetical traditions reviewed so far. Two
traditions of Art?t b. al-Mundhir (Hims?, d. 162-3 H.), from Abu '?mir al-Ilh?n?
(Damascene, d. 118-21 H.) and Abu al-Z?hiriyya, about the besieging of Hims, the
speak
attack on Antars?s their between and river,
Byzantine (Tortosa), landing Jaffa al-Aqra'
their defeat the Muslims, the latter's to and the
by advancing besiege Constantinople
request for peace. At this stage Art?t a tradition of Ka'b which

Byzantines' brings speaks
about a pact of truce and between the two for ten years which
co-operation parties during
conduct two one and the other K?fa
they joint operations; beyond Constantinople against
which would be "flattened like a leather skin" (tu'rak 'ark al-ad?m). The split over the
24
Tabar?n?, 4/235^7.
25
Nu'aym, 140(b).
26
Nu'aym, 141(a).
27 tradition. The Hudhayfa one is recorded
Tabar?n?, 8/120 and cf. Haytham?, 7/318-19 for Abu Um?ma's
by Qurtub?, 2/315?17.
statement "the cross had won" and the Muslims' of the would occur
breaking pact
a third the east, when the Muslims would refuse to the
following campaign, against give
Byzantines their booty share of women and children. The Byzantines' first malhama would
then commence with Hims as one of their main Its inhabitants would flee to
targets.
Damascus with old people and children being killed between Hims
thousands of women,
and Thanyat al-'Iq?b. A few Arab tribes would join the Byzantines en bloc but the maw?lt
would refuse to do that. Eventually the Muslims would win and Constantinople would
be conquered just before the news arrived that the dajj?l had appeared.28
Another tradition of Ka'b was circulated by al-Hakam b. N?fi' (Hims?, d. 221 H.) but
without the latter's source It says that "the
specifying ?amman haddathahu). Byzantines
would into Jerusalem seventy crosses (sab'?na sal?ban, the number of banners
bring possibly
denoting military units, S.B.) and would destroy it". We also learn that they would rule
Syria for forty days from the coastline as far as the river Jordan and Bays?n. The first
coastlands upon which God's rage would descend would be and
al-S?rifiyya, Q?sarya
Beirut which would be swallowed up. The tradition ends by prophesying the eventual
triumph of the Muslims and the conclusion of peace with the Byzantines. The reason
given
for the latters' malhama is again a K?fa. The would
joint campaign against Byzantines
provide 10,000 men who would fight on the side of the people of Syria (ahl al-sh?m) on
the Euphrates. The reason for this campaign is a rebellion by the people of Iraq and the
killing of their Syrian governor ahl al-t?'a am?rahum min ahl
(yakhla' al-ir?q wa-yaqtul?na
al-sh?m fa-yaghz?hum ahl al-sh?m Then come the
wa-yastamidd?na 'alayhim al-r?m...).
elements of refusal to grant a share of the booty: the saying: "you have defeated them by
the cross" (innam? the Muslims' of the the
ghalabtum?hum bi-1-sal?b), breaking pact,
Byzantines' killing of Muslims in their attack on Hims, etc.29
Constantinople,
Art?t circulated a similar tradition attributed to Ka'b's d. in
step-son, Tubay' (Hims?,
Alexandria, 101 H.) through Hak?m b. 'Umayr (Hims? d. ?). It says that during the peace
between the Byzantines and the Muslims, Caesarea would be built and "K?fa
Cappadocia
would be flattened like a leather skin". After the battle, both parties would encamp in "a
plain with ruins". A of the Christians would have won our
spokesman say "you by
cross", the Muslims would refuse to grant a share of the booty and the Byzantines would
prepare for the malhama.30
The destruction of K?fa is indeed mentioned in another tradition of Ka'b as part of a
sequence of pre-messianic events but outside the context of and with

peace co-operation
the Byzantines. Its isn?d is: Safw?n b. 'Amr <- 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Jubayr b. Nufayr <
"
Ka'b. It says ... the malhama would not commence until K?fa is
destroyed; the city ofkufr
(i.e. Constantinople, S.B.) would not be until the malhama has the
conquered commenced;
would not come out until the of is
dajj?l city kufr conquered".31
There is a tradition an Hims? Y?nus b.
by early second-century successor, Sayf
28
Nu'aym, i27(a-b).
29
Nu'aym, I22(b)-I23(a).
30
Nu'aym, 119(b)?120(a). Note, however, that in fol. 135(b) part of this tradition was attributed
to Ka'b. through
Tubay'
31
Al-H?kim, 4/463.
18o Suliman Bashear
al-Khawl?n? 120 H.) which also about a sulh and a However, the
(d. speaks joint campaign.
target here is not K?fa but the Turks and Kirm?n. Still, the two parties would split and
in "a with ruins" because of the Byzantines' "the cross had won".32
fight plain saying:
One also learns about a
against "the Persians" in a tradition attributed
joint campaign
to the Prophet by the companion 'Abdullah b. Mas'?d. It has the elements of refusal to
share the of Muslim women and children, a massive invasion from
booty originating
Rome under 80 banners etc., the on the coasts of and the burning of
landing Syria ships,
the of the whole Damascus and a mountain on the river
occupation country except
Orontes near Hims called the destruction of Jerusalem and the joining of the
al-Mu'attaq,
of 600,000 men to Qinnasr?n. We also learn that the
king Constantinople by sending
maw?lT and freedmen of the Arabs would come as reinforcements from
('at?qatukum)
Persia. Another source of would be 80 thousand from Yemen (m?ddat
support al-yaman)
including 40 thousand from Himyar. They would drive the Byzantines from Jerusalem all
the way to the 'Amq (possibly of Antioch). However, one-third of the Muslims would
join the Byzantines and another third would return to bedouin life. Seeing that only one
third remained, the Byzantines would claim that "the cross had won". But, eventually,
theMuslims would
triumph, driving them to Constantinople, just before receiving news
that the dajj?l had appeared, etc.33
Finally, a tradition which bears no authority beyond Art?t speaks about a Byzantine
naval attack between and Acre as of the pre-messianic events. After the Mahd?
Tyre part
had killed the Sufy?n? and plundered Ban? Kalb, he would make peace with "the tyrant
of the Byzantines". His successor would be killed shortly before the Byzantines landed
between Tyre and Acre; and that would be the beginning of malahim.M
The mal?him over courses and consequences

Syria:
Arabic define "malhama" as a term a fierce war with

lexicographies denoting general,
much killing and many atrocities.35 In Muslim the mal?him are as
eschatology presented
the final wars of trial, of the events towards the end of the
being part pre-messianic
world.36 As such, the mal?him were connected with the wars
mostly against Byzantium.
This connection is so exclusive that "mal?him" became in hadtth almost
compilations
synonymous with these wars. In what follows an elaboration of this will be made.
point
We shall also review more traditions which describe the nature and course of these wars
in different parts of Syria. Though such description is given outside the context of the
truce, we shall see how it often includes the basic elements noted in the
Muslim-Byzantine
previous section.
32
Nu'aym, 136(b).
33
Nu'aym, ii5(b)-i 17(a). See also al-H?'ir?, Ilz?m al-N?sib (Beirut, 1984), 282. More on the malhama of the
'Amq, below. For its identification as "a district near D?biq, between Halab and Ant?kya" see Y?q?t (d. 626
H.), Mujam al-Buld?n (Beirut, 1955), 1/222.
34
Nu'aym, 141 (b)-i42(a).
35
Al-Khal?l b. Ahmad al-Far?h?d? (d. 175 H.), Kit?b al-Ayn (Baghdad, 1981), 3/245 ; Ibn Durayd (d. 321 H.),
Jambara (Haydarabad, 1345 H.), 2/190; Azhar? (d. 370 H.), Tahdhtb (Cairo, 1964-^7), 5/104; Ibn F?ris (d. 395 H.),
Mu'jam, (Cairo, 1369 H.), 5/238; Ibn S?da (d. 458 H.), al-Muhkam (Cairo, 1958), 3/283 ;Jawhar?, T?j (Cairo,
1282 H.), 2/332; Fayr?zab?d?, al-Q?m?s al-Muhtt (Cairo, 1935), 4/174.
A tradition of Ibn Mas'?d describes how he insisted that the final wars with the
over would be the one major occurrence "the hour". This was
Byzantines Syria preceding
transmitted from him by the chain Abu Qat?da <- b. J?bir (K?fan, d. 85 H.) on
Yusayr
the of Humayd b. Hil?l (Basran, d. c. 120 H.). It says that Ibn Mas'?d, while in
authority
K?fa, witnessed a red storm which was believed to have been a sign that the hour had
come. To such he reacted his listener that the hour would not
speculation angrily, assuring
commence until the mounted a the Muslims from the
Byzantines campaign against
direction of Syria. Fighting would be fierce, killing widespread and a sharp ridda (apostasy)
would then prevail; but theMuslims would eventually conquer Constantinople just before
hearing that the dajj?l had appeared in their rear, etc.37
Another tradition was attributed to the Prophet by the chain :J?bir b. Samura (K?fan,
d. <? N?fi' b. 'Utba. It puts the of Byzantium as the last in a chain of
74?6 H.) conquest
Muslim victories prior to the appearance of dajj?l (the others being in the Arabian
and over the Persians).38 In another tradition whose isn?d leads to
peninsula prophetical
Mu'?dh, the occurrence of malhama and the conquest of Constantinople were as
specified
the last major events the appearance of the other ones the
preceding dajj?l; being
construction of Jerusalem and the decay of Medina.39 To Mu'?dh was attributed also the
tradition which says: "the great malhama, the conquest of and the
Constantinople
appearance of the dajj?l (will be) in seven months ".40However, through 'Abdullah b. Busr
a different was attributed to the that six years would
agenda Prophet; namely, elapse
between the malhama and the conquest of Constantinople and, in the seventh, the dajj?l
would
appear.41
To the Muslim belief in the eventual conquest of Constantinople as the consummation
of mal?him the Byzantines I shall return later. However, it should be noted at this
against
stage that as the main enemy of Islam, our

although Byzantium figures apocalyptic
36
J.Wansbrough, Quranic Studies (Oxford, 1977), pp. 4-5 and compare with I.Goldziher, Muslim Studies
(Eng. tr., London, 1971), p. 77, n. 2; E. I., new ed., s.v. "Djafr" and Suppl, s.v. "Malhama".
37
Tay?lis? (d. 204 H.), Musnad (Beirut, 1406 H.), 51-2; 'Abd al-Razz?q (d. 211 H.), Musannaf (Beirut, 1983),
11/385?7; Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/139-9; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad 1/384-5, 435; idem, "Hal (Beirut and Riyad, 1988),
1/382; Muslim, SahTh (Beirut, n.d.), 8/177-8; Abu Ya'l? (d. 307 H.), Musnad, (Damascus, 1987), 9/163-5,
259-60; al-H?kim, 4/476-7; Qurtub? 2/314-15, quoting Marj al-Bahrayn by Abu al-Khatt?b b. Duhya; Ibn
Kath?r, 1/87-8; Ibn Hajar (d. 852 H.), al Wuq?f (Cairo, 1988), p. 87.
38
Al-Faz?r? (d. 186 H.), K. al-Siyar (Beirut, 1987), p. 303; Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/146-7; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad
1/178, 4/337-8; Muslim, 8/178; IbnM?ja, 2/1370; Tah?w?(d. 321 H.), Mushkil al-?th?r (Haydarabad, 1333 H.),
1/216-17; al-H?kim, 4/426; Abu Nu'aym (d. 430), Hilya (Cairo, 1938), 8/256; Daylam?, 2/323; Ibn Kath?r,
1/91 ; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb (Haydarabad, 1327 H.), 10/408. Compare also with Sakh?w?, al-Qan?'a (Cairo, 1987),
p. 83.
39
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/40-1, 135-6; Ibn Hanbal, 5/232, 245 ;Abu Daw?d, 4/110; Bukh?r?, al-T?rtkh al-Kabtr
(Haydarabad, 1954), 5/193 ;Tah?w?, 1/217; Tabar?n?, 20/108; al-H?kim, 4/420-1; Dhahab?, Talkh?s in the
margin of al-H?kim, ibid.;W?sit?, 54; Ibn al-Murajj?, 76(b); Daylam?, 3/50; al-Khat?b al-Baghd?d? (d. 463 H.),
T?r?kh Baghdad (Beirut, n.d.), 10/223 ;Diy?' al-D?n, 71 ;Qurtub?, 2/312 ; Ibn Kath?r, 1/93-4; Suy?t?, Durr 6/60;
Sakh?w?, 83.
40
Compare Nu'aym, 139(a) ; Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/40 ;Abu Daw?d, 4/110 ; IbnM?ja, 2/1370 ;Tirmidh?, SahTh
(Cairo, 1934), 9/90; Tabar?n?, 20/91; al-H?kim, 4/426; Daylam?, 4/231, Qurtub?, 2/314; Ibn Kath?r, 1/96;
Suy?t?, Durr, 6/60; al-Muttaq?, 6/12; Barazanj?, 105; Ibn Taw?s (d. 664 H.), al-Malahim wa-l-Fitan, (Najaf,
1963), 124, quoting K. al-Fitan by Abu S?lih al-Sulayl? (written in 307 H.). I am indebted toM. J. Kister for this
last source.
41
Abu Daw?d, 4/111; IbnM?ja, 2/1370; Qurtub?, 2/134; Ibn Kath?r, 1/97; Sakh?w?, p. 83; Suy?t?, Durr,
6/59. Compare also with Nu'aym, 130(a).
l82 Suliman Baskear
material leaves no doubt that the over would be an all-out one with the
struggle Syria
whole Christian world.
This nature of the mal?him, at least in their initial stages, is strongly
general conveyed
a series of traditions. to one, the Prophet is reported as Thawb?n,
by According warning
his mawl?, that peoples were about to flock together against theMuslims like hungry eaters
on a bowl. From Thawb?n, this tradition was transmitted 'Amr b.
converging by 'Ubayd,
Ab? Asma' al-Rahab?, Ab? Hurayra and Abu 'Abd al-Sal?m (possibly S?lih b. Rustum).42
Another tradition, circulated with an isn?d to Ka'b, says that 12
prophetical leading
kings will take part in the malhama, the Byzantine king being the smallest.43 In the
only
"
words of Yahy? b. Ab? 'Amr 12 will under the sycamore trees
al-Sayban?: kings gather
of the smallest of them the Byzantine one".44 Another tradition of Ka'b,

