africa

Q U A R T E R L Y
Volume 47, No. 3
Aug-Oct 2007

Idea Of A
United Africa
! Transition to an African Government

A F R I C A
! Paradigm for a United States of Africa
" ALSO in the issue:
! Say India in Sudan
! Roots of the Darfur crisis
! In Conversation: Lt. General J.S. Lidder

Q U A R T E R L Y

Indian Council for Cultural Relations

Azad Bhavan
Indraprastha Estate
New Delhi-110 002
E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com
Registered with the Registrar of Newspapers of India
Regd No. 14380/61
I N D I A N C O U N C I L F O R C U LT U R A L R E L A T I O N S
 africa
Q U A R T E R

Indian Journal of African Affairs

L Y

Volume 47 No. 3, August-October 2007

INDIAN COUNCIL FOR CULTURAL RELATIONS

NEW DELHI
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

contents
IN FOCUS: MOVING TOWARDS
A UNITED AFRICA
18
Africa needs a self-reliant Pan-African plan of action and
vision in order to tackle its historical disabilities. The
solution to a united Africa lies in strengthening and
widening the compass of Pan-Africanism, says
Professor K. Mathews

30
AFRICAN SOLUTION: THE TRANSITION
TOWARDS A UNION
GOVERNMENT OF AFRICA
The problems of Africa cannot be solved in an isolated
way. There is a strong need to include African citizens in
the debates leading up to the formation of a Union
Government of Africa, says Tim Murithi

46
UNITED STATES OF AFRICA:
A PARADIGM
FRAMEWORK OF AN AFRICAN
UNION GOVERNMENT
An African Union study lays down a blueprint
for such a confederacy and how it could be
given institutional expression through the
shared values, interests and ancestry
that infuse the idea that Africa is.
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

56
BILATERAL TIES:
SAY INDIA IN SUDAN
Manish Chand writes about the signs
of change in the Sudanese
capital Khartoum as Africa’s largest
country embarks on a modernisation
drive and turns eastwards — to
India, in particular, with whom it
shares some enduring political
and cultural affinities.

52 ECONOMIC UNITY: COMESA for Peace,

Security and Development
The trade body needs to persuade member-states to respect
international and mutual peace agreements, and help initiate
a positive environment in the region, says Suresh Kumar.

62 IN CONVERSATION: Lt. General Jasbir

Singh Lidder

59 WAGING PEACE: ROOTS OF THE

DARFUR CRISIS
Manish Chand reflects on the festering conflict in
Darfur between settled farmers and nomads over
the region’s limited resources of land and water
and finds out that there are no black and white
answers to the ongoing violence
in Sudan’s western province.
The force commander of the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS) talks
about the good work Indian troops have been doing in the Arab-
dominated north and black-dominated south of the country.
36 BUILDING BLOCKS: Need for
regional cooperation
The future of regional cooperation in Africa and the rest of the
developing world is closely linked with the future of international
cooperation, says Sonu Trivedi

64 BOOKS & IDEAS

68 DOCUMENTS
78 CONTRIBUTORS
INCREDIBLE INDIA: ANDAMAN AND
NICOBAR ISLANDS
76
Known as ‘Emerald Isles’, the Andaman and Nicobar
islands are a traveller’s delight. Once a forbidden
land, this conglomeration of 572 islands is famous for
its marine life, pristine white beaches and palm-frilled
coasts. It is the near-perfect haven for snorkelling,
scuba diving and trekking.
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

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Africa Quarterly
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6 August-October 2007

■ From the Editor’s Desk
One Africa, many dreams…
A
frica’s quest for unity and solidarity
among its 53 countries is an old dream
that is constantly finding newer forms and
advocates. The idea of a ‘United States of
Africa’ is a radical project that goes back to
Afro-American poet Marcus Garvey’s radiant vision encap-
sulated in his eponymous poem where he sings eloquently
of “Motherland most bright, divinely fair!/ State in perfect
sisterhood united.”
Garvey’s ideas flowered into the Pan-Africanist move-
ment revolving around a sense of solidarity aimed at empow-
ering African people regardless of tribe, language, religion or
nationality. In 1945, the Fifth Pan-African Congress in
Manchester, England, attended by iconic leaders and intel-
lectuals like W.E.B. Du Bois, Patrice Lumumba, George
Padmore, Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah, fleshed out
the idea and made it a rallying cry for the broader political
and economic emancipation of the continent.
More than eight decades since Garvey celebrated the
innate unity of the African continent and its people, the idea
of one Africa has undergone many reincarnations. The
African Union, created in 2002 in Durban to succeed the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) that was born over
four decades earlier, is the latest embodiment of the quest for
African unity and political will to create one geopolitical and
economic entity that can occupy its legitimate place on the
world’s high table.
The idea of the USA, on the lines of the United States of
America and the European Union, found a strong advocate
in Libyan leader Muammar al-Gaddafi. His ideas were
actively debated at the AU summit at Sirte in Libya and at
Accra in June this year.
The vision of a united Africa is a powerful and stirring
one, with enormous consequences for the balance of power
in the world, but it has remained primarily a talking point
among the intellectual and political elite in the continent.
Some have tended to dismiss the idea as utopian while oth-
ers have seen in it a final solution to myriad problems afflict-
ing the continent. This edition of Africa Quarterly explores the
contours of the idea of a ‘Union of African States’ and what
it could mean for the continent and the world.
Scholar Tim Murithi is the ideal person to offer us an
insight into the provenance of African unity and some of the
contradictions that stalk this grand vision. In his article,
Murithi traces the roots of the idea to the tradition of Pan-
Africanism and argues for putting people and not politicians
or geopolitical calculations at the heart of this unifying pro-
ject. “The objective behind the US of Africa should not be
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
primarily one of increasing the level of global competitive-
ness of the continent. Rather, the primary focus should be
on improving the livelihood of the African people as a
whole,” he writes.
K. Mathews traces the historical evolution of the idea of
an “integrated, peaceful and prosperous Africa” and finds
powerful arguments to anchor this vision in reality. “Without
creating a strong, democratic, independent and self-reliant
‘New Africa’, the continent will continue to remain an easy
prey to the penetration of external economic and strategic
interests,” says Mathews, who has been following the evolu-
tion of African unity for decades. “Africans are one people and
have one destiny regardless of the artificial boundaries creat-
ed by the Europeans. Africa is one and indivisible as you can-
not divide the sea or the running water of a river,” he writes.
Sonu Trivedi and Suresh Kumar turn their gaze towards
regional economic communities that could form building
blocks of the grand edifice of a united Africa. Besides enhanc-
ing the economic weight of Africa through the creation of a
common economic market, sub-regional groupings can “play
the role of harmonising inter-regional conflicts and trade
disputes so as to further the ultimate goal of a larger and a
deeper integration process,” Trivedi writes. Likewise,
COMESA, which connects the eastern and southern parts
of the African continent, writes Kumar, can spur regional
unity through market forces. These eloquent analyses only
go to prove that the idea of one Africa is not just a pipedream,
but an idea that is slowly but surely inching towards fruition.
African unity, political, economic and cultural integration
of the continent, could be a boon to stronger ties between
India and Africa. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
unveiled a robust vision for India-Africa ties during his recent
visit to Nigeria in which he outlined how India can spur the
development and resurgence of Africa as an economically
vibrant region with a place in the UN Security Council. At
the IBSA summit in October, he amplified this vision to
include better connectivity between India, South Africa and
Brazil — the three powerhouses of Asia, Africa and South
America. This enhanced global integration of Africa, some
would argue, underscores the need for greater African unity
and collective bargaining at international fora. The idea of a
federation of sovereign states of Africa, therefore, acquires a
new resonance. As Africa engages in a renewed quest for
unity, it will do well to hark back to the uplifting words of
Ethiopian poet Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin. “Let us unite to give
the best we have to Africa, the cradle of mankind./ Let us
make Africa the Tree of Life!”
Manish Chand
7
 N E W S & E V E N T S

Nigeria and India

FORGE closer ties
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Nigeria, the first by an Indian
Prime Minister in 45 years, has assumed great significance since it will
help broadbase ties between the two countries, says Manish Chand

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh with

Nigerian President Umaru Yar’Adua

I
ndia’s ties with Nigeria, Africa’s largest
oil producing country, took a big leap
forward during Manmohan Singh’s visit
to Nigeria in October — the first by an
Indian prime minister in 45 years. The
two counties transformed their multi-
faceted relationship by signing four
pacts and forging a strategic partner-
ship, marking a new era in Indian
diplomacy in the resource-rich continent.
The two countries moved beyond rhetoric to flesh out
a detailed time-bound agenda for economic, political and
energy cooperation that will be at the heart of a new Indian
diplomatic thrust aimed at spurring Africa’s development
and resurgence as an economically vibrant and peaceful
continent.
During his visit to the Nigerian capital Abuja (Oct 14-
16), Manmohan Singh also unveiled a new vision of India’s
ties with Africa during his address to the joint session of the
Nigerian parliament in which he announced India would
be “a close partner in Africa’s resurgence”.
Nigerian National Assembly underscored the warmth
of its ties with India by braking its Eid recess to hear the
Indian prime minister talk eloquently about India’s ties
with Africa going back to the time of shared struggle against
colonialism and imperialism.
“We envision an Africa that is self-reliant, economical-
ly vibrant and at peace with itself and the world. India will
offer its fullest cooperation to harness the great potential of
the African people. We seek to become close partners in
Africa’s resurgence,” he told Nigerian legislators.
He also underlined “much greater convergence”
between India and Africa on key developmental issues. “We
will work closely with the African Union in promoting the
achievement of internationally agreed developmental goals.
We will share our experiences with African countries on
holistic approaches to development,” the Prime Minister
added.
Ahead of the India-Africa Forum Summit in New Delhi
in April next year, Manmohan Singh stressed on the shared
destiny and future of the two sides.
“We need to establish a sustained dialogue with Africa
to identify joint approaches on international issues such as
combating terrorism, nuclear disarmament, proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction, trafficking of small arms and
narcotics”. India will work with Africa in the areas of peace-
keeping and peace-building.
“I believe that India and Africa have a shared destiny and

8 August-October 2007

a common future. Ours is a relationship that must now be
brought to full bloom. Let us work together to make this
happen,” he said.
Forging a close strategic partnership with Nigeria,
Africa’s most populous country and a leading player in the
53-nation African Union, is one of the key pillars of India’s
contemporary partnership with the continent revolving
around energy security, trade and technology.
Manmohan Singh held talks with Nigerian President
Umaru Yar’Adua on a wide spectrum of bilateral and glob-
al issues, including energy security, the intensification of
bilateral trade, UN reforms, the Doha development round
of multilateral trade talks, climate change and terrorism.
In his talks with Manmohan Singh, the Nigerian presi-
dent spoke glowingly about the deepening of relations
between the two countries and stressed that his country
considered the Indian prime minister’s visit a “mark of hon-
our”, Nalin Suri, Secretary (West) in the External Affairs
Ministry, told journalists.
The president also reiterated Nigeria’s support for India’s
place in an expanded UN Security Council. Manmohan
Singh said India will respect Africa’s consensus on new per-
manent membership from the continent and supported
Nigeria’s quest to play a bigger role on the global stage.
The Nigerian president also assured Manmohan Singh
that all steps are being taken to ensure the safety and secu-
rity of Indian workers in the thriving oil industry of the
country, especially in the militancy-ridden oil-rich Niger
Delta.
A memorandum of agreement between the Foreign
Service Institute and the Nigerian Foreign Service Academy
and another MoU between the Indian Council for World
Affairs and the Nigerian Institute for World Affairs were
inked after the talks between Manmohan Singh and the
Nigerian president.
A protocol on Foreign Office consultations, and anoth-
er MoU on defence cooperation were also signed.
Enhanced defence cooperation will entail India helping
in the training of Nigerian defence personnel, a process
India is already engaged in, setting up of two IT laborato-
ries in the defence academies of Nigeria, technology trans-
fer and joint exercises between the armed forces of both
countries.
Over the next six months, agreements on trade, double
taxation avoidance, bilateral investment and protection and
bilateral air service are to be finalised and signed between the
two countries.
An extradition treaty, another one on mutual legal assis-
tance and two agreements on science and technology and
cultural exchange programme will also be ready to be signed
before April next year.
After the talks, the two countries came out with an ambi-
tious “Abuja Declaration” that enunciates an all-embracing
vision of India-Nigeria strategic relationship with special
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
emphasis on closer energy partnership between the two
countries. “Taking into account the commonalities and
complementarities between the two countries it was agreed
to establish a strategic partnership between India and
Nigeria that would cover bilateral economic, political, trade,
security, cultural, education, science and technology and
international dimensions,” the Abuja Declaration said.
India and Nigeria also firmed up an all-embracing agen-
da for closer energy and economic partnership, that could
include new oil exploration blocks and infrastructure deals,
and a roadmap for diversifying economic relations in sec-
tors such as railways, agriculture, power, fertilisers, auto-
mobiles and small and medium enterprises.
The Indian approach to the oil sector in Nigeria is going
to be development-oriented and will not be confined to oil
and gas but include the development of refineries and infras-
tructure in Nigeria.
The focus is on improving connectivity and enhancing
bilateral trade, which is currently estimated to be around $8
billion.
With a population of 140 million and considerable rev-
enue from oil exports, Nigeria is the largest trading partner
of India in Africa.
In his speech to the Nigerian parliament, Manmohan
Singh underscored the importance of multi-cultural char-
acter of both Indian and Nigerian societies. “India is the
largest democracy in the world.
Nigeria is the largest democracy in Africa. We are multi-
religious, multi-ethnic and multi-lingual societies. Our soci-
eties embrace modernity while preserving their traditions.
There is a natural logic in ties between the two countries,”
he told the National Assembly.
Envisaging a “partnership for energy security” between
India and Africa’s largest oil producer, Manmohan Singh
underlined the need to “vastly expand and diversify bilater-
al trade” between the two countries.
“It is a partnership for energy security. Nigeria’s rich
natural resources provide the base for our mutually benefi-
cial cooperation for energy security,” he said.
“India and Nigeria should also promote research and
development in efficiency of energy production, clean tech-
nologies and renewable sources of energy,” he added while
stressing the importance of Nigeria for energy security of
India.
Nigeria, Africa’s largest oil producing country, has
reserves that are currently around 30 billion barrels and are
expected to rise to 40 billion barrels by 2010. In end-
November 2005, with the commencement of production at
the Bonga Oil Field, Nigeria’s daily output has risen to 2.63
million bpd.
Placing India-Nigeria relations in a global context, the
prime minister said it was “a partnership to steer the global
economic and political agenda towards addressing the legit-
imate concerns of developing countries”. ■
9
 N E W S & E V E N T S
IBSA eyes free trade,
enters ACTION phase
The three IBSA countries cemented their trilateral cooperation by
signing seven inter-governmental pacts, reports Manish Chand
A
t its second
annual
summit in
Pretoria on
October
17, the
India
Brazil
South
Africa Alliance (IBSA) moved towards
a result-oriented agenda of trans-con-
tinental cooperation revolving around
energy security and people-centred
model of social development.
The three countries joined hands to
promote peaceful uses of nuclear ener-
gy, reforms in the UN, a free-trade
area and also give a fresh lease of life to
the stalled Doha Round of world trade
negotiations.
Sending out a clear message that
IBSA was not merely another trans-
regional talking shop, as some critics
contend, the three IBSA countries
cemented their trilateral cooperation
by signing seven inter-governmental
pacts in public administration and gov-
ernance, tax administration, arts and
culture cooperation, higher education,
wind resources, health and medicines
and social development.
On the occasion, IPICO of South
Africa, Strategic Consultants of India
and Enternet Informatica Limited of
Brazil finalised a memorandum of
agreement.
The cornerstone of this roundtable
was the adoption of the “all-embrac-
ing” Tshwane IBSA Summit
Declaration, envisioning expansion of
trade to $15 billion by 2010.
The declaration laid down a time-
bound blueprint for better connectiv-
ity among the member countries
10
through a free-trade area and an envi-
ronment facilitating inclusive growth
with a comprehensive, people-centred
social development agenda.
“It has been a very successful ses-
sion. It has very much focused on
achieving results... to respond to all the
challenges that our countries face,”
South African President Thabo Mbeki
said at the signing ceremony.
The inter-governmental pacts,
Mbeki said, are designed “to consoli-
date our relationship”.
India’s quest for global civil nucle-
ar integration also received a boost
when Brazil and South Africa, mem-
bers of the Nuclear Suppliers Group,
extended their support for promotion
of peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
A joint declaration issued at the end
of the summit said the three countries
have agreed that international civil
nuclear cooperation could be enhanced
through acceptable forward-looking
approaches in sync with national/inter-
national objectives and the International
Atomic Energy Agency safeguards.
“Discussions are on. It is a work in
progress. We are for peaceful uses of
nuclear energy,” said Mbeki. India will
August-October 2007
host the third annual IBSA summit.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh,
Brazilian President Lula da Silva and
Mbeki have agreed that IBSA has to
move beyond the dialogue front to
transform the lives of millions of peo-
ple, especially the poor.
In his opening remarks at the plenary
session of the summit, Singh unveiled
a unifying vision of trans-national eco-
nomic and social partnership and
pushed for a “time-bound action”.
“If the IBSA movement is to catch
the imagination of people, we should
move from a declaratory phase to one
of time-bound action,” he said.
Exhorting confidence that the IBSA
process was “finally taking off”, he
hailed it as “an example for all devel-
oping countries, a significant step
towards the emergence of global part-
nerships for development”.
Singh called for expansion of trade
ties among IBSA countries to the tune
of $18 billion by 2012 and a common
social development strategy that can
benefit millions.
Singh, Lula and Mbeki also called
for acceleration of negotiations for the
India-SACU (Southern African
Customs Union)-Mercosur Free
Trade Area (FTA).
The FTA will connect economical-
ly vibrant regions of India, SACU and
Mercosur.
Known as the Common Market of
the South, Mercosur is home to over
250 million people and accounts for
more than three-quarters of the eco-
nomic activity on the continent.
SACU consists of five member states
— Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South
Africa and Swaziland. It is the most
economically active area in Africa. ■

Highlights of the Tshwane
IBSA SUMMIT declaration
T
he leaders
committed
themselves to
deepening of
South-South
cooperation
for sustain-
able develop-
ment and
eradication of poverty.
■ The leaders welcomed the launch of
the Women’s Forum in IBSA and com-
mitted themselves to promotion of
gender equality and women’s rights.
Demanding reforms in the United
Nations, they said expansion of the
Security Council in permanent and
non-permanent categories of member-
ship is essential for greater representa-
tion from developing countries.
■The leaders also committed them-
selves to nuclear disarmament and
peaceful use of nuclear energy under
the International Atomic Energy
Association safeguards.
■ The leaders urged the international
community to adhere to the United
Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change and demanded more
quantifiable greenhouse gas emission
A F R I C A
reduction targets in the post-2012 peri-
od under the Kyoto Protocol.
■ The leaders reaffirmed that terrorism
constitutes one of the most serious
threats to international peace and secu-
rity. They also underlined the need for
a comprehensive convention against
international terrorism. They empha-
sised that international cooperation in
combating terrorism be conducted in
conformity with the UN resolutions
and international conventions.
■ The leaders reiterated their firm
belief in the New Partnership for
Africa’s Development (NEPAD).
They acknowledged that the Pan-
African Infrastructure Development
Fund will help accelerate Africa’s
growth and development. Noting that
the WTO Doha Round of trade
negotiations was entering a critical
stage, they said that agriculture
remains the key to the conclusion of
the dialogue.
They called for the removal of long-
standing distortions and restrictions in
international agricultural trade, such as
subsidies and trade barriers, that affect
the agricultural exports and domestic
production in developing countries.
August-October 2007
Q U A R T E R L Y
The leaders took note of the initia-
tives being taken for the establishment
of the India-MERCOSUR-SACU
Trilateral Free Trade Agreement.
Welcoming the progress in negotia-
tions between MERCOSUR and
SACU, the leaders supported a pro-
posal to hold a trilateral ministerial
meeting in 2008.
■ The leaders underlined the need to
provide a greater voice for and partic-
ipation by developing countries in the
Bretton Woods Institutions.
■ The leaders remained concerned
that many developing countries are
still far from achieving the
Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs).
■ The leaders recognised the impor-
tance of the IBSA Fund Facility for
South-South Cooperation and
sought to evolve a more effective
mechanism for better utilisation of
the same. The leaders called for the
establishment of joint projects and
collaboration for increased usage of
alternate sources of energy such as
biofuels, synthetic fuels, wind and
solar energy to help achieve the
objective of energy security. ■
11
 N E W S & E V E N T S

‘Take up challenges, grasp opportunities’

Extracts from the speech by External Affairs Minister at the IBSA
Editors Conference in New Delhi on September 5, 2007

I
t is a matter of great satisfaction to be present at the
concluding session of the IBSA Editors Conference.
I am glad that an idea that I recall was mooted even
as finishing touches were being put to the Joint
Communiqué of the IBSA Foreign Ministers dur-
ing our meeting in July this year, has been brought to fruition
so soon.
The media in India has been historically free, and dynam-
ic. During the years of our freedom struggle, our national
leaders had fought for and won the right to express their
views and to openly debate in print the issues of the day.
Indeed, many of our freedom fighters were themselves jour-
nalists, editors or proprietors of newspapers.
Newspapers like Young India and The Harijan published
by Gandhiji, or the Al-Hilal and the Al Balagh published by
Maulana Azad as well as the National Herald edited by Pandit
Nehru, played an important role in mobilising the masses
and in raising the awareness of current issues amongst our
people. In Brazil and South Africa, the media have led equal-
ly important campaigns for the economic empowerment
and self-realisation of the people.
Today, the global challenges facing our rapidly develop-
ing and modernising societies are huge; so too are the glob-
al opportunities. Poverty, economic and social inequalities,
inequities at a global level or threats such as terrorism to our
multi-ethnic, multi-religious societies are some of the major
challenges. Our cooperation, exemplified in the IBSA
forum, can provide valuable answers to these challenges.
In the last three years since the first IBSA Trilateral
Commission meeting was held in New Delhi in 2004, we
have identified several important areas of cooperation, such External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee
as energy, education, agriculture, health, science and tech-
nology, public administration and revenue administration.
We are looking to develop further people-
Several IBSA working groups have met. We are looking to to-people relations — perhaps through
develop further people-to-people relations — perhaps meetings of parliamentarians, members of
through meetings of parliamentarians, members of civil civil society, through cultural and
society, through cultural and educational exchanges and
through tourism. Indeed, meetings such as this one are
educational exchanges and through
intended to show the way forward. tourism. Indeed, meetings such as this
There are many important themes that await deliberation one are intended to show the way forward.
at the highest levels — themes such as inter-connectivity,
There are many important themes that
mega-diversity and energy security, which can reinforce our
trilateral cooperation and expand the horizons for the devel- await deliberation at the
opment of our rapidly-expanding economies. I want to highest levels — themes such as
thank our guests from Brazil and South Africa for respond- inter-connectivity, mega-diversity and
ing so readily to our invitation for this visit. I do hope that
energy security, which can further
they have also found some time to see something of India
beyond this conference hall. Let me wish all of you a pleas- reinforce our trilateral cooperation.
ant time for the rest of your sojourn in our country. ■

12 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

‘This century definitely belongs to us’

Extracts from the speech by Minister of State for External Affairs
Minister of State for
Anand Sharma at the IBSA Editors Conference in New Delhi on External Affairs
September 1, 2007 Anand Sharma

