Beautiful-and-Bad Woman: Media Feminism and the Politics of Its Construction

Author(s): Fang-chih Irene Yang

Source: Feminist Studies, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer, 2007), pp. 361-383
Published by: Feminist Studies, Inc.
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 Woman:
Beautiful-and-Bad
Media Feminism
andthe
ofIts
Politics
Construction

Irene
Fang-chih Yang

Virtuous Womenof thepresent

womenbelongtohistory. are independent
and
beautiful....Somemensaythatthey
donotlove
women
whoarenotbad.

May 2000
-"Bad Girls,"Marie Claire,

IN SHAMPOO COMMERCIALS, NATIONAL BEST-SELLERS, MTV, and

women's magazines, the image of a beautiful-and-bad woman, as

described above, has been touted as the spokeswoman of the new femi
nism in twenty-first century Taiwan. Bazaar's 2001 portrayal of Chang
Hsioa-hung, a well-known Taiwanese feminist activist, offered an
emblematic example of the way this feminist image is used in popular
culture. In an unsigned Bazaar piece, "Out of the Closet: Chang Hsiao
hung's View on Fashion," featured three black-and-white photos of
Chang, demonstrating her elegant appearance and her lifestyle (with
bookcases in the background). The article begins with this introduction:
"Inside our body there exists an unconscious passion for fashion....
Dressed inwhite shirt, long black skirt, and a green scarf,Chang joyfully
talks about 'women's irrational passion for fashion."' In the article, Chang
was quoted as saying: "It is a good thing to like fashion because it brings
me a lot of pleasure. I am not going to feel guilty about it because I am
worth it." As for sexual politics, "men who wear Armani take on a more
feminine aura and women, more masculine. A kind of androgynous
Feminist 33,no. 2 (Summer2007).C 2007byFeministStudies,Inc.
Studies
36I
362 Fang-chih IreneYang

ambiguity is born when one wears Armani." Here, "coming out of the
closet"evokesnot gaypoliticsbut ratherconsumption-the
consumption
of very expensive Western clothing brands as a tool for fighting strict
genderboundaries.1
Chang standsforthebeautiful-and-bad
feminist-beautiful,
because
she cares about her appearance; bad, because through Armani, she asserts
her autonomybybreakinggenderboundaries.This feminism,
with its
emphasis on individualism and consumerism, is built upon the premise
that, as Chen Li-ling in the United Daily News (Taiwan) put it in 1999,
"women have achieved equality in the new times . . . there is no need to
fightagainst male power." This kind of "new times"mentality was echoed
in a Corolla ad in Non-nomagazine inApril 1996,which claimed to end the
gender wars: "Men have freedom and women have independence; they
now live happily hereafter." In other words, the beautiful-and-bad femi
nist uses consumption as a way of achieving harmonious female-male
relationships.2
The figureof the beautiful-and-bad woman as feminist isgrounded in
a particular vision of history that celebrates the end of patriarchy and
women's coming of age. This "feminist" image has emerged out of the
media's construction ofwomen's rightsmovements over the past twenty
years.Through theircoverageof feminist
movementsworldwide,inter
national women's magazines have played a significant role in shaping
popular knowledge about feminism in Taiwan. However, as thesemaga
zines focus on women as consumers, the kind of feminism that is con
structed is necessarily constrained by the logic of global capital. In this
essay, I aim to examine the politics of this construction through the image
of the beautiful-and-bad woman. The material under analysis ismostly
from theTaiwaneseeditionsof international
women'smagazines from
1985 to 2002, including Non-no, Elle, Marie Claire, Cosmopolitan,Vogue, and
Bazaar. Supported by advertisers, they are composed mostly of fashion
spreads, self-help and informative articles, and advertisements. I analyze
those that explicitly engage with feminism or women's movements. I also
supplement my analysis with a discussion of such best-selling books, in
Taiwan, as Beautifuland Bad Women's Key toSuccess,A Manual forWomenWho
Want toBe BeautifulandBad, and Everybody
LovesBad Girlsplus articles from the
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 363

"Women's Page," a supplementary section of the UnitedDaily News, one of

themost widelycirculateddailynewspapersinTaiwan.The "Women's
Page"dealswith theknow-howofconsumptionand familymanagement.
All these texts are designed to help women manage their everyday lives,
including
how toattract
men, achievecareersuccess,and lookfashionable
andpretty.
My argument is that themedia in Taiwan have promoted two images
of feminists
and feminism:
thebeautiful
and thebad.Beautifulfeminism is
groundedin feminine while bad feminismis locatedwithin a
difference
discourseof sameness.
These seeminglycontradictoryrhetorical
strategies
togetherconstructa femalesubject to supportglobalproductionand
consumption. Formsofdifference
other thangenderare ignored.Thus,
the image of the beautiful-and-bad woman makes use of certain elements
from liberal feminism and cultural feminism from the U.S. Second Wave
while labeling its undesirable parts as the Other, or "theWestern Second
Wave." This selective appropriation ofWestern feminism has to be
explained within the larger context of neocolonialism, which sells the
Western lifestyleas local women's redemption from patriarchal oppression
and defines feminism as a personal lifestylechoice, rather than a political
practice. It thus limits feministpolitics to the personal sphere and ignores
ofwomen'smovements.
theheterogeneity
The firstpart of this article offersa history of the relationship between
women's movements and women's magazines in Taiwan. Here, I empha
size the way global capital through international women's magazines has
given rise to the fantasy of the beautiful-and-bad feminist subject. In the
second part, I discuss JoanScott's notion of fantasy to underscore that iden
tity isconstructed through ideological exclusion. The thirdpart of the arti
cle investigates how media feminism is formed along the two axes of sexual
difference and sameness through appropriations from liberal feminism and
cultural feminism. The fourth part uses the translation of "postfeminism"
in Taiwan to illustrate themechanism of ideological inclusion/exclusion in
constructing a beautiful-and-bad feminist fantasy. The fifthpart investi
gates the excluded Other of the fantasy, the "Western Second Wave." The
creation and elimination of thisOther justifies the legitimacy of a man
loving lifestylefeminism conducive to global capitalism. In the finalpart, I
364 Fang-chih
Irene
Yang