Jaffa, being
circulated the same from b. Nufayr, describes how "a queen/woman
by Yahy? Jubayr
from the west" would convert to Christianity and, without
(malika/ama bi-l-maghrib)
would come with 350 warships and land at Acre.45
getting any Byzantine support,
There is of course the possibility of some confusion between Constantinople and Rome
whenever the term occurs. However, in two of our traditions, Damra b.
"r?mya" by
Hab?b and Abu al-Z?hiriyya, is probably what
Rome is meant. For they speak about
10,000 boats from R?mya and R?m?nya which will land between Jaffa and Acre.46
a tradition of Ka'b, circulated al-Hakam b. N?fi' from an unnamed source
Moreover, by
that the would ask for reinforcements from the
?amman haddathahu), says Byzantines
of Rome, and Armenia, and hence ten would come with
peoples Constantinople kings
180,000 men.47
Another tradition of Ka'b was transmitted '?mir b. 'Abdullah, Abu al-Yam?n al

by
Hawz?. It speaks about "a king from the west called Haml al-Da'n" who would land with
1,000 boats between Acre and the flow of the Orontes, river of Hims.48 From a tradition
of 'Abdullah b. 'Amr we learn that this would land either between Acre and Tyre
king
or in a district called Art?t transmitted a tradition of Abu '?mir al-Ilhan?
al-'Am?q.49
"
which speaks about "the head of camel/lamb {ras al-jamal/al haml) who would bring
from al-Andalus 1,000 boats which would land between and river.50 In
Jaffa al-Aqra'
another tradition of Art?t it is explicitly said that the Byzantines would receive support
from behind them, namely from al-Andalus.51
people
Acre and Tyre as the for naval invasions, there are a few
Though figure principal targets
traditions which mention other coastal towns. Two other traditions (one ending with the
<- Ibn 'Amr)

name of Art?t and another by Abu Salama (b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n?) speak about
the coastal area between al-'Ar?sh and Acre or even the of ten miles of
specify conquest
the Jaffa coast and warn that the people of this city would take refuge in the inland
CO
??
mountains.
42
Tay?lis?, 133 ; Ibn Hanbal, 5/278 ;Abu Daw?d, 4/111 ;Tabar?n?, 2/102-3 ;Abu Nu'aym, 1/182; Daylam?,
5/527; Ibn T?w?s, 129, 166-7; Qurtub?, 2/315; Haytham?, 7/287; Ibn Hajar, Tahdhtb 8/75.
43 44
Nu'aym, 133(b). Nu'aym, 126(b).
45 46
Compare: Nu'aym, I25(b)-i26(a), i4o(a-b); H?'ir?, 292. Nu'aym, I36(a-b).
47 48
49 Nu'aym, 123(b)-i24(a). Nu'aym, 130(a).
Compare: Haytham?, Kashf al-Ast?r (Beirut, 1979), 4/134 and al-Muttaq?, 6/26 with 'Abd al-Razz?q,
50
11/388. Nu'aym, I26(b)-i27(a).
51 52
Nu'aym, 122(b). Nu'aym, I22(a-b), I32(a-b).
Other coastal towns and are mentioned a few traditions. Yaz?d b.

posts occasionally by
Khumayr (Hims?, d. during Mu'?wiya's reign ?) transmitted a tradition of Ka'b which

describes the closure by the Christians of Hims of the gates of that city when theMuslims
were called to meet a naval on the coast Safw?n b.
upon (yustanfar?n) landing nearby.53
'Amr circulated a tradition from unnamed sources Can ba'd mash?'ikhihi) specifying a
coastal location called S?sya where the Byzantines would land and burn their ships. This,
the tradition would occur with a mainland invasion on
says, simultaneously Qinnasr?n
while stronghold would be Damascus.54 Abu Qab?l transmitted from the
the Muslims'
companion Yaz?d b. Ziy?d al-Aslam? a tradition which says that IbnMur?q (Maurice?)
"King of the Byzantines" would command 300 ships landing in Sir?sya.55 Kh?lid b.
Ma'd?n prophesised that the Byzantines would enter Antars?s (Tortosa) and there kill 300
Muslims.56
Though a threat to Egypt was expected to emanate from both North Africa and the
sea,57 I shall limit myself here to prophecies which connect such a threat with the one
feared for Syria. Especially noteworthy are two traditions, by Ibn 'Amr and Abu Dharr
?- the warn that an from the sons of of
Prophet. They Umayyad/var. tyrants, governor
Egypt, after being dismissed, would flee to the Byzantines and bring them to the people
of Islam.58 Another tradition of Ibn 'Amr says that the sign of Alexandria's battle (waq'at
al-iskandariyya) would be the flight of two Arab dihq?ns to the Byzantines.59

A clear connection is sometimes made between the mal?him of Egypt and the general
drawn for the main arena in Syria. Noteworthy is a tradition of Art?t which says
picture
that the first naval attack by the Byzantines would be aimed at Alexandria. The Egyptians
would ask for from the Syrians and the latter would come, the Byzantines and
help expel
rule Then, the tradition goes on, the Byzantines would organise naval attacks
Egypt.
against Jaffa, Acre and finally the 'Amq of Antioch.60

There is of course some the number of mal?him in Syria, their
divergence concerning
duration and the time which elapses between them. Makh?l considered the mal?him to be
ten in number, the first that of Q?s?rya in Palestine and the last being that of the
being
of Antioch.61 says that three years after the entry of the Byzantines into
'Amq Tubay'
Antars?s "the head of the camel" (ras would come out between and al
al-jamal) Jaffa
Aqra' river.62
All in all, the picture drawn by this material for Syria is gloomy and one of major
Uthm?n b. 'At?' transmitted from 'Abd al-W?hid b. Qays al-Dimashq? the
disarray.
that the mal?him, the Byzantines would camp on every water on the
saying during spring
coast.63 to a tradition of Ka'b, the coastal areas of would be destroyed and
According Syria
towns and would weep because of that destruction.64
villages
Without doubt, the balance of power would be favourable to the Byzantines during the
53 54
Nu'aym, 141 (a-b). Nu'aym, 125(b).
55 56
Nu'aym, 139(a). Nu'aym, 140(b).
57
Compare Nu'aym's i3i(a?b), 143(b) and I44(a)-I45(a).
58
Nu'aym, I32(b)-i33(a), I34(b)-i35(a), 137(a); Haytham?, 7/318 quoting Tabar?n?'s Awsat.
59
Nu'aym, I44(a-b).
60
Compare: Nu'aym, I22(a-b), 139(b), 144(a).
61 62
Nu'aym, I39(a-b). Nu'aym, 125(a).
63 64
Nu'aym, 139(a). Nu'aym, 139(b).
i84 Suliman Bashear
initial stages of the mal?him. Especially difficult would be the situation created by the
invasion, or rather invasions, in Acre. The in almost all of the
landing picture repeated
relevant traditions is that the Byzantines would burn their there as a of no
ships sign
retreat.65 In the words of Abu Hurayra, transmitted by Abu S?lih al-Ghifar?: "the necks
of camels in Hism? (in the land of) Judh?m, would shine at night because of their fire".66
Several traditions say explicitly that the Byzantines would initially oust the Muslims
from many parts of Syria. Awza'? (d. 157 H.) quotes Hassan b. as
'Atiyya saying: "during
the smaller malhama the will dominate the and
(al-sughr?) Byzantines Jordan plain
In another tradition the same isn?d, it is said that the Byzantines
Jerusalem".67 bearing
would camp at the of Acre and Palestine, inner and
plain conquer Jordan (batn al-urdunn)
but would not cross the mountain of
Jerusalem, pass Af?q ?aqabat aflq). Eventually,
however, the Muslims would meet and defeat them on the of Acre. a small
plain Only
group would move to Mount Lebanon and from there to the land of the Byzantines
(ard al-r?m).*s
A tradition
transmitted from Ka'b by Jubayr b. Nufayr agrees with that of Awza'?,
adding that the im?m of theMuslims would then be in Jerusalem and, failing to rally the
support of Egypt and Iraq, he would fight the battle on his own, drive the Byzantines to
Lebanon, etc.69 However, another tradition of Ka'b, transmitted this time on the
authority of Yahy? b. Ab? 'Amr al-Sayban?, says explicitly that theMuslims would initially
be defeated on the hill of Acre (tall 'akka) and the one-third of them who survived would
retreat to But the Byzantines would follow and drive them from there to the
Jerusalem.
al-M?jib river in the land of Balq?'. It is only at a later stage that theMuslims would force
them back to the cleft (al-ghawr), defeat them and pursue them to Mount Lebanon and
from there to etc.70
Constantinople,
This picture is confirmed by other traditions. One of Ka'b, though circulated in a maqtu"
form by al-Hakam b. N?fi', says that the Byzantines would get 70 crosses into Jerusalem.
The first coastal areas upon which God's rage would descend would be al-S?rifiyya,
Q?s?rya and Beirut which would be swallowed up. The would rule al-Sh?m
Byzantines
from the coast to and Bays?n, then the Muslims would achieve
Jordan gain victory, peace,
etc.71 Yahy? b. Ab? 'Amr al-Sayban? says: "the Byzantines shall ring church bells (la
tadribanna al-r?m al-naw?q?s) in Jerusalem for forty days until the men of Muslims and
meet on the Mount of Olives. The Muslims will and drive the
Byzantines triumph
Byzantines from the Gate of Jericho and then from the Gate of David. They will pursue
"72
their until drive them to the sea... A tradition of'Abdullah b. 'Amr warns
killing they
"
that "the quivers of the Byzantines shall beat in the alleys of Jerusalem... (la-takhfiqanna
jx?b al-r?m fi aziqqati 'f/y?'...).73
Other traditions even of a temporary control the Byzantines of western and
speak by
65
'Abd al-Razz?q, u/388; Nu'aym, 120(b), 125(b), 132(a); al-Muttaq?, 6/26.
66 67
Nu'aym, 120(b). Nu'aym, 139(b).
68
Nu'aym, 119(b).
69
Nu'aym, I25(b)-i26(b). Compare also with 119(b) where the same was transmitted from Ka'b by Awz?'?
70
himself in a clearly maqt?' form. Nu'aym, i4o(a-b).
71 72
Nu'aym, 122(b). Nu'aym, 130(a).
73
Nu'aym, I35(a-b).
northern Syria. Sa'?d b. 'Abd al-'Az?z transmitted from Makh?l the saying: "the
Byzantines will move about Syria (la-tamkhuranna al-r?m al-sh?m) for forty days, failing
to conquer, only (l? tamtam' minh? ill?)Damascus and the heights of Balq?'."74 'Abdullah
b. al-'Al?' b. Zabr from Abu al-A'bas and 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Salman the saying:
reported
"the of the Byzantines shall overcome the whole of except for Damascus and
king Syria
"75
'Amman, then he will be defeated... Zuhr? 124 H.) is quoted as "the blue
(d. saying:
men (az?riq) of R?mya are about to oust the community of Muhammad (S) from (the
where wheat is sought" man? About 'Urwa b. we
country) (...min al-qamh)7% al-Zubayr
learn that towards the end of his life (wa-ra'suhu wa-lihyatuha yawma'-idhin ka-1-thugh?ma)
he stood on Mount Sal' and said: "the shall drive you out of your Sh?m and
Byzantines
horsemen shall stand on this mountain..."77
That Islam would in these circumstances retreat and fall back to the Syrian hinterland
south of Damascus, east of the river and into the area the desert, is
Jordan, bordering
confirmed another group of traditions. The one of'Abdullah b. 'Amr transmitted
by by
Abu Salama b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n on the naval attack between al-'Ar?sh and Acre, noted
above, says: "then the people of Egypt would get out of Egypt and the people of Syria
would get out of Syria till they reach the Arab peninsula. And that would be the day about
which Abu used to say: 'woe to the Arabs from an evil which has drawn close'.
Hurayra
The robe and saddle would then be more beloved to aman
than his relatives and property.
Then the Arabs would request support from their a'r?b and they will all move to the
A'm?q of Antioch..." where the Byzantines would be defeated and driven back to
Constantinople, etc.78
'Awf al-A'r?b? reported from Kh?lid b. Ab? al-Salt the saying: "it will not be long (l?
yadhab al-layl wa-1-nah?r) before the Byzantines expel the people of Syria from Syria so
that many dependants die in the desert".79 A tradition with the isn?d: Safw?n b.
'Amr <- Ab? al-Dard?' warns: "the will out of
Byzantines get you Syria village by village
until drive you into That is how life perishes and the aftermath remains".80
they al-Balq?'.
Safw?n transmitted also a tradition of Ibn 'Amr H?tim b. Hurayth/Harb, which
through
"
says : the Byzantines will drive you out village by village until they bring you into Hism?
of Judh?m and put you in a land like tent robes (ft tun?h min al-ard)".sl Through Abu
"
Asma' al-Rahab? we hear of a tradition of Ab? which : Oh of
Hurayra says people Syria,
the Byzantines shall drive you from it until you reach a land like a rough edge {ft sunbuk
"82
min al-ard). It was asked :
which is that ?He said :
Hism? of Judh?m... There is one
edge
tradition in which Abu M?s? al-Ash'ar? was even to have his
reported requested people
to refrain from in farms and because these would soon not suit them.
living buildings,
Instead, he advised them to blond goats, horses and