T
here is much that we share, despite the long
distance involved when it comes to com-
muting. That is one of the issues that IBSA
is addressing to improve, the connectivity, to
ensure there is movement of people. That is
what our Prime Minister had said at the last IBSA Summit in
Brasilia that we should convert this association into a peoples'
movement.
India, Brazil and South Africa represent three vibrant
democracies. All three countries have multi-cultural soci-
eties, are multi-religious and pluralistic. Therefore, as
democracies, the leaders of our countries understand the
problems that confront the civil society as well as the aspi-
rations of our people. IBSA has made an impact in address-
ing some of these issues in a trilateral context and also in the
global context.
We saw our leaders and our countries coming together
at the WTO, in the crucial talks in the Doha Development
Process.
Navtej Sarna told me about the sessions with the media
on issues of globalisation, economic order and new tech-
nologies. The media has changed in the last few decades. But
they still have a long way to go. There are many issues that
have been not addressed properly, especially those pertain-
ing to developing countries.
I do not find adequate analysis and correct reporting on
some of the social issues that concern our societies. Though
there is international focus when it comes to Africa, on what
is happening in Africa with regard to its development, issues
related to poverty and hunger, our own voice and analysis
have not made a global impact, as it should have. Therefore,
perhaps the time has arrived for us to put our minds togeth-
er on how to strengthen the media within the IBSA trilat-
eral movement so that we can make our own contributions
to the global media scene.
It is important that as we move forward we ensure that
within IBSA, our economic cooperation, our partnership has
a demonstrative effect so that the others in the world take
note how these three vibrant democracies of Asia, Africa
and Latin America can make their own contributions in
resolving global problems; and also to ensure that our pro-
cess of development and economic growth is sustainable
and inclusive, and that it reaches out to those who have been
left out in the past. We are trying to do that in India.
I know South Africa and Brazil are equally conscious
about ensuring inclusive growth, especially for the people
living in rural areas, people who are part of the agricultural
work force, or unorganised labour. As our economies grow,
we will have resources to ensure that there is adequate allo-
cation for the social sector especially health and education
besides rural infrastructure which is very important for our
countries. The time has come for India, Brazil and South
Africa, to provide leadership as emerging powers. I have no
doubt that this century does belong to us. ■

T he conference of editors from

India, Brazil and South Africa
(IBSA) held in New Delhi, India, early
in September, offered editors the
opportunity to forget deadlines and
gain the space to explore ideas on the
media and the role of journalists in a
changing world.
The two-day conference took as its
theme, “Globalisation, Emerging
Powers, and the World Order:
Challenges and New Roles for Media
in IBSA” and got off to a start on
September 1 with a scene-setter open-
ing address by Minister of State for
Working towards a
brand new world
External Affairs, Anand Sharma. In the
early 1980’s, when the globalisation
debate first emerged in academic cir-
cles, there was talk about the need for
South-South dialogue.
More than 20 years later here was
such a forum. As South African
President Thabo Mbeki remarked at
an IBSA business meeting in Brazil last
year, “IBSA is an idea whose time has
arrived.”
Common themes emerged. The
need for journalists to create the space
and interest in IBSA — move away
from western role models and give
readers a different world they can
aspire to.
There was consensus that what was
needed was a media forum to define a
new southern paradigm.
However, it would be impossible
for editors to organise this on their
own; the forum would have to be facil-
itated within the IBSA process.
(Nalini Naidoo, Political Editor,
The Natal Witness)

August-October 2007 13
 N E W S & E V E N T S

Celebrating India in South Africa

A
standing ovation for renowned ghatam (clay
pot) percussionist Vikku Vinayakram ended
a series of public performances, including
theatre, music and dance, that were part of a
nine-week (August 23 to October 31) long
festival of Indian culture organised by the Indian mission in
Johannesburg.
Titled “Shared Histories, Celebrating India in South
Africa”, the extravaganza, part of the annual Arts Alive
Festival supported by the City of Johannesburg, featured
contemporary and classical music, theatre, dance, craft, food,
film and literature. Leading exponents and performers
enlivened the India festival.
“The objective was to celebrate India’s 60th anniversary
of Independence by providing a platform for dialogue and
collaborative work between eminent Indian and South
African musicians, crafts persons, literary figures and
dancers,” said Navdeep Suri, Indian Consul-General in
Johannesburg, who initiated the concept and then got Sanjoy
Roy of Teamwork Films in New Delhi to coordinate it.
Roy said the festival had been so well received that it
would certainly be back next year, with newer elements.
“As an inaugural event, especially with bringing events
such as the masterful puppetry of Dadi Pudumjee to South
Africa for the first time, we are very pleased with the
responses we got, and it is bound to grow from here,” Suri
added. “Particularly gratifying was the way in which local
dancers, writers and craftsmen interacted with those we
brought from India.”
For dancers from the Jhankaar School of Dance in
Lenasia, the huge Indian township south of Johannesburg,
it was a fitting way to celebrate their 21st anniversary per-
forming alongside celebrated dancer Gilles Chuyen in folk
Navdeep Suri, Indian Consul-General in Johannesburg.
An artiste from Ishara performs with puppets at the festival.
The festival featured contemporary and
classical music, theatre, dance, craft,
food, film and literature.
and contemporary genres.
The festival included ‘Words on Water’, where writers
from the two countries shared ideas on contemporary writ-
ing in India and Indian writing in English for a South African
audience, including themes such as “Sex and Sexuality in
Indian and South African Writing”.
Indian author Namita Gokhale recounted how her
daughter’s class teacher had persecuted her at one stage for
her mother being a “pornographer”, while the supposed
erotic passages she read out were rather tame by Western
standards.
“If Tarun (Tejpal, her co-panelist) writes about sex, he
is a stud; if I write it, I’m a slut”, Gokhale said of the dis-
criminatory approach to erotic writing in India.
Other elements of the festival included the ‘Indian Spice
Trail’, highlighting cuisines from different regions of India;
a retrospective of films featuring Sharmila Tagore, and
music performances by the celebrated music group Mrigya.
As part of the retrospective, Tagore also visited Durban and
Johannesburg.
One of the highlights of the festival was the performance
by Dadi Pudumjee and his team of puppeteers in a show
titled “Images of Truth”, in which actors with masks and
puppets portrayed the universal message of Mahatma
Gandhi and his struggle against apartheid and communal
violence. The festival ended with an exhibition of Indian tex-
tiles, including centuries-old pieces, at Museum Africa
where master weavers from India showcased their skills of
tapestry and imagination. ■

14 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Sonia meets Mbeki, discusses closer Congress-ANC ties

C
ongress chief Sonia
Gandhi and South
African President and
ruling ANC leader
Thabo Mbeki agreed
to forge closer links between their par-
ties as part of a process to strengthen
Indo-South African ties.
Gandhi was accompanied by India’s
Minister of State for External Affairs
Anand Sharma in a visit “to strengthen
and consolidate political, economic,
trade and cultural relations between the
peoples of South Africa and India”.
The two leaders met at President advancement of the black majority. In
Mbeki’s residence in Cape Town. the backdrop of their historical ties,
Sonia Gandhi and Mbeki
Gandhi and Mbeki agreed to forge clos- South Africa and India regard them- agreed to forge closer links
er links between the Congress and the selves as strategic partners. between the Congress and the
ANC as part of the process to strength- Gandhi also visited the South African
en ties between India and South Africa, Parliament and delivered the Mahatma
ANC as part of the process to
and with the Workers’ Party of Brazil Gandhi Peace Lecture. The Congress strengthen ties between India
within the India-Brazil-South Africa president later met former President and South Africa and with the
(IBSA) context. Nelson Mandela and presented him
Gandhi also expressed interest in with a book on the Mahatma.
Workers' Party of Brazil within
South Africa’s Black Economic “It’s a privilege, a visit to South Africa the India-Brazil-South Africa
Empowerment (BEE) programme, wouldn’t be complete without calling on (IBSA) context.
which aims to speed up the economic Madiba (Mandela),” Gandhi said. ■

India sends $250,000 in aid to flood-hit Uganda

I
ndia will provide an emergency
assistance of about $250,000 to
Uganda that has been facing a flood
fury in recent months. The floods in
northern and eastern parts of Uganda
have reportedly killed several people and
affected 3,00,000.
Devastating floods have lashed across
20 African countries over the last two
months, killing over 300 people and
affecting at least 1.5 million. They have
been described as the worst floods in
Africa in the last 30 years.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
The floods have destroyed thousands of thatched huts in Uganda.
sent a letter of condolence to Ugandan
President Yoweri Kugata Museveni on relief supplies from India or for local acres of sorghum crops now turned
the loss of life and property. procurement,” he added. brown and fetid in the sun.
The Prime Minister also announced Conservative estimates put the total Meteorologists say Uganda’s weath-
an emergency assistance of about number of people killed in floods, from er has become erratic, with unprece-
$250,000 “as a token of India’s solidari- Ethiopia to as far west as Senegal, at 250. dented spells of drought followed by
ty with the government and people of Aid agencies say a million people have floods. The United Nations fears the
Uganda”, External Affairs Ministry been affected and expect the death toll to floods could lead to outbreaks of water-
spokesperson Navtej Sarna said. rise. Though the waters have receded, borne diseases such as cholera and
“This amount can be used to provide hundreds of thatched huts and drowned dysentery. ■

August-October 2007 15
 N E W S & E V E N T S

Court allows Hindu pupil to wear a nose stud

S
chool governing bodies
will be forced to review
their codes of conduct to
allow for cultural and
religious exemptions.
This is the upshot of a Constitutional
Court judgment in the case of a
Durban mother who challenged her
daughter’s school after it refused her
permission to wear a nose ring.
Navi Pillay and her daughter,
Sunali, 18, began their legal battle with
Durban Girls’ High School three years
ago, when Sunali, then a Grade 9 pupil,
pierced her nose.
The school’s code of conduct pro-
hibited pupils from wearing jewellery
other than small earrings and wrist-
watches. Sunali is now a journalism
student at Rhodes University in
Grahamstown.
The Durban Equality Court ruled
in favour of the school, but the
Pietermaritzburg High Court over-
turned the decision.
The school then took the matter to
the Constitutional Court, which found
that the school’s governing body had
discriminated unfairly against Sunali
by refusing to grant her an exemption.
Sunali said the nose ring was an
expression of her culture and religion.
Navi Pillay said she felt “blessed”
by the judgement.
“It is a great victory for parents and
children, especially for a child who had
Sunali Pillay was threatened
with expulsion.
Navi Pillay and her
daughter, Sunali, 18,
began their legal battle
with Durban Girls’ High
School three years ago,
when Sunali, then a Grade
9 pupil, pierced her nose.
to cut her dreadlocks or remove her
headscarf,” she said.
But some headmasters and teach-
ers in Durban are not very happy with
the ruling.
“Will Zulu children ask to come to
school barefoot, saying it’s their cul-
ture? What happens when a Christian
pupil wears a large crucifix, or a
Muslim pupil comes to school with a
beard?” a former deputy principal was
quoted as saying in the Daily News.
Another teacher said: “School heads
go to a huge amount of trouble to
establish a culture for their school.
Dress codes are not an isolated issue.
They are linked to commitment, disci-
pline, identity and self-pride and are
intimately connected to all the things a
school stands for.”
But Navi Pillay said the court’s
decision was not a threat to discipline
at schools.
“Schools are not about churning
out robots. By allowing kids to be
themselves, they learn more about
themselves. How can this affect disci-
pline?” she said.
“It has been traumatic three years
and I am thrilled Sunali had the final
say. We are revelling in a wonderful
feeling of closure. This was over for
Sunali and me a while ago, but we con-
tinued with the case because of other
young girls who might want to wear
nose studs.”
“I am so proud of Sunali. Her final
two years at school were stressful. But
this has turned her into a woman of
substance and we have to thank her old
school, the school governing body and
the education department for being
obnoxious. This made us more deter-
mined to prove that she had a right to
wear her nose stud to school.” ■

Play at historic prison marks Gandhi Jayanti in South Africa

A
n enthralling performance by the
Ishara Puppet Theatre Trust led
by master puppeteer Dadi
Pudumjee and the launch of a children’s
book on the life and times of the Mahatma
marked Gandhi Jayanti in South Africa.
The play “Images of Truth” was per-
formed at Constitutional Hill, once the
Old Fort Jail where Gandhi, and later Nelson Mandela,
were imprisoned during their fight for freedom in South
Africa. Invited guests included former prisoners such as
Prema Naidoo, now a councillor of the same city where he
was among the second generation of
South African Indians tortured for their
firm belief in the Gandhian principles
of non-violence and freedom for all
human beings.
Speakers reminded the younger
generation that Gandhi’s ideals and
principles were born in South Africa.
The book Picture Gandhi by Sandhya Rao, a writer of
children’s books, was also officially launched at the func-
tion. The book tells the story of Gandhi in a fun way for
children without sounding like a history textbook. ■

16 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

New book on timeless India-Egypt ties

M
ore than 2000
years ago an
Indian sailor was
found on one of
the Red Sea
coasts; he was close to death and was
taken to the authorities in Alexandria.
Convalescing shortly thereafter, the
sailor made an offer that if they let him
go to his home country he would guide
the Egyptians through a direct sea way
to India shorter than any other. This
event represents the start of direct
communications and trade exchange
between Egypt and India.”
A new book, India and Egypt…
Influences and Interactions, traces the ori-
gins of historical links between Egypt
and India to ancient times through a bronze statues of Horus, another The hundreds of
collection of research conducted by
Egyptian and Indian scholars.
ancient Egyptian god, in the hoary
Indian city of Gandhar.
images in the book
The hundreds of images in the The book also speaks about busi- help the reader see
book help the reader see the differ- ness ties between the ancient civilisa- the differences as well
ences as well as the similarities between tions. It highlights how old trade routes as the similarities
the two cultures, revealing, for one, played an important role in cementing
how far back Egyptian and Indian cul- trade exchange and relations between
between the two
tures have interacted in the field of art the two peoples. cultures, revealing,
with paintings, sculptures and different The book has been translated into for one, how far back
motifs. Arabic by Mohamed Hamed Ali and
Egyptian and Indian
Indian artefacts like pots or cosmet- Khaled Nagy Ali, who work as transla-
ic cases were discovered in ancient tors in the Indian embassy in Cairo. cultures have
Alexandria. Painted on these pots were The Arabic text has been edited by interacted in the field
pictures of ancient Egyptian gods like Basheer Ahmed, director of the of art with paintings
Anobees. Another surprising discovery
in India was a collection of small
Maulana Azad Centre for Indian
Culture in Cairo. ■
and sculptures.

Avoid the underwater crowd by diving off the beaten track

W
ith underwater sport gaining in
popularity worldwide and with
millions of people getting a div-
ing licence, the number of neoprene-suited
holidaymakers at a popular spot can almost
outnumber the fish.
Yet adventurous sportsmen and women
may still discover some of the finest areas
which the aquatic world has to offer, provided they are
prepared to fly several hours by aeroplane to get there or
else forego a few creature comforts.
Many of the lesser-known areas owe their lack of pop-
ularity to their remoteness, lack of
tourist infrastructure or political uncer-
tainty. A good example is Sudan. The
coral reefs here offer a riot of colour
with a wide variety of marine life. They
lie in the so-called Coral Triangle
where the Pacific and Indians oceans
meet. These reefs are among the best in
the world.
Marine biologist Matthias Bergbauer from Berlin says
there are more fish and coral species in these parts than any-
where else in the world. ■

August-October 2007 17
 I N F O C U S

Moving towards
a UNITED Africa
Africa needs a self-reliant Pan-African programme in order to tackle
its present disabilities. The solution to a united Africa lies in
renewed Pan-Africanism, says Professor K. Mathews
“The Vision of the African Union is that of an Africa,
Integrated, Prosperous and Peaceful, an Africa driven by its
own Citizens, a Dynamic Force in world affairs”
(AU Commission, May 2004) [1]

A
Introduction
frica today is a continent on the
cusp of history and destiny. It is on
the threshold of a new era. Much
of the world sees Africa as one of
two extremes. It is either viewed
as a continent beset by genocidal
warfare, corrupt leaders and ram-
pant poverty or a region about to
enter a renaissance.
Immense and placed at the dawn of the universe, it occu-
pies one-fifth of the earth’s surface and yet suffers an “intol-
erable absence” in world affairs crimping its destiny. The con-
tinent contains fabulous resources, great peoples, underground
treasures — but at the same time largest number (34/50) of
least developed countries of the world.
But today in the first decade of 21st century Africa there is
growing optimism about the future of Africa. The most impor-
tant development in this direction was the transformation of BROTHERS IN ARMS: Unless Africa can talk and act with greater
cohesion, it will continue to be ignored by the richer countries.
the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) into a stronger
African Union (AU) formally launched in Durban in July accelerate the economic integration of existing Regional
2002. African leaders took another giant step at the Fourth Economic Communities (RECs) in Africa as a step towards
Ordinary Session of the AU Summit held in Abuja, Nigeria, the creation of an African Common Market. They argued that
in January 2005 to consider the proposal of the Libyan leader, the creation of a United States of Africa would require a change
Muammar Qaddafi, for rapid acceleration of political integra- of constitutions, and referendums. They favoured an evolu-
tion of Africa. tionary process not a revolutionary one. The 2007 Accra debates
The Seven Member Committee of Heads of State set up at in fact resembled the debates that took place at Addis Ababa at
the Abuja Summit reaffirmed at the next Summit in Sirte, the founding Conference of the OAU in May 1963. Indeed
Libya, July 2005 that “the ultimate goal of the African Union the ongoing debate on the creation of a Union Government
is full political and economic integration leading to the creation for Africa as a step towards the final establishment of a United
of the United States of Africa”. States of Africa by 2015 is not a new one.
The ninth summit of the AU held in Accra, Ghana, on July The term “United States of Africa” was first coined by the
1-3, 2007 was exclusively devoted to a debate on the proposal Afro-American activist and poet, Marcus Garvey, in his poem
to create a Union Government of Africa as a step towards the ‘Hail, United States of Africa’ in 1924:
eventual creation of a United States of Africa (USA). But the “Hail, United States of Africa-Free,
majority of “African leaders rejected the idea as premature and Hail, Motherland most bright, divinely fair!
unrealistic. While stressing that a United States of Africa was State in perfect sisterhood united.
the ultimate goal of the African Union, the leaders decided to Born of truth, mighty thou shalt ever be.”

18 August-October 2007

Garvey’s ideas greatly influenced the growth of Pan-
Africanist movement that culminated, among others, in the
establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in
Addis Ababa in May 1963 and the creation of the African
Union (AU) in Durban in July 2002 and the new proposal for
the creation of a United States of Africa by the year 2015.
The United States of Africa is a name sometimes given to
one version of the possible future unification of Africa as a con-
tinental sovereign federation of states similar in formation to
the United States of America or the idea of the United States
of Europe. An attempt is made in this paper to trace the evo-
lution of the vision of a United Africa and the various attempts
at unification of Africa.
In order to understand what is happening today and explore
the prospects and possibilities of this process we may start by
looking at the historical process of the political unification of
Africa, particularly the notion of Pan-Africanism.
African Unity in Historical Perspective
Africa has a long history2. The discovery in Chad in 2003 of
the oldest Australopithecus (Toumai) aged seven million years
represented a confirmation that Africa is the motherland of
humanity. Africans were the first to initiate the gigantic human
adventure of progress. Africa was the birthplace and source of
civilisation for the longest period in the history of humanity,
a period that people persist in describing wrongly as
“Prehistoric” for want of written records. At the dawn of
“Antiquity”, Africa remained through Egypt, the driving force
and teacher of the world with its art of writing and centralised
authority, its architectural monuments such as the Pyramids,
and its sciences and other achievements. That period account-
ed for one of the high points in the history of humanity. In fact,
the mother of Egypt was Nubia, together with its pre-Saharan
extensions, while Egypt itself was undoubtedly the renowned
civilisation of the Nile3.
This whole period of mankind’s history had specific char-
acteristics. It was from the intermingling of various ecological
and often complementary regions that major achievements of
the Africans emerged. Firstly, Koush — a period similar to that
of the Assyrians; then followed the period of Christian Nubia
and then by Carthage with its memorable encounters with
Rome. Then we have Axum, Tekrour, Ghana, Kanem and
other empires in Africa. This was followed by one thousand
years of tremendous and wide-ranging progress throughout
the continent from the 7th to the 17th centuries.
It was during this period that the northern part of the con-
tinent transformed itself into a great commercial hub that gave
rise to extensive Muslim space which in turn created an
impressive civilisation born of the interaction and fusion of
numerous prestigious heritages bequeathed by ecumenism
(Byzantine, Turkish, Arabian, Persian, Indian, Chinese,
European and the African Sub-Sahara). This crude but pros-
perous period was also marked by the Fatimides, Almoravides,
Almohades and Mali, and saw the blossoming of Llibella in
Ethiopia (13th century), and of Zera Yacob (15th century).
It saw the prosperity of the Yoruba kingdoms and the Hausa
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
The slave trade and colonisation
played the role of not only slowing
down but also of fracturing
Africa’s progress. Having been bled
by force, for four centuries, of its
best brains and manpower, and of
between 30 and 100 million of its best
sons and daughters, this state of
affairs left indelible marks on
the continent; it left lasting
scars not only in terms of
property but also in
terms of human assets.
States, the Benin and Gao empires (in West Africa), the king-
doms of Kongo, Luba, Lunda and Great Zimbabwe, to the
south of which flourished the Egypt of Salah Ed Din and the
redoubtable Mamaluk. During this period Africa was replete
with autonomous civilisations, both small and extensive, and
yet sufficiently harmonious.
When the Portuguese with Bartholomew Diaz followed by
Vasco Da Gama appeared on the Indian Ocean after having
sailed around the entire African landmass in the 15th century
in search of “Christians and spices”, the contemporary world
was, as it were, already in the making.
On the other hand, a black Diaspora sprouted across the
continents, while new African hegemonies with increasingly
close links with the slave trade system (Bornu, Ashanti,
Dahomey, Bambara and Moose) were undergoing spectacu-
larly qualitative changes. All this took place before the 19th
century and portrays Africa as a continent brought together,
willingly or by force, by African conquerors who at times were
inspired by a proselytising Islam, through Chaka, Osman Dan
Fodio, El Hadj Omar, Samory Toure, Tippu Tib, Mirambo,
El Mahdi and others, some of whom were already faced with
the colonialist invasion of European powers. Consequently,
the African continent space criss-crossed by external interests
— not without heroic resistance and various forms of rejec-
tion strategies — missed out on the historic initiative of past
Africans. Only the apocalyptic upheavals of the two World
Wars, the crisis of the colonialist system and the dogged out-
cries of oppressed peoples, paved the way for independence.
This unique evolutionary trend was part of the historic
march to progress of the people of Africa.
The slave trade and colonisation played the role of not only
slowing down but also of fracturing Africa’s progress. Having
been bled by force, for four centuries, of its best brains and
manpower, and of between 30 and 100 million of its best sons
and daughters, this state of affairs necessarily, left indelible
marks on the continent; it left ineffaceable scars not only in
terms of property but also in terms of human assets. Africa has,
besides, been long exploited. The European “scramble for
19
 I N F O C U S
CHAMPION OF PAN-A
AFRICANISM: Pan-Africanism became increasingly identified with Ghana under Kwame Nkrumah’s leadership
in the years following the country’s independence in March 1957.
Africa” in the late 19th century artificially divided up Africa
among various European powers. The Berlin Conference of
1884-85 was an attempt by European leaders to add some kind
of international European agreement to the carving up of
Africa that was already underway. A series of European treaties
during 1890-91 confirmed many of the internal colonial
boundaries of the African continent. Africa was balkanised
beyond recognition.
Shackled by colonisation, hundreds of thousands of Africans
were killed in wars of conquest and “pacification”.
Subsequently, further hundreds of thousands of Africans lost
their lives in individual wars, such as the war against Nazism.
Then came the dirty colonial wars in which Africans were
turned against one another for mutual extermination.
The above are some of the factors that militated against
development in the continent. The pitiable predicament of
Africa arises from Africa’s history in terms of the slave trade,
colonisation and continued subordination in the world eco-
nomic and social system.
Evolution of Pan-Africanism
African unity is closely intertwined with the evolution of
Pan-Africanism. Pan-Africanism has been, and remains the
most ambitious and most inclusive ideology that Africa devised
for itself since the 19th century4. No precise definition of Pan-
Africanism is available. The conceptual notion of Pan-
Africanism provided the philosophical framework for such
ideas as a ‘United States of Africa’, an ‘African Federation’, or
a ‘Union Government of Africa’ — essentially stressing the
need for continental African unity as a means to achieving
African liberation and development.
Over the years, Pan-Africanism has become part and parcel
of an emergent African nationalism, serving as a beacon light
in the struggle for independence, a prerequisite for the forma-
20 August-October 2007
tion of regional federations of self-governing African commu-
nities, which could evolve into a Pan-African Federation or a
United States of Africa.
Pan-Africanism became increasingly identified with Ghana
under Kwame Nkrumah’s leadership in the years following
that country’s independence in March 1957. Nevertheless, it
is important to trace certain historical factors which gave rise
to Pan-Africanism before it found a base in Africa. Their
impact was felt by Africans within Africa, and Africans of the
Diaspora in the Americas and the Caribbean. As Kwame
Nkrumah points out: “Pan-Africanism has its beginning in the
liberation struggles of African-Americans, expressing the aspi-
rations of Africans and peoples of African descent. From the
first Pan-African Conference, held in London in 1900, until
the fifth and the last conference (sic) held in Manchester in
1945, African-Americans provided the main driving power in
the movement.
“Pan-Africanism then moved to Africa, its true home, with
the holding of the First Conference of Independent African
States in Accra in April 1958, and the All-African Peoples’
Conference in December of the same year…”5
The ideology of pan-Africanism with its many forms of
expression was not only a movement that brought together
people of African origin. Pan-Africanism basically is a recog-
nition that Africans have been divided among themselves. It
was also a strategy for social solidarity, as well as cultural, polit-
ical and economic emancipation6. Like all ideologies, Pan-
Africanism set up a vision of what was desirable in the future,
rather than what actually existed.
Pan-Africanism is motivated by ideas that emphasises the
cultural unity and political independence of African states.
The key conceptual themes emerging from Pan-Africanism
are the ‘redemption of Africa’, and ‘Africa for Africans’. As
Timothy Murithi rightly points out: “Essentially Pan-
Africanism is a recognition of the fragmented nature of the