discuss the politics of this lifestylefeminism and argue thatmedia feminism

withinthecontextofneocolonialism.
inTaiwanneedstobe theorized

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND:
WOMEN'S MAGAZINES AND WOMEN'S MOVEMENTS
The liftingofmartial law in 1987 aswell as other factors such as the forma
tion of a service economy with women entering into the workplace en
masse, the liberalizing of the economy that opened Taiwan's domestic
market to foreign goods, the lifting of restrictions on foreign-owned
companies,and theenforcement
advertising of intellectual
propertylaw
made itpossible for international women's magazines to come to Taiwan,
changing Taiwan's women's magazine market as well as the content of
the magazines.3 Before then, the political climate was authoritarian and
Women's magazineswere eithersupportedby thestateor
repressive.
censoredtopromotestateideology.
However,despitestrictcensorship,
(underground)magazine publishingallowed a space fordemocratic
movements to flourish. For example, in the early 1980s, the feminist and
democratic Awakening group used magazines to spread their ideas and
raisewomen's consciousness, despite the fact that their publishing house
was constantly raided by the police.4
The liberalization policy adopted in the 1980s as a response to U.S.
pressure to open up Taiwan's market for foreign (mostly U.S.) goods
allowed Western ad agencies such as Ogilvy & Mather, Walter Thomp
J.
son, and Saatchi & Saatchi to take over the market for advertising in
Taiwan. These ad agencies used international women's magazines as
forums to sellWestern goods to women, with one-third to one-half of
these magazines filledwith advertisements from Christian Dior, Lan
c6me, Est6e Lauder, and so on. The power of women as consumers in
Taiwan meant that itwas a lucrative market, and Chinese-language
Ele, Marie Claire, and Bazaar all started to appear in
versions of Cosmopolitan,
bookstores and on newsstands, targeting high school and college
educated, urban, and 20- to 35-year-old young women with consuming
power as their readers. Feminists used these magazines as an outlet for
their activism, writing columns and feature articles or appearing in them
as interviewees.
Fany-chih
Irene
Yang 365

As a particular form of global capital, international women's maga

zines needed to abide by the "international" spirit as set up in theWest;
but they also needed to localize in order to appeal to Taiwan's readers. As
such,most of thearticleswere translatedfromWestern (mostlyU.S.)
editions,withminor adaptationsormoderations thatprovided local
information and context(suchas interviewing
Taiwanesewomen on how
theythinkabout sex).These articleswere supportedby advertisements
thatemphasizedconsumption.
Three statementsfromthe launchingissueofTaiwan's Cosmopolitan
best capture the essence of thesemagazines: "Our readers arewomen who
desire to actualize their potentials.... We emphasize that a woman needs
to have a career and romantic love to be truly happy. . . " and "Our
Chineseeditionemphasizestheenergetic, and inde
active,individualistic,
pendent spiritof theAmerican Cosmopolitan."5
Negotiating the space
between the local and the global, international women's magazines in
Taiwan constructed their target readers as young, urban women with
consumingpowerwho "lovemen, children,
work,and themselves"
and
whose main principle in life is to "keep theiryouth and beauty forever."As
such, international
women's magazines engagedwith issuessuch as
women's independence, and theirsearchforromanticlove
individuality,
and lifestyle-all of which, the magazines suggested, can be obtained
throughconsumption, consumptionofWesterngoods.The
particularly
emphasis on consumerism meant thatwomen's magazines defined femi
nism in a way that stressedwomen's individuality, independence, roman
ticlove,and lifestyle.
Informed by U.S. Second Wave and Western liberal feminism, the
Awakening group adopted strategies that emphasized, on the one hand,
keyWestern feminist ideas by introducing Western texts to the general
public as a form of consciousness raising; on the other, lobbying for legal
reforms. Sociologist Fan Yun has pointed out that the early members'
backgrounds affected their adoption of these two strategies.Most of the
members came from the elite and upper-middle class and were well
educated, with many of them having received aWestern education. This
background also limited their ability to organize grassroots movements as
most of them were unable to communicate with themajority ofwomen.6
366 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

movements in
theparticularhistoryof feminist
This emphasisreflected
Taiwan, beginning with the publication of Lu Hsiu-lien's New Feminismin
the 1970s and the organizing of the Awakening group by Lee Yuan-chen
in the early 1980s.7
The emphasis on legal reforms has since become a major focus of
Taiwan's women's movements. Lacking a critique of how the institution of
heterosexuality structuresinequalityin everysphereofwomen's social
existence,the liberalrhetoric
of independence and equalityin thework
place espoused bymany Taiwanese feminists intersected with themaga
zines'need to sellproducts towomen with consumingpower,usually
working women. Because commercial products forwomen are closely
linked to the culture of romance, romantic love became one of themain
themes ofwomen's magazines. The complicity of liberal feminismwith the
institution enabledwomen'smagazines to talkabout
of heterosexuality
feminism manner. In discussingfeminism
in amale-friendly and feminist
issues, Taiwan's women's magazines always invitedmale celebrities to join
the discussion. In this context, to launch a systematic critique of the insti
tutionofcompulsory becomesalmostimpossible.
heterosexuality
In the 1990s, groupswith objectivesand politicsvery
many feminist
different from the Awakening group emerged. The younger generation's
engagement with sexual politics, particularly lesbianism, and later, sexual
led to the"implosion/explosion"
liberation, of theAwakeninggroup.This
conflict within women's movements can be framed as a debate over the
significance of gender politics versus sexual politics. The sexual libera
tionists saw sexual repression as the root of patriarchy and therefore aimed
to eliminate sexual hierarchy and fight against the anti-sex conservatism
that represses sexual expression, while liberal feminists insisted on the
priority of gender politics over sexual politics in protecting women's rights
ineducation,
property
distribution, and theworkplace.8
politics,
The sexual liberation movements in Taiwan were intimately con
nected with the media. For example, when a 1994 rally against sexual
harassment made women's orgasms a feminist issue, newspapers and
women's magazines enthusiastically engaged with this "feminist orgasm,"
erasing other feminist agendas such as rights to education.9 International
women's magazines adopted a discourse of sexual pleasure to talk about
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 367

women's autonomy and individuality and used it to sell sexual parapher

nalia towomen. They promoted the ideology that power forwomen can
be obtained through sexual satisfaction for both women and men, which
in turncanbe acquiredthrough
consumergoods.'0
As a result of the lack of engagement with gender politics, the sexual
movementwas easilyappropriatedfortheconsumerismthat
liberation
women's magazines advocated.Women's magazines kept on telling
women that to practice a beautiful-woman feminismmeant to be tender,
feminine, and to dress fashionably formen, while to practice a bad
woman feminismmeant holdingon to individuality,
autonomy,and
independence. were shapedby theideaof romanticlove.
Both,however,