acquire long spears.83
74 75
Nu'aym, 119(b). Ibid.
76 77
Nu'aym, 120(b). Ibid.
78 79
Nu'aym, i32(a-b). Ibn 'As?kir, 1/602-3.
80
Ibn 'As?kir, 1/603 and Nu'aym, 139(a). Compare also with the latter's 136(b) where a similar tradition was
reported from Kh?lid b. Ma'd?n.
81
Ibn 'As?kir, ibid; Nu'aym, 129(b).
82
Ibn 'As?kir, 1/603-4; Abu 'Ubayd, 4/190-1; Zamakhshar?, al-F?'iq, 2/420. For the location of Hism? in
the south of Palestine and modern Jordan, see: M. Gil, Palestine During the First Muslim Period (Tel Aviv, 1983),
83
1/15 (in Hebrew). Nu'aym, 120(b).
186 SulimanBashear
With this picture in the background the numerous traditions which exalt Damascus as
the stronghold of theMuslims and the river Jordan as their front line become clear; a point
with which I shall deal later. Suffice it to mention at this stage a unique tradition of al
Walld b. Muslim on a saying current among "the learned authorities" of his Syrian
source, Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'AzTz. The Byzantines, we are told, would get the people of Egypt
out of their country, the peoples of Palestine and Jordan into the heights (mashdrif) of
Balqa' and Damascus and the peoples of Jazira, Qinnasrin and Hims into Damascus. To
this al-Walld adds: "that iswhy Sa'id told us from Makh.il about the Prophet's saying:
'thefustdt of theMuslims on the day of the greater malhama will be in the Ghuta in a town
called Damascus'".84
Another tradition circulated in a mursal form by Hassan b. 'Atiyya says that the Prophet
described how the enemy would drive his community from one country to another.
"Then", we are told, " (somebody) said: Oh messenger of God, is there anything (to be
done then)? He said: yes, the Ghuta, a town called Damascus, which is their fustdt and
stronghold in the maldhim and to which no enemy can get except from within".85
Loss of control over the areas to the north and west of Damascus was expressed by a
few traditions in an even clearer form. In one of Ka'b's circulated by al-Hakam b. Nafi'
without specifying his source ('amman haddathahu), we are told that, before the greater
malhama, the Byzantines and their allies from the Christian world would camp between
Hims, with Antioch and the land of Qinnasrin behind them. The Arabs, on the other hand,
would camp between Damascus, Busra "and whatever (was) behind them" (wa-ma
ward'ahuma).86 In the traditions on the malhama of Hims there are instances describing the
flight of Muslims to Damascus during the general scare (al-jafla). Some tried to raise
morale by assuring theMuslims that their retreat was only temporary and that they would
eventually win. From Abf al-Zahiriyya we learn that the Byzantines would reach only
Dayr Bahra'.87 Another tradition, by Abu Bahriyya ('Abdullah b. Qays, HimsT d. during
the reign of al-WalTd I) says that the Byzantines would camp inDayr Bahra' and their king
would raise his cross and banners on Tall Fahmaya.88 The learned authorities of Ibn
'Ayyash (Isma'il, HimsT d. 81 H.) urged the people of Hims to remain in their houses (fa
thbutfit mandzilikum), assuring them that the Byzantines would perish in Tall Fahmaya
and would not reach them. They also warned that "whoever remains will survive and
whoever flees to Damascus will perish out of thirst".89
Still, fleeing to Damascus was expected to be the general reaction. From Shurayh b.
'Ubayd we learn that Ka'b told Mu'awiya that 70,000 of the fleeing Himsis would die
between Thanyat al-'Iqab and Damascus from thirst.90 Another tradition of Ka'b with the
- al-Azhar b. Rashid al-Kindi -
isndd: Safwan (b. 'Amr) (Syrian d. ?) Sulaym b. 'Amir
al-Khaba'iri (H imsl, d. 130 H.) confirms this and adds a few directions to those who would
witness such events. The route recommended is "the eastern way, from H.ims to Sirbil and
from Sirbil to al-Humayra and from al-Humayra to al-Dukhayra and from al-Dukhayra
84 Ibn'Asakir, 85Ibn
86
1/226-7. 87
'Asakir,
1/228-9.
Nu'aym, I23(b)-I24(a). Nu'aym, 128(a).
88 89
Ibid. Nu'aym, 124(b)-I25(a).
90
Nu'aym, I28(a).
to al-Nabak and from al-Nabak to al-Qat?fa and from al-Qat?fa to Damascus. Whoever
takes this road akhadha h?dhihi remains in continuous waters (lam

{fa-man al-tartq) yazal
"
bi-miy?hin muttasila) .91
I have come across several instances of praise for the role of the maw?lx as a whole in the
mal?him. To this may be added one tradition which the maw?lx of Damascus in
praises
It is a relatively circulated statement attributed to the Prophet
particular. widely through
the isn?d: al-Wal?d b. Muslim d. <- 'Uthm?n b. Ab? al-'?tika
(Damascene, 194-6 H.)
d. c. <- b. Hab?b d. 4-Abu
(Damascene, 155 H.) Sulaym?n (Damascene, 115-26 H.)
It says: "when the mal?him occur, a of maw?lx will come
Hurayra. (military) contingent
out of Damascus. are among the Arabs best with horses and weapons and
They equipped
with them God will support the religion". With minor variations this tradition was
attributed to the Prophet also in a mursal form by the chain :Abu Bakr b. Ab? Maryam
<- b. Qays or Hims? successor, d. 110-21
'Atiyya (Damascene H.).92
The other main direction from which besieged and retreating Islam was expected to
seek was the south, the Yemen and Hij?z, cited on several occasions as the
support already
main and reservoir. almost every traditional account of the
military religious Actually,
malhama ends with the assurance that in its critical stage, support for the Muslims would
come from the peoples of the Yemen, 'Adan Hadramawt or the Hij?z
Abyan, (sometimes
called ahl qaraz).
A few more traditions are worth
noting here. One with the isn?d: Ibn S?r?n (d. no H.)
?- b. Aws 'Abdullah b. 'Amr that reinforcement for the believers
'Uqba al-Thaqaf?<- says
would be who would come from 'Adan on their young she-camels ('al?
people Abyan
Hassan b. (Damascene, d. 120-30 H.) attributed to Ka'b the
qalas?tihim).93 'Atiyya saying:
"God has two treasures in the Yemen. One he brought during the Yarm?k (battle) when
the Azd were one-third of the people ; and the other he will bring on the day of the great
malhama, seventy thousand whose sword belts are ropes of palm fibre" (ham?'il suy?fihim
al-masad)^ Through 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Salman (al-A'bas, Damascene successor, d. ?) we
hear that 'Abdullah b. 'Amr said: "when the idol Dh? al-Khalasa is worshipped, the
Byzantines will overcome Syria. On that (the Muslims) will send for the people
day, they
of Qaraz for reinforcements. will come on their young she-camels
asking They (qalas?t).
Qaraz means the Hij?z. Al-Wal?d said: (it meant) the Yemen. said:
(b. Muslim) Nu'aym
"95
I doubt it.
This picture goes well with the traditions which say that in such circumstances of retreat,
Islam or belief would fold back and take refuge in the Hij?z in general and inMedina in
In a tradition of the family of 'Amr b. 'Awf al-Muzan?, a statement is said to
particular.
have been made by the Prophet to 'Al? on the different stages of the Muslim malhama
against the Byzantines. It warns that the hour would not come until the closest garrisons
(r?bita, mas?lih) of the Muslims are located in B?l?n (var. T?l?n, B?l?'). Successive wars
91
Ibid.
92
Compare Nu'aym, 131(b), 139(a); Ibn M?ja, 2/1369-70; al-Basaw?, (d. 277 H.), al-Ma'rifa wa-l-T?r?kh
(Baghdad, 1975), 2/291; al-H?kim, 4/548; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/258-60; al-Alb?n?, Takhrtj Ah?d?th al-Raba'?, 59.
93
Nu'aym, 114(b).
94
Nu'aym, 120(b). Compare also with i29(b)-i3o(a).
95
Ibid., 120(b).
i88 Suliman Bashear
would be fought against them until the pure element of Islam, people of the Hij?z (r?qat
al-isl?m, ahl al-hij?z) fought them and conquered Constantinople. Then the news would
arrive that the had come out, etc.96

dajj?l
prophetical tradition by Abu Hurayra on the authority of Qab?sa b. Dhu'ayb

Another
(Medinese d. 86?96 H.) and Abu Salama b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n (Medinese, d. 94-104 H.)
says: "the furthest of the Muslims' garrisons are about to be in Sal?h and Sal?h is in
In a second tradition of Abu Hurayra the Prophet says: are about
Khaybar".97 "people
to return to Medina so that their will be stationed in Sal?h".98 A third one, on
garrisons
the authority of Hafs b. 'Asim (Medinese successor, d. ?) quotes him as saying :"belief shall
fold back (la-yarazanna aW?man) to Medina like a snake folds back to its hole".99
From N?fi' (Medinese, d. 117-20 H.) we learn of a tradition of Ibn 'Umar which says:
"the Muslims are about to be forced (back) into Medina so that the farthest of their
garrisons would be Sal?h". Ab? Daw?d who brings this tradition adds a comment by
Zuhr? which puts Sal?h near Khaybar.100 Muhammad al-'Umar? (Ab? 'Asim) transmitted
from Ibn 'Umar a tradition which says: "Islam has started as a and
prophetical foreigner
will again become a foreigner folding back between the two mosques (Mecca andMedina)
like a snake folds into its hole".101
This last tradition was

attributed to the Prophet by the son of Sa'd b. Ab? Waqq?s
through his father.102 There is also a similar prophetical tradition with an isn?d leading to
a certain 'Abd al-Rahm?n b. Sana (var. Shayba, Munabbih) on the authority of Ish?q b.
'Abdullah b. Ab? Farwa (Medinese, Umayyad mawl?, d. 136-44 H.). It has the element of
Islam folding back to the area between Mecca and Medina like a snake does into its hole.
"
it says: ... while are in that state, the Arabs will ask their bedouins
Moreover, they (a'r?b)
for And, like the ones from among their and the best of the
help. righteous predecessors
"103
remainder (of believers), they shall meet the Byzantines and engage in fighting. Only
carries this tradition this point how the Byzantines are defeated
Nu'aym beyond describing
and driven back to the 'Amq of Antioch. One-third of the Muslims would be killed,
another would return with doubt and, hence, be swallowed up, but the rest would
persist.
The would ask to be left alone with those who came from them (man
Byzantines originally
asluhu k?na minhum), but the non-Arabs would refuse to revert back to infidelity.
?ajam)
Hence, would resume until the Muslims etc.104
fighting occupied Constantinople,
A final and decisive stage of mal?him is ascribed to a called which was
place al-'Amq,
often located near Antioch or associated with it. A prophetical tradition bearing the isn?d:
<- his father, Ab? S?lih
Suhayl b. Abu S?lih Dhakw?n (Medinese, d. 138 H.) (d. 101 H.)
96
IbnM?ja, 2/1370-1 ;Tabar?n?,
Compare 17/21-2, al-H?kim, 4/483 ;Daylam?, 5/82; Qurtub?, 2/352; Ibn
Kath?r, 1/90-1, 93; Haytham?, 6/219-20; Suy?t?, J. K., 1/904; idem, Durr, 6/60; al-Muttaq?, 6/10.
97
Tabar?n?, al-Mu'jam al-Sagh?r, 1/231.
98
Haytham?, 4/15.
99
Bukh?r?. 2/222; Muslim, 1/90?1. Compare also with the variant isn?d from Ibn 'Umar given by Ibn
Hibb?n in Haytham?, Maw?rid, 255.
100
Ab? Daw?d, 4/97, in. See also Tabar?n?, M. 5. 2/40, where he says that Sal?h is the border between
Medina and Khaybar.
101
Muslim, 1/90.
102
Ibn Hanbal, 1/184; Abu Ya'l?, 2/99; Haytham?, 7/277 quoting Buzz?r too.
103
Compare Haytham?, 7/278, 318; Suy?t?, J. K., 1/675.
104
Nu'aym, I37(a-b).
<- Ab? "the hour shall not come until the Byzantines have in the
Hurayra says: camped
or The tradition goes on to describe how, then, "an from the best
A'm?q D?biq". army
on earth" goes out to meet them. The would ask to be left alone with those
Byzantines
who have been captured from among them (i.e. the maw?lx) but the Muslims would refuse
and fighting would be resumed. One-third would flee, another third would be killed and
the remainder would Driving the Byzantines to the Muslims
triumph. Constantinople,
would conquer it just before hearing that the dajj?l has emerged in their rear, etc.105
The malhama of al-A'maq is mentioned other traditions which in
by Nu'aym brings
different contexts. 'Abdullah b. 'Amr is reported to have said: "the mal?him are five; two
have and there remain three : the malhama of the Turks in the Jaz?ra, the malhama
elapsed
of the A'm?q and the mal?him of al-dajj?l to be followed by no other malhama. "106Ka'b
said: "God has three slaughters (dhab?yxh) among the Byzantines: the first isYarm?k, the
second is F?n?qis, 'the date' (al-tamra), which is Hims and the third is al
meaning
"107
A'm?q. Tubay' said: "the one who will defeat the Byzantines on the Day of al-A'm?q
is the caliph of the maw?lx".108 From the fifth Shfite Imam, Muhammad al-B?qir (d.
114-18 H.) a family tradition was reported attributing to the Prophet the saying: "people
have three strongholds (ma'?qil). Their stronghold in the greater malhama which will be
in the of Antioch is Damascus...".109 Ibn 'Abb?s another tradition was
'Amq Through
attributed to the Prophet, "from 'Adan will come out twelve thousand who will
saying:
support God and His Messenger. are the best among those who are between me and
They
them". To this, al-Mu'tamir b. (d. 187 H.), who circulated this
Sulaym?n apparently
tradition, added that he thought he heard the man he reported it from saying: "in the
A'm?q" (q?la al-Mu'tamir, azunnuhuq?l: ft al-a'm?q).110 There is also the tradition of
'Abdullah b. 'Amr which counts the martyrs of the mal?him of A'm?q Antioch among the
best ones in the eyes of God.111
The malhama of is mentioned also in the context of the belief

al-A'm?q concerning
Tiberius son of Justinian or Ibn Haml al-Da'n son of a as leaders
(the sheep's pregnancy)
of the Byzantines.112 Here it was said that the Byzantines would be helped by the
Christians of Syria and the while support for the Muslims would come "from
Jaz?ra
farthest Yemen" (min aq?sx "from 'Adan This would be a time
al-yaman)/v2i. Abyan".
of severe apostasy (ridda shadxda),whole tribes would join the Byzantines, others would
retreat to bedouin life, one-third of the Muslims would die, but the remainder would
eventually triumph and conquer Constantinople just before the news that the dajj?l had
appeared.113
105
Muslim, 8/175-6; al-H?kim, 4/482; Qurtub?, 2/352; Nawaw?, 10/418-19; Ibn Kath?r, 1/89-90; Suy?t?,
Durr, 6/59; al-Muttaq?, 6/9. See also Ibn 'Arab? (d. 543 H.), Shark in the margin of Timidh?, 9/83; Sakh?w?,
84; Barazanj?, pp. 100-1.
106
Nu'aym, 132(a).
107
Nu'aym, 138(a).
108
Nu'aym, 135(b).
109
Ibn 'As?kir, 1/228; Ibn Badr?n, Tahdhtb (Damascus, 1329 H.), 1/51; al-Muttaq?, 6/25.
110
Haytham?, 10/55 quoting Ab? Ya'l? and Tabar?n?.
111
Nu'aym, 137(b).
112
Nu'aym, 130(b).
113
Nu'aym, ii5(a-b), 117(a), I2i(a-b), 131(b), 133(b)-!34(a). See also Haytham?, 7/319, quoting Bazz?r.
Suliman Bashear
190
Muslim belief throughout the first century that the eventual conquest of Constantinople
would be the lastmajor eschatological event before the end of the world seems indeed to
have been so strong that almost every tradition which about the Byzantine malhama
spoke
ended with the that the would be Besides, there are numerous
prophecy city conquered.
traditions which state that such would be the of "the hour" or even gave
conquest sign
detailed descriptions of its circumstances.
A tradition of Anas attributes to the Prophet simply the saying that the conquest of
would occur with the arrival of the hour.114 To Ab? was
Constantinople Hurayra
attributed the saying that the hour would not commence before the city of hiraql/qaysar
was then the news that the had would arrive, etc.115 Another
conquered; dajj?l appeared
tradition of Abu Hurayra points indirectly to Constantinople when speaking about a city
with one side to the sea and another to the mainland, which would be invaded by seventy
thousand from among the sons of 'Abdullah b. 'Amr, when asked which one of
Ish?q.116
the two cities, or Rome, would be first, confirmed
Constantinople conquered hearing
from the Prophet that it would be the former.117
Nu'aym brings several traditions which specify the order of conquering Constantinople,
other cities and Rome.118 Others state that it would be the Mahd? or else
Byzantine give
the messianic titles and exalt the merits of the Muslim commander who would occupy
Constantinople.119
This last issue deserves attention because of a few other traditions which refer to
special
who were involved in the historical In
people actually campaigns against Constantinople.
wife of 'Ub?da b. as that
one, the Prophet is quoted by Umm Har?m, al-S?mit, saying
the sins of those who would invade the of qaysar would be To her question
city forgiven.
whether she would be one of them, the Prophet's answer was he assured
negative although
her that she would take part in the first Muslim naval raid.120
One tradition of'Abdullah b. 'Amr attributes to the Prophet the saying that the malahim
two one over the Arabs to Abu

would occur in the time of 'atTqs, (a title usually given
and one over the However, the on the conquest of
Bakr) Byzantines.121 prophecy
was connected with the name of Mu'?wiya, who indeed
Constantinople indirectly
conducted a it. According to one tradition, Abu Tha'laba al-Khushan?
campaign against
"
said in the presence of Mu'?wiya : when see that has become a table of one man
you Syria
114 Ibn Kath?r, 1/97;