The main ideas underlying Pan-
Africanism originated around the 19th
century at the height of slavery and at
the dawn of colonialism. The history
of the movement of Pan-Africanism has
been defined by controversy. There
have been debates as to whether it is
possible to move from the rhetoric and
theory of Pan-Africanism towards
concrete action. Pan-Africanism
originally arose as a reaction to the
dehumanisation of the Africans by
the slave traders and colonialists.
existence of Africans, their marginalisation and alienation
whether in their own continent or in the Diaspora.”7
Pan-Africanism as an idea can be traced back to the 19th cen-
tury. Historically, Pan-Africanism has been expressed in dif-
ferent forms by various actors. There is no single definition of
Pan-Africanism and in fact we can say that there are as many
ideas about Pan-Africanism as there are thinkers on Pan-
Africanism. It may, however, be noted that it is the global dis-
persal of peoples of African descent that is partly responsible
for the emergence of the Pan-African movement. In fact, Pan-
Africanism has taken different forms at different historical
moments and geographical locations. What underpins these
different perspectives on Pan-Africanism is the belief in some
form of unity or common purpose among the peoples of Africa
and the African Diaspora.
The main ideas underlying Pan-Africanism originated
around the 19th century at the height of slavery and at the dawn
of colonialism. The history of the movement of Pan-
Africanism has been defined by controversy. There have been
debates as to whether it is possible to move from the rhetoric
and theory of Pan-Africanism towards concrete action. Pan-
Africanism originally arose as a reaction to the dehumanisation
of the Africans by slave traders and colonialists. There are four
major themes that constitute the key components of Pan-
Africanism, namely (a) an expression of pride and achievement
of Africans; (b) the idea of returning to Africa, a notion main-
ly promoted by Africans in the Diaspora, notably Marcus
Garvey; (c) liberation from colonialism and all forms of
oppression; and (d) African unity as a primary objective in the
struggle for liberation and development. African unity became
a goal as part of the struggle for liberation from European
colonialism. The goal of continental unity was driven forward
by the vision of Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of inde-
pendent Ghana and a revolutionary pan-Africanist.
Implicit in the notion of Pan-Africanism is the idea that a
remedy to the effects of colonialism, alienation and marginal-
isation is the forging of African unity. However, the challenges
to African unity have stayed on. Julius Nyerere, the first
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
President of Tanzania, rightly observed that the danger to
African unity was going to come from external forces. Prior to
the inaugural meeting of the OAU in 1963, Nyerere argued
that “African unity must come, and it must be a real unity. Our
goal must be United States of Africa.”
The more conservative African leaders dissented from this
view due to their reluctance to relinquish power and privilege,
and avoid having a higher authority to monitor their affairs
within their national territories.
In his seminal work Black Africa: Economic and Cultural Basis
of a Federal State8, Cheikh Anta Diop, the well-known
Senegalese historian and politician, argued for the need for a
federation of African states “from the Tropic of Cancer to the
Cape, from the Indian Ocean to the Atlantic”, when Africa’s
independence had been established and consolidated. He was
effectively making the case for political and economic Pan-
Africanism. He knew that this would not be an easy task. He
observed that “no concrete way has yet been proposed that
might lead inevitably and rapidly to the federation of African
states, with partial or full surrender of local sovereignty. For
all the fine public statements, multifarious individual and gen-
eral interests are at work to make people cling to the established
frontiers of the various territories.”9
Mamo Muchi rightly observes that Pan-Africanism
emerged as a form of protest against the degradation of slav-
ery, colonialism and racial discrimination. However, it also has
a transformative dimension in that it seeks to map out a vision
for a new Africa and her descendants in the Diaspora. This is
in fact the more important dimension dealing with the pro-
jection of an ideal for uniting and freeing Africans and Africa.10
Only through Pan-Africanism can Africa begin to redefine
the terms of engagement with the rest of the world, particu-
larly the West.
Institutionalisation of Pan-Africanism
Various Pan-African Congresses and Pan-Africanist insti-
tutions like the OAU and the AU represent institutionalised
Pan-Africanism. Pan-African Conferences and Congresses
were the first attempt to institutionalise the idea of Pan-
Africanism. It was formally inaugurated at the First Pan-
African Conference held in London in July 1900, organised by
Henry Sylvester Williams of Trinidad. The professed aim of
the conference was to “fight the aggressive policies of British
imperialists”. Between 1900 and 1919 when the first of the
DuBoisian series of Congresses began to convene, Pan-African
activity was akin to protest activity.11
Between 1919 and 1994, a total of seven Pan-African
Congresses were held to propagate the idea and strengthen the
movement. Through the efforts of Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, known
as the father of Pan-Africanism, four Pan-African Congresses
were held between 1919 and 1927.
The First Pan-African Congress which met in Paris in
February 1919 made an appeal to the Paris Peace Conference
(which ended the First World War) to end the exploitation of
the black races by the white imperialists and demanded the
right of the colonised peoples of Africa to self-determination.
21
 I N F O C U S
This and the other three Congresses held in 1921 (London,
Brussels and Paris), 1923 (London and Lisbon) and in 1927
(New York) merely called for reforms and urged that Africans
be granted a voice in their own governments and stressed the
development of Africa for the benefit of Africans rather than
for the profit of the Europeans.
The Fifth Pan-African Congress held in Manchester,
England, in October 1945 marked a turning point in the
growth of Pan-Africanism. As Kwame Nkrumah, the main
organiser of the Congress pointed out, while the four previ-
ous Pan-African Congresses were promoted and supported by
Negro reformists from outside the continent of Africa, most
of the 200 delegates attending this Congress were from Africa.
This Congress greatly facilitated the awakening of African
political consciousness that transformed the Pan-African
movement into a mass movement of Africa for Africans. It
called for Africa’s political
and social emancipation.
It was also quite explicit
on the question of African
unity and stressed that the
artificial divisions and terri-
torial boundaries created by
the colonial powers were
deliberate steps to obstruct
the political unity of the
African peoples. Here the
link between Africa’s inde-
pendence and its unity was
made abundantly clear. This
was in fact, the first organ-
ised attempt to assert what is
generally called the ‘African Personality’.
After the Manchester Congress with the return of African
leaders and delegates to their respective home countries we
witness the growth of micro-nationalisms in various African
colonies. The interest in wider Pan-African federations
declined. In West Africa as elsewhere the question of nation-
al self-government became the dominant issue in the follow-
ing years. The 1950s witnessed the intensification of nation-
alist struggles in various African countries.12
At the same time, a number of African patriots believed and
asserted that self-government represented only a means to
ultimate Pan-African aims of political unity, cultural emanci-
pation and economic independence.
For instance Dr. R.N. Duchain of Liberia in his Pan-African
Manifesto warned that no imperialist nation would welcome
the emergence of a strong Africa capable of playing an impor-
tant role in world affairs. “Most will dread it, while a few which
pretend to be friends of Africa wish a free Africa checkered into
a multitude of small nations constantly at loggerheads with one
another, so as to have a better chance to exploit them.”
To ensure African unity and survival, he called for the for-
mation of a Pan-African Federation extending over the whole
of Africa and to the south of the Sahara “where Africans will
rule themselves and enjoy fully in liberty, and… the inalien-
able rights of man”. It should be noted that the proposed
22 August-October 2007
Federation embraced African descendants “scattered abroad
who want to come back to their motherland and integrate in
African life”.13
The independence of Ghana in 1957 marked the beginning
of a new phase in the growth of Pan-Africanism. Pan-
Africanism remained in the realm of ideas until Ghana became
a sovereign state. Ghana’s independence removed one of the
disabilities under which the movement had operated earlier,
namely, the absence of a base in Africa to operate.
In fact, from then onwards Pan-Africanism ceased to be in
the realm of ideas, but moved into the realm of practical pol-
itics and power rivalries.
From 1958 onwards, African leaders began to meet at con-
ferences of independent states as well as in non-governmen-
tal gatherings of leaders of nationalist movements and trade
unions. This period also witnessed increasing political, ideo-
logical and power rivalries and
conflicts among African leaders
which adversely affected the
growth of the Pan-African
Movement.
The first Conference of
Independent African States
(CIAS) was convened by Kwame
Nkrumah in Accra in April 1958.
On the question of African polit-
ical unity, it was evident that the
African states had begun to put
national sovereignty above ideo-
logical considerations of Pan-
Africanism. It is pertinent to note
that though the Conference reso-
lutions recommended a number of steps to promote African
unity (including the creation of a African Common Market),
they made no mention either of the creation of a United States
of Africa, or the eradication of colonial boundaries — two of
the fundamental aims of the Pan-African movement until the
Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester in 1945. It is also
pertinent to note that it was at the All African People’s
Conference (AAPC), also held in Accra, Ghana, in December
1958 that these key Pan-African issues were again brought up.
It was quite clear that while the governmental groups began
to preoccupy themselves with traditional power politics above
considerations of a Pan-Africanist ideology, the non-govern-
mental or people’s groups aggressively carried forward the
pristine ideals of Pan-Africanism unrestrained by the con-
tamination of political power and rivalries. However, the goal
of Pan-Africanism, namely the eventual creation of a United
States of Africa, became a more serious preoccupation with
Nkrumah and a few others than it had been hitherto. Even the
idea of regional groupings began to be looked upon as a pos-
sible basis for the greater aim of a United Africa. Out of this
preoccupation emerged the Ghana-Guinea-Mali Union led of
1958 led by Kwameh Nkrumah, the Pan-African Freedom
Movement for the East, Central, and South Africa (PAFMEC-
SA) in 1958, and the later formation of blocs such as the
“Brazzaville”, “Casablanca” and “Monrovia” blocs. Also from
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

1958 onwards, Pan-African endeavours began to gain the favour of a ‘National Personality’ within African unity. The
attention of organisations in Africa other than governments overwhelming preference was to create a loose organisation
(‘people’s Pan-Africanism’) and have since resulted in African based on status quo. As a result, the Charter of OAU signed
youths, women, journalists, farmers and trade unions con- at the 1963 Addis Ababa Conference embodied a tragic com-
vening conferences themselves.14 promise that suited the personal political aspirations of the
These developments led to growing political and ideologi- African Heads of State and Government. Interestingly how-
cal polarisation in the Pan-African movement among inde- ever, many ironically hailed the formation of OAU as the
pendent African states. At the Second All-African People’s greatest achievement of the Pan-African movement since it
Conference (AAPC) held in Tunis, Tunisia, in January 1960, was formally launched in London in July 1900.
Ghana’s proposal for political union of Africa was rejected. The
emerging division between the radical and conservative groups OAU and Pan-Africanism
of African states was confirmed at the Second Conference of
Independent African States (CIAS) held in Addis Ababa in The establishment of OAU in 1963 was the culmination of
June 1960. At this conference, the majority of African leaders successive attempts at establishing an inter-African organisa-
rejected the idea of a political union as premature, instead pre- tion.17 The emotional impetus for OAU’s birth was provided
ferring some sort of functional cooperation among African by the colonial situation. The deep-rooted unity of African
states. The Nigerian delegate told the gathering that Ghana’s states manifested itself first in the development of Pan-
demand for immediate political unity was merely a ploy to Africanism as an expression of African cultural nationalism and
make Nkrumah the ruler of later in what was called the
the whole of Africa! However, The emerging division between the “African Personality”. The
by the end of 1962, a number broad aims and objectives of
of neutral Africa leaders such radical and conservative OAU, as set out in Articles II
as Emperor Haile Selassie of groups of African states was and III of its Charter, were to:
Ethiopia and Julius Nyerere promote unity and solidarity of
of Tanzania among others confirmed at the Second the African states; coordinate
began to call for reconciliation Conference of Independent African and intensify efforts to achieve
between the radical a better life for the peoples of
Casablanca and conservative States (CIAS) held in Addis Ababa Africa; defend their sovereign-
Monrovia blocs. There devel- in June 1960. At this conference, the ty, territorial integrity and inde-
oped a growing trend towards pendence; eradicate all forms
rapprochement in African majority of African leaders rejected of colonialism from Africa; and
politics in 1962-63. It was the idea of a political union as promote international cooper-
under these circumstances ation, with due regard to the
that the historic Summit of 30 premature, instead they preferred Charter of the United Nations
Heads of States comprising all some sort of functional cooperation and the Universal Declaration
the independent African states of Human Rights.
was held in Addis Ababa in among African states. Other provisions of the
May 1963 which led to the OAU Charter affirmed the
formation of the first major principles of equality of all
Pan-African organisation, namely the Organisation of African Member States with each other; non-interference in the inter-
Unity.15 nal affairs of other states; respect for existing frontiers of mem-
The question of African unity, as to what form African unity ber states; and peaceful settlement of disputes. The charter
should take, became the cardinal issue at the Addis Ababa equally condemned all forms of political subversion and assas-
Conference.16 Not unexpectedly, the vast majority of African sinations and bound the Member States in a pledge to work
Heads of State attending the summit opposed Nkrumah’s for the liberation of African peoples then still under colonial
radical proposals for African Unity. Even normally radical rule in Southern Africa.
states like Modibo Keita’s Mali joined in opposing Nkrumah’s The OAU Charter was indeed a reflection of a compromise
position on aspects such as the defence of the existing fron- between prevailing opinions, especially among the Casablanca
tiers. According to Modibo Keita, the colonial system divid- and Monrovia Groups, envisaging a unity transcending eth-
ed Africa but it permitted nations to be born. He said: “Present nic and national differences. From the point of view of Pan-
frontiers should be respected and sovereignty of each state Africanism, the OAU Charter adopted at the Addis Ababa
must be consecrated by a multilateral non-aggression pact.” summit in May 1963 as a pivot on which African unity would
The general desire to protect national sovereignty and iden- revolve remained practically a dead letter. Firstly, it was a com-
tity was overwhelming. Many even questioned the validity of promise charter in which the radical states who were zealous
the Pan-African idea and of an ‘African Personality’, describ- for unity conceded vitally to the conservatives who did not
ing it as a reflection of an inferiority complex. In fact, far from even raise a faint echo that such a problem existed. It is perti-
supporting the ‘African Personality’, most leaders were in nent to note that the word ‘Pan-Africanism’ does not appear

August-October 2007 23
 I N F O C U S
even once in the whole Charter! It was clearly based on the
principle of unrestrained national sovereignty which militates
against wider unions. It may be noted that five out of the seven
basic principles of the OAU Charter (Article III) are clearly in
defence of sovereign rights of member states and the protec-
tion of their Heads of State and Government. The very first
principle, namely “sovereign equality of all member states” is
a clear rejection of the Pan-Africanist contention that there
were many unviable and very small “sovereign” states in Africa.
The political foundation of OAU, notably the blatantly hyp-
ocritical principle of “non-interference in the internal affairs
of member states”, the toleration extended to all regimes what-
ever their nature, the respect for territorial integrity and
sovereignty of existing states, amounting as it does to absolute
recognition of colonial frontiers, and are all fundamental
breaks with pristine Pan-Africanism.
The VIth and VIIth Pan-African Congresses
The limitation of OAU has been clear to many militants and
Pan-Africanists ever since its inception. Thus it was not sur-
prising that in the 1970s efforts were made to revive the Pan-
African Movement and the Pan-African Congresses. The early
1970s represented the decade of a renewed onslaught by lib-
eration movements in Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bisseau,
Zimbabwe and South Africa against colonisation and settler
minority racist rule. Therefore, the organisers wanted to pro-
vide concrete support for the liberation efforts. The VIth Pan-
African Congress was held in June 1974 at the University of
Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and was attended by 52 delegations
from Africa and the Diaspora — it was at once the most rep-
resentative and the most controversial of all Pan-African
Congresses. As was to be expected, this Congress mirrored the
global ideological and political struggles of the period and their
manifestations within the Pan-African world. The lead in
many cases was taken by the liberation movements. Perhaps,
24 August-October 2007
the greatest weakness of the Sixth Pan-African Congress was
its inability to transform all the good resolutions into concrete
organisational and institutional frameworks of action.18
The VIIth Pan-African Congress was held 20 years later in
April 1994 in Kampala, Uganda. More than 30 African coun-
tries were represented by different political forces and groups,
especially opposition and pro-democracy groups and youth
and women groups. Over 1,000 Africans and those in the
Diaspora turned up to witness the re-awakening of a Pan-
African movement that had been held in abeyance since the
last gathering in Tanzania in 1974. The Kampala Congress
placed emphasis on mass grassroots and popular participa-
tion.19 There was concerted effort among the participants to
transform the Pan-African Movement into an authentic voice
of Africa and the Diaspora. Briefly, the Seventh Pan-African
Congress succeeded in laying the foundations for a firm bridge
joining Africans on the continent and those in the Diaspora at
various levels. There was a general awareness among the par-
ticipants of the primacy of collective action in order to deal
with the threat posed to the African race.
AU and the Revival of Pan-Africanism
The establishment of AU in July 2002 replacing the 39-year-
old OAU in a way symbolised a revival of Pan-Africanism.20
The ideological basis of AU as that that of its predecessor, the
OAU, is pan-Africanism — that is, a desire to promote unity,
solidarity, cohesion and cooperation among the peoples and
states of Africa. The problem of creating political and eco-
nomic unity in Africa, for which OAU was created in 1963,
remained an unfinished task. Pan-Africanism may have accel-
erated the achievement of political independence for black
people, but economic independence remained the crucial
problem. It was in an attempt to tackle this fundamental prob-
lem that OAU was replaced by AU. The OAU was more
political than economic in its orientation21 and was conceived
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

primarily out of a determination to safeguard and consolidate resurrected from the ashes of continuing conflicts, famine,
Africa’s political independence, sovereignty and territorial poverty and marginalisation in the world and achieve African
integrity. The formation of AU, on the other hand, was Renaissance. It is this vision that led to the transformation of
prompted by the need to address socio-economic and politi- OAU into the African Union. The change from OAU to AU
cal challenges facing the continent in the 21st century. The idea in a real sense represented a qualitative improvement in the
of African political unification as advocated by Kwame process of inter-African cooperation and integration that is
Nkrumah could not find support among the vast majority of expected to impact positively on the living conditions of
African leaders in the 1950s and 1960. The majority of African Africans and in the long run, lead to political and economic
states then were not ready to come together in a strong union union of the continent. Of course, AU does not provide for
of African states. The decade of the 1990s, however, witnessed an end to the sovereignty of Africa’s individual states or to the
major developments marking a crucial turning point in African creation of a United States of Africa. The AU vision foresees
history. Among others, the emergence of a United Europe fol- a peaceful, integrated and prosperous Africa, driven by its peo-
lowing the Maastricht Treaty ple, a dynamic force in the
in 1991, confronted Africa and The 1990s witnessed an global community.22
the rest of the Third World The objectives of AU are
with enormous challenges. efflorescence of democracy all different and more compre-
Africa needed to undertake a over the continent. In the 1990s hensive than those of OAU.
serious reappraisal of its stand- The main objectives of AU, as
ing in the comity of nations. multi-party elections were contained in its Constitutive
Otherwise its increasing
marginalisation could have
held in more than 30 Act, are to: achieve greater
unity and solidarity between
delinked it from the world countries across Africa. African countries and the peo-
economy. These considera-
tions prompted OAU to
‘African Renaissance’ soon ples of Africa; defend the
sovereignty, territorial integri-
attempt to establish a new Pan- became the buzzword ty and independence of its
African economic grouping. member states; accelerate the
Thus the OAU at its 27th for the emerging generation political and socio-economic
Annual Summit in Abuja, of African leaders, notably integration of the continent;
Nigeria, on June 3, 1992, promote and defend African
adopted the Abuja Treaty to Nelson Mandela and common positions on issues
establish
Economic
the African
Community
Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. of interest to the continent and
its peoples; and to promote
(AEC) by the year 2025. After democratic principles and
ratification the Abuja Treaty came into force on May 12, 1994. institutions, popular participation and good governance and
Primarily, AEC aimed at promoting economic, social and cul- promotion of peace and stability and human rights in Africa.
tural development and the integration of Africa — in order to In order to achieve these objectives, AU has created various
increase economic self-reliance and promote endogenous and institutions such as the Peace and Security Council.
self-sustained development. The process of establishing AEC Significantly, AU also adopted a Non-Aggression and
was to continue for 34 years passing through six major stages Common Defence Pact early in 2005.
through the consolidation of the common market structure; The African Union is moulded on the lines of the European
an African Monetary Union, African Central Bank, a single Union and seeks a higher form of collaborative union for the
African currency and creation of an African Union, and a Pan- continent. Unlike its predecessor — the OAU — AU has the
African Parliament. right and power to intervene in the internal affairs of its mem-
The historic transition from apartheid to democracy in ber states in respect of grave circumstances such as war crimes,
South Africa, also in May 1994, was another major develop- genocide and crimes against humanity.23
ment in Africa. The 1990s also witnessed an efflorescence of It ensures respect for democracy, human rights, the rule of
democracy all over the continent. In the 1990s multi-party law and good governance and promotes social justice. It also
elections were held in more than 30 countries across Africa. promotes rejection of impunity, political assassinations and
‘African Renaissance’ soon became the buzzword for the acts of terrorism. It condemns and rejects unconstitutional
emerging generation of African leaders, notably Nelson changes of government.24 The AU has been conceived as an
Mandela and Thabo Mbeki of South Africa. Many African institution with a re-invigorated mandate and vision for the
leaders started using the term as away of comparing the past continent. In the short span of six years of its existence (2002-
“Old Africa” with the emerging “New Africa” in order to 08), AU has proved much more effective and forward looking
chart the future at a time of far reaching continental changes. and has made modest progress in many fields. The establish-
The idea of an African Renaissance embodies the vision of a ment of the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) in March 2004 and
more dynamic, stable, united and prosperous Africa. Many the all important Peace and Security Council in May 2004 are
new African leaders believed that Africa was capable of being significant achievements. Although PAP does not yet have full