FANTASY
As "feminist" thisbeautiful-and-bad
identity, subjectisa fantasy'
feminist
constructed through the ideological filterof global capital. From a post
structuralist perspective, "woman" as an identity category isnot rooted in
biology,but isstrategically
and repeatedly
constructed.
Similarly,"femi
nist" as an identity category is also fabricated over and again by feminists,
and thewriting of feministhistory plays an important role in constructing
this category. In emphasizing the role of history in political mobilization,
Scott proposed that feminist identity is "not somuch a self-evident fact of
history as itwas evidence-from particular and discretemoments in time-of
someone's,somegroup's,effort
to identify
and thereby
mobilizea collectiv
ity."The history of feminism is "a story of discontinuity thatwas repeatedly
sutured by feminist activists ... into a vision of uninterrupted linear succes
sion." Operating as narrative, this ideological fantasy rearranges contradic
tory, incoherent elements diachronically, making them seem like causes
and effects.It "extracts coherence from confusion, reducesmultiplicity into
singularity,and reconciles illicitdesirewith the law." Hence, history should
be seen as "a fantasized narrative that imposes sequential order on other
wise chaotic and contingent occurrences," and it is in the writing of a
fantastichistory that identity ispartially grounded."
The "Other" is central to the constitution of this social ideological fan
tasy.Conceptualizing feministhistory aswritten bywomen's magazines as a
form of fantasy allows us not only to illuminate the narrative specificityof
368 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

thisOther, but to situate itwithin the ideological machine of themedia.

Feminist activism that did not fit into the ideological needs of women's
magazines in Taiwan was allocated to a differentplace (such as "Western"
feminism) and time (such as "tradition"). This facilitated the fabrication of a
consistent
unified, historyas theidentity
feminist base forthenew beauti
ful-and-badwoman. In the next section, I analyze the concept of the beauti
ful-and-badwoman as it isconstructed in international women's magazines
thepoliticsinvolvedintheprocessoffantasy
to illustrate construction.

LIBERAL FEMINISM AND THE BAD WOMAN

The bad-woman feminism thatwomen's magazines constructed had its
roots in the liberal notion of sameness. It advocates that women are
human beings and uses this rhetoric to demand the rights thatwere previ
ously denied to women. The central concern of liberal feminism is
women's right to participation in the public sphere, and liberal feminists in
Taiwan have largely directed their efforts to legal reforms and equal rights
in theworkplace. In the late 1980s and 1990s, feminist groups drafted revi
sions in family law and law for equal rights in the workplace and have
lobbiedfortheirpassageand implementation.
successfully International
women's magazines, because theywere designed for career women, also
focused on public issues such as sexual harassment in the workplace, an
equal rights amendment for theworkplace, and women's political partici
pation. One message thatwas emphasized in themagazines is that equal
opportunity in the workplace is the key to gender equality: "The only
access forwomen to gain independence and hence, to equality between
men and women is to fightfor their rights in theworkplace."12
Women were also advised to "liberate themselves from the burden of
tradition" and claim their "rights to autonomy and individuality." To be
equal tomen, "women need to be independent both mentally and eco
In otherwords,bad-womanfeminismreferred
nomically."13 towomen
who "learn men's rules of game in theworkplace," meaning, women who
adopt traits that are traditionally assigned tomen, such as active, expres
sive,ambitious,competitive,individualistic,
rational,goal-oriented,
and
calculative.'4 For the bad-woman feminist, these traitswere to be applied
not only in theworkplace but also in the realm of love. For example, the
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 369

bad girls'"manual,"Everybody
Loves
BadGirls,
emphasizedthesignificance
of
winningtheman youwant through strategies,
deliberate not throughthe
heart or out of love, but for your own power and pleasure.15 All these
ideaswere legitimatedthroughtheliberalrhetoric
ofgenderequalityand
human rights.
Despite liberalfeminism's
avoidanceofa politicsofsexuality,
women's
magazines adopted the liberal rhetoric of human rights (equal rights) to
sellsexand sexiness.
This strategy
reflected
theemphasisofsomebranches
of thewomen's movement in Taiwan. For example, at the anti-sexual
in 1994,one feminist,
harassmentrallyorganizedbyTaiwan's feminists
Josephine Ho, proclaimed, "We want orgasms, not sexual harassment,"
which immediately drew the attention of themedia, making this slogan
themetonymicfigureforfeminisminpopular culture.16
Ho alsowrote
articles in women's magazines, arguing for a kind of feminism that
enabled women and men to share power through sexual liberation,
emphasizing thatwomen's sexual liberation does not encourage men to
take advantage of women, rather "men get satisfaction and women get
pleasure; they are on equal terms."'7Women's magazines made use of this
liberal rhetoric of equality as human rights and extended the notion of
the right to actively seek sexual pleasure. A typical example of this use of
liberal rhetoric to argue forwomen's right to actively seek sexual pleasure
was an article inMarie Claire in 1993, "Who Decides How to Eat a Cake?" In
this article, Cheng Sing-wei and Chen Chao defined patriarchy as "men
on top,women at the bottom." Because "women's body is the site of femi
nist practice," women should "take over the decision-making power
when having sex" and practice "women on top" in order to achieve
gender equality: "Simply said, seeking sexual pleasure is no longer men's
privilege only."'8 As conceived in liberal feminism-women, likemen, are
also human beings-women now have the right to activelyseek and enjoy
sexualpleasure.
Appropriating the liberal rhetoric of equal rights,women's magazines
constructed a bad-woman feminist subject with masculine traits such as
being active, expressive, and competitive; these traitswere to be expressed
not only in the workplace, but also in the domain of love and sexuality.
However, the use of these traits in the domain of sexuality and love, ironi
370 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

cally, leads the feminist subject back to heterosexual romance. "Bad"

women take on male traits in order to get or keep theirmen, as evidenced
by the titles for best-selling books on "bad girls," "Men Do Not Love
Women Who Are Not Bad," "In Love with Bad Women," "Everybody
Loves Bad Girls," and "Men Are Desperately in Love with Bad Women."19