Tirmidh?, 9/90-1; Qurtubi, 2/353; Suy?t?, Durr, 6/95.
115 and compare with Tabar?n?,
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 15/157; cf. also al-Muttaq?, 6/20-1; al-Awsat, 1/365-6;
Daylam?, 2/62.
116
Muslim, 8/188; Nawaw?, Shark Muslim, in the margin of Qastal?n?. Irsh?d, (Cairo, 1293 H.), 10/444;
Sakh?w?, p. 82; Suy?t?, Durr, 6/59; al-H?kim, 4/476; Ibn Kath?r, 1/90; Qurtub?, 2/352-3; al-H?'ir?, 2/287.
however, with the tradition of Ka'b brought by Nu'aym, 129(b), 138(b), according to which
Compare,
Constantinople would be conquered by the sons of Saba' and Q?dhar.
117
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 5/329-30; Nu'aym, 133(a); Ibn Hanbal, 2/176; D?rim? (d. 255 H.), Sunan (Cairo, n.d.),
1/126; al-H?kim, 4/555; Ibn Kath?r, 1/79-80; Haytham?, 6/219; al-Muttaq?, 6/15; Suy?t?, Durr, 6/60.
118
Nu'aym, i33(a)-i35(a), 138(a).
119 Ibn 'As?kir;
Nu'aym, 131(a), 133(a), 138(a). Compare also with Daylam?, 5/82; al-Muttaq?, 6/20 quoting
Hal?m? (d. 403 H.), al-Minh?j F? Shu'ab al-Im?n (Beirut, 1979), 1/430; Mar'? b. Y?suf al-Maqdis? al-Hanbal?,
Bahjat al-N?zir?n (MS. Kh?lidiyya, Jerusalem, 334), fol. 77(b). I am indebted to L. Conrad for putting this last
source at my disposal.
120
Bukh?r?, 3/232; al-H?kim, 4/556-7.
121
Nu'aym, 130(b), 134(b), 135(b), 141(b); Haytham?, 7/318.
and his house, then (know that) the conquest of Constantinople will be accomplished".122
we learn the Prophet said: shall
From another, by Bishr al-Ghanaw?, that "Constantinople
be be its commander and be that Bishr, we are told,
conquered; praised praised army".
narrated this tradition to Maslama b. 'Abd al-Malik and the latter decided to attack the
city.123
The continued failure to must have caused some concern to
conquer Constantinople
Muslim scholars. This can be from a tradition attributed to an
gauged by Nu'aym
unnamed who in one of the abortive In another tradition
figure participated attempts.124
al-Mustawrid b. Shadd?d is quoted as telling 'Amr b. al-'?s that he heard the Prophet
"the hour will come with the Byzantines more numerous than others"
saying: (being)
al-s?'a wa-l-r?m akthar 'Amr's reaction may create the that this
(taq?m al-n?s).125 impression
tradition aims to the Byzantines. However, what seems to have been meant
praise initially
is that would continue to be Islam's main enemy until the end of time; a
they possibility
a variant recounted Ibn Hanbal. Here the is as
betrayed by unique by Prophet quoted
"
: the Byzantines are severest of all peoples on you, but their will be with
saying perishing
the hour". Indeed this notion was more in another
(the coming of) explicitly conveyed
tradition attributed to the Prophet by IbnMuhayr?z ('Abdullah, of Meccan origin who
lived in Jerusalem and was considered a
Syrian authority, d. 86?99 H.). It says: "Persia is
a matter one or two thrusts and no Persia will ever be after that. But the
(only of)
with the horns are of sea and rock, whenever a goes,
Byzantines people horn/generation
another it. Alas, are your associates to the end of time..." natha aw
replaces they (f?ris
nathat?n thumma l?f?ris ba'dah? abadan, wa-l-r?m that al-qur?n ash?b bahr wa-sakhr, kullam?
dhahaba qarn khalafahu qarn mak?nah, hayh?ta il? ?khir al-dahr hum ash?bukum ...).126
Defensive fad?'il traditions
On various occasions we have come across instances in which and to

peoples places loyal
Islam in the fateful mal?him were exalted. In what follows more of such fad?'il traditions
will be reviewed.
A of traditions Damascus as a of the Muslims the

group specifies stronghold during
mal?him, a location of their tent of command and related virtues. b. Nufayr
(fust?t) Jubayr
transmitted from Abu al-Dard?' a prophetical tradition which said that the fust?t of
Muslims on the of the greater malhama in the Gh?ta near a called
day (would be) city
122
Compare Ibn Hanbal, 4/193 ;Tabar?n?, 22/214; al-H?kim, 4/462; Haytham?, 6/219; Suy?t?, Durr, 6/59;
Nu'aym, 133(b). See also the variants in this last source, 138(b) and 141(a), where "al-sh?m" was substituted for
the phrase: "between al-Darb and al-'Ar?sh" or "al-'Ar?sh and al-Fur?t",
123 respectively.
Ibn Hanbal, 4/335; Tabar?n?, M. K., 2/38; al-H?kim, 4/421-2; Daylam?, 5/481; Haytham?, Majma',
6/218-19 quoting Bazz?r; idem, Kashf, 2/358; Suy?t?, al-J?mi' al-Saghfr (Cairo, 1954), 2/122; idem, Durr, 6/60;
idem, J. K., 1/635 quoting also Ibn Khuzayma, Baghaw?, B?r?d?, Ibn al-Sakan, Ibn Q?ni' and al-Diy?' al
Maqdis?; al-Muttaq?, 6/12; al-Alb?n?, al-Ah?d?th al-Da'?fa (Beirut, 1399 H.), 2/268-9.
124
Nu'aym, 140(b).
125
Nu'aym, I33(a-b); Ibn Hanbal, 4/230; Muslim, 8/176-7; Tabar?n?, M. K., 20/319-20; Daylam?, 2/65;
Ibn Hajar, al-Wuq?f, 86-7; al-Muttaq?, 6/11; Ibn Kath?r, 1/91-2; Sakh?w?, 85-6.
126
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 5/298 ; Ibn Hajar, al-Mat?lib al-'?liya F?Zawaid al-Mas?n?d al-Tham?niya (Beirut, 1987),
4/26 quoting the Musnad of al-H?rith b. Ab? Us?ma.
192 Suliman Bashear
Damascus, (which is) one of the best towns in

Syria.127 From an unnamed
companion ('an
rajul min ash?b al-ras?l), Jubayr b. Nufayr transmitted another prophetical tradition which
informed the Muslims that Syria would be conquered and recommended them to settle
inDamascus, adding that itwould be their stronghold (ma'qil) during the mal?him and that
their fust?t would be in a land called Gh?ta.128 Almost the same notion was put forward
by a third prophetical tradition, this time through Mu'?dh as transmitted by both Abu
M?lik al-Ash'ar? and, in a maqtxt form, by Makh?l too.129 There is also a tradition carried
by a family line o? isn?d from the Shf ? Imams al-S?diq and al-B?qir. Here, however, a new
element was added identifying Jerusalem as a refuge from the dajj?l and al-T?r as one from
Ya'j?j and Ma'j?j.130
The idea that Damascus would be one of the three main towards the end
strongholds
of time appears in a few other traditions with different chains of isn?d. It was as
reported
a prophetical one, though in a mur sal form, by Yahy? b. J?bir al-T?'? (Hims?, d. 126 H.)
and Ab? With a minor variation, Abu it also as a
al-Z?hiriyya.131 al-Z?hiriyya reported
tradition of Ka'b.132 And from b. we learn that Ka'b, when of
Shurayh 'Ubayd enquired
assured him that Damascus was the of the Muslims the
by Mu'?wiya, stronghold against
Byzantines and that it was much more exalted than Hims.133
Another group of traditions attribute to the mention of the of a

Prophet persistence
group of his community in its fight for religion against their enemies in spite of all
"until* the matter of God comes to "till the of res
hardships them"/var. day
urrection "/var. "till the hour comes" (hatt? ya'txhim amr all?h/il? yawm al-qiy?ma/il? an
One at the gates
taq?m al-s?'a). tradition by Abu Hurayra specifies that they would do this
of Damascus, Jerusalem and their vicinities (akn?f) and that they would not be harmed
because of being let down by anyone who does that (l? yadurruhum khudhl?n man
khadhalahum). It was transmitted by the chain: '?mir al-Ahwal <- Abu S?lih al
Khawl?n?.134 In another, by Kurayb al-Sahul?<- the Prophet, it was stated that, being in
the of Jerusalem, this group would be "like a pot among eaters" (ka-l-xna
surroundings
And almost the same was transmitted in a third tradition
bayn al-akala),135 prophetical
127
Compare Ibn Hanbal, 5/197; Abu Daw?d, 4/111; Basaw?, 2/290; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/219?20, 222; al
Mundhir? (d. 656 H.), al-Targhtb wa-l-Tarhtb (Cairo, n.d.), 4/63; Ibn Kath?r, 1/83, 89; Suy?t?, Durr, 6/59; al
H?kim, 4/486; Man?n? (d. 1172 H.), al-Vl?m (Jaffa, n.d.), 56; Alb?n?, Takhr?j, 35-6.
128
Ibn 'Abd al-Sal?m (d. 660 H.), Targhib Ahl al-Isl?m (Jerusalem, 1940), 13; Ibn 'Abd al-H?d? (d. 774
H.),
Fada il al-Sh?m (Cairo, 1988), 28 ;Haytham?, Majma', also with Ibn 'As?kir,
7/289, 10/57; Man?n?, 62; Compare
1/225-6, where a variant of this tradition was in mur sal forms by Makh?l and Jubayr himself.
129 reported
Ibn 'As?kir, 1/227.
130
Ibn al-Murajj?, 78(b); Ibn 'As?kir, 1/228; Ibn Badr?n, also with Sakh?w?, p. 85, where
1/51. Compare
he quotes al-Raba'? (d. 444 H.) for the same tradition but attributes it to Ka'b.
131
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 5/324-5, 12/191; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/229; al-Muttaq?, 6/15, 25.
132
Compare Nu'aym, 66(b); Ibn al-Faq?h, Mukhtasar Kit?b al-Buld?n (Leiden, 1885), 104; Ibn Badr?n,
1/51-2. "
133
Nu'aym, 66(b) : wa-marbid thawrflh? afdal min dar az?ma bi-hims" (and a resting place of an ox in it is far
better than a great house in Hims).
134
Abu Ya'l?, 11/302; Ibn al-Murajj?, 58(b)-59(a); Haytham?, Majma', 7/288, 10/60-1; Tabar?n?, aUAwsat
1/61; Man?n?, p. 59; Alb?n?, Takhr?j, 60-1; Ibn Hajar, al-Matalib 4/164, 336. Compare, however, with the
variant transmitted from Abu S?lih by al-Qa'q?' b. Hak?m (Medinese, d. 7), where neither Jerusalem nor
Damascus are specified. Haytham?,
135 Kashf al-Ast?r, 4/111.
Ibn al-Murajj?, 59(a-b) ;Basaw?, 2/298; Haytham?, Majma' 7/288-9; Tabar?n?, M. K., 20/317-18.
through Abu Um?ma al-B?hil?; the only difference being the statement that this group
would exclusively be "in Jerusalem and its
surroundings".136
Two other traditions of this group contain the element of Mu'?wiya's inference that the
group meant the Prophet's statement were the people of (ahl al-sh?m). In one he
by Syria
is said to have referred to Zayd b. Arqam's transmission of this tradition from the Prophet
adding: "and I think it is you, Oh of Syria" (wa-inm azunnukum

people ar?kum?hum/la-
hum y? ahl al-sh?m).137 Another says that while Mu'?wiya narrated this tradition from the
Prophet, M?lik b. Yukh?mir stood and said that he heard Mu'?dh adding that the people
of were the ones meant. Then announced Malik's to his
Syria Mu'?wiya testimony
listeners loudly.138
A group of traditions consider the coastal area from al-'Ar?sh to the
upper Syria,
Euphrates and Mesopotamia aswatch posts (rib?t?t)where fighting, guard duty and even
settling were considered a holy obligation until the end of time. One such tradition is by
<? Shahr b. Hawshab
Ab? Hurayra with the isn?d: Muq?til b. Hayy?n (d. c. 150 H)
d. 111-12 It attributes to the Prophet the umma will conquer
(Syrian, H.). saying: "My
Syria shortly after me. IfGod opens it and theMuslims settle in it then they and its people
to the end of with their men, women, maids and slaves are
al-Jaz?ra together youth,
(to be considered) mur?bit?n until the of resurrection. Whoever settles on one of the
day
coasts must consider himself in a state of jih?d, and whoever settles in and its
Jerusalem
surrounds must consider himself in a rib?t."139
A similar tradition has the chain: 'Abdullah b. Ghanam <- Mu'?dh. to it the
According
Prophet said toMu'?dh: "after me (= my death, S.B.) God will open Syria for you from
al-'Ar?sh to the Euphrates. Their the men, women and maids are (to be
(= conquerors')
mur?bit?n until the day of resurrection. Whoever one of the coasts of
considered) occupies
Syria
or is in a state of jih?d until the day of resurrection".140
Jerusalem
A third, similar tradition bears the name of Abu al-Dard?' and seems to have
enjoyed
wider circulation. Itwas transmitted from Abu al-Dard?' by Hudayr (Abu al-Z?hiriyya)
and Shahr b. Hawshab. We notice that Abu version, which was circulated
al-Z?hiriyya's
often without his source the element of
by Art?t, mentioning ?amman haddathahu), drops
the Jerusalem coasts.141
Some reference to the Byzantines (sons of Esau, as were towards