August-October 2007 25
 I N F O C U S
legislative powers, it is expected to do so in five years’ time,
when its members will be elected directly by full universal suf-
frage. Eventually, it will become AU’s law-making branch.
Without peace security, the main driver of AU, there can be
no economic development. The main challenges facing PSC
are the creation of the proposed African Standby Force (ASF)
and AU’s Early Warning System. To be set up in a phased man-
ner by 2010, the ASF will undertake peacekeeping operations,
including military interventions, if justified. It will also be con-
cerned with humanitarian operations and post-conflict peace
building.25 A key objective will be eliminating the occurrence
of unconstitutional changes of government in Africa.
It may be noted that remarkable progress has been made by
AU in the resolution of many conflict situations in Africa in
recent years, such as those in the Comoros, Burundi, Liberia,
Cote d’Ivoire, Sudan, Ethiopia-Eritrea, Somalia, the Great
Lakes Region, Chad and Central African Republic. One of the
most serious crises faced by the continent is in Darfur, Western
Sudan, which has experienced the most catastrophic human-
itarian situation since 2003. The ongoing crisis in Darfur has
come to be seen as a test for the African Union. The deploy-
ment of a Military Observer Mission in Darfur (AMIS) was
created in pursuance of the humanitarian ceasefire agreement
of April 8, 2004. Currently a hybrid UN-AU Mission in
Darfur (Unamid) is in operation.
The introduction of the African Peer Review Mechanism
(APRM) has been another important aspect of AU’s work.
Africa has often been, and not without reason, criticised for
poor governance, where many African leaders mismanage
their economies, become dictators and put their personal
interests above that of the nation. To deal with this problem,
the APRM was set up to encourage member states to ensure
that their policies and practices conform to agreed political,
economic and corporate governance values, codes and stan-
dards enshrined in the New Partnership of Africa’s
Development (NEPAD), adopted by the African Heads of
State in 2001. The APRM is an African owned and managed
process that will measure four substantive areas: democracy
and political governance; economic governance and manage-
ment; corporate governance; and socio-economic develop-
ment. It is important to note that so far some 26 countries have
voluntarily agreed to subject themselves to such scrutiny.26
Sub-Regional Groupings and African Unity
It may be noted that Pan-Africanism today manifests itself
mainly in the form of regional cooperation and integration
schemes in Africa. Regional cooperation is not entirely new
in Africa. In the colonial era, cooperative arrangements exist-
ed among territories ruled by each colonial power.
Africa had and still has quite a number of them but they are
mainly noticeable for their failure to achieve anything mean-
ingful in their respective regions.
There is no denying the fact that regional cooperation is the
surest way forward for the continent’s economic develop-
ment.27 Institutions for regional cooperation have been creat-
ed in Africa since independence. The main purpose of these
26 August-October 2007
Regional cooperation is not
entirely new in Africa. In the
colonial era, cooperative
arrangements existed among
territories ruled by each colonial
power. Africa had and still has
quite a number of them but
they are mainly noticeable for
their failure to achieve
anything meaningful in
their respective regions.
organisations is to promote trade and development within
specific regions. They have also made it easier for the African
Union to deal with specific conflicts by collaborating with
them.
Regional organisations are playing a significant role in build-
ing up the strength of African unity. The AU has collaborated
with these organisations on different issues. It is pertinent to
note that in its interventions, the AU will not always take the
lead on specific challenges and will occasionally refer to the
efforts of the Regional Economic Communities (RECs) estab-
lished around the continent. Presently there are 14 major
regional groupings in Africa out of which the following eight
are recognised by AU: the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development
Community (SADC), the Common Market for Eastern and
Southern Africa (COMESA), the Inter-Governmental
Authority on Development (IGAD), the Arab Maghreb Union
(AMU), the Economic Community of Central African States
(ECCAS), the East African Community (EAC), and the
Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD).
These Regional Groupings though to some extent have
made some progress, they share certain problems which have
hindered cooperation.
There is lack of unity and commitment among them and
often reaching an agreement has become difficult. Certain
obstacles faced by all the regional groupings are: political insta-
bility and economic nationalism of individual states, difference
in ideology, language and culture, and heavy dependence on
external aid. Another problem is the existence of several organ-
isations with conflicting aims.
There are numerous obstacles to be overcome if regional
integration in Africa is to succeed.28 It would be difficult at pre-
sent since most African resources are tied to the interests of
the western world and directed by external decision-makers.29
Many experts hold the view that it would be unrealistic under
the present world economic order in which most African
resources are tied to the economic and strategic interests of the
developed world, purely dependent on and directed by exter-
nal decision-makers.

Another question that is often asked is whether or not the
former colonial powers would readily give up their spheres of
influence and their sources of raw materials. This is particu-
larly true of France’s politico-economic dominance over its
former African colonies.
The Rationale for African Unity
For years, African politicians from all parts of the continent
have called for African unity. They have presented the politi-
cal and economic arguments for unity, but they have not
always set out the details of how it could be achieved.30 It must
be remembered that out of the 48 states of the sub-Saharan
Africa more than 25 have populations of less than five or six
million inhabitants and that only Nigeria has a population of
over 100 million. Most of them have small internal markets,
limited infrastructure, new and fragile borders and economies
vulnerable to fluctuating world prices. Some 17 of them are
landlocked. As many have rightly pointed out, no African state
is economically large enough to construct a modern econo-
my alone. Africa as a whole has enough resources for the
much needed industrialisation.31 Without access to a larger
market area that could only be created through economic inte-
gration, it is impossible for these small countries to grow eco-
nomically and develop. Economic and political integration,
therefore, become the essential element for the sustainable
development of Africa.32
A united Africa would also command more respect in the
world on account of its larger market and greater economic
and military power and potential. Regional unity increases
comparative advantage when it comes to negotiating in inter-
national forums. Undoubtedly, prospective investors would
be more inclined to invest in a united Africa, particularly if they
can be assured of access to larger markets. A united Africa
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
would also have access to more human and material resources.
Another argument in favour of a united Africa is that it would
be able to mount a credible defence force to guard African
interests against internal and external attacks. Most African
countries, particularly the former French colonies, depend on
French forces for their security thus jeopardising their own
sovereignty. Individual African states also spend a dispropor-
tionate amount of their national budgets on defence. Through
pooling of their defence capacity, African countries can spend
less on defence and gain better security. As Kwame Nkrumah
rightly noted, “it is ridiculous, indeed suicidal, for each state
separately and individually to assume such a heavy burden of
self-defence”.33 The artificial borders that separate the nation-
al territories of African states — being coextensive of the impe-
rialist objectives of the colonial powers — are divisive of peo-
ples united by history and geography. The political map of
Africa contains hardly any border that has not destroyed the
natural unity of extensive regions.
It may be said that the main difficulties that beset contem-
porary Africa are principally rooted in the territorial shredding
of the continent. To strive for political unification of the con-
tinent is the crucial need for the rebirth of an African power.
In this regard, Africans could draw inspiration from the recent
history of big powers around the world such as the United
States, Soviet Union, China, India, Germany and an emerg-
ing United Europe.
The example of the United States of America is most strik-
ing. Alexander Hamilton devised a programme to use eco-
nomic policy as an instrument for American unification and
power. It was through diplomacy and war that the United
States territory was broadened: war against Mexico and the
Civil War. The history of the formation of the United States
of America in the late 18th century must serve as a lesson and
reason for hope for the African peoples. The vastly diverse
27
 I N F O C U S
nationalities, cultures and languages of America did not set
themselves up as independent nationalities but melded into
one impressive nation. The American example negates the
argument according to which it is impossible to bring all peo-
ples of Africa together.34
The vast economic power of the erstwhile Soviet Union was
founded on the immense geo-economic space of the USSR.
A vast territory with considerable agricultural space, abundant
natural resources and a sizeable population are the factors that
enabled the USSR to become a modern industrial power.
This is also applicable to the post-Soviet Russia.
The same could be said of China, which, with a territory of
about 10 million square kilometres and a population of over
one billion, has made spectacular progress since its 1949 revo-
lution in becoming a nation of the first order.
The example of India is also pertinent. In the 5,000 years of
its history, India was never united: it had always been a group
of different states.
It may be worth recalling that there were 554 separate Indian
states at the time of its independence in 1947 that occupied two-
thirds of India while the rest of India was British India.
The heroic efforts of Sardar Vallabhai Patel led to the estab-
lishment of the foundation of a union of India and its later suc-
cess and strength. Otherwise India would not have been what
it is today!
At the Vienna Congress in 1815, Germany was composed
of 39 autonomous states under the honorary presidency of the
emperor of Austria.
The Germany that emerged from the Vienna Congress was
characterised by an impressive number of internal customs
28 August-October 2007
duties that hampered commercial growth, promoted English
goods, and prevented the attainment of territorial unity and
German economy could hardly develop.
It was the creation of the German Customs Union
(Deutscher Zolverein) which became a solid instrument for
the subsequent unification of the country under the aegis of
Berlin in 1870. This helped generate the renaissance of con-
temporary German power.
A telling lesson indeed for Africans, confronted as they are
with the same problems as the Germans were in the aftermath
of the Vienna Congress. The rebirth of German power fol-
lowing its territorial unification in 1870 demonstrates that
unity is the prime source of the power of the peoples.
If there were any need for further proof to enlighten
Africans about the need for economic and political unity, we
could turn to modern Western Europe, a continent composed
of old nations that for centuries settled disputes through blood
and gore.
Western Europe whose economic growth had to suffer
between the two world wars because of the autarchic policies
of national governments, awakened its leaders at the end of the
1940s to embark in the direction of forming a single vast west
European geo-economic and political space, in the face of
American and Soviet hegemony.
For the promoters of the European Economic Community,
created in 1957, the idea was to enhance economic growth
within a vast transnational space encompassing the territories
of all the member states. The establishment of the European
Union (EU) in 1993 following the historic Maastricht Treaty
of 1992 and the creation of a single European currency “Euro”
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

in 1999, have led to commendable economic, technological,
scientific and political successes — it is an example that Africa
can profitably endeavour to follow.
Conclusion
Fifty years have passed since most of the existing states in
Africa acquired formal political independence. However, as
the NEPAD document (2001) rightly points out, “the pover-
ty and backwardness of Africa stand in stark contrast to the
prosperity of the developed world”.
The challenging task before Africa is to build a strong con-
tinental state, powerful enough to keep all intruders out,
rich enough to bring prosperity to all its citizens. In short,
Africa needs a self-reliant Pan-African programme in order
to tackle its present disabilities.
In other words, the solution to the problems of Africa lies
in renewed Pan-Africanism.36 For over a century now, var-
ious African leaders have called for African unity, but there
was no unanimity as to the methods and means to be adopt-
ed to achieve that ideal.
The inauguration of AU in 2002 was a historic milestone
for the continent. It offers a major opportunity for Africa to
establish and provide an effective and legal and institutional
mechanism to promote unity and prosperity. Of course there
are many hurdles to make the AU vision of an ‘Integrated,
Prosperous and Peaceful Africa’ into a reality.
The formation of a ‘United States of Africa’, a ‘Union
Government of Africa’, and one army is now within the
realm of possibility.
The AU has laid the foundation for such an evolution. In
order for AU to succeed, there has to be genuine commit-
ment to unity and a strong political will to implement its plan
of action. Africa’s present day leaders have an opportunity to
learn from the mistakes of the past and prepare Africa for its
rightful place in the family of nations.
Dr. Nkrumah’s scheme for one government for the whole
continent may appear utopian. Yet, indeed, borders in Africa
are arbitrary, states are hardly established, and are often so
tiny as not to be viable. They have no national basis, barring
a few exceptions. If the present states have no national basis,
if they cannot thrive and grow, why indeed should they not
be grouped into One big State? Such is the rational basis of
Kwame Nkrumah’s thesis. It is the opposite of utopia.
What is utopic is to persevere in trying to build an Africa
into a mosaic of pseudo-states. Without creating a strong,
democratic, independent and self-reliant ‘New Africa’, the
continent will continue to remain an easy prey to external
economic and strategic interests.
Africans are one people and have one destiny regardless of
the artificial boundaries created by the Europeans. Africa is
one and indivisible as you cannot divide the sea or the run-
ning water of a river.
As Nkrumah rightly noted in 1963, “divided we are weak;
united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for
good in the world”.37
The true aspirations of Africans are summed up by the
Ethiopian poet laureate, Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, who wrote:
“Let us unite to give the best we have to Africa, the cradle of
mankind. Let us make Africa the Tree of Life!” ■

Notes and References

1. AU Commission, 2004-2007 Strategic Framework of Decline of Pan-Africanism”, Nigerian Journal of International
the African Union Commission, May, p. 7 Affairs, Vol. 5-7, 1983, pp. 45-61
2. UNESCO, UNESCO History of Africa, 8 Vols. 13. R. N. Duchain, The Pan-African Manifesto, Accra,
3. Hoffman, M. A., Egypt Before the Pharaohs: The Guinea Press, 1957, p. 9
Prehistoric Foundations of Egyptian Civilization, London: 14. See V. B. Thompson, op. cit.,
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980; and Lewis, B., The Arabs in 15. For details see, Chimelu Chime, Integration and Politics
History, London: Hutchinson University Press, 1970 Among African States, Uppsala, Scandinavian Institute of
4. See Tasjudeen Abdul-Raheem, (Ed), Pan-Africanism, African Studies, 1977, pp. 140-200
London, Pluto Press, 1996 16. Ibid.,
5. Kwame Nkrumah, Africa Must Unite, New York, 17. K. Mathews “The OAU and Regional Cooperation in
International Publishers, 1970 Africa”, in N. N. Vohra & K. Mathews (ed.) Africa, India and
6. Timothy Murithi, The African Union: Pan-Africanism, South-South Cooperation, New Delhi, Har Anand
Peacebuilding and Development, Aldershot, England, Ashgate Publications, 1997, pp. 205-229
Publishing Ltd. 2005, p. 7 18. See Speeches and Documents of the VIth Pan-African
7. Ibid, p. 8 Congress, Dar es-Salaam, 1975
8. Cheikh Anta Diop, Black Africa: The Economic and 19. For a detailed Report on the VIIth Pan-African
Cultural Basis of a Federal State, Chicago, Lawrence Hill Congress, See, West Africa, 25 April, 1 May, 1994, pp. 736-47
Books, 1984 20. See K. Mathews, “The African Union and the
9. Ibid, p. 17 Renaissance of Pan-Africanism”, India International Centre
10. Mamo Muchi (Ed.) The Making of the African Nation: Quarterly, Vol, 31, No. 1, 2005
Pan-Africanism and African Renaissance, London, Adonis & 21. Ibid.,
Abey Publishers, 2003, p. 7 22. See Timothy Murithi, op. cit.,
11. V.B. Thompson, Africa and Unity: The Evolution of 23. Article 4 (h) of the Constitutive Act of the AU
Pan-Africanism, London, Longman, 1969 24. Article 4 (m), (p) and Article 30 of the Constitutive Act
12. K. Mathews, “A Polemical Note on the Growth and of the AU

August-October 2007 29
 A F R I C A N S O L U T I O N S

Grand Debate: Towards a

FEDERAL UNION of Africa
The problems of Africa cannot be solved in an isolated way. There is a
strong need to include African citizens in the debates leading up to
the formation of a Union Government of Africa, says Tim Murithi

F
Introduction This paper will assess the origins of Pan-Africanism and dis-
ive years after the inception of the cuss the norms that animated this movement. It will then
African Union (AU) in July 2002, it is assess how Pan-Africanism was institutionalised in the form
appropriate to reflect on the debate on of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the present-
the prospects of further continental day African Union (AU). It will argue that the Grand Debate
integration and the impending transi- on the Union Government is only the latest incarnation of an
tion to the Union Government attempt to institutionalise Pan-Africanism. Understanding the
Project. During the Eighth Ordinary reasons why Pan-Africanism gained currency as a movement
Session of Assembly of Heads of State and liberatory ideology will help us to understand this Grand
and Government of the African Union Debate. The past in this sense is influencing the present and
(AU) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from January 29-30, 2007, a will ultimately inform the future. We can also question
decision was taken to devote the next meeting of the Assembly whether the Union Government of Africa Project will be built
to an elaborately titled “Grand Debate on the Union on a solid enough foundation to realise the aspirations of Pan-
Government”. Africanism.
From May 8-9, 2007,
the Executive Council What is Pan-
of Ministers of Foreign Africanism?
Affairs met in Durban,
South Africa, to brain- It is often assumed
storm the state of the that the process of
Union. The question continental integration
arises as to whether this began with an
is the appropriate debate Extraordinary Summit
to be had at this time, of the Organisation of
when the continent is African Unity (OAU)
afflicted with so many convened in Sirte,
other problems and Libya, in 1999. In fact,
challenges? To what the process began with
extent are the majority the Pan-African
of African people aware Signing the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity in Africa Hall, May 25, 1963. movement and its
that this debate is going on? If they are not aware, who is hav- demand for greater solidarity among the peoples of Africa. To
ing this conversation on their behalf? How can a Union understand the emergence of the African Union, we need to
Government Project succeed if it does not have the buy-in and understand the evolution of the Pan-African movement. A
the support of the people of Africa? review of the objectives and aspirations of Pan-Africanism
But before we can even begin to grapple with these ques- provides a foundation to critically assess the creation of AU and
tions this paper seeks to pose the question: How we have got its prospects for promoting the principles and norms of peace
to the point that we are discussing a Union of Africa and development.
Government or the so-called United States of Africa? Only by Historically, Pan-Africanism — the perception by Africans
tracing the trajectory of the evolution of the notion of Pan- in the diaspora and on the continent that they share common
Africanism can be begin to contextualise the impetus behind goals — has been expressed in different forms by various
the impending “Grand Debate on the Union Government”. actors. There is no single definition of Pan-Africanism and in

30 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

fact, we can say that there are as many ideas about Pan- darity amongst Africans. Genuine dialogue and debate in Africa
Africanism as there are thinkers of Pan-Africanism. Rather will not always generate consensus, but at least it will be dia-
than being a unified school of thought, Pan-Africanism is logue among Africans about how they might resolve their
more a movement which has as its common underlying theme problems. If ideas are not designed by the Africans themselves,
the struggle for social and political equality and the freedom then rarely can they be in the interests of Africans.
from economic exploitation and racial discrimination.
It is interesting to note that it is the global dispersal of peo- The Organisation of African Unity
ples of African descent that is partly responsible for the emer-
gence of the Pan-African movement. As Hakim Adi and In the 20th century, the idea of Pan-Africanism took on an
Marika Sherwood observe in their book Pan-African History: institutional form. Initially, there was the Pan-African
Political Figures from African and the Diaspora Since 1787, Congress which convened in the United Kingdom and the
“Pan-Africanism has taken on different forms at different his- United States of America, under the leadership of activists like
torical moments and geographical locations”. the African-American writer and thinker W.E.B. du Bois; the
Adi and Sherwood note that, what underpins these differ- Trinidadian Henry Sylvester Williams; and inspired often by
ent perspectives on Pan-Africanism is “the belief in some form the ideas of people like the Jamaican-American Marcus
of unity or of common purpose Garvey. These ideas were adopted
among the peoples of Africa and the Pan-Africanism is a recognition and reformed by continental African
African Diaspora”. One can also of the fragmented nature of the leaders in the middle of the 20th cen-
detect an emphasis on celebrating tury.
“Africanness”, resisting the exploita-
existence of Africans, their Kwame Nkrumah who later
tion and oppression of Africans and marginalisation and alienation became the first president of Ghana,
their kin in the Diaspora as well as whether in their own continent or Sekou Toure of Guinea, Leopold
staunch opposition to the ideology of Senghor of Senegal, Banar Abdel
racial superiority in all its overt and
in the Diaspora. Pan-Africanism Nasser of Egypt, Ali Ben Bella of
covert guises. seeks to respond to Africa’s Algeria took the idea of Pan-
Pan-Africanism is an invented underdevelopment. Africanism to another level on May
notion. It is an invented notion with 25, 1963 when they co-created the
a purpose. We should therefore pose
Pan-Africanism calls upon Organisation of African Unity
the question what is the purpose of Africans to draw from their own (OAU). The principles of OAU kept
Pan-Africanism? Essentially, Pan- strengths and capacities and the spirit of Pan-Africanism alive.
Africanism is a recognition of the The primary objective of this princi-
fragmented nature of the existence
become self-reliant. ple was to continue the tradition of
of Africans, their marginalisation and solidarity and cooperation among
alienation whether in their own continent or in the Diaspora. Africans.
Pan-Africanism seeks to respond to Africa’s underdevelop- During the OAU era, the key challenge was colonialism.
ment. Africa has been exploited and a culture of dependency Since 1885, however, in what was then known as the
on external assistance unfortunately still prevails on the con- “Scramble for Africa”, European colonial powers had
tinent. If people become too reliant on getting their support, colonised African peoples and communities across the entire
their nourishment, their safety, from outside sources, then continent. The Belgians were in the Congo, the British in
they do not strive to find the power within themselves to rely East, South, West and North Africa. The French were in West
on their own capacities. Africa, Somalia, Algeria and other parts of North Africa while
Pan-Africanism calls upon Africans to draw from their own the Italians were in Somalia. The Germans, who later lost
strengths and capacities and become self-reliant. their colonies following their defeat in the Second World War,
The idea is a recognition that Africans have been divided had to relinquish Namibia and modern-day Tanzania. Africans
among themselves. They are constantly in competition among had successfully fought on the side of the allies in the Second
themselves, deprived of the true ownership of their own World War and after its conclusion brought their struggle for
resources and inundated by paternalistic external actors with independence back home to Africa.
ideas about what is “good” for them. Modern-day paternalism The OAU embraced the principle of Pan-Africanism and
is more sophisticated and dresses itself up as a kind and gen- undertook the challenge of liberating all African countries
tle helping hand with benign and benevolent intentions. In from the grip of settler colonialism. The main principle that
reality, it seeks to maintain a “master-servant” relationship and it was trying to promote was to end racial discrimination upon
does not really want to see genuine empowerment and inde- which colonialism with its doctrine of racial superiority was
pendence of thought in Africa. The net effect of this is to dis- based. In addition, OAU sought to assert the right of Africans
empower Africans from deciding for themselves the best way to control their social, economic and political affairs and
to deal with the problems and issues they are facing. achieve the freedom necessary to consolidate peace and devel-
Pan-Africanism is a recognition that the only way out of this opment.
existential, social, political crisis is by promoting greater soli- The OAU succeeded in its primary mission, with the help

August-October 2007 31
 A F R I C A N S O L U T I O N S

of international actors, in liberating the continent on April 27, issued reports acknowledging their failures. The impetus for
1994 when a new government based on a one-person-one- the adoption of a new paradigm in the promotion of peace and
vote came into being in South Africa under the leadership of security in the African continent emerged following the
Nelson Mandela. The OAU, however, was not as effective in Rwandan tragedy.
monitoring and policing the affairs of its own Member States Regrettably due to the doctrine of non-intervention, the
when it came to issues OAU became a silent
of violent conflict, witness to the atroci-
political corruption, ties being committed
economic misman- by some of its
agement, poor gover- Member States.
nance, lack of human Eventually, a culture
rights, lack of gender of impunity and
equality, and poverty indifference became
eradication. entrenched in the
The preamble of international relations
the OAU Charter of of African countries
1963 outlined a com- during the era of the
mitment by Member “proxy” wars of the
States to collectively Cold War era. So in
establish, maintain effect, the OAU was a
and sustain the toothless talking
“human conditions shop. The OAU was
for peace and securi- perceived as a club of
ty”. However, in par- African Heads of
African leaders at a meeting of the OAU.
allel, the same OAU States, most of whom
Charter contained the provision to “defend the sovereignty, were not legitimately elected representatives of their own cit-
territorial integrity and independence of the member states”. izens but self-appointed dictators and oligarchs. This negative
This was later translated into the norm of non-intervention. perception informed people’s attitude towards OAU. It was
The key organs of OAU — the Council of Ministers and the viewed as an organisation that existed sans any impact on the
Assembly of Heads of State and Government — could only daily lives of Africans.
intervene in a conflict situation if they were invited by the par-
ties to a dispute. Many intra-state disputes were viewed, at the The African Union
time, as internal matters and the exclusive preserve of gov-
ernments. The African Union came into existence in July 2002, in
The OAU created a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Durban, South Africa. It was supposed to usher Africa into a
Management and Resolution in Cairo, in June 1993. This new era of continental integration leading to deeper unity and
instrument was ineffective in resolving disputes on the conti- resolution of its problems. The evolution of AU from the
nent. Tragically, the Rwandan genocide which was initiated Organisation of African Unity was visionary and timely. The
in April 1994 happened while this OAU had failed to live up to its norms
mechanism was operational. It was The African Union has emerged and principles. Africa at the time of
also during this last decade of the 20th as a homegrown initiative to the demise of OAU was a continent
century that the conflict in Somalia effectively take the destiny of the that was virtually imploding from
led to the collapse of the state, and the within due to the pressures of conflict,
violence in Sierra Leone, Liberia, continent into the hands of the poverty, underdevelopment, and pub-
Angola, the Democratic Republic of African people. However, there lic health crises such as malaria, tuber-
the Congo (DRC) and Sudan led to is a long way to go before the culosis and HIV/AIDS. The OAU
the death of millions of Africans. effectively died of a cancer of ineffi-
These devastating events illustrated AU’s vision and mission ciency because it failed to live up to its
the limitations of OAU as an institu- is realised. founding ideals of promoting peace,
tion that could implement the norms security and development in Africa.
and principles that it articulated. Despite the existence of The African Union has emerged as a homegrown initiative to
OAU’s mechanisms for conflict prevention and management, effectively take the destiny of the continent into the hands of
the Rwandan tragedy demonstrated its virtual impotence in the the African people. However, there is a long way to go before
face of violent conflict within Member States. The United AU’s vision and mission is realised.
Nations did not fare any better as all of its troops, except the The AU is composed of 53 member states. It is run by the
Ghanaian contingent, pulled out of the country leaving its AU Commission based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The
people to their fates. Subsequently, both the OAU and the UN Chairperson of the Commission is Alpha Oumar Konare. Its

32 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

top decision making organ is the Assembly of the Heads of

State and Government, its executive decision-making organ is
the Executive Council of Ministers, who work closely with the
Permanent Representatives Committee of Ambassadors in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The AU has also established a range of
institutions which will be discussed below.
If we know the “purpose” of Pan-Africanism then the steps
to achieve its goals become clearer to understand. It is in this
context that we can begin to understand the emergence of
AU. It would be a mistake to view AU as an aberration that
just emerged in the last few years. It would be more appropriate
to view AU as only the latest incarnation of the idea of Pan-
Africanism.
The first phase of the institutionalisation of Pan-Africanism
was the Pan-African Congresses that were held from the end
of the 19th century and into the beginning of the 20th centu-
ry. The second phase was the inauguration of the Organisation
of African Unity. The third phase is in effect the creation of
the African Union. However, it will not be the last phase.
Subsequent phases and organisations will bring about ever-
closer political, economic and social ties among African peo-
ples. In fact, African unity is an idea that can be traced back to
the 19th century. The African Union is a 21st-century expres-
Paul Kagame, the President of the Republic of Rwanda, arriving at
sion of a 19th-century idea. As such it is an imperfect expres- Addis Ababa Bole International Airport, Ethiopia, to attend the
sion, but nevertheless the best expression of Pan-Africanism Third Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the
that can be brought forth at this time. African Union in July 2004.