CULTURAL FEMINISM AND BEAUTIFUL WOMAN

Cultural feminism emphasizes the differences between women and men
(either grounded in biology or in culture) in an effort to revalorize under
valued femaletraits. theoriesand politicsare founded
Cultural feminist
on the concept of the essential female. They are characterized by "deni
gration ofmasculinity rather thanmale roles or practices, by their valori
zation of female traits,and by their commitment to preserve rather than
diminish gender differences."20Because of the emphasis on gaining legal
rights in Taiwan's women's movements, cultural feminism has not been
Taiwaneseliberalfeminists'
popular there;however, acknowl
conciliatory
edgment of women's nature as tender and caring in the private sphere
allowed women's magazines to appropriate from cultural feminism the
notion of femininity as power. Although the aim of cultural feminism in
theWest is often to create a woman-centered culture free of patriarchal
oppression, it can also be used to promote harmonious female-male rela
The beautiful-woman
tionships. feminism
constructedinbothTaiwanese
andWestern popular media stressed the significance ofwomen's feminine
traits-their tenderness and beauty, for example-and maintained that, as
different from and complementary tomen, women should love men in
order to create peaceful and harmonious relationships. For example, in
1986 in "LetMen Be Your Working Companions," published in Non-no, the
unsigned article stated: "Women should make an effort to re-establish a
new value system; that is,we are different frommen but we are as impor
tant; we have to change our system to fitus." In this article, feminists
such asMayfair Yang, Lee Yuan-chen, and Hu Mei-li were presented as
transforming from"angryfeminists"
themselves to feminists
who cared
about "how to get along with men peacefully.""2
This beautiful woman is distinct from the "androgynous" feminist of
the 1980s.Rather than assimilate herself to a male model, she is feminine.
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 371

In a 1997 special issue on "Woman Power" published in Elle,Hu Hui-ming

definedfeminismas follows:"I thinka truefeministshouldaccentuate
becauseher femininetraits
her femininity providea bettervisionforthe
future and are farmore superior and precious; hence, they are better
equippedforthenew times."
Moreover,woman power isflexible
enough
to be "strong and tender at the same time."22
This emphasis on both femininity and feminism was not only taken
up inmedia's definition of feminism,
but also inadvertisements
thatused
femininepower to sellproducts associated
with the "feminist
lifestyle."
An ad forLeftBank coffee illustrated thispoint well:

She is leavingParis again,

(People saywomen should not travelalone)
She bringswith her an unfinishedbook
(Sittingin a caf6by herself)
This isa kind of 6criturefeminine
(She drinks latte... coffeeandmilk, 1:1)
Sweetly tellingus that the second sex does not exist
(The fragranceof coffeeflowsfromher tome, andmore....)
This is the firstday in 1908,women have become the firstsex.
(She isSimone de Beauvoir. We are both travelers,encountering each
other on theLeftBank).23

DespiteBeauvoir'sconceptualization
ofmasculinity/rationality/transcen
dence as an ideal, this ad constructed Beauvoir as a cultural feminist cele
brating femininity as power. Through latte, which functions as the
symbol of femininity and woman power ("1:1" is an expression of her
denial of her secondary status), this ad constructed feminism as a particu
lar lifestyle.The emphasis on her femininity and feminine power allowed
themedia to play with her romantic relationship with Jean-Paul Sartre, as
in another ad forLeftBank coffee on a CD cover: "In the beginning of the
20th century, Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir developed their love here; in
the beginning of the 21st century, you and Imeet here under the shadow
and light of the riverbank."24
Women's magazines introduced Beauvoir as "the foremother of femi
nism in theworld" whose major contribution in The SecondSexwas to claim
that "men and women are equal, women should not be men's slaves."
372 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

However, as a 1986 editorial in Non-no claimed, "itwas Sartre who enlight

ened her to these ideas and made her into an independent woman."25 The
understanding of Beauvoir as a feministwho is indebted tomen, with an
emphasis on her romantic relationship with Sartre, enabled many advertis
ers to construct her as the representative of a "feminist" lifestyle-a coffee
drinker, a literary figure, and in particular, a lover and a traveler. She is
seen as the embodiment of "Paris"-the city of "fashion," "arts, literature,
and culture,""romance,"and "leisure"inTaiwan's society.26
As such,Left
Bank Coffee ads, along with many others, used Beauvoir to sell "feminist"
aspirations-to travel to Paris (hence, breaking away from local patriarchy)
for enlightenment on feminism and romantic love. These advertisements,
placed largely inwomen's magazines as well as other media, presented
feminism as a particular lifestylerather than as a form of political activism.
Thus, liberal feminism and cultural feminism in theTaiwanese media were
linked through a shared emphasis on heterosexual romance. The beauti
ful-and-bad woman is at the same time strong, competitive, and active, but
also feminine, beautiful, and tender. Her power in the workplace and in
bed comes from her femininity,which requires the consumption of fash
ion and cosmetics. The "and" in beautiful-and-bad woman suggests that
women are differentfrom, but also equal to,men as human beings; hence,
they lovemen but are not subordinated to them.

TRANSLATINGPOSTFEMINISM
The production of the image of the beautiful-and-bad feminist was
achieved through the creation and masking of the Other. Iwill use the
example of postfeminism as it appeared in Taiwanese culture to illustrate
how an "ideologically correct"postfeminismwas made legitimate
through a process of devaluation and exclusion of theOther, in this case,
"theWestern Second Wave." The term "postfeminism" has been used to
mean different things in the contemporary context. The three most
commonly used definitions are: (1) "The era after second-wave feminism,
that is, the 1980s and particularly the 1990s-in other words, our present
context"; (2) "Postfeminism signifies the backlash against feminism";
particularly referring to the phenomenon that many young women
believe that there is no need for feminism because women have achieved
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 373

equality;and (3) "A usefulconceptualframeof reference encompassing

theintersectionof feminism with a numberofotheranti-foundationalist
movements includingpostmodernism, and postcolo
poststructuralism
nialism(following Here, I adopt theseconddefinition
L.S.Kim)."27 when
talkingaboutpostfeminism.
In the early 1990s,popular media in theUnited States proclaimed the
death of feminism and the coming of an age of "postfeminism" with the
publicationofReneDenfeld'sTheNewVictorians
(1995)andChristinaHoff
Sommers's Who Stole Feminism?(1994). These two books were written by
young,white,well-educatedwomen who positionedthemselves within
feminist
movementsand soughtto resolvea perceivedcrisisin feminism.
Inpromotingthetranslatedversionsof thesebooks,Taiwanesewomen's
magazines and major newspapers not only published excerpts but also
reviewedthesebooks.28 ExcerptsfromTheNewVictorians and WhoStole
Feminism? inwomen'smagazines are especiallyusefulforexaminingthe
politicsof translation.
An excerpt from Who StoleFeminism?
was published inTaiwan in the Feb
ruary issue ofMarie Claire, 1996.The title reads: "Women Who Are Paranoid:
Who Are ProvokingWomen toHate Men?" and the lead-in reads:

Feminism isnot a bad thing,but when a group of fanaticalwomen claim

ing to representallwomen are promoting the idea thatmen are persecut
ingwomen, then there'sa problem.... Sommers wishes to do awaywith
the distorted image ofwomen as victims; she wants to reshape and re
balance a harmonious men-women relationship.29

In the excerpt, Sommers accuses feminists from the Second Wave such as
Gloria Steinem and Naomi Wolf of using false statistics to construct a
myth of female victims and male oppressors. She claims that these "angry
and hateful" gender feminists have alienated women from feminism
because of their anti-male attitude.
Similarly, in July 1995, Elle introduced Denfeld's The New Victoriansto
its readers, pointing out that the victim myth and "anti-men" feminism
are to be confined to the past. In July 1997,Marie Claire used the title "Can
Feminists Love Men?" to introduce excerpts from TheNew Victorians.
These
excerpts make the same point: that Second Wave feminists have practiced
374 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

anti-male sexism in the name of feminism; that "fake feminists," such as

Catharine MacKinnon, are promoting separatism in claiming that hetero
sexuality is the cause of oppression in our society; and that this kind of
man-hating feminism can only make women feel estranged from the
movement.30
Both of theexcerptsthatthesemagazinespublishedcaricaturethe
1960s and 1970swomen's movements as an out-of-date, separatist,man
hating feminism that isnot relevant tomodern Taiwan. After all,women's
magazines claimed, women are stillwomen; in addition to gender equality,
women stillwant to be good wives and good mothers. However, itwas only
througha processof exclusion,over-simplification,
andmisreadingthat
theWestern Second Wave could be constructed as "old" and "separatist."
As Debora Siegelargued,througha "rhetoric
of repossession"
thesepost
feminists
obstructanydialogueby first
dichotomizing feminism intotwo
camps-such as equality feminism versus gender feminism and power femi
nism versus victim feminism-and then by claiming that they themselves
are on the "good" side of feminism. This dichotomizing requires postfemi
nists to construct "feminist history as the story of a product rather than
that of a process" and to adopt a "metonymic view of the second wave, in
which a part of second wave activity is substituted for thewhole."'31
After all, there is no one feminism, but feminisms, and they are
marked by contradictions and different voices. In theorizing heterosexu
ality,Denfeld is right to point out that there are some radical feminists
who see heterosexuality as a tool of patriarchy. Such feminists in the
United States have conceptualized heterosexuality as an institution
sustained and reproduced, inChris Weedon's words, "through the expro
priation ofwomen's sexuality and theirprocreative and labor power," and
they have argued that heterosexuality is systematically imposed on
women via wide-ranging forms of mental and physical violence. This
view, however, is also challenged by many feminists,who disagree with
the view that heterosexual women are colonized subjects, pointing out
that such a position leaves little room for positive engagements with
hold amore productive,inmy
These other feminists
heterosexuality.
opinion, position, positing a notion of heterosexuality as an institution
that points to the social nature of heterosexuality, enabling many femi
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 375

nists to analyzehow heterosexualityismateriallyproduced througha

These different
varietyof discursive.practices.32 positionsand complex
ways of analyzingheterosexualityare erased inpostfeminism'sbifurca
tion of feminism into new and old. However, in the context of a sensa
media, theirviewsare constructed,
tionalist marketed,and receivedas
of theviewsof theentireyoungergenerationin theWest,33
representative
publishingsystemthesepostfeminist
and througha profit-driven views,
along with their stereotypes about the Second Wave, are translated into
Taiwan'scontext.
In TheScandal LawrenceVenutipointedout thattransla
ofTranslation,
tion is domestication. In order for local readers to understand a foreign
text, translators are required to use languages and concepts that their read
ers are already familiarwith; they even have to invoke stereotypical images
to rewrite the translated texts.Consequently, texts, in the process of trans
lation,are decontextualizedto conformtodomesticideology.Hence,
translation involves selection and exclusion, and in this process, it also
constructs a subject thatmatches the demands of the dominant society.-,
The translation of postfeminism in the Taiwanese context, with its repudi
ation of anti-male, victim feminism, conforms to the ideology of beautiful
and-bad-woman feminism thatwomen's magazines promote-a feminism
that privilegeswomen's desire for independence, power, and romance. The
process of selection excludes any SecondWavers' views thatmight
threaten the institution of heterosexuality as well as Third Wavers'
critiques of the depoliticization of postfeminism. Despite the proliferation
ofmultiple voices from the younger generation engaging with the Second
Wave in theWest, their voices are absent from Taiwan's media. Post
feminists' fear ofman-hating, victim feminism appeals tomajority feelings
about feminism in Taiwan. As such, postfeminism is constructed as the
most appropriate feminism for Taiwan: "we do not need revolutionary
theory.... Through postfeminism, we only need to be conscientious and
adjustour individual
constantly lifestyles."35

FEMINISM'S OTHER
This Taiwanese postfeminism, however, depends on aman-hating stereo
type of theWestern Second Wave, as the Other constructed in Taiwan's
 376 Fan1-chih
Irene
Yang