fighting they called)
the end of time in the coastal area of Jerusalem, was made in a unique tradition bearing
the isn?d: Adam b. Ab? d. 220?1 <? Ab? 'Amr
Iy?s (al-'Asqal?n?, H.) (more probably
al-San'?n? d. 181 H.) ?- From two sources we learn that the
'Umar) (Syrian, J?bir.142 early
136
Ibn Hanbal, 5/269; Wasit?, p. 26; Ibn al-Jawz? (d. 597 H.), Fadail al-Quds, (Beirut, 1980), pp. 93-4;
Haytham?, Majma', 7/288; Man?n?, p. 59; Muj?r al-D?n (d. 928 H.) al-Uns al-jal?l ('Amman, 1973), 1/227-8.
137
Tay?lis?, p. 94; Ibn Humayd (d. 249 H.), al-Muntakhab Min al-Musnad (Cairo, 1988), p. 115 ; Ibn Hanbal,
4/369; Tabar?n?, M. K., 5/165; Haytham?, Kashf, 4/111.
138
Basaw?, 2/297; Ibn 'Abd al-Sal?m, p. 12; Man?n?, p. 60; Bukh?r?, 4/187. Compare, however, with
Muslim, 6/53, where Malik's testimony was dropped.
139
Ibn al-Murajj?, 8s(a-b).
140
Ibn al-Murajj?, 85(b); Muj?r al-D?n, 1/228.
141
Compare Ibn al-Murajj?, 85(b) ; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/269-70; Haytham?, Majma', 10/60; Shams al-D?n, Ith?fal
Akhiss? (Cairo, 1984), 2/140; Man?n?, p. 62; Alb?n?, Takhr?j 21; al-Mundhir?, 4/63.
142
Ibn al-Murajj?, 59(a-b).
194 Suliman Bashear
companion Abu Rayh?na used to live in Jerusalem and guard "a coastal post" (maslaha bi
l-s?hil)}** One of them, Sa'?d b. Mans?r (d. 227 H.), mentions how 'Ata' al-Khurasan?
(settled in Syria, d. 135 H.), upon a tradition on the merits of those

hearing prophetical
buried in 'Asqal?n, adopted the habit of guarding that town (an yur?bit) for forty days
every year until he died.144
To the merits of among other coastal locations some traditions,

'Asqal?n, specified by
I shall return the coasts in general, takbtr, or even or
shortly. Guarding making just sitting
about there and watching the sea was considered a a wide of
moving holy duty by range
traditions. Some of them bear the name of Abu Hurayra who, on one occasion, was also
said to have taken actual part in coastal mur?bata. In a tradition of Muj?hid (d. 102-3 H.)
we are told that Abu was enlisted in such mur?bata. One were alerted
Hurayra day they
and went out to the coastal area. this to be a false alarm and
Though proved people
returned, Abu Hurayra remained standing there. When he was asked why he did that, he
recalled the Prophet's saying: "standing (mawqif) for one hour in the way of God (fi sabtl
all?h) is better than standing (in prayer) (qiy?m) near the Black Stone on the night of
al-Qadr".145
A similar tradition by Abu Hurayra was transmitted by 'At?' al-Khur?s?nL Though it
does not have the note on the false coastal alarm, it says: "a rib?t of one
introductory day
in the way of God is beloved to me more than spending the night of al-Qadr in one of
the two mosques, Mecca and Medina". It also states a sum of three for a minimal rib?t
days
and forty days for a full one (wa-man r?bata thal?that ayyamfi sabtl all?hfa-qad r?bata, wa
man r?bata arba'tna yawm istakmal
fa-qad al-rib?t)}**
The notion of coastal rib?t for forty days as a standard duty in the first century of Islam
is put forward other traditions of Abu as well as other As in the
by Hurayra companions.
case, however, one often notices that the phrase "'al? s?hil al-bahr" is sometimes
previous
by sabtl all?h", i.e. without the coastal areas as a location of rib?t.

replaced "ft specifying
A few may illustrate this point. From 'Abd we learn of a tradition of
examples al-Razz?q
Abu Hurayra transmitted by Yahy? b. Ab? Sufy?n al-Akhnas? (Medinese, d. early second
which "a rib?t of one near the sea from behind an
century) says: night exposed point
of the Muslims is better for me than the night in one of the two mosques,
?awra) spending
the Ka'ba and Medina". Again it was stated that the minimum annual rib?t ?adl al-sana)
is for three days, while a full one (tam?m al-rib?t) is for forty days.147
Ibn Ab? records two traditions ; one 'At?' al-Khurasan? <- Ab? and
Shayba by Hurayra
the other by Makh?l <- Salman al-Faris? <- the Prophet. Both say that a rib?t of one day
is better than fasting and praying (qiy?m) for a whole month, etc. However, while the
former such a rib?t as one on the sea coast s?hil al-bahr), the latter
specifies ('al? generally
"
calls it rib?t in the way of God ".148 From another source, Tabar?n?, we learn that Makh?l
143
This was reported in a tradition of Damra b. Hab?b, mawl? of Ab? Rayh?na, (aHims?, d. 130 H.) on the
authority of Ab? Bakr b. Ab?Maryam (d. 156 H.). Compare: Sa'?d b. Mans?r (d. 227 H.), Sunan (Beirut, 1985),
2/192-3; Ibn al-Mub?rak (d. 181), al-Zuhd, 305.
144
Sa'?d b. Mans?r, 2/160; cf. also Shams al-D?n, 2/171.
145
Mundhir?, 2/152; Haytham?, Maw?rid, 381; Suy?t?, Durr, 2/115, quoting Ibn Hibb?n and Bayhaq?.
146
Sa'?d b. Mans?r, 2/159; al-Muttaq? (ed. Haydarabad), 2/263.
147
'Abd al-Razz?q, 5/280-1.
148
Ibn Ab? Shayba, 5/327
transmitted the tradition of Salman not directly from him but through a Hims? figure,
Shurahb?l b. al-Samt al-Kind?. more is the note which
Probably interesting introductory
say that Shurahb?l met Salman while the latter was mur?bit on the coast of Hims and it was
there that he heard from him about the Prophet's statement.149
In a tradition of al-Q?sim b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n (Damascene, d. 112-18 H.) it is said that

Salman came to Damascus for Abu al-Dard?'. He was told that the latter was
looking
mur?bit, asked about the location of the watching post of the Damascenes (wa-ayna
was that it was Beirut and From
mar?bitukum y? ah? dimashq?), told hence moved there.150
another tradition we learn that Ism?'?l b. (Damascene, d. 131?2 H.) moved

'Ubaydull?h
to Beirut as a mur?bit the time of Marw?n II.151
during
Makh?l transmitted another prophetical tradition through Abu Hurayra which says:
"whoever fears hell-fire for himself should do rib?t on the coast for forty days" (man kh?fa
'al? nafsihi al-n?r fa-l-yur?bit 'al? al-s?hil arba'xna However, this tradition occurs
yawman).
only in muwd?'?t compilations since its circulator, Ibrahim b. Hammam, nephew of'Abd
was considered a liar .152 From Abu Zur'a we learn about another
al-Razz?q, (kadhdh?b)
Ab? <? the tradition which : "whoever comes for at the sea
Hurayra Prophet says looking
coast will have one good deed for every drop of it" (k?na lahu bi-kulli qatratin hasana). But
this tradition was deemed fabricated because its transmitter, Muhammad b. S?lim (Ab?
Sahl was considered matr?k.153
al-K?fi)
the sea coast was out in another tradition, this time
Guarding singled prophetical bearing
the name of Anas on the of Sa'?d b. Khalid b. Ab? al-Taw?l from
authority (a Syrian
Sidon). Such guarding for one night is better than worshipping among one's people {ft
ahlihi) for one thousand years.154 This tradition was also deemed fabricated because of its
association with Sa'?d b. Kh?lid. We also notice that it occurs in IbnMaja with the same
isn?d, the phrase "on the sea coast" was altered to "in the way of God".155
though again
A tradition similar to this latter variant bears the name of 'Uthm?n b.
prophetical
'Arfan. one in the way of God", we are told, "is better than one
"Guarding night
"156
thousand days of prayer and But the element of the sea coast is
fasting. specifying
in traditions the names of numerous other To Umm al
present bearing companions.
Dard?' or her husband was attributed the transmission of a tradition which
prophetical
equates the rib?t on a sea

coast with a rib?t else for 'Al? was a whole
anywhere year.157
149
Tabar?n?, M. K., 6/267. See also Haytham?, Majma', 5/290, where Salm?n was said to have been on that
occasion "mur?bit on a coast" without specifying Hims, and compare with Ibn al-Mub?rak, Kit?b al-Jih?d
(Beirut, 1971), 14?? where "f? hisn" (in a fortress) was read instead of "fi hims".
150
Abu Zur'a (d. 281 H.), T?r?kh (Damascus, 1980), 1/222.
151
Ibid., 1/254.
152
Ibn Hibb?n (d. 354 H.), al-Majr?h?n (Cairo, 1402), 1/118; Ibn al-Qaysar?n? (d. 507 H.) Kit?b Ma'rifat al
Tadhkira (Beirut, 1985), p. 212; Ibn al-Jawz? (d. 597 H.), Mawd?'at (Medina, 1966), 2/227; Dhahab? (d. 748 H.),
Miz?n, 1/21; Suy?t?, al-La'?l? (Beirut, 1975), 2/136; al-Kin?n? (d. 963 H.), Tanz?h al-Sharfa (Beirut, 1979),
2/178; Shawk?n? (d. 1250 H.), al-Fawa'id aUMajm?'a, (Cairo, i960), p. 208.
153
Ibn al-Jawz?, 2/227; Suy?t?, 2/136; al-Kin?n?, 2/178. Compare also with Haytham?, Majma', 5/288,
where a similar tradition was reported through Abu al-Dard?'.
154
Abu Ya'l?, 7/267; 'Uqayl? (d. 322 H.), al-Du'afa al-Kab?r (Beirut, 1984), 2/102-3; Ibn Hibb?n, 1/313;
Daylam?, 2/146, 3/478; Ibn al-Qaysar?n?, 211; Dhahab?, 1/378; Haytham?, 5/289.
155
Ibn M?ja, 2/925. See also Mundhir?, 2/154.
156
Ibn Hanbal, 1/61, 65; al-H?kim, 2/81.
157
Compare Suy?t?, Durr 2/114; Haytham?, Majma', 5/289; Tabar?n?, M. K., 24/254; Ibn Hanbal, 6/362;
Mundhir?, 2/1 so.
196 Suliman Bashear
as that he even to get ill on the sea coast to

quoted saying preferred being healthy, freeing
one hundred slaves and providing them and their riding beasts in the way of God.158
According to a tradition of N?fi' <- Ibn 'Umar, the Prophet asserted that God would put
a great rock in the scales of who makes a takbxra on the sea coast.159 In
anybody merely
a tradition of b. Mu'?wiya b. Qurra d. 122 such if done
Iy?s (Basran, H.), takbxra, loudly
on the sea coast at sunset, earns its doer one hundred deeds...etc., for sea
good every
drop.160
Fada'il traditions on different cities in Syria as well as on other of the Muslim world
parts
are a branch of As noted a few scholars, of this literature
huge literary activity. by part
originated during the Umayyad in order "to attract volunteers for the
period perpetual
wars the unbelievers on the front".161 In what follows, a review of some
against Syrian
of it will be made.
?- Ab? Um?ma
One tradition by al-Q?sim Ab? 'Abd al-Rahm?n says: "while we
were with the Prophet, was mentioned with the Byzantines who were in it.
sitting Syria
The said : you will conquer and hold on its sea a fortress named Anafa. On
Prophet Syria
the of resurrection, God will set alive twelve thousand from it".162
day martyrs
As for the river a tradition of Ab? Idris al-Khawlani <- b.
Jordan, Nuhayk Suraym
attributes to the the will continue to the
Prophet saying: "you fight unbelievers/var.
until the rest of my umma the army o? dajj?l on the river
polytheists you/var. fights Jordan,
on the east side and themselves on the west side of it".163 Ibn 'Abb?s
yourselves Through
and Ibn 'Umar another prophetical tradition says: "if belief is gone from the earth, itwill
= the
(still) be found in inner (lit. batn belly of) Jordan".164
'
The merits of Acre are centred around its well, which is one
Ayn al-Baqar, praised by
tradition as one of four from which the Muslims were recommended to
holy springs
drink.165 Other merits were put forward less well known sources, the of
by authenticity
their traditional bases even more to one, the Prophet said:
being questioned. According
"
a town under the seat named 'Akk?' whoever
; the night
hanging (divine) (al-'arsh), spends
158
Daylam?, 5/175-6.
159
Daylam?, 3/521 ; Ibn al-Jawz?, Mawd?'?t, 2/229; Suy?t?, La'al?, 2/137; Kin?n?, 2/178. The authenticity of
this tradition was questioned because the authority on it, Zayd b. Jubayra, was considered "nothing" (laysa bi
shay').
160
Tabar?n?, M. K., 19/29; 'Uqayl?, 2/21-2; Abu Nu'aym (d. 430 H.), Hilya (Cairo, 1933), 3/125 ; al-H?kim
3/587 ;Alb?n?, Silsilat..., 1/399-400; Dhahab?, Mizan, 1/312; Ibn Hajar, Lis?n (Haydarabad, 1330 H.), 2/407-8 ;
Kin?n?, 2/178, quoting Ibn Q?ni' for it.
161
S. D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden, 1968), p. 146. See also A. Noth, Heiliger
Kriege und heiliger Kampf... (Bonn, 1966), p. 84 n. 400; M. Gil, 1/83-4, 88-9; M. Sharon "The cities of the Holy
Land..." Cathedra (40), 1986, p. 90 (Hebrew); A. El'ad, "The coastal cities ofEretz-Israel...", Cathedra 8 (1978),
pp. 162-3 (Hebrew).
162
Tabar?n?, M. K., 8/229; Haytham?, Majma', 10/62; Dhahab?, M?zaln, 2/177; Ibn Hajar, Lis?n, 4/128;
Kin?n?, 2/58. On the location of Anafa see Y?q?t, 1/271.
163
This was also reported in a mursal form by Yaz?d b. Rabfa. Compare Daylam?, 5/103; Shams al-D?n,
2/169; Muj?r al-D?n, 1/234; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Suy?t? (wrote in 875 H.), Fad?'il al-Sh?m (MS.
Princeton, Yehuda 1/264), fol. 124(a).
164
Dhahab?, 1/61; Kin?n?, 2/57.
165
The other three are the well of Zamzam inMecca, the spring of Silw?n in Jerusalem and the spring of al
Ful?s in Bays?n. This tradition was either attributed to the Prophet through Abu Hurayra or else reported by
Muq?til b. Sulaym?n (d. 150 H.) in a mursal form. See Ibn al-Murajj?, 95(a) ; Ibn al-Firk?h, B?'ith al-Nuf?s,JPOS
15 (1935)? PP- 70, 81. On the sanctity of'Ayn al-Baqar in Y?q?t's time see his 4/176.
in it as a mur?bit and a reckoner (muhtasxb), God will write for him the wage of a
"
". In another he was as : the best of coasts is the coast ;
martyr... quoted saying of'Asqal?n
and better than it is the coast of'Akk?'... ". From a tradition of'?'isha we learn that
(still)
the Prophet also said "whoever spends two nights o? rib?t in 'Akk?' will be like one who
strikes with my sword, and whoever three nights o? rib?t (there), will be given the
spends
wage of a An anonymous tradition attributes to him the "whoever fasts