A United States of Africa or a Union of Africa? The African Union is a 21st-century

The agenda to establish a Union Government of Africa or
the so-called United States of Africa (USA) is well underway.
At the core of this debate is the desire to create several minis-
terial portfolios for AU. During the Fourth Ordinary Session
of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government held from
January 30-31, 2005, in Abuja, Nigeria, AU agreed to the pro-
posals made by the Libyan government to establish ministeri-
al portfolios for the organisation. At the Sixth Ordinary Session
of the Executive Council of AU Ministers, Libya proposed the
establishment of the post of a “Minister of Transport and
Communications” to help unify the transportation system
among Member States under the competence of AU. The
ministry, Libya proposed, would oversee airports and ports of
Africa’s capital cities, highways, inter-State railways, State-
owned airline companies which would become the basis for a
single African airline company. Ultimately, Libya proposed
that this would lead to “the creation of a post of Minister of
Transportation and Communications”.
Similarly, Libya also proposed the creation of the post of
Minister of Defence to oversee “a joint policy on defence and
security of the Union and provide for the reinforcement of
peace, security and stability on the continent”. This Libyan
proposal noted that the provisions of the AU Constitutive Act
of 2000 and the AU Protocol on Peace and Security of 2002
have effectively established a “Joint Defence Framework”.
As a logical step in the implementation of the Protocols and
establishment of the institutions of AU, the Libyan proposal
emphasised the importance of establishing this post to over-
expression of a 19th-century idea. As
such it is an imperfect expression,
but nevertheless the best expression
of Pan-Africanism that can be brought
forth at this time. The agenda to
establish a Union Government of Africa
or the so-called United States of Africa
is well underway. At the core of this
debate is the desire to create
several ministerial portfolios
for the African Union.
see and “defend the security of Member States against any
foreign aggression and to achieve internal security and stabil-
ity”. In addition, Libya also proposed the establishment of the
post of an “African Union Minister of Foreign Affairs”. Central
to its argument was that AU countries undermine their own
influence when its 53 foreign ministers, each individually rep-
resenting their own governments, speak simultaneously and
occasionally in contradiction with each other. The Libyan pro-
posal noted that this post was necessary in order to expedite
the “continent’s political, economic and social integration and
to reinforce and defend unified African positions on issues of
mutual interest” in the international sphere.

August-October 2007 33
 A F R I C A N S O L U T I O N S
Building Blocks
In order to respond to these proposals, the AU Assembly
decided to “set up a Committee of Heads of State and
Government chaired by the President of the Republic of
Uganda and composed of Botswana, Chad, Ethiopia, Niger,
Senegal and Tunisia” to liaise with the Chairperson of the AU
Commission submit a report by the next summit in July 2005.
The Committee convened a conference under the theme
“Desirability of a Union Government of Africa”. The meet-
ing included members of the Committee, representatives of
the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), technical
experts, academics, civil society and Diaspora representatives,
as well as the media. The conference came up with three key
conclusions including the recognition that the necessity of an
AU government was not in doubt; that such a Union must be
of the African people and not merely a Union of states and gov-
ernments; that its creation must come about through the prin-
ciple of gradual incrementalism; and that the role of the RECs
should be highlighted as building blocks for the continental
framework.
Following the submission of this report the Assembly reaf-
firmed “that the ultimate goal of the African Union is full
political and economic integration leading to a United States
of Africa”. The Assembly further established a Committee of
Heads of State and Government to be chaired by President
Olusegun Obasanjo, Chairperson of the African Union, and
composed of the Heads of State and Government of Algeria,
Kenya, Senegal, Gabon, Lesotho and Uganda. More specifi-
cally, the Assembly requested the Committee to consider “the
steps that need to be taken for the realisation of this objective,
the structure, the process, the time frame required for its
achievement as well as measures that should be undertaken,
in the meantime, to strengthen the ability of the Commission
to fulfil its mandate effectively”.
The Limits of Imitation
It is likely that the acronym for the United States of Africa
(USA) will lead to allegations of imitation. This will foster
accusations of a copycat approach to African integration. Some
leaders may harbour hidden agendas in terms of seeking to rival
the power of other global players. However, this cannot be
achieved overnight. Misguided agendas can ultimately sabo-
tage efforts to promote genuine and sustainable continental
integration.
The key aspects of the US of Africa include the following:
■ A top-down approach to continental integration
■ Governed by the whimsical will of the leaders of African
governments
■ A tendency towards undemocratic practices
■ Through its formulation, which largely excluded African
civil society, will be governed by the rule of Heads of State
However, the objective behind the US of Africa should not
be primarily one of increasing the level of global competitive-
ness of the continent. Rather the focus should be on improv-
34 August-October 2007
The objective behind the United States of
Africa should not be one of increasing the
level of global competitiveness of the
continent. Rather the focus should be on
improving the livelihood of African people.
For this to happen, further continental
integration has to be motivated by the
founding principles of Pan-Africanism,
namely a commitment to democratic
governance, human rights, and the rule of
law. Anti-democratic actors who proclaim
the importance of establishing a United
States of Africa should not be allowed to
replicate the anti-democratic policies
and practices at a continental level.
ing the livelihood of African people as a whole. For this to hap-
pen, further continental integration has to be motivated by the
founding principles of Pan-Africanism, namely a commit-
ment to democratic governance, human rights protection and
the rule of law. Anti-democratic actors who herald and pro-
claim the importance of establishing a United States of Africa,
should not be allowed to replicate the anti-democratic policies
and practices at a continental level.
It may, therefore, be more appropriate to speak of a Federal
Union of Africa (FUA) rather than a United States of Africa,
since this will begin to delineate and demarcate and articulate
the founding principles of a union of African countries and
their societies. The features of a Federal Union of Africa would
include the following:
■ At once federal in nature
■ Based on the democratic will of its people
■ Governed through the consent of African people
■ Governed by the rule of law and the protection of human
rights for all African peoples
Including Civil Society in the Debates leading up to the Union
Government of Africa
There is also the issue of the extent to which AU is con-
sulting the wider African public on the issue of the Grand
Debate. The AU has established a website inviting contribu-
tions to this Grand Debate. However, some civil society
activists have argued that an African Union Government
would be a pipedream without laying the foundations for gen-
uine African citizenship.
Therefore, informed discussions and consultations on this
issue have to include civil society organisations. The AU has
also designated the African Diaspora as the sixth region of the
African Union, and therefore it would be useful to also include
this constituency in the debates leading up to the formation of
the Union Government of Africa.

Conclusion
Africa’s destiny and Africa’s destination is without doubt
continental unity. There have been many institutions that
have laid the foundations for the transition towards the pro-
posed Union Government of Africa. The AU is the latest
vehicle to orient the continent towards its destiny of unifica-
tion. The recently proposed Union Government of Africa if
and when it is inaugurated will also serve as a vehicle of fur-
ther continental integration. The events surrounding the cre-
ation of the African Union and the debates on the proposed
Union Government of Africa have surpassed the theoretical
and academic analysis of the emergence of this continental
organisation. Today, there is a dearth of policy analysis on the
creation of the AU. This paper sought to provide a broad out-
line to fill up some of the gaps that exist in terms of the estab-
lishment and evolution of AU and the proposed creation of a
Union Government of Africa. The paper has argued that it is
necessary to include African citizens in the debates leading up
to the formation of the Union Government. It also suggests
that the Union Government should not be based on imitation
but draw from the political exigencies and requirements of the
people of Africa. Ultimately, the Union Government project
is a welcome initiative but its success will be judged by the
Notes
1. African Union, Eighth Ordinary Session of Assembly of
Heads of State and Government of the African Union (AU)
in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, from January 29-30, 2007
2. Hakim Adi and Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History:
Political Figures from African and the Diaspora Since 1787,
London: Routledge, 2003, p.vii.
3. Timothy Murithi, The African Union: Pan-Africanism,
Peacebuilding and Development, (Aldershot, England:
Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2005).
4. Organisation of African Unity, Charter of the Organisation
of African Unity, (Addis Ababa: OAU, 1963).
5. Solomon Gomes, “The Peacemaking and Mediation Role
of the OAU and AU: What Prospects?”, Paper submitted to
the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) policy seminar,
Building an African Union (AU) for the 21st Century, Cape
Town, South Africa, August 20-22, 2005.
6. Organisation of African Unity, Charter of the Organisation
of African Unity, (Addis Ababa: OAU, 1963).
7. Organisation of African Unity, Rwanda: The Preventable
Genocide, A Report by an International Panel of Eminent
Personalities, Addis Ababa: Organisation of African Unity,
2000; and United Nations, Report of the Independent Inquiry
into the Actions of the United Nations during the 1994 geno-
cide in Rwanda, New York: United Nations, 1999.
8. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of
Transport and Communications (Item Proposed by the Great
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Executive Council Sixth Ordinary
Session, EX.CL/165(VI) Add.5, Abuja, Nigeria, January 24-28,
2005, p. 1.
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
extent to which it improves the livelihood and well-being of
Africans on the continent. ■
9. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of
Transport and Communications, p.1.
10. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of
Defence (Item Proposed by the Great Libyan Arab
Jamahiriya), Executive Council Sixth Ordinary Session,
EX.CL/165(VI) Add.6, Abuja, Nigeria, January 24-28, 2005,
p. 1.
11. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of
Defence, p.1.
12. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of
Defence, p.1.
13. African Union, Establishment of a Post of Minister of AU
Minister of Foreign Affairs (Item Proposed by the Great
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya), Executive Council Sixth Ordinary
Session, EX.CL/165(VI) Add.7, Abuja, Nigeria, January 24-28,
2005, p. 1.
14. African Union, Decisions and Declarations, Assembly of
the African Union, Fourth Ordinary Session,
Assembly/AU/Dec.69(IV), Assembly/AU/5 (IV) Add.1-5,
Abuja, Nigeria, January 30-31, 2005.
15. African Union, Decision on the Report of the Committee
of Seven Heads of State and Government Chaired by the
President of the Republic of Uganda on the Proposals of the
Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
Assembly/AU/Dec 90(V), Fifth Ordinary Session, Sirte, Libya,
July 4-5, 2005.
16. African Union, Decision on the Report of the Committee
of Seven Heads of State and Government, Fifth Ordinary
Session, paragraph 5.
35
 B U I L D I N G B L O C K S

Need for regional

COOPERATION
The future of regional cooperation in Africa and the rest of the
developing world is closely linked with the future of international
cooperation and the world economy, says Sonu Trivedi

R
egional cooperation and integra-
tion is a major process and a key
factor of evolution in internal and
international politics. The years
since 1990 have witnessed a
renewed and stronger trend for
regional and bilateral economic
groupings worldwide led by
developed countries and fol-
lowed by developing countries. There has been widespread
recognition among several nations that under the present con-
ditions, joining regional cooperative groupings is an appro-
priate transitional strategic response to the intensification of the
ongoing process of globalisation.
The future of regional cooperation in Africa and the rest of
the developing world is closely linked with the future of inter-
national cooperation and the world economy. In Africa, as in
other parts of the world, many countries have become mem-
bers of two or more regional economic organisations with
overlapping privileges and obligations.
The basis for regional cooperation lies in common and
shared national interests deriving from propinquity, similari-
ty of socio-political systems, comparable levels of develop-
ment and complementarities of economies and affinities of
language, culture, historical tradition and religion. The small-
ness of most of the Third World countries’ individual markets
compels them to join forces to develop their industries and
reap the benefits of economies of scale, attract foreign investors
by organising a ‘frontier-less’ market with a critical mass of
potential consumers and create the job that their constantly
expanding populations demand. [i]
No African state is large enough to conduct a modern econ-
omy alone. Cooperation in all spheres and at all levels is as nec-
essary and as desirable in Africa as anywhere else. It has there-
fore become imperative for Africa to map out a strategy of
‘regional cooperation and integration’ and lay the foundation
for sustainable development in the 21st century. The estab-
lishment of the African Union was a step in that direction.
Furthermore, the New African Initiative (merger of the
Millennium African Renaissance Partnership Programme
(MAP) and the OMEGA Plan) launched in July 2001 and the
New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD)
launched in October 2001, which provides a blueprint for
Africa’s development, call for a new relationship of partner-
ship between Africa and the international community, espe-
cially the highly industrialised countries, to overcome the
development chasm that has widened over centuries of
unequal relations. The idea of an African common market or
an economic community, as an approach to integration at the
continental level was reflected in the resolutions of various
Pan-African conferences held during the early years of African
independence.[ii] The demands for the Pan-African unity were
especially noticeable in the early 1960s after most of the African
states achieved independence.
This was realised in the establishment of the Organisation
of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. A number of regional eco-
nomic organizations were established within the different sub-
regions in Africa, such as the Economic Community for West
African States (ECOWAS) in West Africa, Southern African
Development Community (SADC) in Southern Africa,
Maghreb in North Africa, the Common Market for Eastern
and Southern Africa (COMESA), and Economic Community
for Central African States (CEEAC/ECCAS) in Central
Africa.[iii] The end of the Cold War and the emergence of a
united Europe after the establishment of the European Union
(EU) confronted Africa and the rest of the developing world
with enormous challenges. Consequently the OAU in June
1991, at its 27th annual summit in Abuja, Nigeria, adopted the
Abuja Treaty to establish the African Economic Community
(AEC) by the year 2025.

36 August-October 2007

This Treaty came into force in May 1994. Since then the
idea of African unity and cooperation has assumed new
dynamics and direction.
The Abuja Treaty also recommended the establishment of
an African Union (AU) and a Pan-African Parliament (PAP).
The OAU endorsed the Abuja Treaty proposal for an African
Union (AU) in 1999.[iv] The OAU summit in Lome in July
2000 declared the establishment of the AU by a unanimous
decision. It came into existence on May 26, 2001. The AU that
has replaced the OAU aims at “achieving greater unity and sol-
idarity between the African countries and the peoples of Africa”
and “accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of
the continent”.[v]
These regional blocs or economic groupings have the com-
mon goals of economic transformation and development,
implicitly including eradication or reduction of poverty in the
process. In other words, economic cooperation and integra-
tion is not an end in itself but rather a means towards sustain-
able economic development. This article focuses upon the
African experience in regional cooperation and integration,
and the efforts made for building a deeper regional integration
scheme for buttressing an ‘integrated union of African States’.
Framework
Africa has been variously defined as “a cultural mosaic in
transformation”[vi], or placed somewhere between “globalisa-
tion and marginalisation”.[vii] Despite, the heterogeneous
nature of Africa, socio-political unity may still come about
because of the existence of the ideology of Pan-Africanism.[viii]
Such a mobilising and unifying politico-ideological force
brought leaders to focus on commonalities rather than differ-
ences.[ix]
Unity is understood as a means to an end. If enough polit-
ical will is mobilised, then Africa can address the problems of
social and political exclusion, authoritarianism, economic mis-
management and corruption.[x] Political will may be assem-
bled through the mobilising force of the Pan-Africanist ideal,
and the AU is the embodiment of Pan-Africanism in its latest
guise.[xi] The AU practises a type of Pan-Africanism that can
meet the needs of the African people, and allow them to be
self-reliant. It offers “African solutions” to “African prob-
lems”.[xii] With regard to intra-African developments in recent
years, the sub-regional effort for promoting African unity has
also been recommended.[xiii]
From this perspective, two different frameworks can be
identified for promoting Pan-Africanism — a renewed sense
of African solidarity and unity in the form of a federalist solu-
tion for AU, where the sovereign responsibilities to a greater
extent are discharged together with higher authority, such as
a Pan-African Parliament. In this vein, AU will become an
agent to intervene, when necessary, in the affairs of its Member
States to stop war crimes and genocide. This requires the need
to transform Africa’s political landscape and reduce the salience
of the imposed and artificial state borders.[xiv] The other
framework emphasises on the role of the sub-regional organ-
isations and the role they have assumed since 1990.[xv] Here,
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
If enough political will is mobilised, then
Africa can address the problems of social
and political exclusion, authoritarianism,
economic mismanagement and
corruption. Political will may be
forged through the mobilising
force of the Pan-Africanist ideal
even as the AU embodies
Pan-Africanism in its latest guise.
the case of “assertive regionalism” can be cited as a viable way
forward in the divided state that Africa still finds itself in.[xvi]
Taken together, both these frameworks provide a nuanced
assessment of the African actors that can play a role in peace
and security. Their comparative advantage lies in the way they
translate the normative commitments into empirical outcomes
so as to make a positive difference for Africans caught up in
conflict and security.
Theoretical Analysis
The academic study of international relations and regional
integration schemes require a theoretical formulation to broad-
en the scope of its understanding of international reality. It is
very useful to study theories alongside performing empirical
analyses. Wil Hout (1999) has studied various theories of inter-
national relations and its implications on regional integra-
tion.[xvii] In the context of Africa, it can at best be said that the
neo-realist theorisation that is based on security-related forms
accruing relative gains and warding off threats is not relevant.
Largely, the schemes in Africa are based on neo-liberal theo-
risation of interdependence and cooperation. They tend to see
regional arrangements as regimes through which the alloca-
tion of certain public goods can be established. The Member
States try to obtain preferential entrance to core countries and
try to set limits on the policies of these countries.[xviii] Of late
(1990s) the proliferation of regional integration schemes in
Africa as elsewhere largely justifies the neo-functionalist argu-
ment, which has been developed most clearly with respect to
European integration. It assumes that problems of increasing
interdependence would lead governments to cooperation.
Policy coordination would spread from one issue area to
another and the “spillover” effect would result in deepening
integration.
Africa’s adoption of a policy of regional cooperation and
integration has been more conducive to African realities and
could perhaps result in Africa’s capacity to better coexist with-
in the world of regionalism and globalisation.
African leaders have long envisaged regionalism as a viable
strategy to pursue with a view to uniting the continent both
politically and economically. While regionalism in Africa has
taken different forms to accommodate the changing national,
regional and international environment, all organisations that
aim to integrate regional economies in Africa have adopted
37
 B U I L D I N G B L O C K S
market integration as a component of their strategy so as to
increase intra-regional trade. Although this strategy is not going
to solve Africa’s economic problems in “totality”, it will cer-
tainly not be counterproductive to the African agenda.
The model for such integration is the European Union,
highly regarded by most African leaders as a solution to
Africa’s growing marginalistion within the world econo-
my.[xix] The creation of the North American Free Trade
Agreement (NAFTA) and the successful EU monetary inte-
gration have only served to reinforce the commitment of the
African leaders.
Beginning of the Safari
Following independence, there was universal agreement on
Pan-Africanism as an effective means of attaining the twin
objectives of growth of the continent. However, no consen-
sus was reached among African leaders, policymakers, and
thinkers on how to approach Pan-Africanism. Two points of
view, diametrically opposed to each other, dominated the
debate: continentalism and functionalism. The continentalists,
or the radicals, called for immediate political unification of the
continent — namely, the formation of a United States of Africa
— on the grounds that what Africa needed was an integration
of common economic functions. The functionalists, or the
conservatives, by contrast, were in favour of creating sub-
regional groupings as a realistic basis for political unity. The
lack of an agreed-upon strategy, in the euphoria of indepen-
dence, resulted in a disorderly cooperation drive at all levels;
a host of cooperation schemes were established in an uncoor-
dinated manner.[xx]
Continental Level
Although several attempts have been made at the continen-
tal level to attain the highly ambitious objective of a united
Africa, all but one have unfortunately failed, mostly because
of such factors as divergent ideologies, different languages,
colonial heritage, national interests and personal rivalries.
Notable examples were Nasser’s Afro-Asian Peoples Solidarity
Organisation (AAPSO), Nkrumah’s Conference of
Independent African States (CIAS), the Pan-African Freedom
Movement of East and Central Africa (PAFMECA), the All-
African Peoples Conference (AAPC), the Union Africaine et
Malagache (UAM), and the Casablanca Bloc.[xxi] The excep-
tion was the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), agreement
on which was signed in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in 1963 by
heads of state and government of 32 independent countries.
The establishment of OAU, the predecessor of AU, was a
response to the challenges posed by the problems of African coun-
tries. It was through the endeavours of Emperor Haile Selassie of
Ethiopia and President Sekou Toure of Guinea, representing
respectively the Monrovia and Casablanca groups of independent
states that a Charter creating OAU was approved at Addis Ababa
on May 25, 1963.[xxii] It pledged the coordination of African eco-
nomic, diplomatic, defence, education and health policies.
The OAU through its numerous summits, resolutions, dec-
38 August-October 2007
larations and decisions, especially at meetings held at Algiers
(1968), Addis Ababa (1970 and 1973), Libreville (1978) and
Lagos (1980) kept the continental integration agenda in focus
laying stress on its essentiality for the welfare of the peoples of
Africa. The OAU was established with the object of promot-
ing unity and international cooperation among African states
and for eradicating all forms colonialism from the continent.
Another aim was that it should lead almost immediately to the
establishment of a “Union Government” of all African states.
The OAU succeeded in speeding up the political emanci-
pation of the greater part of the continent. It effectively pre-
sented the African viewpoint on many vital international issues.
Its most significant achievement is that it has served as an
important stabilising influence in the continent and assisted in
the settlement or containment of many political and other dis-
putes among its members that might otherwise have developed
into serious conflicts leading possibly to war.
Another respect in which the OAU has justified its creation
is the way in which it has succeeded in maintaining a gener-
ally independent stance on important world issues and in con-
sistently refusing to allow it to be deflected from its main
objective of protecting African interests despite all kinds of
external pressures from the big powers. In this respect, the
organisation has proved far more effective than any compara-
ble groupings in other parts of the developing world.
In spite of persistent and well-meaning efforts directed at
continental unification during the 38 years of its existence the
OAU has, however, failed to unify the diverse African conti-
nent. It proved ineffective and was at the risk of challenges
posed by the emerging regional blocs, liberalisation of world
trade, rapid technological changes and globalisation of world
production. Further, the position of the fragmented and vul-
nerable national African economies in the world economy
continued to weaken and the continent’s marginalisation in
world affairs kept on growing.[xxiii]
For example, the OAU failed to bring to an end civil wars
and military conflicts in Angola, DRC, the Great Lakes region
and Sierra Leone. Various plans and proposals for African
unity such as the Lagos Plan of Action remained on paper.
Abuja Treaty and AEC
Despite the formation and functioning of the numerous
Regional Economic Cooperation schemes (RECs) and the
implementation of the Structural Adjustment Programmes
(SAPs), the pace and pattern of the Africans socio-economic
development continued to be characterised by declining GDP,
food insecurity, unemployment, crippling external debt bur-
den, poverty, and unsettled political conditions in many
African countries. It was against this background of econom-
ic decline leading to marginalisation of the continent on the
international scene that the OAU Member States adopted the
Abuja Treaty (1991). With its adoption in Nigeria on June 3,
1991, by the majority of OAU Member States, the idea of
African unity has assumed new dynamism and relevance. The
essence of the treaty was a proposal to establish an African
Economic Community (AEC) “in order to foster the eco-