popular imagination since the translation of feminism to Taiwan in the

1970s. Edward Said's notion of "a structure of reference and attitude"
provides a way to detect theOther of thisTaiwanese feminist fantasy. Said
pointed out that the image of a distanced Other can be traced across
different This imageissometimescarefully
texts. and sometimesambigu
ouslyconstructed,
but it isgroundedinsharedattitudesand structures.36
Stereotypes in the U.S. media of Second Wave feminists as "bra-burners"
and "man-haters" who are "sexually deviant" and "against family values,"
which were circulating in Taiwan in the 1970s, challenged even Lu to
claim a "local" character for her "new feminism," despite the fact that
New Feminism
was influenced bymany keyWestern liberal thinkers.Unlike
Western feminism, Lu claimed, Taiwan's "new feminism" promoted
family harmony and was against sexual promiscuity. And in the 1990s,
women's magazines and other forms of media invoked "the Western
Second Wave," as a geographically distanced Other and assigned it to the
past to justify the creation of a beautiful-and-bad-woman feminism in
Taiwan,despitetheirborrowingfromculturalfeminism
and liberalfemi
nism-both of them part of the U.S. Second Wave-in articulating a beauti
ful-and-bad feminist subject, for example, in statements such as this: "In
ordertomaintainharmonious,cooperativerelationships
withmen, some
feminists
havechangedfromtheiranti-chauvinist, foropposi
'opposition
tion's sake' feminist attitudes to fighting for equality. This new kind of
feminism ismore relevant to our society and our times."37
The construction of aWestern Other should be seen as a negotiation
between the local site and global capitalism, as global capital penetrates
the local.Althoughwomen'smagazines appropriate
elementsfromthe
Western Second Wave in articulating a "local" beautiful-and-bad feminist
subject, only its unwanted elements are identified as coming from the
West. This selective appropriation, with its creation and elimination of
man-hating feminism as itsOther, reflectsglobal capitalism's need to use
heterosexual romance to facilitate consumption.
The need for consumerism directs women's magazines to focus on
withinamale-friendly
individualimages framework
when talkingabout
feminismwithout getting into feminist politics or practices. For example,
an interview with Chang Yi-yun, a feminist legal scholar, which was
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 377

published inMarie ClaireinFebruary1996,was entitled: "WillSmart

Women Scare Men Away?" And in a 1995 special issue on the history of
feministactivism, MarieClaireinterviewed male celebritiesto talkabout
theirideasofwhat feminists look likeand caricaturedthemintodifferent
types.In anotherarticlein thesame issue,themagazine used the title:
"WhoSaysTheyAreAll Bitches?" Of course,theyalso featuredbeautiful
picturesof feminists such as LeeYuan-chen andChang Hsiao-hung to
provethatnot all feministslook like"bitches."m
The imperativeforconsumption thatgoverns the contents of
women'smagazinesmeans thatmany feminist eventsare erasedfrom
view.One significant piece of feministhistory, which gets erased in
women'smagazines, is the labormovement-forexample, theprotest
organizedbysexworkersthattookplace inTaiwan in 1997.Facedwith the
citygovernment's suddendecisiontooutlawprostitution, many sexwork
ers,with thesupportof theFemaleWorkersAllianceAssemblyLine,Pink
came forwardand protested,
Collar Alliance, and sexual liberationists,
demandingtheirrightstowork and livefreefrompoliceharassment and
This protest
exploitation. marked an important chapterin thehistoryof
feministactivisminTaiwan,withmany feminists with thisissue
engaging
inmajor newspaper forums as well as in academic journals and books. In
fact,thiseventhighlightedthedivisionofTaiwanesewomen'smovements
intotwocamps-thepro-prostitution camp (the sexualliberationists)
and
theanti-prostitution
camp (the liberalfeminists)-with lotsofbad feelings
involved. Evennow, thisissuestilltakesup a significant
amountof schol
arlyattentionin feministwork inTaiwan.However,unlike the issueof
sexual harassment, which is treated inwomen's magazines as a lifestyle
issue-thatis,itcan be eliminatedthrougha changeofdressand interper
sonal behavior-the subject of sex work has never been discussed on a
"woman's page" in newspapers, but is treated as a social problem. And of
course, it is absent fromwomen's magazines. This absence has a lot to do
with the fact that prostitutes (those who have a license to do sexwork) and
their demands forwork do not conform towomen's magazines' attempts
to sell amiddle-class lifestyle.
The sexworkerswhose livesweremost
affected by theoutlawingofprostitution
werewomen in theirfortiesand
who used sexwork tosupporttheirchildrenor
with littleeducation,
fifties
378 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

Although thedecriminalization
pay offfamilydebts.39 of sexwork does
supportwomen'smagazines'endorsement of sexualliberation,
theimages
of thesexworkersas poor, lower-class,
hard-working women-theirfaces
coveredwith rural-style
scarvesand farmers'
hatsand theirbodiesdressed
inplainclothes-deviatedfromtheglamorouslifestyle thatthemagazines
aim to sell.Moreover, thisprotest was articulated in terms of class antago
nismand struggle.
The citygovernment's
outlawingofprostitution
was
seen as part of the project of building Taipei into a global, middle-class city
throughtheimposition ofmiddle-classsexual/moral standards.Feminists
who supported outlawingprostitution were labeled
middle-classfeminists,
asopposedtosexualliberationists who stoodwithoppressed workers.40The
protest'semphaseson classantagonism andon sexwork asworkdidnot fit
intowomen'smagazines'need forglamorousconsumerism; as such,they
were eliminated fromthebeautiful-and-bad feminist
fantasy.
This silenceon laborpracticesin international women'smagazines
echoeswhat Carol Stabileobservedinher case studyonNike. She argued
thattherhetoric inadvertising
of socialresponsibility concealsexploitative
laborpracticesat thesiteofproductioninorder topersuadeconsumers
thatconsumptionisan idealmeans forthemtoexperiencetheiridentities
as liberal,sociallyresponsible In thesameway,women'smaga
citizens.4'
zines' erasure of sites of production and exploitation allows them to
constructa liberal,independent,pleasure-seeking feminist whose
figure
ultimateaim isempowerment throughconsumption.
Thismedia feminism turnsfeminist politicsinto lifestyle
politicsand
transformsthemeaningof thefeminist slogan,"thepersonalispolitical,"
into"thepoliticalispersonal."AsBonnieDow commented,"Thepolitical
ispersonal, it tells us, as a set of political ideas is transformed into a set of
in turn,isdefinedby appearance,by job,
attitudesand personallifestyle,
by marital status and by personality, not by political belief or political
practice."42 politicsisconflated
When feminist with lifestyle,
thefocusof
feminist activism is shifted to the notion of choice. To choose to be a femi
nist or not has come tomean whether a woman wants to adopt the
lifestyle that a feminist is supposed to have, not whether she engages in
politicsorpractices.
feminist
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 379