martyr". saying:
the Ramadan month in 'Akk?' intending to do mur?bata ('al? niyyat al-mur?bata) and
God will write for him the wage of one thousand Besides
muj?hada, martyrs". drinking
from other traditions recommend for ablution in the nearby river,
'Ayn al-Baqar, washing
to a certain location in its vicinity called al-Ramla al-Bayd?',
al-Na'?mayn, walking
praying there, etc.166
The traditions upholding the merits of 'Asqal?n and urging rib?t and settlement there
are far the most numerous, in a wide of sources and hence often noted
by occurring variety
by scholars.167 In a tradition by Anas, the Prophet is quoted as to it as "one of

referring
the two brides" the other one Gaza. We also learn from
(ihd? al-ar?sayn), implied being
this tradition that on the day of resurrection God would bring to life seventy thousand of
its people free from accounting for their deeds. Another fifty thousand martyrs would also
be brought to life from it, ordered by God to be washed in the river Bayda, so that they
would come out white and then be allowed to enter Paradise. We also notice
completely
that this tradition was sometimes used as a commentary on which urges the
Quran 3/200
believers to do rib?t. But it was widely circulated, its authenticity was
although questioned
on the that Abu
ground 'Iq?l, Hil?l b. Zayd al-'Adaw? (an early second century resident
who transmitted it from Anas, was considered "weak".168

of'Asqal?n),
In few other traditions Gaza was stated as the other "bride". One, a mursal
explicitly
<- his <- the
by Mus'ab b. Th?bit (d. 157H.) grandfather, 'Abdullah b. al-Zubayr Prophet,
says : "blessedness to who lives in one of the two towns
anybody brides/var. (al-qaryatayn),
and Gaza".169 In another, anonymous tradition, the is quoted as
'Asqal?n Prophet
announcing (ubashshirukum) the two brides for the Muslims, Gaza and 'Asqal?n.170
A notification of the merits of the of and
special graveyard (maqbara) 'Asqal?n
the martyrs buried there was made a group of traditions
by prophetical through
Ibn '?'isha and 'Abdullah b. With minor variations we are
'Umar/'Umar, Buhayna.
told that the Prophet once for the buried in a certain
usually prayed people graveyard,
admonished it or said that God was
praying
over it. When his wife or some unnamed
person enquired about it, he said that it was the graveyard one in the land
of'Asqal?n/var.,
166
Anon., FaslF?Fad?'il Akka (MS. Princeton, Yehuda, 4183), fols. 38(b)~4i(b). The tradition "tuba li-man
ra'? 'akk?'" was noted also by Y?q?t, 4/41. On other sources which bring such traditions see a tract by Azhar?
(wrote in 1172 H.) entitled al-Raq?m, which aimed at refuting them. MS. Princeton, Yehuda (5923), 92(a)~94(a).
167
El'ad, pp. 162-3; Gil, 1/83-4; O. Livne-Kafri, "On Jerusalem in early Islam", Cathedra 51 (1989), pp.
43-4, (Hebrew).
168
Compare Suy?t?, Durr, 2/112 quoting Ibn Ab?H?tim; idem, Laai?, 1/461; al-Th?n?Min al-Fawa'id, MS.
Z?hiriyya, Majmu, 18/168; Muhammad b. Ahmad al-Suy?t?, 124(a); Ibn Hanbal, 3/225; Daylam?, 3/49;
Shams al-D?n, 2/170, quoting Shih?b al-D?n's Muth?r; Kin?n?, 2/49; al-Q?r? (d. 1014 H.), al-Asr?r al-Marf?'a,
(Beirut, 1985), 159; Ibn al-Jawz?, Mawd?'?t 2/524; Shawk?n?, p. 429; Haytham?, Majma', 10/62; Ibn Hajar, al
Nukat 'Al? Ibn al-Sal?h (Medina, 1988), 1/451 n. 2.
169
Daylam?, 2/450; M. b. A. al-Suy?t?, 124(a); Shams al-D?n, 2/169; Muj?r al-D?n, 2/74.
170
Ibn al-Faq?h, p. 103; Y?q?t, 4/122.
198 Suliman Bashear
of the enemies, named from where God will resurrect seventy thousand to enter
'Asqal?n,
etc. In one or two variants the Prophet it even to the
paradise, preferred al-Baqf graveyard
inMedina, calling it a rib?t for the Muslims, from where God would resurrect seventy
thousand martyrs, etc.171
These traditions were on the that the authorities on them,

usually questioned ground
"
Bishr b. Maym?n, N?fi' b. Hurmuz and al-Musawwar b. Kh?lid were considered weak ".
However, the main theme behind them is clearly to stress the town's as a rib?t.
importance
Recall that Sa'?d b. Mans?r mentions how 'Ata', upon such a tradition, decided
hearing
to make an annual rib?t of in it.172
forty days
In fact there are numerous other traditions which forward the of rib?t
put importance
and settling down in 'Asqal?n. One by Abu Hurayra is attributed to the Prophet, listing
it as one of four important border posts/ports (thugh?r), the other three being Alexandria,
and 'Abad?n.173 Another, Ibn 'Abb?s, says that a man came to the and
Qazw?n by Prophet
told him that he wanted to go for The we are told, advised him to go
ghazw. Prophet,
to al-sh?m, for God had it for him, and to stick (wa-l-zam) to in
guaranteed 'Asqal?n
particular...174
"
In another, tradition through Ibn 'Abbas, the Prophet says: take jih?d
less circulated
upon you ('alaykum bi-1-jih?d). The best of your jih?d is rib?t and the best of your rib?t is
From one Anas we learn about a that even if a
'Asqal?n".175 through prophetical saying
mur?bit in 'Asqal?n sleeps all his life (i.e. never prays, S.B.), God will assign angels
to pray
instead of him so that he will be assembled (yuhshar) with the praying people on the day
of to
resurrection.176 Another, by Abu Um?ma, attributes the Prophet the saying that if
'
someone does a rib?t in Asqalan for only one and one and then he dies, he would
day night
be considered as a martyr for as as years after that, even if he dies in the land of
long sixty
a tradition of Ibn 'Umar says: has a summit
polytheism.177 Finally, "everything (dhurwa)
and the summit of Syria is
'Asqal?n".178
The historiographical information
and the information sources reveals

Though scanty sporadic, provided by historiographie
a remarkable resemblance to certain substantial cross-sections of material from apocalyptic
traditions; a which, on the whole is corroborated traditions too. There
picture by fada'il
171
Compare 'Abd al-Razz?q, 5/287; Basaw?, 2/300; Abu Ya'l?, 1/160-1, 2/216-17; M. b. A. al-Suy?t?,
124(b); Ibn al-Jawz?, Mawd?'at, 2/52-4; Dhahab?, M?z?n, 3/170 quoting Baghaw?'s T?r?kh; Ibn Hajar, Lis?n
6/36; idem, al-Mat?lib, 4/161-2; Haytham?, Majma', 10/62; idem,Kashj al-Ast?r, 3/324; Kin?n?, 2/48-9, quoting
Ibn Hibb?n and Ibn Mardawayh's Tafs?r; Shams al-D?n, 2/169?71; Suy?t?, La'?l?, 1/460?3, quoting al-Sarr?j's
Faw?'id; Shawkani, pp. 429?31.
172
Sa'id b. Mans?r, 2/160, cited above.
173
Ibn al-Firk?h^ p. 70.
174
Ibn al-Faq?h, p. 103; Tabar?n?, M. K, 11/92; Ibn 'As?kir, 1/86?7; Shawk?n?, 431, quoting Ibn al-Najj?r
for a similar tradition by Anas too; Ibn al-Murajj?, 109(b); Suy?t?, La'?l?, 1/461?3, quoting D?l?b?'s al-Kun?;
Shams al-D?n, 2/138; Kin?n?, 2/49; Haytham?, Majma' 10/62, quoting also Tabar?n?'s Awsat; Muj?r al-D?n,
2/73-4
175
Suy?t?, La'?l?, 1/462; Kin?n?, 2/49; Tabar?n?, M. K, 11/88.
176
Suy?t?, ibid.; Kin?n?, ibid., quoting Ibn al-Najj?r's T?r?kh.
177
Ibn al-Faq?h, 103; Suy?t?, 1/463; Kin?n?, 2/49, quoting Ibn 'As?kir.
178
Y?q?t, 4/122.
Early Muslim materials 199
apocalyptic
are of course cases where such resemblance is only vague ;but all the same it can be argued
that the historical information on relations is itself often confused
early Muslim-Byzantine
or, on certain issues, even Thus, whatever resemblance is left
lacking. justifies being
the lines drawn by P. Alexander, i.e. the possibility that few cross-sections
presented along
were ex-eventu, and hence may to illuminate certain aspects of
prophecies help
Muslim?Byzantine relations in the first century. Our main point of is that the
departure
historical reviewed in the course of this must have
apocalypses study associatively appealed
to around the turn of that century, or even have drawn upon of actual
people patterns
historical situations, of the Muslim conquests of which were familiar
clearly early Syria,
to them.
who is familiar with the traditional accounts of the in

Anyone early Muslim conquests
knows the extent of the discrepancies caused the fact that such accounts
Syria basically by
were the of continuous at reconstruction, often motivated
actually product attempts by
the later need to a scheme of sacred mixed with sectarian and local
produce history,
tendencies and hindered by the lack of precise, first hand and written documentation. Such
is the case the issues of dates, locations, how the of Damascus,
concerning conquest
Caesarea, Hims occurred: in fact almost every event of the first

Jerusalem, century.179
Above all, scholars have not so far dared to deal with the overall picture provided by the
much avoided pseudo-W?qid? which is drastically different from anything else that we
"know" about "the Arab Most significantly, the predominant role
conquests".180 played
the local maw alt 2nd converts in suchfut?h, as well as the "international"
by composition
of the Christian armies led by the Byzantines, have not been addressed any scholar.181
by
There is also the issue, current in apocalyptic traditions, of the of certain Arab
treachery
tribes and their joining the Byzantines. Added to the occasional reference to the fighting
of Arab Christians on the side of the Byzantines in some fut?h sources as well
(mutanassira)
as in pseudo-W?qid?,182 there is also sporadic information that the whole ofIy?d inUpper
Mesopotamia moved over to Byzantium and that the B. Taghlib threatened to do so
during the reign of 'Umar I.183
The issue of Muslim?Byzantine peace pacts and then treachery by the latter has figured
in the material reviewed above. The sources say
centrally apocalyptic historiographical
that such a peace was concluded his with 'Al? as well as
by Mu'?wiya during struggle by
179
A wide coverage of this subject was done by F. M. Dormer, The Early Islamic
Conquests (Princeton, 1983),
pp. 91-5. See also M. Sharon, "The military reforms of Abu Muslim..." inM. Sharon, ed., Studies in Islamic
History... (Jerusalem, 1986), pp. 106-12.
180
Such avoidance is clear even in the work of Donner as noted by E. Landau-Tasseron's review of it inJSAI
6 (1985), P- 511.
181
Pseudo-Waqid?, Fut?h al-Sh?m (Cairo, 1368). From 1/87 we learn that those who reconquered Hims were
overwhelmingly 'ab?d and maw?l? who numbered four thousand while the 'arab numbered only one thousand
under Kh?lid b. al-Walild. On the conversion of 'Abdullah Y?qann?, governor (bitr?q/s?hib) of Halab and his
leading role in the conquest of Syria, Mesopotamia and even Egypt, see 1/175. On the kings of the Christian
peoples summoned by Heraclius for the battle of Yarm?k, see 1/96-7. On the role of s?hib r?mya, Falint?nus and
his conversion to Islam during the battle over Antioch, as well as the idea that Heraclius himself professed Islam,
see 1/195, 198. The present author is currently in a critical edition of this unique source.
182 engaged
Pseudo-Waqid? on J?bala, King of the Arab mutanassira from B. Ghassan, Lakham and in 1/97
Judh?m,
and Donner, p. 154 n. 303.
183
Mas'ud? (d. 345 H.), Tanb?h (Beirut, 1965), 167-8; Tabar?, Tar?kh (Cairo, 1967), 4/54; Bal?dhur?, Fut?h
(Beirut, 1975), 185-6.
200 Suliman Bashear
" "
'Abd al-Malik during the second fitna of Ibn Zubayr. However this information is
dubious and, so to is as inadequate as the scheme which tried
speak, apocalyptic probably
to build on its pattern. A tradition recorded by Tay?lis? with the isn?d: Shu'ba ?- Abu al
<-
Fayd al-Sh?m? (M?s? b. Ayy?b, Hims?) Sulaym b. '?mir (al-Khab?'ir?, Hims?, d.
130 H.) says that "Mu'?wiya had 'ahd with the Byzantines during which he used to go
into their country. But whenever that 'ahd ended he would raid them."184
(peacefully?)
The date for the first truce between and the Byzantine
given by Theophanes Mu'?wiya
Constans is Ann. Mundi A.D. = a.h. He adds that
Emperor 6142 (= 650-1 30?1). "peace
was concluded for two years and Mu'?wiya received son of Theodora as
Gregory, hostage
in Damascus".185 From him we also learn that it was Mu'?wiya who actually violated the
after two Mun. = A.D. = AH- ne overran