nomic, social, cultural integration of the African continent”.
According to this proposal, existing regional economic com-
munities such as SADC, COMESA, ECCAS, EAC, ECOW-
AS and AMU justify the creation of AEC and indeed form the
foundation of the AEC. The Abuja Treaty formally came into
existence in May 1994.
The treaty also recommended the establishment of an
African Union and a Pan-African Parliament (PAP). AEC and
PAP were scheduled to be established by the year 2025, that
is, over a period of 34 years in six phases — Preferential Trade
Area (PTA), Free Trade Area (FTA), Customs Union (CU),
Common Market, African Economic Community (AEC) and
the creation of Pan-African Parliament elected by continental
universal suffrage.[xxiv]
It was the first attempt to date that provided a legal frame-
work for realising the long cherished goal of economic inte-
gration across Africa.
It clearly articulated principles and objectives of economic
integration and prescribed the setting up of institutions and
mechanisms for implementing the treaty.
The AEC treaty assigned a central role to the existing region-
al cooperation schemes sponsoring a new challenge to the
continental integration process. Besides pursuing their specif-
ic mandates pertaining to their respective geographic areas,
RECs were to serve as programme executing bodies for AEC.
They were called upon to expedite and consolidate the achieve-
ments of their stated objectives, as they were to serve as ‘build-
ing blocks’ of the proposed AEC.
The Member States under the treaty reaffirmed and pledged
to adhere to a legal system of the community, peaceful settle-
ment of disputes, promotion and protection of individual
socio-economic, political and human rights, and popular
involvement through NGOs. The Member States were asked
to harmonise their development strategies and policies and to
refrain from adopting measures inimical to the attainment of
the objectives of the treaty.
It aimed at replacement of the market-oriented integration
approach by the production-centred approach. This called for
shifts in the development objectives and priorities of Member
States’ governments.
African Union: A New Beginning
The persistent adverse political and economic conditions
and dissatisfaction with the ineffective working of the OAU
led African leaders to search for an alternative organisation,
leading to the establishment of the AU. This latest and the
most ambitious unification dispensation enshrined in the
Constitutive Act of the AU designed on the lines of the
European Union identifies the need to set up a number of
component institutions and structures in a regional and glob-
al environment abounding in integrative arrangements with
varying levels of capabilities in terms of managerial skills, mate-
rials resources and political will pursuing comprehensive and
often overlapping mandates.[xxv]
The Sirte (Libya) summit of OAU on March 2, 2001,
marked a new dawn in Africa. It unanimously declared the
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
establishment of the AU replacing the 38-year-old OAU. The
AU came into existence on May 26, 2001, after obtaining
required ratification of two-thirds (37) of the 53 Member
States of OAU. It was formally launched in Durban in July
2002. This event signified a major landmark in the “grand old
vision” for a “United States of Africa”. The AU is expected to
provide a new launching pad for greater continental coopera-
tion and integration.[xxvi]
The Sub-Regional Level
Uncoordinated action at the sub-regional level has paralleled
the hasty move at the continental level. The tendency to
increase sub-regional cooperation efforts has been due, in part,
to the frustration faced at the continental level.
The drive towards regional integration in Africa can be
divided into two waves: the first took place during the post-
independence period, that is, in the 1960s and early 1970s, with
an extension for Southern Africa to around 1980. The second
wave is quite recent; its start might be put around the time of
the signing of the Abuja Treaty on the African Economic
Community in 1991. Both waves have been influenced by the
views and ideologies of their respective periods and by events
outside the African continent. The formation of the regional
integration groupings belonging to the first wave is well doc-
umented.[xxvii]
The West and Central African sub-regions have been the
most active, whereas North Africa has made less significant
efforts. The experience of the East and Southern African sub-
region was disappointing until 1981 but it has since turned out
to be promising.
The West African Sub-Region
Geopolitically, the West African sub-region consists of 15
countries, including eight former French colonies, four British
colonies, one Portuguese, and one Spanish.[xxviii] The former
French colonies have been the most active group in the sub-
region and in the continent as a whole in terms of economic
cooperation. Thanks to them West Africa has become the most
active sub-region in terms of cooperation initiatives.[xxix]
Economic cooperation in the sub-region, as in the other
sub-regions, dates back to the colonial era. The Bank of West
Africa (BAO) was established in 1901; it served as an issuing
institution for all French colonies in West and Central Africa.
In 1955 the BAO was split into two separate issuing institu-
tions: the Bank of French West Africa and Togo (AOF) for
West Africa, and the Bank of the French Equatorial Africa and
Cameroon (AEF) for Central Africa. In 1959 the first bank was
renamed the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO).
In 1959, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote d’Ivoire, and Niger
signed the Treaty of the Council of the Entente States, to
which Togo acceded in 1966. The objectives of the grouping
were mostly political in nature. In the same year, the West
African Customs Union (UDAO) was established, but it col-
lapsed after a short life. The Organisation of Senegal River
States (OERS) was established on the grounds that it was the
39
 B U I L D I N G B L O C K S
offspring of the interstate committee founded in 1963 for the
development of the Senegal River Basin. The founders of the
OERS therefore requested that their organisation be acknowl-
edged as the nucleus of the proposed enlarged community.
However, the OERS ultimately failed to achieve its objectives
and broke down in November 1971. The OERS was followed
in early 1972 by a new organisation — the Organisation for the
Development of the Senegal River (OMVS), consisting of
Mauritania, Mali, and Senegal. The main objectives of the
OMVS in terms of trade and development were similar to
those of the defunct OERS.
The three member countries of the OMVS, together with
Benin, Burkina Paso, Cote d’Ivoire and Niger, had earlier
constituted the West African Customs and Economic Union
(UDEAO). Political considerations, which dominated inte-
gration dynamics in the continent, led the countries of the
UDEAO to expand the union’s activities by transforming it
into the West African Economic Community (CEAO).
The member countries, all French-speaking, wanted to assert
their common identity vis-a-vis the English-speaking countries
in the sub-region; in particular, Nigeria, which was trying to
play a leading role in the sub-region, suggested the formation
of a pan-West African cooperation arrangement embracing all
the countries of the sub-region. The CEAO treaty was signed
in Abidjan, Cote d’Ivoire, in 1973 and came into force the same
year. The leaders of Nigeria never gave up their dream of lead-
ing a comprehensive pan-West African cooperation arrange-
ment embracing all the countries of the sub-region. In May
1975, the Lagos Summit of Heads of State and Government
adopted the draft treaty to create the Economic Community of
West African States (ECOWAS) on the basis of the Lome pro-
posals. By December 1975, all 15 signatories had ratified the
treaty, and Cape Verde adhered soon after.
Another pan-West African cooperation arrangement, the
West African Clearing House (WACH), was established in
1975. The initiative came from the Association of African
Central Banks (AACB) in 1973, when it adopted sub-region-
al payments systems and required all African sub-regions to
establish their own clearing-houses. At its operational inception,
the WACH had a membership of eight central banks repre-
senting 13 countries: BCEAO (for Benin, Burkina Faso, Cote
d’Ivoire, Niger, Senegal, and Togo) and the Central banks for
Ghana, Guinea, Liberia, Mali, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, and The
Gambia. The Central banks of Guinea-Bissau and Mauritania
subsequently joined the WACH respectively in 1978 and 1980,
thus raising the membership of the WACH to 10 central banks
for 15 countries. In the fiscal year 1984-85, the Bank of Mali
became part of the West African Monetary Union (WAMU).
The Central African Sub-Region
The Central African sub-region comprises 11 countries,
five of which are former French colonies, three Belgian, and
three Portuguese.[xxx] The apportionment of the sub-region
among the three colonial powers has undoubtedly had a strong
bearing on cooperation efforts among the now independent
countries of the sub-region.
40 August-October 2007
As in West Africa, the former French colonies have been the
most active group of countries in this sub-region as far as
regional cooperation is concerned. Cooperation among them
can be traced back to 1910, when the Central African Republic
(CAR), Chad, Congo, and Gabon were integrated in what
was then called French Equatorial Africa, which had a gover-
norate-general and a high commission in Brazzaville. The
governorate-general was intended to undertake a limited range
of common services, but it nonetheless followed strong cen-
tralising policies. Because the member countries were not
quite satisfied with the way resources were allocated, they
decided in 1956 to end the federal system and instead to elect
territorial governments.
However, although they favoured political independence,
the four newly independent states maintained most of their
former economic links and in October 1957 established the
Customs and Fiscal Convention, which in June 1959 became
the Equatorial Customs Union (UDE).
Following the unification of Cameroon in 1961, a conven-
tion was signed in June that year providing for progressive inte-
gration of the Cameroon market into the UDE and for other
forms of cooperation comparable to those existing among the
UDE’s four member countries. While efforts were on in the
next three years to put this convention into operation, a prob-
lem arose concerning the location of a projected oil refinery.
This issue drew the attention of the partner countries to the
necessity of having a common development strategy and
sparked off a series of meetings and commissions that finally
led to the formation in December 1964 of the Economic and
Customs Union of Central African States (UDEAC), which
aimed at attaining not only a common market but also the
ambitious objective of economic union.
The treaty entered into force on January 1, 1966. Two years
later, the treaty faced its first crisis when Chad and CAR left
the union in April 1968 in a dispute over the distribution of the
solidarity fund’s resources and the location of new industries.
The two countries then joined with Zaire to form the Union
of Central African States (UEAC), which was more political
than economic, but the relevant treaty has never been ratified.
In December 1968, CAR rejoined the union.[xxxi]
The four member-countries of the union decided to enlarge
it to include the 11 countries of the sub-region. To this effect,
they invited the other seven countries to attend the 17th
Summit Meeting of Heads of State and Government of
UDEAC, held in Libreville, Gabon, from December 17-20,
1982. The meeting agreed in principle to create the Economic
Community of Central African States (ECCAS), which will
cover a total area of about 3 million square kilometres and com-
prise a total population of well over 60 million. The agreement
received the blessing of the OAU and the ECA.
As stated previously, the five French-speaking countries in
the sub-region, together with the French-speaking countries
in West Africa, have been enjoying a common monetary sys-
tem that was integrated into the French system from 1901 to
1955. The Bank of West Africa (BAO) was established to
serve as an issuing institution for all French colonies in West
and Central Africa, but in 1955 was split into two issuing

institutions: the Bank of French West Africa and Togo (AOF)
and the Bank of French West Africa and Cameroon (AEF).
In 1959 the first bank became the Central Bank of West
African States (BCEAO), and the second became the Bank of
Equatorial African States and Cameroon, which was reorgan-
ised and renamed in 1972 as the Bank of Central African States
(BEAC), comprising Cameroon, CAR, Chad, Congo, and
Gabon. Equatorial Guinea joined the bank in January 1985.
The two central banks of West and Central Africa have con-
tinued issuing the same currency, the CFA, which is called
“the franc of the African Financial Community” by the
BCEAO and “the franc of financial cooperation in Central
Africa” by the BEAC.
It is important to note that UDEAC and BEAC have been
developed independently and on a parallel basis; there has
been no coordination between them, which is reflected in the
independence of their decision-making centres and the pres-
ence of Chad in BEAC only.
Another monetary arrangement, the Central African
Clearing House (CACH), was created by the six member
countries of BEAC as well as Zaire. The agreement was signed
in January 1979 and became effective in May 1981 after its rat-
ification by the contracting parties.
After some operational difficulties, it commenced opera-
tions on February 1, 1982. Its major purpose is to foster trade,
mainly between the BEAC member countries on one hand
and Zaire on the other; the obstacles related to intra-BEAC
trade in terms of payments are eliminated by the use of only
one currency, the CFA, in circulation in all member countries.
The former Belgian colonies of Burundi, Rwanda, and Zaire
tried to have their own cooperation arrangements. They cre-
ated the Economic Community of the Countries of the Grand
Lakes (CEPGL) in 1976, which was actually a continuation of
the old economic union formed in 1925 by the government
of Belgium itself. The independence of Zaire (formerly
Congo) in 1960 ended the old economic union, but after
Burundi and Rwanda achieved independence in 1962, the
three countries recreated the union under its present name.
The East and Southern African Sub-region
The story of cooperation is rather different in the 19 coun-
tries of the East and Southern African sub-region (one of
which is the Republic of South Africa).[xxxii] Of these coun-
tries, there were 10 British colonies, three French colonies, and
one Portuguese colony. As in West and Central Africa, coop-
eration among the countries of this sub-region began as early
as 1917, mainly for demonstrative convenience.
The former British colonies, not the French ones, took the
lead in this sub-region, but unlike the former French colonies
in the other sub-regions, they failed to maintain their pre-inde-
pendence relations.
Almost all cooperation schemes collapsed immediately
before or after each country achieved independence in the
early 1960s. Even after independence, they tried in vain to
reestablish sub-regional cooperation. It was only in the early
1980s that they managed, in coordination with the other coun-
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
tries in the sub-region, to establish sub-regional arrangements.
Following the original occupation of East African territories
by Britain, a de facto common market — the East African
Common Market (EACM) — was developed among Kenya,
Tanganyika (now part of Tanzania), and Uganda. The three
territories share common boundaries and a homogeneous
population, but they were each separately ruled by a governor.
Common services, particularly for transport and communi-
cations, were soon developed, and there were no tariffs or any
other restrictions on inter-territorial trade.
In 1917, a free trade area was created between Uganda and
Kenya, which soon developed into a common market.
Tanganyika joined the common market in stages between
1922 and 1927, although the customs administrations were not
amalgamated until 1949.
The bulk of the benefit of integration was captured by
Kenya, a fact that led the other partners to express dissatisfac-
tion with the distribution of the costs and benefits of integra-
tion among the three partner countries.
The situation was compounded by political considerations
that threatened the very existence of the common market in
the aftermath of independence.
At that time, Tanzania had a socialist orientation and there-
fore adopted a radically different economic approach. In 1965,
it announced that it was going to have its own central bank
with a separate currency and thereafter it imposed quotas and
other restrictions on its imports from Kenya.
Uganda followed Tanzania’s lead. In an attempt to main-
tain the common market, the three countries agreed to appoint
a committee to assess the situation and submit definite rec-
ommendations. Based on these recommendations, a treaty of
East African Cooperation was signed in Kampala, Uganda, on
June 6, 1967, and came into force on Dec 1, 1967. The treaty
established what is referred to as an East African Community
(EAC), including a common market. Nevertheless, the sub-
sequent pace of events demonstrated that the differences
among the three countries were so great and growing that
nothing could have prevented the eventual collapse of the
infant community; it broke up in 1977.[xxxiii]
British colonial authorities created three common mone-
tary areas in the sub-region: the East African Currency Board
(EACB), the Southern Rhodesian Currency Board, and the
South African Reserve Bank. The three boards, however, col-
lapsed immediately after the countries of the sub-region
gained their independence. Subsequently, the member coun-
tries established their own independent Central Banks.
The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) Agreement
was established between the then Union of South Africa and
the then High Commission Territories of Bechuanaland,
Basutoland and Swaziland in 1910. With the advent of inde-
pendence for the Territories, the 1910 Agreement was updat-
ed and re-launched on Dec 11, 1969, and this in the wake of
the signing of an agreement between the Republic of South
Africa, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. The updated 1969
Agreement officially came into force on March 1, 1970.
This history of failure notwithstanding, the countries of the
sub-region did not give up altogether their collective cooper-
41
 B U I L D I N G B L O C K S
ation efforts. It was only three years after the collapse of the
East African Economic Community in 1977 that they initiat-
ed, almost simultaneously, two ambitious all-embracing coop-
eration arrangements: the Southern African Development and
Co-ordination Conference (SADCC)-1980 and the
Preferential Trade Area for East-ern and Southern African
States (PTA)-1982.
The member countries seem to have benefited largely from
the lessons drawn from the sub-region’s previous experience
with multilateral cooperation.
Unlike traditional cooperation arrangements, which are
based on formal treaties spelling out their objectives, activities,
and institutions, SADCC was based on a collective declara-
tion made by the nine founding states in Lusaka, Zambia, in
1980 that set forth its objectives and strategies but not its insti-
tutional structure. The ultimate goal of this non-traditional
grouping was to reduce dependence of the member countries,
especially (but not solely) on the Republic of South Africa,
which is political in nature.
At almost the same time, preparatory work for the estab-
lishment of the PTA was under way. Again in Lusaka, an
extraordinary meeting of the sub-region’s ministers of trade,
finance, and planning was held to consider, among other
things, the creation of a Preferential Trade Area for the East
and Southern African states. Twelve countries signed a cor-
responding treaty on Dec 21, 1981. It came into force on Sept
30, 1982.
The North African Sub-Region
The North African sub-region — comprising the seven
countries Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Sudan,
and Tunisia — is by far the least active of all African sub-
regions in terms of cooperation initiatives.
Only two attempts have been made at the sub-regional level
to establish multilateral arrangements. The first was made by
the Maghreb countries (Algeria, Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia)
when they set up the Maghreb Permanent Consultative
Committee (CPCM) in 1964 to advise the Conference of
Ministers of Economic Affairs on issues falling within the
conference’s jurisdiction.
The committee proceeded to set up the specialised sub-
committees required for planning, statistics, transport and
communications, tourism, employment, industry and agri-
culture. In 1970, Libya withdrew from the CPCM.
Meanwhile, Mauritania attended the meetings as an observ-
er. The CPCM undertook a number of studies relating to
common project in the above fields; some of them were con-
sidered and approved, but very few have been implemented.
Since 1976 though, the CPCM has come to a virtual stand-
still as a result of the conflict on the Sahara issue between
Algeria and Morocco. The second cooperation attempt was
made in 1989 by the same group of countries: a new arrange-
ment called the Maghreb Arab Union (MAU).[xxxiv]
Some writers have tried to explain the North African sub-
region’s reluctance to establish multilateral cooperation
arrangements. They argue that the countries of the sub-region
42 August-October 2007
are divided into two groups: the Maghreb countries (includ-
ing Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia) and the
others (Egypt and Sudan).
Egypt associates mainly with the Arab Maghreb countries,
and Libya desires to associate itself with Egypt. Sudan is
inclined to deal with the countries of East and Central Africa,
whereas Mauritania belongs more to West Africa than North
Africa. The socio-political structures of the three Maghreb
countries proper — Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia — under-
line their failure in boosting their cooperation.
The reluctance of these countries to have their own multi-
lateral cooperation arrangements can largely be attributed to
the “dual identity” of the sub-region. The North African
countries belong simultaneously to the Arab world and to
Africa. This double affiliation has substantially influenced
intra-sub-regional cooperation, for instance by retarding the
establishment of proper sub-regional arrangements.
As signatories to the older Arab arrangements — such as the
Arab League (1945), the Defence and Economic Co-opera-
tion Treaty (1950), and Arab Economic Unity (1957), to men-
tion only a few — the North African countries probably have
not found it necessary to create similar sub-regional ones. In
addition, complicated political dynamics, a common phe-
nomenon in the Third World (particularly in East Africa
before 1981), have had a strong adverse effect on cooperation
initiatives among these countries.
Nevertheless, this does not mean that intra-sub-regional
cooperation is absent outside the Arab arrangements. It has,
in fact, been present all along, but at the bilateral rather than
sub-regional level. This approach was encouraged and rec-
ommended by the North African Sub-Regional Committee
of the Association of African Central Banks (AACB) at a meet-
ing held in Toronto on September 8, 1987 to review the ques-
tion of monetary cooperation in the sub-region, particularly
with regard to the creation of a payments union. As a first step,
the committee decided to move in the direction of creating
flexible payments arrangements on a bilateral basis before
moving on to sub-regional payments arrangements.
SAFARI RESURRECTED
Second Wave of Regional Integration in Africa:
The origin of the second wave or the renewed worldwide
drive towards regional integration can be traced in Africa to a
number of developments outside the continent during the sec-
ond half of the 1980s.[xxxv] Contemporary regionalism in the
developing world is very different from regionalist attempts
in the 1950s and 1960s, when it was overwhelmingly political
in both its aspirations and its form. In contrast to the earlier
period, ‘new regionalism’ is principally a defensive response
to the economic marginalisation of much of the South in
1980s, its political reconfiguration during the political and
economic turmoil at the end of the Cold War, and a fear of,
or reaction to, the trend towards a globalised economy. States
are the main actors in new regionalist blocs responding to the
demands within the society.[xxxvi]
There is no clear definition of the ‘new regionalism’, but