MONEY, SEX, AND POWER

This lifestyle
feminism,as articulatedthroughthefigureof thebeautiful
and-badwoman, echoesRita Felski'sanalysisof the "money,sex,and
power" fictiongenre. Felskipointed out that the "money, sex, and
power"novel alwaysuses a beautifuland sexy woman as theprotagonist
and describeshow she consumesmen and name-brandcommodities,
thusachievingcareersuccess.43 In connecting
women's powerwith her
consumingpractices,thisgenre subvertsthedevaluationtraditionally
attachedtowomen and consumption. Women's skillsin consumption
becomeessentialresourcesforhereconomicsuccess.The "culturalfemi
nizationofwork," thatis,theemphasison feminine aestheticsand femi
nine skillsin theworkplace,is linkedto therefashioningofgenderand
shouldbe seen as havingpositiveimplications forchanginggenderrela
tionsforwomen.
Although Felski ishesitant in claiming thatwomen gain agency
throughtheconsumptionofbrand-namecommodities,she does point
out thatthegenderhybridity promotedin the"money,sex,and power"
genreshouldbe situated withinpreviousrepresentations of femininity
as
well aswithin the increasing of
feminization/aestheticizationcultureand
workplacein latecapitalism.First
World feminists
who aresympathetic to
postfeminism pointout thatit is important
forfeministstoacknowledge
theimproving economicsituationinwhich theyoungergeneration grew
up and, hence, thechange in theirattitudestowardgenderrelations.44
However,rereadingtheempiricaldata collectedbyLindaMcDowell, Lisa
Adkinsarguesthattheculturalfeminization ofwork doesnot necessarily
bring about the breakdown of traditional gender relations. Rather, it
"concerns the emergence of a new idealworker figured in terms ofmobil
in relationtogenderperformance
ityand flexibility atwork."Contraryto
Felski'sconclusionthatthenew economyoffers"money,sex,andpower"
forwomen, Adkins points out that it ismen who can be more flexible in
theirgenderperformances areoffered
and, therefore, betteropportunities
in theworkplace. Forwomen, playing"masculine" isusuallynot an
option; the traditionalmeanings of femininity still limitwomen in terms of
ingenderperformances.
theirflexibility Moreover, awoman worker's
feminine performance isnot recognized as performance or effortbut as her
380 Irene
Fang-chih Yang

naturalfeminine of her feminine

skills.The misrecognition performance
as natural decreases the possibility of her advances inwork.45
The Armani feminism or latte feminism advocated in Taiwan's inter
nationalwomen'smagazinesalsohas tobe contextualized
withinneocolo
nialisminwhich global capital (embodiedinmultinationaladvertising
agencies and international women's magazines), with the help of (U.S.)
state power, dissolves national boundaries in search of global subjects of
consumption. The fascinationwith Western commodities as a tool to liber
ation, especially liberation from local/traditional patriarchy, has its roots in
imperialism. According to Radhika Parameswaran's analysis of global
media's representations of globalization, global media such as NationalGeo
women'smagazinesareconstructed
and,Iwould add,international
graphic
as "benevolent in themodernization
participants" of theThirdWorld:

canvas on global culture,multinationals ... are conjoined to

In Geographic's
progressive agendas of non-Western women's empowerment. The logic
underlying Geographic'svision of corporate America as agents of Asian
women's liberationfrom theiroppression by domestic Indian corporations
morphs into a modern manifestation of colonial discourses that also
projected the ideology ofWestern culture as the savior of non-Western
women who endured the abuses of their"barbaricculture."46

Armani feminism
Situating within thecontextofneocolonialism-as
articulated in Gayatri Spivak's "white men saving brown women from
brown men"47-provides insight into the unequal relationships between
theWest and the East, and it further points to the ways inwhich media
feminism in the periphery should be theorized. The articulation of the
West as advanced, modern, and civilized and the East as primitive, tradi
tional, and barbaric assigns the distanced Other to another place, in the
past.Women's magazines in Taiwan largely rely on this discourse to artic
ulate theirnew media feminism.
However, because of the need of global media to localize, Western
feminism is translated in quite contradictory ways in Taiwan. As my
analysis shows, the Second Wave in theWest is stereotyped to show its
inappropriateness forTaiwan's culture and is simultaneously relegated to
the past. This rhetoric is similar to postfeminist rhetoric in popular media
 Irene
Fang-chih Yang 38I

in theUnited States.Through international women's magazines, this

postfeminism also ispresentedinTaiwan as "goodWesternfeminism" and
hence,"our feminism." However,thisappreciation ofa
and appropriation
"good"Western feminism-afeminismthataims topromote thecon
sumptionofglobalcommodities-should be situated
withina neocolonial
context,a contextinwhich, as thepreviousdiscussionshows,Taiwan is
forcedtoopen up itsmarket to foreign goods,and international
women's
magazines,with thesupportofmultinationalad agencies, becomeagents
in fulfillingthemission of shapinga femalesubjectof consumption
neededbyglobalcapital.

NOTES
The author wishes to thank the National Science Council for funding this project. She

expresses her to the FeministStudies collective and the anonymous reviewers for
gratitude
their invaluable comments as well as Naifei Teri and in
Ding, Silvio, particular, Peter
Kang, for their generosity and intellectual input.

1. "Out of the 'Closet': View on Fashion," Bazaar, June 2001, 163;

Hsiao-hung Chang's
162-63.
2. Chen United Daily News, "New Era forMen and Women, Need to
Li-ling, Why the
Attack Male Power?" 28 Dec. 1999, sec. A, 15; Corolla advertisement, Non-no, April
1996,25.
3. See Irene Yang, Women's in Taiwan," in
Fang-chih "Internationalizing Magazines
Women in theNew Taiwan: Gender Roles and Gender Consciousness in a Changing Society, ed.
Catherine Farris, Anru Lee, and Murray Rubinstein (New York: M.E. Sharpe, 2004),
120-49.
4. See Ya-ge Wang, The History ofWomen's LiberationMovements in Taiwan (Taipei: Jyu-liu
Publishing, 1999), 66.
5. Helen Gurley Brown, "Walking into theWorld of Cosmo," Cosmopolitan,October 1989,
6; Wu Li-ping, "We Are Writing Women's History," editorial, Cosmopolitan, August
1990, 4; and Brown, "Walking into theWorld of Cosmo."
6. Fan Yun, "The Women's Movements in Taiwan's Political Transition: An Approach
on the Biographical Taiwanese
Focused Backgrounds of Activists," Sociology 5
(2003):133-94.
7. "From to Studies in
See Ku Yan-ling, Transplantation Growing Roots: Women's
Taiwan, 1985-1995," Women's in
Modern China 4 241-68.
History (1996):
8. Ku "The Transformation of Sexual Politics in Taiwan's Women's Move
Yan-ling,
no. 1 (1997): 87-118; Lin
ments," Thought and Speech, 35, Fang-mei, "Investigating Media
382 Irene
Fany-chih Yang

and Taiwan's Women'sMovements from the Perspectives of the New Social

Movements," Wai Literary 26, no. 2 75-97.