peace when, years (Ann. 6145 653?4 33~4)
= A.D. = a.h.
Rhodes.186 But, "because of disorder (in Ann. Mun. 6150 658-9 38-9)
to reach an agreement with the Romans (= Byzantines, S.B.) and
Mu'?wiya agreed paid
them one thousand nomismata, a horse and a slave per day".187
'
This clear reference to the circumstances of the with Al? is similar to what is
struggle
a few Muslim sources. From two sources we learn that upon the
reported by third-century
advice of'Amr b. al-'?s, decided to make a truce with before the
Mu'?wiya Qaysar just
battle of Sifr?n.188 A third source, Bal?dhur?, mentions such advice from 'Amr, but says
nothing about 'Al? or Siff?n.189 Elsewhere, Bal?dhur? brings a Syrian tradition of Safw?n
b. 'Amr and Sa'?d b. 'Abd al-'Az?z which says that Mu'?wiya made peace with the
only
to pay them and took hostages whom he put in Ba'albakk. However,
Byzantines, agreed
it was the Byzantines who treacherously broke the peace, but Mu'?wiya did not kill the
hostages.190
In itself, the idea reiterated in some of co
apocalypses Byzantine?Arab military
the truce interval a common enemy, is theoretically
operation during against possible.
However, the historical realisation of such or ever,
co-operation during Mu'?wiya's region
is not confirmed any Muslim, or indeed source. In fact, one source, the
by Byzantine early
T?rxkh of Khal?fa b. Khayy?t rather in what was termed
(d. 240 H.), puts Mu'?wiya's peace
"'am the year 41 H.191 And says that two years before
al-jam?'a", Theophanes Mu'?wiya's
= A.D. = a.h.
death (in Ann. Mun. 6169 677?8 58?9) and under the pressure of the
Mardaites' who, he says, "invaded the Lebanon and occupied it from Mount
campaign
Mauros to the holy city, its most important centres", he asked for and got
overpowering
a peace with Constantine. We also learn that the treaty was to last for
treaty Emperor
years and that to pay the annual sum of three thousand

thirty Mu'?wiya agreed
nomismata, fifty prisoners and fifty high bred horses.192
184
Tay?lis?, p. 157; Zayla'? (d. 760 H.), Nasb al-R?ya (Cairo, 1938), 3/390-1, quoting Ibn Hanbal, Ibn Ab?
Shayba, Ibn Hibb?n, Tirmidh? and Tabar?n?.
185
Theophanes, Chronicle (Eng. tr., Philadelphia, 1982), p. 44.
186
Ibid.?? Ibid., p. 46.
188
Al-Zubayr b. Bakk?r, al-Akhb?r al-Muwaffaqiyy?t (Baghdad, 1980), p. 301 ;Nasr b. Muz?him (d. 212 H.),
Waq'at Siff?n (Cairo, 1981), p. 37.
189
Bal?dhur?, Ans?b (Jerusalem, 1971), 4(a)/36.
190
Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, 163.
191
Khal?fa b. Khayy?t, T?r?kh, Najaf 1967, 1/1
192
Theophanes, pp. 53-4.
Muslim materials 201
Early apocalyptic
Both and Muslim sources the treaty reached between 'Abd al

Byzantine put peace
Malik and Justinian II during the fitna of Ibn al-Zubayr. However, there is some
its exact date and circumstances. puts it in Ann. Mun.
discrepancy concerning Theophanes
A.D. = A.H. he was the first of 'Abd al-Malik's
6176 (= 684-5 65-6) which, says, year
i.e. the last year of Constan tine's life but ratified by his son, Justinian II.193
reign, during
Arab sources in their turn it in the year a.h. 689,194 But both sides agree that
put 70/A.D.
'Abd al-Malik was the one who sent envoys for peace. Bal?dhur? gives the
asking Only
of Ibn as a to such a request. For Theophanes, the reason was
fitna al-Zubayr background
the continued raids of Mardaites and a in Syria. Tabar? and Ibn 'Ibr? basically agree
plague
to this, that the Byzantine made an war on the Muslims in Syria
saying king aggressive
'al? man bi-l-sh?m min In fact, Bal?dhur? gets even closer to
(istaj?sha al-muslim?n).
when he mentions the attack of horseman on Mt
Theophanes' description Byzantine
Luk?m, near Antioch, and their to the Lebanon a great number

progress being joined by
of Jar?jima, Anb?t and rebellious slaves of the Muslims.
We also notice that both Tabar? and Bal?dhur? say that 'Abd al-Malik was deeply
concerned with the threat faced the Muslims, or even anxious that
by Justinian might
minhu 'al? al-Muslim?n/wa-takhawufuhu an li-1-sh?m
reconquer Syria (khawfan yakhruj fa
As for the material clauses of the treaty, both sources say that 'Abd al-Malik
yaghlib 'alayh).
one thousand dinars every week. Ibn 'Ibr? in his turn mentions also the figures
paid
recorded one thousand one slave and one horse
by Theophanes: nomismata/dinar,
per day.
adds one kind of upon : that both share
Theophanes co-operation agreed parties equally
the tribute from Armenia and Iberia.195 We also learn that Justinian to seize
Cyprus, agreed
12,000 Mardaites from the Lebanon.
The of Constantinople, which in Muslim as a central chain

conquest apocalypses figures
in pre-messianic events, seems to have constituted a corner-stone in Umayyad policy right
(d. c. 180 H.)

from the outset. From the tradition of b. 'Umar we learn that the idea
Sayf
of it from the direction of was as far back as the
conquering Spain contemplated reign
in 27 H.196 al-Kalb? is quoted as that in the a.h.
of 'Uthm?n Ibn by Khal?fa saying year
652, Mu'?wiya invaded the area of the straits near

32/A.D. Constantinople.197 Speaking
about the Ann. Mun. a.D. = AH- in his turn
year 6146 (= 654?5 34?5), Theophanes
mentions first attempt to invade from Phoenician
Mu'?wiya's Constantinople Tripolis.198
on
The next major attempt made during Mu'?wiya's reign the city is said by most
Muslim sources to have been led by his son, Yaz?d in a.h. 669-70.199 Abu
49-50/a.d. Only
Zur'a the date as 54 H. which is the closest to the one Ann.
gives given by Theophanes,
Mun. A.D. = a.h.
6164-5 (= 672-4 53-5).20?
Although the final outcome of this campaign was failure, theMuslims seem to have had
193
Ibid., p. 59
194
Tabar?, 6/150; Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, 164; Ibn al-'Ibr?, Tar?kh Mukhtasar al-Duwal (Beirut, 1958), 112-13.
196
Theophanes, p. 61.
196
Tabar?, 4/255; cf. also Qurtub?, 2/353.
197
Khal?fa, 1/143.
198
Theophanes, p. 45.
199
Compare Khal?fa, 1/196; Bal?dhur?, Ans?b, p. 70; Tabar?, 5/232.
200
Abu Zur'a, 1/188, quoting a tradition by the Syrian Sa'id b. 'Abd al-'Az?z; Theophanes, pp. 52-3
8 JRAi
202 Suliman Bashear
some initial success in capturing a few fortresses and to the Ab?

laying complete siege city.
"
Zur'a about "a fortress called al-Mud? on the bay of Constantinople
speaks conquering
and Theophanes describes how the Arabs anchored in the Thracian territory of the
European suburbs of the city.201
Against this background capturing Constantinople must have looked within reach.
Thus were resumed with the outbreak of a new wave of hostilities which
attempts
continued for the whole three years of Sulaym?n's reign. The discrepancy between
and the Muslim sources is actually very limited. He says that for
Theophanes preparations
the started in Ann. Mun. 6206 (=a.d. 714-15 =a.h.
campaign against Constantinople
96-7), which was the last year of Wal?d's Artemios had asked for
reign, although Emperor
peace.202
The date given by Muslim sources is indeed 97 H., but the one who is said to have
initiated the was upon From a
campaign Sulaym?n assuming power.203 unique Syrian
tradition recorded by Ibn al-Murajj? we learn that Sulaym?n decided to invade
while he was receiving allegiance in Jerusalem and after the news reached
Constantinople
him about a invasion of the coastal area Hims.204 We also learn that
Byzantine opposite
he moved from there to near in order to be close to the
D?biq Aleppo conducting
operations. However, with his death in 99 H. and because of the difficulties the besiegers
faced, the new 'Umar II called the whole off.
caliph, operation
As noted above, mentions a Mardaite invasion of the Lebanon in Ann.
Theophanes
Mun. A.D. = a.h. i.e. towards the end of Mu'?wiya's We
6169 (= 677-8 58-9), reign.
were also informed that they "conquered it from Mt Mauros to the holy city,
its most centres"; a fact which led Mu'?wiya to seek a peace
overpowering important
treaty with Emperor Constantine.205
We do not know what meant "the One is

exactly Theophanes by holy city". thing
certain, that this invasion was one in a series of Byzantine raids on coastal areas
only Syria's
upon which Arab sources information. From

historiographical give only sporadic
Bal?dhur? we learn that the war between 'Abd al-Malik and Ibn the
during al-Zubayr,
Byzantines attacked 'Asqal?n, destroyed it and its (... wa-ajlat 'anh?

expelled people
We also learned that the same to Caesarea, "outer Acre" ('akk?
ahlaha). actually happened
al-kh?rija) and Tyre and that 'Abd al-Malik, after stabilizing his power, conducted a policy
of reconstructing and resettling mur?bita in these cities, with estates (qat??) being allocated
there.206 to another tradition recorded Bal?dhur?, was
According by 'Asqal?n occupied
first 'Amr b. al-'?s. reinforcement, most naval, from the
by Receiving probably
its people rebelled and Mu'?wiya had to reconquer it. Again we learn that the
Byzantines,
latter settled raw?bit and posted guards in it (wakkala bih? hafaza).
The traditions recorded Bal?dhur? are authentic ones and reflect local
by undoubtedly
201
Theophanes, ibid.; Abu Zur'a, 1/346.
202
Theophanes, p. 80.
203
;
Tabar?, 6/523 Mas'?d?, Tanb?h, 165-6. Compare also with Khal?fa, 1/326 where the year 98 H. is given
for the siege.
204
Ibn al-Murajj?, 82(b).
205
Theophanes, pp. 53-4.
206
Bal?dhur?, Futuh, pp. 148-9.
Muslim materials 203
Early apocalyptic
memories transmitted from father to son. On one occasion, Bal?dhur?'s source Muhammad
b. Y?suf al-Firy?b? (lived in Caesarea, d. 212 H.) quoted "old authorities from the people
of 'Asqal?n" (mash?yikh min alh''asqal?n). On another, Bal?dhur? himself quotes Abu
al-Raml? <? his father. He also transmits from Bakr b. who, we are
Sulaym?n al-Haytham
an Arab and heard from him that his was one of those
told, met from 'Asqal?n grandfather
whom'Abd al-Malik settled in etc.
'Asqal?n,
We also learn from Bal?dhur? about the existence in 'Asqal?n of certain estates from the
times of'Umar I and 'Uthm?n.207 And on the basis of such information it was suggested
that the coastal areas were invaded and that early but
actually destroyed during period,
recaptured by Mu'?wiya.208
It is also to that the need of Mu'?wiya and later Umayyads to protect
plausible suggest
the coastal areas was at least partially behind the building of a naval force and the move
towards a more A case in point is that of Acre, which we know that
aggressive policy.
rebuilt before taking it as a naval base for his action against From
Mu'?wiya Cyprus.209
Bal?dhur? we learn that in 49 H. the Byzantines invaded the coastal areas (kharajat al-rum
il? al-saw?hil). To face the new circumstances, Mu'?wiya moved the shipyard craftsmen
to coastal towns in Palestine, Acre. We also learn that the remained in

mainly shipyards
Acre until moved to Tyre by Hish?m b. 'Abd al-Malik; though according to one
tradition, 'Abd al-Malik had to reconstruct both Acre and after were
Tyre they
destroyed.210
about the coastal towns of Lebanon (Sidon, 'Arqa, Jubayl and Beirut), a
Speaking
tradition of Sa'?d b. 'Abd al-Az?z <- al-Wad?n d. 147-50
(b. 'At?', Damascene, H.) says
that the Byzantines occupied part of these coastal areas (ghalab? 'ala ba'd h?dhihi al-saw?hil)
the later part of 'Umar's reign and the early part of 'Uthm?n's. However, these
during
areas were rehabilitated and resettled with forces and estates, etc., by
reconquered,
Bal?dhur? also Mad?'in? 225 for a tradition of 'Att?b. b.
Mu'?wiya.211 quotes (d. H.)
Ibrahim which says that the people of Tripoli too rebelled during 'Abd al-Malik's reign
and their town was to the Sa'?d ?- al-Wad?n tradition,
reoccupied. However, according
noted above, the ones who rebelled were a group of Byzantines whom 'Abd al-Malik had
to settle in the town.212

previously permitted
The same observation may be made the lack of actual control
concerning throughout
the first century over the coastal area of Antioch, the of Mar'ash and other areas in
'Amq
the hinterland of Syria. About the situation of Antioch during Mu'?wiya's reign we learn
from some traditions Bal?dhur? and Khal?fa. recorded
preserved by One, by the former,
bears the isn?d: Muhammad b. Sahm al-Ant?k?<- Ab? S?lih al-Farr?' <- Mukhlad b. al
(settled inMass?sa, d. 191H.) <- old authorities of the border