some of its most typical characteristics are: outward-oriented
trade strategy with low external tariffs, rather than regional
import substitution behind high protective tariff walls; har-
monisation of macro-economic policies (monetary and fiscal);
standardisation of technical norms and procedures and envi-
ronmental regulations; liberalisation of trade in financial and
other services; facilitation of cross-border investment flows;
attention given to the credibility of government policies (the
involvement of regional partners diminishes the weight of
national pressure groups and may help to avoid policy reversals).
In 1991, African Heads of State signed the Abuja Treaty on
the establishment of a Pan-African Economic Community
(AEC). Even though the formidable practical issues and con-
straints are not addressed in detail, the treaty can be interpreted
as a strong expression of general political desire for more inte-
gration in Africa, in view of the increased regionalism in the
rest of the world. In 1992, SADCC was transformed into the
Southern African Development Community (SADC.) The
new SADC explicitly added market integration to SADCC.
The ultimate objective of the Community is to build a region
in which there will be a high degree of harmonisation and
rationalisation to enable the pooling of resources to achieve
collective self-reliance in order to improve the living stan-
dards of the people of the region.[xxxvii]
The PTA Treaty envisaged its transformation into a
Common Market. Hence, in 1993, the Member States of the
PTA signed a new treaty to establish the Common Market of
Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The objective of
COMESA is to go beyond the creation of a customs union and
include free movement of capital and people and formation
of a monetary union. Comesa includes the possibility of supra-
national elements in decision-making.[xxviii] The FTA was
achieved on Oct 31, 2000. By 2004, 11 FTA members had not
only eliminated customs tariffs but were working on the even-
tual elimination of quantitative restrictions and other non-tar-
iff barriers. It is expected that the Customs Union will be
launched by the year 2008.
The ECOWAS Treaty was revised in 1993. The revised
treaty reflects West Africa’s regional cooperation experiences
over the preceding 15 years and takes into account the exi-
gencies of continental integration as envisaged in the AEC
Treaty. The West African Monetary Institute (WAMI), a fore-
runner to the West African Central Bank, became operational
in January 2001. This body has been coordinating the imple-
mentation of the ECOWAS monetary programme.[xxxix]
In 1999 the EAC Treaty was revived.[xl] It is the revision of
the economic cooperation agreement, which broke up in 1977.
The treaty provides for a progressive regional integration pro-
cess beginning with the formation of an FTA and a Customs
Union. This will be followed by a common market, a mone-
tary union and ultimately a political federation. The EAC
strategy emphasises economic cooperation and development
with a small focus on the social dimension. The role of the pri-
vate sector and civil society is considered as central and cru-
cial to the regional integration and development in a veritable
partnership with the public sector.[xli]
SACU became a five-member body with Namibia joining
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
in 1990 after its independence. In 1994, the 1969 Agreement
was re-negotiated leading to the current SACU 2002
Agreement that came into force on July 15, 2004. The main
objective of SACU was that of regional integration, the facil-
itation of trade between the members of the agreement, and
trade negotiations between SACU and third parties, in order
to improve the economic development of Member States.
Other striking developments took place at the beginning of
1994, following the devaluation of the CFA franc. The West
African Monetary Union has been transformed into the West
African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA), taking
on board the responsibilities of the West African Economic
Community (Communaute Economique Ouest Africaine,
CEAO). In a parallel move, the Central African countries that
are part of the Franc Zone also embarked on an Economic and
Monetary Union (Communaute Economique et Monetaire
d’Afrique Centrale, CEMAC).
Thus, in a number of cases, the revival of regionalism meant
reforming the so-called ‘first-generation’ regional organisa-
tions, which were established in the 1960s to promote inte-
gration through import substitution strategies and ‘delinking’
from the global market. Far from implying the formation of
mutually exclusive regional integration groupings, this process
was strongly outward-oriented.
Regional cooperation and integration also meant the open-
ing of discussions towards the enlargement of existing insti-
tutions and the conclusion of inter-regional agreements. This
kaleidoscopic interplay between institutions, identities and
socio-political factors accounts for the polymorphous nature
of the so-called new regionalisation process.
Appraisal of the Safari and Future Expedition
Assessment and Prospects of regional cooperation
and integration in Africa:
In the event, despite considerable (but superficial) effort
aimed at achieving it, effective market enlargement through
economic integration has not yet occurred in Africa. It has not
yielded results by way of enhanced efficiency, or in terms of
successful industrialisation, market enlargement modernisa-
tion, sustained development and growth, or competitiveness.
Yet African governments remain committed to integration,
although they have become slightly more realistic and practi-
cal about achieving it. First-generation integration arrange-
ments in Africa were either legacies from the past or new
arrangements built on the predominant development theories
of the day.[xlii]
These advocated industrialisation through high levels of
protection and the development of closed markets in state-run
economies financed heavily by Official Development
Assistance (ODA) or sovereign commercial borrowing.
The model failed because it was: (a) anti-market — the
market being seen by governments and the public as synony-
mous with inequity, capitalism and colonialism; (b) anti-pri-
vate sector and anti-property rights; and (c) anti-foreign invest-
ment, except perhaps in the minerals and hydrocarbon
resource sectors. The emphasis on pervasive state intervention
43
 B U I L D I N G B L O C K S
and the implicit (but misplaced) belief in the omnipotence and
benignity of the state proved to be a formula for large-scale
economic failure.
Percy Mistry (2000) has identified reasons for the failure of
attempts at economic integration in Africa between 1965 and
1995. According to him, a combination of macro and micro
reasons have gone a long way towards explaining why eco-
nomic integration did not occur in Africa till early 1990s.
An underlying shift from states to markets, induced to an
extent by externally imposed structural adjustment pro-
grammes (SAPs), has aimed at radically revamping the African
development model since 1985. That shift has resulted in sec-
ond-generation integration attempts gathering steam since
1992. In principle, the new approach has abandoned the ossi-
fied, static, protected-fortress approach to integration among
closed, state-run economies.
It lays more emphasis on development of thematic integra-
tion (that is, co-operating to save on large-scale infrastructure
costs and achieving economies of scale) and open, rather than
protected, market enlargement as a means of consolidating
national economic policy shifts towards greater liberalisation,
market orientation, competitiveness and efficiency.
The future of regionalism in Africa is inextricably tied to
competing interest among the regional groupings and the con-
sequences of the new political realities emerging in the coun-
tries of the region. The evolving global environment, especially
the move towards regional trading blocks, also has some bear-
ing on the direction of the development of regional coopera-
tion within the sub-regional groupings.
The economic rationale behind the development of a
regional African trade zone is based on the expectation that a
free trade area will help ensure regional market access for local
producers, thereby enabling the region to develop with a
greater degree of economic predictability. It is also a step away
from dependency on northern markets, which continue to
present African exporters with numerous impediments
despite the recent Cotonou Agreement[xliii] and its predeces-
sor, the Lomé Convention (both preferential access accords
with Europe).
Conflicts between Member States of sub-regional group-
ings, duplication in membership with other regional organi-
Notes
[i] Trivedi, Sonu, Regional Economic Cooperation and
Integration: COMESA, EU SAARC, New Delhi: New
Century Publications. 2005 p-1.
[ii] Various Pan-African Conferences were organised which
played a crucial role in the growth of Pan-Africanism in the
early 20th century. Starting from 1919 (Paris), 1921(London),
1923 (Lisbon), 1927 (New York), 1945 (Manchester), 1974
(Dar-es-Salaam), and finally in 1994 (Kampala).
[iii] Trivedi, Sonu, “Politics of Regionalism in World
Economy”, India Quarterly, Vol. LXI (2); April-June, 2005.
pp. 82-115.
[iv] On 9.9.1999, the Heads of State and Government of the
Organisation of African Unity (OAU) issued Sirte Declaration
44 August-October 2007
sations and internal conflicts in Member States are the main
obstacles to continental integration. Member States of various
integration schemes should cooperate with other regional eco-
nomic communities and sub-regional organisations to pro-
mote peace and security and good governance.
Good governance has become an important issue in Africa
and to this end the New Partnership for Africa’s Development
(NEPAD) has introduced the Peer Review Mechanism[xliv]to
uphold the good governance practices. Second-generation
integration relies on achieving these ambitious objectives at the
sub-regional level before attempting to achieve them at the
global level.
To accelerate the process of integration for the continent to
play its rightful role in the global economy while addressing
multifaceted social, economic and political problems com-
pounded by the general aspects of globalisation, the establish-
ment of the African Union in 2002 can be described as an
event of great magnitude in the institutional evolution of the
continent. In this changed environment of greater African
cooperation and integration, the sub-regional groupings are
expected to play the role of harmonising inter-regional con-
flicts and trade disputes so as to further the ultimate goal of a
larger and deeper integration process. Narrow bickering and
mutual rivalries should give way to enhanced cooperation and
continental integration.
Good and sustainable trade and integration agreements
demand: good negotiations (including channels of commu-
nication with civil society and its representatives in the leg-
islative branch); effective implementation; and socially effi-
cient adjustments.[xlv]
In order to give the dream of an “integrated Union of
African states” and common currency goal a touch of reality,
it is necessary to transform the entire approach and policies of
Member States towards these organisations.
The biggest challenge is to make the mainstream process a
dynamic exercise with multiple stakeholders and institutions
and democratise the procedure.
Our search for pragmatism, maturity and wisdom will have
to involve both government and civil society in a world where
Africa has yet to overcome a large number of historical and
inherited disadvantages. ■
calling for the establishment of an African Union, with a view
to accelerating the process of integration in the continent to
play its rightful role in the global economy while addressing
multifaceted social, economic and political problems com-
pounded by the general aspects of globalisation.
[v] For details on African Union see Asante S.K.B., “What
really is African Union”, West Africa, 7-13 July, 2003.
[vi] Schraeder, Peter J., African Politics and Society: A Mosaic
in Transformation, Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s Press 2000.
[vii] Engel, Ulf and Gorm Rye Olsen ed., Africa and the
North: Between Globalisation and Marginalisation, London:
Routledge, 2005.
[viii] Francis, David J., Uniting Africa: Building Regional

Peace and Security Systems, UK: Ashgate, 2006.
[ix] Ibid: 3
[x] Murithy, Timothy, The African Union: Pan Africanism,
Peace Building and Development, UK: Ashgate, 2005.
[xi] Ibid. pp. 8-9.
[xii] Bergholm, L., “Who can keep the peace in Africa”,
Review Article, African Affairs, Vol. 106 (422), 2006. pp. 147-
154.
[xiii] Francis (2006) mainly talks about how Africa’s sub-
regional organizations have contributed to peace and security
in their regions, as illustrated in three useful case studies-
ECOWAS, SADC and IGAD.
[xiv] Murithy 2005. p-45.
[xv] Francis (2006) engages critically with the issues of African
unity and regional peace and security systems, and he terms
them ‘Afro responsibility’. p-30.
[xvi] Ibid. p-8.
[xvii] Hout, Will, “Theories of International Relations and the
New Regionalism”, in Jean Grugel and Wil Hout (eds),
Regionalism Across North-South Divide, London, New
York, Routledge, 1999. pp.14-28.
[xviii] Ibid, 17.
[xix] Trivedi, Sonu, “AU and EU: A Comparative Study in
Continental Integration”, India Quarterly, Vol. 43, (3&4),
July-Dec, 2003. pp. 30-56.
[xx] Aly, Ahmad, A.H.M., Economic Cooperation in Africa
— In Search of Direction, London/Colorado: Lynne Reinner,
1994, pp. 1-8.
[xxi] Hoskyns, C., “Pan Africanism and Integration” in A.
Hazlewood (ed), African Integration and Disintegration,
London: Oxford University Press, 1967.
[xxii] The Casablanca Group included Algeria, Egypt, Ghana,
Guinea, Libya, Mali and Morocco and favoured a strong polit-
ical union of independent African States, in contrast to the
more conservative Monrovia Group (formed in 1961).
Monrovia group, of which Nigeria and Liberia were the key
players, was composed of moderates. The Casablanca group
was represented by radical attitudes.
[xxiii] Ndongko W.A., (ed), Economic Cooperation and
Integration in Africa, Codesria, 1985.
[xxiv] Mathews K., “Birth of AU”, Africa Quarterly, ICCR,
New Delhi, Vol. 41(1 & 2), 2001.
[xxv] Trivedi, Sonu, “AU and EU: A Comparative Study in
Continental Integration”, India Quarterly, Vol. 43, (3&4),
July-Dec, 2003. pp. 30-56.
[xxvi] Mathews, 2001.
[xxvii] Kennes Walter, “African Regional Economic Integration
and the European Union”, in Danial Bach (ed), Regionlisation
in Africa — Integration and Disintegration, Indiana: Indiana
University Press, 1999, pp. 27-28
[xxviii] The countries are Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde,
Cote d’lvoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea — Bissau,
Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo.
[xxix] Asante S.K.B, “Regional Economic Cooperation &
Integration : The Experience of Ecowas” in A. Nyongo (ed),
Regional Integration in Africa, Nairobi: Academy Science
Publishers 1990.
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
[xxx] The Central African countries are Angola, Burundi,
Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Chad, Congo,
Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Rwanda, Sao Tome & Principe,
and Zaire.
[xxxi] Jalhoh A. A., “Foreign Private Investments and Regional
Political Integration in UDEAC” in W. A. Ndongko (ed),
Economic Cooperation and Integration in Africa, 1985.
[xxxii] The other eighteen countries are Botswana, Comoros,
Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi,
Mauritius, Mozambique, Somalia, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Eretria.
[xxxiii] Hazlewood A., “Eco Integration in East Africa”, in
Arthur Hazlewood (eds), African Integration & Disintegration
— Case Studies in Economic & Political Union, 1962.
[xxxiv] Baurename, N., “Integration in the Maghred :
Assessments and Prospects” in Nyong’o (ed), Regional
Integration in Africa, Nairobi: Academy Science Publishers
1990.
[xxxv] Trivedi, Sonu, Regional Economic Cooperation and
Integration: COMESA, EU SAARC, New Delhi: New Century
Publications. 2005 p-40.
[xxxvi] Grugel Jean and Wil Hout, “Regions, Regionalism
and the South” in Jean Grugel and Wil Hout (eds),
Regionalism Across North-South Divide, London, New
York, Routledge, 1999. p-4.
[xxxvii] Trivedi, Sonu, A Handbook of International
Organisations, New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and
Distributors, 2005. p-265.
[xxxviii] Ibid, p-253. For more on COMESA, see Trivedi,
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Africa
Quarterly, Vol. 44 (2), 2004. Trivedi, SAARC-COMESA:
Exploring South-South Co-operation, Journal of Developing
Societies, Vol. 22 (1), March 2006. pp. 57-73.
[xxxix] Ibid, p-262.
[xl] Prior to re-launching the East African Community in
1999, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda had enjoyed a long his-
tory of co-operation under successive regional integration
arrangements. These included the Customs Union between
Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which the then Tanganyika
later joined in 1927; the East African High Commission
(1948-1961); the East African Common Services
Organisation (1961-1967); the East African Community
(1967-1977), and the East African Co-operation (1993-
1999). For more details, see the EAC website —
www.eac.int/about_eac.htm
[xli] Ibid, p-260.
[xlii] Mistry Percy, “Africa’s Record of Regional Cooperation
and Integration,” African Affairs, 2000, Vol. 99. p-557
[xliii] Contonou Agreement was signed between European
Union and the African Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group
replaces Lome Convention. It aims at gradual integration of
ACP into the world economy by entering into Economic
Partnership Agreements with the EU.
[xliv] Peer Review Mechanism is a voluntary system designed
to monitor each other’s (African States) performance.
[xlv] Inter-American Development Bank, Sector Strategies.
Retrieved from www.iadb.org/sds/consulta/en/p_int.htm
45
 A P A R A D I G M

Framework of an African
Union GOVERNMENT
An African Union study lays down a blueprint for a confederacy and
how it could be given institutional expression through the shared
values, interests and ancestry that infuse the idea that Africa is.

T
(Full text available at www.africa-union.org)
he Union Government will be a re-invigorated pan African institution. These shared values
politically transitory arrangement and common interests are contained in such basic documents
towards the United States of Africa. as the Kampala document of the CSSDCA, the OAU decla-
As such, it should consist of a more ration on unconstitutional change of government, the consti-
focused Assembly, and an executive tutive Act of the African Union and the NEPAD action plan.
council backed by an effective per-
manent representative committee, Shared values
and result oriented specialised tech-
nical committees as may be required. ■ Shared values are drawn from both African cultures and
In addition, the Union Government would have a commis- societies, and from articulated commitments of African coun-
sion with executive authority on mat- tries to meet the challenge of coping
ters totally or partially delegated by Although Africa has, for with historical legacies and current
Union members. Finally, more well-known historical reasons, realities. In that connection, it would
effective parliamentary and judicial
lost some of its self-sustaining be important for African countries to
systems, as well as efficient conti- be guided by the following values as
nental financial institutions and an characteristics, it is of contained in the CSSDCA declara-
adequately participatory framework paramount importance to use tion:
would support it for non-state actors.
the shared values to help forge (a) Adherence to the rule of law
■ The framework of the Union (b) Popular participation in gover-
Government would therefore be closer unity among, and joint nance
based on the shared values and com- purpose of action by African (c) Respect for human rights and
mon interests of African nations, and fundamental freedoms
countries and people. They
on strategic focus areas. (d) Transparency in public policy
■ All African countries can claim should particularly be used at making Shared values are also based
membership of the Union the national, regional and on cultural commonalties among
Government based on the principle
continental levels to devise and African countries and people
of strict adherence to its rules. In ■ While African societies are diverse,
addition, countries with a certain implement development policies solidarity, humaneness, and protec-
population make-up could be given and programmes that are tion of the weak are their main char-
the status of associate members of the
people centred and well rooted acteristics at all level (within the fam-
Union Government. In that context, ily, among neighbours, and in the
relationships with the African dias- in African traditions. community), as well as pride in a
pora will be given special attention. common African ancestry. These val-
Shared values and common interests of African coun- ues are translated into strong kindred ties and communal cohe-
tries and people: siveness.
■ Shared values and common interests have both structural ■ Although Africa has, for well known historical reasons, lost
and psychological elements which ensure collective self-devel- some of its self-sustaining characteristics, it is of paramount
opment of the African people under conditions of good gov- importance to use the shared values as leverage towards clos-
ernance at the continental level and constructive engagement er unity among, and joint purpose of action by African coun-
at the international level. They serve as the basis of mutuality tries and people. They should particularly be used at the
and reciprocity in Africa’s self-discovery and the strength of a national, regional and continental levels to devise and imple-

46 August-October 2007

The official opening of the 13th Ordinary Session of the Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) to the African Union on January 22, 2007.
ment development policies and programmes that are people
centred and well rooted in African traditions. Thus, through
a skilful combination of indigenous and modern knowledge
systems, African countries could devise well thought-out and
creative strategies for the transformation of their social struc-
tures, political systems, and economic organisations to the pre-
sent world environment so that the continent as a whole would
successfully “claim the 21st century”.
Common interests and constraints
■ Common interests are derived from the challenges facing the
continent as a whole, namely its over-dependence on the external
world and the under-exploitation of its enormous development
potential at national, regional and continental levels. They are clear-
ly elaborated in such seminal documents as the Lagos Plan of
Action, the Cairo Agenda for the Economic and Social
Development of Africa, and the NEPAD action plan. The challenge
of over-dependence is critical in areas, such as agriculture, human
development, science technology, industry, trade and finance.
■ Over several years, food security has become a matter of
great concern for many African countries. Frequent climate-
related disasters (drought, deforestation and desertification) as
well as food losses have led to chronic food shortages in sev-
eral countries, thus making them dependent on external food
supply. Actually, with Africa’s several sovereign entities, most
of them mini-states, national self-sufficiency in food is not a
feasible option for many of them.
■ There is also a strong dependence on expatriate technicians
and technology; and an attachment to export-led growth strat-
egy, emphasising the production and export of raw materials
and primary agricultural commodities in exchange for manu-
factured goods, imported from developed countries, mostly
former colonial powers, thus jeopardising the industrial devel-
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
opment prospects of these countries.
■ Trade is another example of Africa’s over dependence. The
terms of trade are increasingly moving against Africa, which
has no alternative but to accept declining earnings from a ris-
ing volume of exports while simultaneously having to pay
more for its imports. Financing Africa’s development is also
largely dependent on inflows of financial resources from
Official Development Assistance (ODA) and mounting exter-
nal indebtedness, in spite of recent debt relief measures.
■ Over dependence also occurs in the education and health
sectors. The education sector is largely dependent on external
assistance for such basic requirements as trained teachers, class-
rooms, textbooks, scientific equipment, and appropriate cur-
ricula. The same applies to the health sector when addressing
transborders chronic diseases, such as malaria, tuberculosis
and HIV-AIDS, but also regarding attempts to provide safe
drinking water and elementary sanitation facilities.
■ The challenge of under-exploitation of Africa’s development
potential is also compelling. In this respect, some studies have
shown that because of its geographical position, a United
Africa would have the unique potential of producing most
types of food and agricultural produce throughout the year,
thus putting an end of the chronic cycle of drought-related
food shortage in some parts of the continent. Africa being well
endowed with natural resources, the concerted exploitation of
the energy potential of its ecological zones would not only
make countries less energy dependent, but also enable the
industrial processing of the huge mineral resources of the con-
tinent. Infrastructure development is also a major challenge.
Africa being the second largest continent in terms of size and
population, the building of the required transport and com-
munications infrastructures would make it one of the most
competitive markets and, potentially, the most attractive in
terms of returns on investment.
47
 A P A R A D I G M
■ Finally, given the increasing wave of globalisation, and the
emergence of strong regional, political, economic and trading
blocs in other continents, the challenges of over dependence
and under-exploitation of its potential have increased the
marginalisation of the continent in world affairs. Thus, the goal
in pursuing development through a common interest per-
spective is to bring about human progress in Africa; restore
human dignity to the African people and give Africa a voice in
the global order; promote progressive African social and polit-
ical values and defend the African personality.
■ In doing this, there are needs to develop the human poten-
tial of Africa and include the people in the development pro-
cess. It should be realised that what unites Africans far sur-
passes what divides them as a people. It pays to speak and act
with one voice than with many voices. In unity, Africa can
realise and achieve a lot. The global system is such that a dis-
membered and balkanised continent will have weak bargain-
ing strength on all scores.
■ An all embracing common interest of the African continent
is, therefore, to build its collective capability and capacity to act
as a stakeholder and not an outsider in world affairs, and to fully
participate in shaping international norms and agenda. This is
indeed an important and overarching objective of the Union
Government.
Strategic areas of focus of African Union Government
■ The strategic areas of focus and their rationale, which are
consistent with the objectives of the Strategic Framework of
the African Union Commission, are essentially derived from
shared values and common interests. They are aimed, in the
short, medium and the long run, at making the process of
establishing the Union Government irreversible. A number
of areas are contained in proposals made at the independence
of various African countries in the late 50s and early 60s and,
subsequently, in the Lagos Plan of Action, the Abuja treaty, the
constitutive act of the African Union, the Kampala document
of CSSDCA, and the NEPAD action plan.
■ Proposals on areas of focus were also made in the course of
the meetings of the two committees of Heads of State and
Government. Overall, consensus seems to have emerged on
some areas around which a Union Government could, pro-
gressively, be operating at the continental level. It is understood
that in each area, a subject matter to be covered could either
be at the continental level or concurrently be with Union
members. The focus areas indicated below are not in any order
of priority. Similarly, the suggested subject matters under each
area are merely indicative and illustrative.
With the above understanding, the suggested 16 strategic
areas of focus are as follows:
A. Continental integration
! Promote cooperation and exchange of experiences among
RECs.
! Liaise with ministries in charge of integration among Union
members.
48 August-October 2007
! Prepare the meetings of the assembly.
! Assist Union members, as may be required, in building
national constituencies for the Union Government and the
United States of Africa.
B. Education, Training, Skill Development,
Science and Technology
! Undertake, with the support of RECs, identification and
promotion of potential continental centres of higher learning,
primarily with an African focus as well as higher technical train-
ing and research centres, and encourage their specialisation.
! Promote the exchange of students and academic staff among
universities and research centres of Union members.
! Harmonise curricula at primary and secondary school lev-
els among Union members.
! Organise exchange of experiences among science and tech-
nology research centres of Union members, with a view of
identifying and promoting specialised continental centres.
! Promote research on matters of particular relevance to
Africa, such as desertification, coastal erosion, infectious dis-
eases and biotechnology.
C. Energy
! Undertake, with the support of RECs, a consolidated inven-
tory of hydropower resources of Union members, taking into
account their integrated utilisation (i.e. electricity, irrigation,
navigation, fisheries, etc.)
! Expand, with the support of RECs, ongoing interconnec-
tion of electrical grids among Union members.
! Promote standardisation of power supply equipment in
Union members.
! Harmonise energy policies and plans among Union members.
! Rehabilitate regional or continental solar energy centres,
and promote continental research centres on other renewable
energy resources.
D. Environment
! Organise the exchange of experiences, among union mem-
bers, on environmental issues of particular relevance to Africa,
(coastal erosion, desertification, deforestation, etc.)
! Prepare and lead continental campaigns against such natu-
ral disasters like flooding, land-slide, volcanic eruptions, locust
invasions etc.), and mobilise international assistance.
! Promote Africa’s position at world gathering, on matters
already agreed upon by the assembly, with respect to world
environment issues (e.g. ozone layer, biodiversity, Kyoto
Protocol, etc.)
! Build consensus on emerging issues with respect to envi-
ronment.
E. External Relations
! Promote Africa’s views at world gatherings on matters
already agreed upon by the assembly.