Chung Monthly (1997):
9. "Erotic Liberation or Sexual Liberation?" Awakening 149 (1994): 13
Chang Hsiao-hung,
14.
10. For more on
this topic, see my "International Women's Magazines and the
Production of Sexuality in Taiwan, "Journal ofPopular Culture 37, no. 3
(2004): 544-69.
11. Joan Scott, "Fantasy Echo: History and the Construction of Identity," Critical
Inquiry27
no. 2 287; 286-87; 289; 290. For a more detailed account of social
(2001): ideological
see Slavoi Zizek, The
fantasy and the "Other," Plague of Fantasies (London: Verso, 1997);
and Sean Homer, "The Frankfurt School, the Father, and the Social Fantasy," New
Formations38 (Summer 1999): 78-90.
12. Tu Hsiu-rei, "Women's Rights in theWorkplace," Non-no,May 1994, 226-28.
13. "How to Women's Power?" Non-no, December 1985, 82-87.
Fight for
14. Luhan, "How to Be the Charming Bad Woman," in The Charming
Office Lady (Taipei:
Ling-yang Publications, 2005), 107-14.
15. Ailin, Every Body Loves Bad Girls (Taipei: Bei-ji-xing Publicatons, 2004). See also, Men Do
Not LoveWomen Who Are Not Bad (Taipei: Adison Publications, 2004).
16. "Erotic Liberation"; Lin, "Investigating Media and Taiwan's Women's
Chang,
Movements."
17. Josephine Ho, "Does Women's Sexual Liberation Benefit Men More?" Cosmopolitan,
January 1995, 36.
18. Chen Sing-wei and Chen Chao, "Who Decides How to Eat a Cake?" Marie Claire,
July
1993, 103.
19. Ailin, Men Do Not LoveWomen Who Are Not Bad; Ailin, Every Body Loves Bad Girls; Chang

Yun, Men Are Desperately inLove withBad Women (Taipei: Da Guan Publications, 2002).
20. Linda Alcoff, "Cultural Feminism versus Post-structuralism," in The Second Wave, ed.
Linda Nicholson
(New York: Routledge, 1997), 332, 334.
21. "LetMen Be Your Good Working Companions," Non-no, July 1986, 66.
22. Hu Hui-man, Elle, special issue on "Woman Power," November 1997, 141.
23. Left Bank coffee advertisement, Vivi, June 2000.
24. CD cover, Rendez Vous: QuintettoAccento & Farfarello,produced by Jingo Records.
25. "Salute to Simone de Beauvoir!" Non-no, May 1986, editorial, 6.
26. "The Trip of Culture to Paris,"
www.taiwanl23.com.tw/paris/default/htm.
27. See L.S. Kim, "'Sex and the Girl' in Postfeminism: The FWord on Television,"
Single
Television andNew Media 2, no. 4 (2001): 321.
28. Rene Denfeld, The New Victorians, trans. Si-han Liu Cultural
(Taipei: Triumph [Zhi-ku]
Publications, and Christina Hoff Sommers, Who Stole Feminism?trans. Shuren Wu
1997);
(Taipei: Zheng-Zhung Books, 1996).
29. "WomenWho Are Paranoid: Who Are Provoking Women to Hate Men?" Marie Claire,

February 1996, 101.

30. Chou Min, New Books: The New Victorians," Elle, July 1995, 104; "Can
"Introducing
Feminists Love Men?" Marie Claire, July 1997, 124.
Fang-chih
Irene
Yang 383

31. Debora between the Waves: Feminist Historiography in a

Siegel, "Reading
'Postfeminist' Moment," in ThirdWave ed. Leslie and Drake
Agenda, Heywood Jennifer
(Minnesota: Minnesota University Press, 1997), 59.
32. Chris Weedon, Feminism,Theory, and thePolitics ofDifference (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 21;
40-46.
33. theWaves," 65.
Siegel, "Reading between
34. Lawrence Venuti, The Scandal of Translation: Toward an Ethics of York:
Difference (New
77.
Routledge, 1998),
35. Sun Kang, "New Choice: My View on Contemporary Feminism in the United

States," UnitedDaily News, 6 Dec. 1995, sec A, 7.

36. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism(New York: Vintage, 1994), 52.
37. "Non-no versus
Wang Yan," Non-no, November 1988, 14.
38. "Will Smart Women Scare Men Away?" Marie Claire, February 1996, 79-82; "Who Says
Are All Bitches?" Marie Claire,March 1995,106-8.
They
39. Taipei Ri-Ri-Chuen Association pamphlet, 1998 World Action Forum Sex Workers Rights
for
(Taipei: Taipei Ri-Ri-Chuen Association, 2000).
40. Female Workers Alliance Assembly Line and Pink Collar Alliance, "The Middle Class
that Looks Down upon the Poor and the Prostitutes: The Taipei City Government
that Persecutes the Poor and the Prostitutes," in 5ex Work: From thePerspectives Sex
of
WorkersRights, ed. Josephine Ho (Taipei: Jui-liu Publication, 2000), 183-87.
41. Carol Stabile, "Nike, Social Responsibility, and the Hidden Abode of Production,"
Media Communication17, no. 2 (2000): 186-204.
Critical Studies in
42. Bonnie Dow, Prime-Time Feminism:Television,Media Culture, and theWomen's Movement since
1970s 209.
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996),
43. Rita Felski, "Judith Krantz, Author of 'The Cultural Logics of Late Capitalism,'"
Women: A Cultural Review 8, no. 2 (1997): 129-42.
44. See Janice Winship, "Women Outdoors," International Cultural Studies 3, no.l
Journal of
an
(2000): 27-54, for example of this perspective.
45. Lisa Adkins, "Cultural Feminization: 'Money, Sex, and Power' forWomen," Signs 26,
no. 3
(2001): 691.
46. Radhika "Local Culture in Global Media: and
Parameswaran, Excavating Colonial
Material DiscoursesinNational Geographic," CommunicationTheory 12,no. 3 (2002): 309-10.
47. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?" inMarxism and theInterpretation
and Lawrence Grossberg (Urbana: University of Illinois
of Culture, ed. Cary Nelson
Press, 1988), 271-316.