Husayn post/port (thaghr, i.e.
of Antioch). It describes attempt to resettle the town after a naval
Mu'?wiya's Byzantine
attack on it in 42 H.213 about the years 47-8 H., Khal?fa mentions a winter raid
Speaking
207 208
Ibid. El'ad, pp. 156-8.
209
Compare: Y?q?t, 4/144; Bal?dhur?, Ans?b, 82.
210
Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, 124-5; Y?q?t, 4/144.
211 212
Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, 133. Ibid., pp. 133-4.
213
Ibid., p. 153.
8-2
204 Suliman Bashear
on the Abu 'Abd al-Rahm?n ab? 'abd al-rahm?n

city by al-Qayn? (was-shatt? al-qaynx
From another source we learn that these raids occurred between 45 and
ant?kya).21*
48 H.215
The reports these dates must be handled in order not to confuse them
beyond cautiously
with raids on another the same name but located in Anatolia. As for Antars?s,
city bearing
believed by Y?q?t to be a coastal fortress bordering between the districts of Damascus and
Hims, it is said that itwas occupied first in 17H. We are also told however, that after its
people had left it,Mu'?wiya gave orders to rebuild, fortify and settle muq?tila with estates
in it. And the same was done with and
Maraqya Balany?s.216
The combined attack of Byzantines and Mardaites/Jar?jima which led to a temporary
loss of the Lebanon in 70 H. repeated itself in Antioch and Mount Luk?m in 89 H.217 As
for Mar'ash, Khal?fa two sources which about a attack on
'Amq quotes speak Byzantine
it in 75 H. :one from Muhammad b. 'A'idh d. 233?4 and the other from
(Damascene, H.)
Ibn al-Kalb? (d. 204 H.).218
Very little is said about the Arabian-Hij?z? element in the Umayyad struggle with the
which, as noted above, in literature. From a
Byzantines, figures centrally apocalyptic
<- Thawr b. Yaz?d
Syrian tradition of W?qid? (Hims? who possibly died in Jerusalem in
154 H.), we hear about "a conscription of Medina" (ba'th al-madxna) which took part in
occupying the Tuw?na fortress in 88 H. This is supported by another tradition which
W?qid? reports from Medinese sources, with an isn?d leading from his father toMakhruma
b. Sulaym?n al-W?lib? d. 130 H.). What we are told here is that the occupation
(Medinese,
of Tuw?na was accomplished by Maslama b. 'Abd al-Malik and 'Abbas b. al-Wal?d, with
Ibn Muhayr?z too. Then comes a which says: "also took
al-Jumah? taking part paragraph
part in it 1,500 [men] out of the conscription of two thousand which Wal?d had imposed
upon the of Medina" (wa-sh?raka fxh? alf wa-khamsmVa mimman daraba al-walxdu
people
al-ba'tha min ahl al-madxna, wa-huwa ba'thu alfayn).219
'alayhxm
As late as the nineties, the Byzantine threat to northern, coastal and even central Syria
was still a real one. From a note transmitted Zur'a on
biographical by Abu the well-known
of traditions, Safw?n b. 'Amr, we learn of a certain alarm march

reporter apocalyptic
(zahf) in his hometown, Hims, in which he himself took part in 94 H.220 We have seen
above that while in Jerusalem, heard of a invasion of the coast
Sulaym?n, Byzantine
opposite Hims (ja"aal-khabaru anna al-r?ma kharajat'al? s?hili hims), and hence decided on
his massive There is also a tradition recorded
campaign against Constantinople.221 by
Bal?dhur? which speaks about a Byzantine naval invasion of the Latakya coastland in the
100 H. It has two isn?ds: one from Abu Hafs <- Sa'?d b. 'Abd al
year Syrian al-Dimashq?
'Az?z and the other from M?s? b. Ibr?h?m al-Tan?khi <- his father <- old authorities
(mash?yikh) from among the people of Hims. From it we learn that the Byzantines
and took its people It is not certain whether it was
destroyed Latakya prisoners. altogether
'Umar II or Yaz?d b. 'Abd al-Malik who in fact recovered it.222
214 215
Khal?fa, 1/193. Ibn Hajar, Is?ba, 4/128.
216 217
Y?q?t, 1/270. Compare Tabar?, 6/322; Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, p. 165.
218
Khal?fa, 1/269-70. Compare also with Tabar?, 6/202.
219 220
Tabar?, 6/434. Abu Zur'a, 1/353.
221 222
Ibn al-Murajj?, 82(b). Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, 139.
Concluding notes
Before the value and relevance of the apocalyptic material reviewed above for the
assessing
of wars, a few have to be made. First,
study early Muslim?Byzantine points although
mal?him were associated with wars in Syria, there are
overwhelmingly Muslim-Byzantine
"
two traditions in which other wars in early Islam are also called mal?him ". One is a family
tradition of Kuthayr b. 'Abdullah b. 'Amr b. 'Awf al-Muzan? who died around the mid
second century (150?60 H.), i.e. in a which witnessed a
great wave of
period circulating
traditions. It attributes to the the of the four rivers, four
apocalyptic Prophet naming
mountains and four mal?him of paradise on earth. One notices that the four mal?him stated
are names of battles known to have been led by the Prophet within the Hij?z? sira
framework. are Badr, Uhud, and Khaybar (var.
They al-Khandaq reading: Hunayn).223
The second tradition was attributed to the Prophet through Abu Hurayra on the authority
of Abu Mu'ashshir (Kufan d. 120 H.) and Ism?'?l b. Umayya (Meccan, d. 139-44 H.). It
names the mal?him of as: Sif??n and al-Harra, that "he used to
paradise al-Jamal, adding
conceal the fourth" (wa-k?na yaktum al-rab?a).224
from these two isolated late and attempts at infiltration,
Apart basically non-Syrian
Muslim material is concerned with the wars
apocalyptic predominantly against
Byzantium. The second note due here is that such interest finds clear support
predominant
from a Jewish liturgical poem believed to have been composed in Palestine under the
impact of the initial Arab victories. It looks favourably on the advent of the armies of the
"King of Yuqt?n" and prophesises the end of "the kings of Edom", by whom the
are meant. It also an the people of Antioch who
Byzantines clearly promises uprising by
will make peace, to Ma'ozia and Samaria, mercy to Acre and the Galilee,
forgiveness
bloody wars between the Ishma'ilites and Edomites (= Byzantines), the stoning of Gaza
and finally, that Ashkelon and Ashdod would be struck by fear.225
But, above all, there is the remarkable correlation and even between
affinity, parallelism
and fadail materials, as well as relevance to major actual
apocalyptic, historiographical
events and in Muslim?Byzantine relations the first century.
turning points throughout
these note can be made of Byzantium's naval and land-based to recover
Among attempts
a series of ceasefires and a renewed outbreak of
Syria, temporary possible co-operations,
hostilities, the eventual defeat and a number of Muslim on
Byzantines' attempts
Constantinople itself.
Such affinity supports themain thesis of P. Alexander and increases the credibility of this
material as a means of certain and events on which no information
illuminating aspects
whatsoever is provided sources. A case in point is the unique notion
by historiographical
of a a common enemy on the or the Balkan
military co-operation against Iraqi-Persian
fronts ceasefire times, which cannot be confirmed any other kind of material.
during by
Of course, it can be that taken as a whole our material expresses
argued apocalyptic only
223
Tabar?n?, M. K., 17/18-19; Ibn al-Jawz?, Mawd?'?t, 1/148-9; Haytham?, Majma', 4/14.
224
Ibn 'As?kir, 1/328.
225
L. Ginzberg, Genizah Studies (New York, 1928), pp. 310-12; B. Lewis, The Jews of Islam (Princeton, 1983),
PP. 93-4
206 Suliman Bashear
the deep insecurity which the new religion and polity in Syria felt about the possibility of
a an to which the constant attacks on the
Byzantine reconquest: insecurity Byzantine
coastal and northern areas gave continuous reinforcement. It is also to
plausible suggest
that in order to to first and second listeners, these anxieties were
appeal century-Muslim
in a way that drew upon the lines of patterns of past
expressed existing experiences, namely
the Arab wars of in Syria. But it is exactly here that the contribution of
conquest special
our apocalyptic material to the study of early Islam lies. For the whole scheme of the
Muslim conquests, though projected forward in the form of a prophecy that things would
repeat themselves, carries in it elements which are not in any other way. To
reported
illustrate this further, one may recall the sequence in which the course of
problematic
events was and then of an
presented; namely: peace military co-operation, dispute
iconoclastic nature, treachery by the Byzantines and the wars over
Syria,
etc. Now, if our
were an actual historical situation of a then

apocalypses describing Byzantine reconquest,
have valuable material on the advance of the coastal invasions into the
they certainly
Syrian mainland which no other source But if, on the other hand, it was only
provides.
an anxious of old into the future, then such become themselves
projection patterns patterns
carriers of historical elements from the period of the which were also not
early conquests
elsewhere. In other words the material reviewed above constitutes
reported apocalyptic
not a new source but also one which may an revisionist
only provide altogether picture.
For what we have is a completely different of the circumstances in
actually presentation
which the newly born religion and survived vis-a-vis its main enemy, Byzantium.
polity
The swift temporary loss of and retreat from most of Palestine, Lebanon, northern
though
and Mesopotamia into Damascus and modern to the desert
Syria Trans-Jordan adjacent
areas meant, at least on the military and social levels, back on the Arab element.
falling
It is but reasonable to suggest that in such circumstances the Arabian element gains
weight if it does not become actually predominant. And though assessment of the religious
of these lies beyond the scope of this can
implications developments study, they certainly
a proper historical framework for the Arabization of whatever Islam existed in
provide
Syria in the first century ;namely, in the direction of identifying itself with an Arabian
Hij?z? form of monotheism.

Of course some can be raised the of the material
objections concerning authenticity
reviewed above. However, the isn?d conducted above leaves no doubt that this is
analysis
genuinely old material transmitted from people who lived around the turn of the first
century. It is also to suggest that the Byzantine menace, so felt
plausible strongly by people
who lived in coastal and northern Syria, would persist in the memory of local chains
the second century, which continued to witness ups and downs in
throughout
relations. In order to assess the value of this material one may
Muslim?Byzantine fully
recall how far superior were the Syrian traditions recorded by Bal?dhur?'s Futuh to those
of Tabar? or other historiographers on the situation in the coastal areas during the
Umayyad period.
With the of Islam vis-a-vis the Byzantines on the one hand and
gradual strengthening
the shift of its centre to on the other, the Byzantine threat became a
Iraq slowly nightmare
in the memory of a number of scholars. Likewise the coastal towns of
living only Syrian
lost much of their as front lines of the Hence

Syria strategic importance caliphate. Syrian
mal?him 2ndfad?'il literature gradually became only local fossils of what was once a living
Besides, the massive shift of towards Arabia in search for Islam's new
reality. scholarship
identity throughout the second century effected a further damping of the Syrian scheme
of The of Nu'aym's work lies in its being a collection of such
genesis. greatness unique
material which naturally tended to wither away, though some traces of it could still be
found scattered in the chapters on mal?him andfitan in traditional compilations and Syrian
fadail works.
As noted a few scholars, the front line of the 'Abbasids the Byzantines became
by against
a mainland one on the Anatolian border rather than a maritime one in Palestine and ;
Syria
and the naval attacks on the coasts became fewer after the second century. Once
gradually
in a while we hear of an 'Abbasid-initiated in this or that coastal town: for
activity
example, the information provided by Bal?dhur? on the shipyards of Tyre in the time of
The same source mentions also that al-Mutawakkil decided in 247 H. to
W?qid?.226
a naval force in Acre and other and to post forces in them.227 But
organize ports military
on the whole the policy of the Tulunids and Ikhshidids towards Palestine and Syria was
no match for the one adopted by the Umayyads.229 And the picture drawn by the local
author Muqaddas? of the organization of alarm posts and rib?ts in the coastal cities of
Palestine in his own time is one of a local affair.230
However, as as the remained the main source of menace to Islam and,

long Byzantines
a close one to their mal?him could find ears in that area. In 353
relatively, Syria, listening
H. the Byzantines Antioch after the border towns of al
occupied subjugating garrison
Mass?sa, Tarsus and Adana.231 And for a whole decade, between a.h. 975-85,
365-75/A.D.
the Byzantine armies the whole of western Syria, Lebanon and most of northern
ravaged
and coastal Palestine, the Turkish ruler of Damascus, to come to terms
forcing Alptakin,
with them.232
one can that the Crusades Muslim interest in

Finally only expect during scholarly
for and upon the same old traditions of mal?him 2nd fada* il in Syria
searching commenting
would receive a new ; a task which to save this kind of material
impetus certainly helped
from away. But to follow this further would carry us the scope
withering point beyond
of this paper.
226 227
Bal?dhur?, Fut?h, p. 125. Ibid.
228 229
Cf. El'ad, p. 165, n. 65. M. Sharon, p. 91.
230
Translated in G. Le Strange, Palestine Under theMoslems (London, 1890), p. 24.
231 232
Y?q?t, 1/269. M- Gil, 1/285-6; M. Sharon, p. 92.

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Early Muslim-Byzantine Wars: A Review

Byzantinist, Paul J. Alexander. Examining the process of literary embellishment and

may serve as a kind of barometer for measuring the at a time

particularly during grave military crises.1

JRAS, Series3, 1,2 (1991).PP- 173-207

Truce and treachery

Byzantines (often referred to as Band al-Asfar) is made in a complex of traditional sayings

order : the death of the the of the of

(m?t?n, as a result of a the of wealth, a

the Muslims/var. their tent of command in a town

An in two sources was

among the six portents tradition of'Awf.15 But most is

told, would commence when a was born whose would be

finally, the war would be fought and won by the Muslims.

(ghadr/ghazw) under 12 or 80 banners (using the term band instead of gh?ya).1*

companion Dh? Mikhmar (sometimes stated as Dh? Mikhbar), nephew of al-Najash?.

are 'Abdullah b. Muhayr?z

request for peace. At this stage Art?t a tradition of Ka'b which

prepare for the malhama.30

The destruction of K?fa is indeed mentioned in another tradition of Ka'b as part of a

sequence of pre-messianic events but outside the context of and with

The mal?him over courses and consequences

Arabic define "malhama" as a term a fierce war with

stage that as the main enemy of Islam, our

of the smallest of them the Byzantine one".44 Another tradition of Ka'b,

Another tradition of Ka'b was transmitted '?mir b. 'Abdullah, Abu al-Yam?n al

<- Ibn 'Amr)

Other coastal towns and are mentioned a few traditions. Yaz?d b.

Khumayr (Hims?, d. during Mu'?wiya's reign ?) transmitted a tradition of Ka'b which

al-iskandariyya) would be the flight of two Arab dihq?ns to the Byzantines.59

against Jaffa, Acre and finally the 'Amq of Antioch.60

Instead, he advised them to blond goats, horses and

takes this road akhadha h?dhihi remains in continuous waters (lam

arrive that the had come out, etc.96

prophetical tradition by Abu Hurayra on the authority of Qab?sa b. Dhu'ayb

This last tradition was

The malhama of is mentioned also in the context of the belief

two one over the Arabs to Abu

114 Ibn Kath?r, 1/97;

Defensive fad?'il traditions

On various occasions we have come across instances in which and to

A of traditions Damascus as a of the Muslims the

Damascus, (which is) one of the best towns in

Byzantines and that it was much more exalted than Hims.133

Another group of traditions attribute to the mention of the of a

adding: "and I think it is you, Oh of Syria" (wa-inm azunnukum

Some reference to the Byzantines (sons of Esau, as were towards

(settled in Syria, d. 135 H.), upon a tradition on the merits of those

To the merits of among other coastal locations some traditions,

by sabtl all?h", i.e. without the coastal areas as a location of rib?t.

there that he heard from him about the Prophet's statement.149

In a tradition of al-Q?sim b. 'Abd al-Rahm?n (Damascene, d. 112-18 H.) it is said that

another tradition we learn that Ism?'?l b. (Damascene, d. 131?2 H.) moved

equates the rib?t on a sea

as that he even to get ill on the sea coast to

wage of a An anonymous tradition attributes to him the "whoever fasts

praying there, etc.166

by scholars.167 In a tradition by Anas, the Prophet is quoted as to it as "one of

who transmitted it from Anas, was considered "weak".168

These traditions were on the that the authorities on them,

The historiographical information

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