! Build consensus among Union members on emerging sub-
jects, as may be required by the evolving world situation.
! Establish formal relationships between the Union
Government and the African diaspora.
! Establish and/or strengthen Union Government perma-
nent representations to other selected countries besides inter-
national and regional organisations.
F. Food, Agriculture and Water resources
! Formulate a continental food policy and self-sufficiency
programme and encourage food trade among Union mem-
bers, with the support of RECs.
! Implement the existing strategy for water resources devel-
opment and management.
! Organise exchange of experiences and information on agricul-
tural production techniques, including water resources develop-
ment and irrigation schemes, agricultural equipment and inputs.
! Make an inventory of agricultural equipment production
centres and facilities the trade of such equipment among
Union members.
! Harmonise agriculture policies among Union members.
G. Gender and Youth
! Promote gender mainstreaming.
! Promote youth employment.
! Encourage the participation of youth in activities of direct
relevance to the Union Government.
! Organise continent-wide campaigns against child labour,
particularly in military activities.
H. Governance and Human Rights
! Strengthen the existing legal and regulatory systems in all
member states.
! Promote economic and corporate governance.
! Promote political governance.
! Promote the independence of the African Court for Human
Rights.
I. Health
! Coordinate the continent-wide fight against major trans-bor-
der diseases (Malaria, HIV-Aids, Tuberculosis, Cholera, etc.)
! With the support of RECs, identify and promote specialised
medical centres.
! Harmonise health policy among Union members.
! Promote research on tropical diseases.
J. Industry and Mineral Resources
! Implement, with the support of RECs, identified conti-
nental projects in the first industrial decade of the Union with
respect to basic industries. (i.e. metallurgical, mechanical and
chemical industries).
! Facilitate, with the support of RECs, intra-African trade in
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
basic and intermediary industrial products.
! Harmonise industrial policies of Union members.
K. Money and Finance
! Manage the finance of the Union.
! With the support of RECs, harmonise custom duties and
taxes among Union members.
! Organise consultations with central banks, the African
Development Bank (ADB), and the private sector on modal-
ities for setting up an African Investment Bank.
! Organise consultations, in collaboration with the African
Association of Central Banks (AACB), national and multina-
tional central banks, on modalities for achieving a monetary
Union, creating an African monetary fund and establishing an
African Central Bank.
! External borrowing.
! Domestic borrowing.
! Mobilise support for the return to Africa of flight capital.
L. Peace and Security
! Coordinate the work of the existing Peace and Security
Council.
! Constitute an African Stand-by Force (ASF), the establish-
ment of which is presently underway.
! Oversee the use of the ASF on the basis of the existing non-
aggression pact and common defence policy of the Union, as
may be decided by the chief executive of the commission
and/or the Assembly; including for the purpose of United
Nations peace keeping operations.
M. Social affairs and solidarity
! Promote the establishment of social security systems in
member states.
! Put in place support systems for the most vulnerable seg-
ments of the society. Encourage wide research on African tra-
ditional solidarity.
N. Sport and culture
! Encourage research on culture and development in the
African context.
! Strengthen African participation in world sport bodies and
events, and promote the Union flag.
! Implement the African Language Action Plan of 1987.
! Organise cultural exchanges among Union members.
! Encourage cultural exchanges with the African diaspora.
! Promote African culture outside the continent.
O. Trade and Custom Union: Free movement of persons, rights
of residence and establishment
! Identify existing bottlenecks in RECs on the unification of
external (i.e. non African) custom tariffs, with a view to remov-
ing them in order to pave the way for greater intra-African trade.
49
 A P A R A D I G M
! Promote Africa’s position at world gatherings, including
World Trade Organisation (WTO), on matters already agreed
upon by the assembly, with respect to international trade.
! External Trade.
! Build consensus among Union members on emerging
issues, as may be required by the evolving international eco-
nomic situation, by liaising with trade ministers of Union
members.
! Immigration into the Union.
! Immigration within the Union.
! Rights of residence and establishment.
P. Infrastructure, ICT and Biotechnology
! Implement, with the support of RECs, transcontinental and
communications projects already identified in the programmes
of the two United Nations Transport and Communications
Decades for Africa (1978-1988, and 1989-1999 respectively)-
UNTACDA, and in the NEPAD action plan; including the
mobilisation of resources from within or outside the Union.
! Organise experiences sharing platforms for Union mem-
bers on the dissemination of the use of NICTs as an essential
development tool.
! Harmonise transport and communications policy of Union
members.
! Promote, with the support of the RECs, the creation of con-
tinental air and maritime transport companies.
Tentative Roadmap of the Union Government
!The proposed roadmap is divided into three phases of equal
timeframe. The initial phase commences immediately after the
decision of the assembly at the next session of the African
Union Summit and will be devoted to establishing the Union
Government (i.e. steps and processes that are necessary for the
immediate operationalisation of the Union Government). The
second phase will be devoted to making the Union
50 August-October 2007
Government fully operational in all its components and to lay-
ing the constitutional ground for the United States of Africa.
The third and final phase will aim at the facilitation of all
required structures of the United States of Africa at the levels
of the states, the regions and the continent.
! The proposed roadmap also takes into account the princi-
ples of gradual incrementalism and a multi-layered approach.
In this respect, all proposed strategic areas of focus or all items
of a given area need not be covered at the same time. Also, dur-
ing the three phases, action is required simultaneously at the
national, regional and continental levels.
The actions indicated in each phase represent those that are
essential in the process leading to the achievement of the final
objective of the United States of Africa. They do not include
regular activities carried out at various levels within and out-
side the Union.
! Finally, the timeframe of the roadmap would depend on
several factors, including first and foremost, the political will
and commitment of Union members. It will also depend on
particular circumstances of potential individual members of
the Union. In this regard, all segments of the population
among Union members should first be made to understand
the importance of the Union Government project, and then
encouraged to participate effectively in its realisation. Also, the
Union Government should be fully operational in all its com-
ponents before it is transformed into the United States of
Africa.
! Taking into account these factors, a three-year period is rec-
ommended for each phase, so that the United States of Africa
would be formed by the year 2015. Thus, African countries, act-
ing collectively and with solidarity, would endeavour to reach
the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set in the
Millennium Declaration of the General Assembly of the United
Nations. The three phases of the roadmap are outlined below.
Initial Phase: Establishment of the Union
Government 2006-2009

Continental Level
! Selection of strategic areas of focus of the Union
Government.
! Decision on the mode of finance.
! Adoption of the revised functions of the Assembly, the
Executive Council, the Specialised Technical Committees,
the Commission and the Permanent Representative
Committee.
! Decisions on the establishment of the Courts of Justice and
Human Rights.
! Decision on the revised Constitutive Act.
!Decision on the launch of the studies on financial institutions.
! Decision on the establishment of the AIB.
! Decision on the final status of NEPAD in the Commission.
! Decision on the representation of the Union Government
in other parts of the world, including, in particular, the African
diaspora.
! Consultations and decisions on the free movement of per-
sons, rights of establishment and residence.
Regional Level
! Rationalisation and harmonisation of the RECs.
! Harmonisation of RECs’ instruments, institutions, pro-
grammes and operations with the Union Government objec-
tives and roadmap.
! Popularisation of the Union Government project.
! Development of a monitoring mechanism for the imple-
mentation of the Union roadmap at regional level.
National Level
! Harmonisation of Union members’ instruments, institu-
tions, programmes and operations with the Union
Government objectives and roadmap.
! Building national constituencies.
! Popularisation of the Union Government Project.
! Development of national monitoring mechanisms for the
implementation of the Union roadmap.
Second Phase: Consolidation of the
Union Government 2009-2012
Continental Level
! Creation of the ACB and AMF.
! Restructuring of remaining continental organs.
! Initiation of the process of consultation for and preparation
of a draft Constitution of the United States of Africa.
Regional Level
! Adoption of measures towards effective free movement of
persons, rights of residence and establishment.
! Consultation on the draft constitution of the United States
of Africa.
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
National Level
! National conventions on the draft constitution of the United
States of Africa.
Third Phase: Establishment of the
United States of Africa 2012 -2015
! The period would be devoted to the adoption by Union
members of the draft constitution of the United States of Africa.
During the period, all continental institutions would be fully
operational, including, in particular, the financial institutions.
! Finally, elections at all required levels (continental, region-
al and national) would take place during this period. The
United States of Africa would be officially constituted and
recognised as such in the world community of nations.
CONCLUSION
! This study has shown that, in spite of the difficulties
encountered in the process of the search for unity and pur-
pose of action by African countries over the years, the con-
tinent is uniquely poised to achieve this objective through
the Union Government project. This is so because of the
shared values and common interests of African countries, as
well as the holistic approach to its development challenges
since the LPA and the FAL to the Union Government pro-
ject, through the Abuja Treaty, the African Union and
NEPAD.
! The proposed architecture of the Union Government is
such that it would enable Africa, through its own organs and
institutions to look for solutions to its development and first
from within the continent. It would also strengthen the
partnerships Africa has fostered with various world regions
for the past several years.
! The framework is also flexible, as it would enable all
potential Union members to participate in the Union
Government soon after its adoption.
Indeed, both the principle of incrementalism and the
multi-layered approach are such that all potential Union
members could participate in the Union Government at all
levels (national, regional and continental).
Thus, the need for consensus would not be required since
potential members could become active members at any
level as and when they are ready. On September 9, 2009, an
evaluation of the progress achieved in Africa’s integration
process should be conducted.
! The ultimate objective is to achieve, through political, eco-
nomic, social and cultural integration, a strong multi-racial
and multi-ethnic United Africa, based on the principles of
justice, peace, solidarity, and the judicious exploitation of its
human and natural resources.
This united Africa would thus be in a position to promote
its values and interests, and take advantage of the opportu-
nities of a rapidly globalising world.
It will represent the concretisation of the vision of the
African Union. ■
51
 E C O N O M I C U N I T Y

COMESA for Peace, Security and

Economic Development
The trade body needs to persuade the member states to respect
international and mutual peace agreements, and help initiate
a positive environment in the region, says Suresh Kumar.

T
he Common Market for Eastern and grammes is expedited. The summit endorsed the recommen-
Southern Africa (COMESA), a pref- dations of the Fourth COMESA Business Forum and agreed
erential trading area with 20 member on the need to strengthen public and private sector partner-
states, is working to develop their nat- ship.
ural and human resources for the It was noted that the Economic Partnership Agreement
mutual benefit of all their people and (EPA) negotiations launched in 2004 between Eastern and
to promote regional integration Southern African (ESA) countries and the European Union
through trade development. The (EU) had made significant progress since the last summit and
member states are Angola, Burundi, were expected to be concluded in December 2007. The sum-
Comoros, Congo Kinshasa, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, mit reaffirmed the importance of ensuring that the EPA should
Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Rwanda, be a development tool to support ESA countries to address the
Seychelles, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia and supply-side constraints of the region as well as improve ESA
Zimbabwe. They agreed to promote a free trade flow among market access to the EU. The meet urged all member states
them to achieve economic revival and the establishment of a to implement the COMESA trade and transit transport facil-
free trade zone and custom union. itation instruments so as to enhance the movement of transit
Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki took the initiative for this and cross-border traffic.
during COMESA’s 11th Summit held in Djibouti on Nov 13- As for strengthening COMESA’s development activities,
14, 2006. Enumerating the challenges at the meet, Rwanda’s the summit reviewed the progress made so far in addressing
President Paul Kagame cited the internal conflicts in the Sudan peace and security issues in the COMESA region. It com-
and Somalia and the border tension between Ethiopia and mended the member states for their ongoing efforts in address-
Eritrea, observing that they hindered integration. “Obviously ing issues of peace and security in the common market as well
these conflicts constitute a threat to our regional integration,” as the continent as a whole and urged them to intensify their
he said. efforts in the search for modalities to address issues of peace
The initiative for peace and security in the region and cor- and security as well as post-conflict transformation issues.
relating it with the issue of economic development was Kenyan Vice-President Moody Awori, who initiated the
endorsed at the 12th COMESA Summit held in Nairobi, agenda of the 12th Summit, said in his opening address that
Kenya, during May 21-23, 2007. The meet focused on the the decision by COMESA to establish a programme on peace
theme of Deepening Regional Integration for Diversification and security in the late 1990s necessitated a more targeted
and Value Addition. A involvement for COMESA.
reminder was put in place He further stressed on the
for the COMESA non- need for proper and timely
Free Trade Agreement information for the manage-
(FTA) member states to ment of conflicts and
reaffirm their commit- described peace and securi-
ment to joining the FTA at ty as pre-requisites to eco-
the earliest opportunity. nomic development
President Ismail Omar (MOFA: 1). The COMESA
Guelleh of Djibouti pro- efforts to work together with
posed that the summit the African Union (AU) and
reaffirm the member other regional organisations
states’ commitment to the need peace and security as a
convergence process of the prerequisite. The new chair-
regional economic com- person, Djibouti’s Minister
munities at a political level of Foreign Affairs
to ensure that the har- Joseph Kabila was sworn in as the first democratically elected President Mahmoud Ali Youssouf,
since Congolese independence.
monisation of pro- said his nation placed the

52 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

issues of peace and security at the top of the foreign policy Operation in Burundi (ONUB) and appeal to the interna-
agenda and noted the importance of the role of peace and tional community to provide development resources on the
security in regional integration (MOFA: 3-4). As a result, the one hand and strengthen the COMESA Bureau of the
Eighth Meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) in Authority to implement the poverty eradication programme
Nairobi during the COMESA Summit recommended the and development on the other. Along with it, it was time to
following: appoint a Truth and Reconciliation Commission in Burundi
a) COMESA should continue taking a pro-active approach to check whosoever committed gross human rights violations.
in the harmonisation of its programme with other Regional COMESA should pursue this issue with the UN and get it
Economic Communities (RECs) with shared membership to implemented with no delay, which will only help in visualis-
ensure the complementarity of efforts. ing the practice of economic development in the region.
b) COMESA should consider a new expanded strategic There was a need to build infrastructure, such as roads,
vision of implementing its mandate of conflict prevention by communication and railway, and strengthen the health, edu-
focusing its comparative advantages in trade and investment cation and agriculture sectors in Burundi. Burundi is a land-
issues, especially in looking at economic dimensions of con- locked country, which needs to improve its transportation
flicts such as trade flows in natural resources/extractive indus- facility through Lake Tanganyika. This effort will enhance
try and the development of good corporate governance and regional stability and create more linkages within the Great
corporate social responsibility. Lakes region. COMESA needs to persuade the regional envi-
c) COMESA should mainstream its mandate on conflict ronment to stabilise the political environment of Burundi.
prevention in all trade and invest-
ment programmes to ensure that COMESA encouraged the 2. The Case of Democratic
economic integration becomes a cat- Boundary Commission to Republic of Congo
alyst for peace and security as well as
the development of a culture of tol- continue consulting on practical The United Nations Operation in
erance. steps required in order for Congo (MONUC) conducted free
d) Enhance coordination with AU demarcation to proceed and fair elections in July 2006. Joseph
and the other RECs and ensure clear- Kabila was sworn in as the first
ly defined lines of responsibility (including security, logistics, democratically elected President
among them. transportation, funding), with a since Congolese independence. The
COMESA reviewed the progress view to ensuring that these establishment of the newly elected
in the implementation of peace issues parliament and implementation of
concerning member states, decided elements were put in practice. It the Constitution adopted by referen-
at the 7th MOFA meeting in encouraged the AU, the EU and dum on December 18, 2005, brought
Djibouti during the 11th Summit. the UN, witness to the original an end to the transition born out of
One of the major decisions in gener- the 2002 Comprehensive Peace
al was that (Under Decision 18 b) accords, to continue working Agreement signed in Pretoria.
‘COMESA should prioritise the together to forge a process of The DRC government today faces
practical implementation of post- de-escalation, border issues, such as peace and security,
conflict reconstruction, including national reconciliation, reconstruc-
disarmament, demobilisation and demarcation and dialogue. tion, political governance and sus-
rehabilitation programmes for coun- tainable social and economic devel-
tries emerging from conflicts’ (MOFA: 7). This decision was opment. MONUC worries about the fighting in the western
to be further taken care of in the Post-Conflict Reconstruction and eastern provinces besides the province of Bas-Congo.
and Development (PCRD) meeting in Lusaka in July 2007. COMESA should persuade the rebel armed forces either to
COMESA discussed this issue country-wise and chalked out join the DRC single national army or motivate the Kabila gov-
further planning during the 12th Summit. ernment to offer the rebel armed forces the freedom to lead a
civilian life with basic amenities in future.
1. Peace Process in Burundi COMESA took the decision under the 7th meeting of
MOFA that “Decision 26.b in concert with partners and rel-
The major issue in Burundi is to adopt and implement first evant stakeholders to mobilise and deploy resources to follow
the Poverty Alleviation Programme that will help initiate the up on the programme (DDR) for thousands of ex-combatants
issue of peace, regional integration and economic develop- from the national army and the rebel militias” (MOFA: 9). But
ment. The government of Burundi released its Poverty there is no progress after the COMESA decision. The 12th
Reduction Strategy paper in September 2006 and highlighted Summit further decided to carry forward the agenda under the
the “government policy to ensure Burundi’s integration in the PCRD meeting in July 2007 in Lusaka and no concrete work
sub-regional market”. Keeping the sub-regional economy in plan came out to deal with DRC.
mind, it was observed that COMESA should mobilise AU, the Political stabilisation is the main agenda and priority of the
Regional Peace Initiative for Burundi, and the United Nations government in Congo. It requires infrastructure to activate the

August-October 2007 53
 E C O N O M I C U N I T Y
people to work in developmental activities. Once peace pre-
vails in DRC, the regional economic partners need to persuade
investing in the country. The Great Lakes region will support
the developmental activities provided peace and security pre-
vails in DRC. The summit decided in 15 points to strength-
en the peace, security and development agenda. One of the
major decisions under COMESA (Decision 29.d) says:
“Express its willingness to support and advise key state insti-
tutions on the implementation of the new constitution and the
completion of legal reforms agreed upon at the Inter-
Congolese dialogue (such as devolution of central govern-
ment responsibilities to the newly created provinces, judicial
reform and anti-corruption legislation)” (MOFA: 13-14).
COMESA needs to initiate the reconstruction programmes
with the help of AU, MONUC and other regional organisa-
tions, which will strengthen the peace agenda.
3. The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Situation
The MOFA Seventh Meeting decided to take immediate
concrete steps to implement the Algiers Agreement, known as
the Ethiopia Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) judg-
ment. The 12th Summit noted that there had not been any
progress in implementing the decisions taken in the 7th
MOFA Meeting and urged a holistic approach to the situation
to allow dialogue and demarcation to proceed. COMESA
encouraged the Boundary Commission to continue consult-
ing on practical steps required in order for demarcation to
proceed (including security, logistics, transportation, fund-
ing), with a view to ensuring that these elements were put in
practice. It encouraged the AU, the EU and the UN, witness
to the original accords, to continue working together to forge
a process of de-escalation, border demarcation and bilateral
dialogue (MOFA: 10). Along with it, MOFA under Decision
27 (A) stated that “Eritrea reverses, without further delay or
pre-conditions its decision to ban UNMEE helicopter flights
as well as additional restrictions as imposed on the Operations
of UNMEE and provide UNMEE with the access, assistance,
support and protection required to the performance of its
duties” (MOFA: 10).
But there was no progress noted after the 11th summit in
the case of Ethiopia-Eritrea decision on 27 a, b and c and
MOFA assessed the situation again during the 12th Summit.
MOFA reviewed the situation on the Eritrea-Ethiopia bound-
ary dispute and noted the following:
a) There has been no progress on the issues around the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary dispute during the review period;
b) Ethiopia’s full and unequivocal acceptance of the ruling
of the Boundary Commission as final and binding;
c) Eritrea’s readiness to start dialogue with Ethiopia aimed
at the normalisation of relations after the demarcation of the
boundary in accordance with accepted principles of interna-
tional law and practice (MOFA: 15).
The Ministers invited the Authority to consider the rec-
ommendations that COMESA should:
a) Urge a holistic approach to the situation to allow dialogue
and demarcation to proceed;
54 August-October 2007
b) Urge de-escalation by both parties of political and mili-
tary tensions in order to create a conducive environment to
both demarcation and dialogue;
c) Encourage the Boundary Commission to continue con-
sulting on practical steps required in order for demarcation to
proceed (including security, logistics, transportation, fund-
ing), with a view to ensuring that these elements are put in
practice; and
d) Encourage the AU, the EU and the UN who witnessed
the original accords to continue working together to forge a
process of de-escalation, border demarcation and bilateral dia-
logue (MOFA: 15)
Along with it, “the ministers took note of Eritrea’s request
to Ethiopia to write to the United Nations Security Council
expressing its full and unequivocal acceptance of the decision
of the Boundary Commission” (MOFA: 16).
As a land-locked country, Ethiopia needs viable sea con-
nectivity for economic development. The EEBC is an agree-
ment carried out under international law and it should be
respected. The demarcation work should not delayed by polit-
ical compulsions. Once demarcated, Eritrea needs to persuade
to facilitate its sea port for Ethiopia under international rules.
COMESA needs to foster a positive synergy between these two
countries, which will help to promote the people’s welfare
and regional connectivity to persuade peace and economic
development.
4. The Case of Darfur in Sudan
There is a need to understand why we are talking about a
peace process and its implementation in Darfur. Why there is
no peace in the region ultimately is the result of the lopsided
development policies of the central government. Today the
Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) of May 5, 2006 is the instru-
ment which can help rectify the past mistakes of regional
underdevelopment that is accepted by the Government of
Sudan (GoS).
COMESA noted that there were still significant humani-
tarian challenges in Darfur, which require urgent and decisive
remedial action so as to alleviate the plight of the civilian pop-
ulation, particularly women and children (MOFA: 16). It also
took note of UN Security Council resolution 1706, the Tripoli
Consensus of April 28-29, 2007, and the Zambia request to
visit Darfur and its acceptance by Sudan and further recom-
mended that Sudan continue creating in Darfur an environ-
ment conducive to the success of the UN-AU mission to
maintain peace and to bring a lasting peace in Darfur (MOFA:
18). It further “stress the importance of establishing a new
framework of transparency and cooperation between the
Sudanese government and the AU and the UN to implement
their agreements, especially those concerning the UN support
for the AU peacekeeping force in Darfur” (MOFA: 18).
Recently, five Darfur opposition groups formed a United
Front for Liberation and Development (UFLD) and shared
their opinion at a meeting in Libya July 16-18, 2007. To go for-
ward in the existing environment for peace and development,
the following points need to taken care of:

1. Peaceful negotiations and gun battle never go together.
This rule applies to the GoS and all Darfur groups (signatory
and others). Here the Thumb Rule is to adopt either peace-
ful negotiations, or the gun.
2. The GoS priority should be to resolve disputes peacefully
and listening to all indigenous groups/people.
3. All Darfur groups need to understand the process and
come forward keeping the idea of secession aside. The option
of secession is always open for anyone with people’s will and
support. No group can fight a secessionist movement through
the barrel of a gun with alien assistance, and without the sup-
port of the indigenous people. Any such movement cannot
lead to victory with external assistance, which will ultimately
lose people’s support and die its own death.
4. The GoS should leave behind the policy of crushing the
people’s voice, which ultimately leads to a humanitarian cri-
sis and a refugee problem. These points are the pre-requisite
for GoS and all Darfur groups prior to implementing the
peace process. COMESA needs to give its important contri-
bution to bridge the gap between the Darfur groups and GoS.
5. The Case of Uganda
President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda agreed to hold peace
talks with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) fighting for the
past 20 years in Juba, capital of southern Sudan. This step will
initiate a dialogue to save millions of northern Ugandan peo-
ple who suffered from horrendous acts as a result of the war
between the LRA and the government. When former
Mozambican president Joachim Chissano was appointed UN
Special Envoy for the LRA affected areas, he invited the LRA
and the Ugandan government to carry forward the peace talks
and an agreement on comprehensive solution was signed on
May 2, 2007, in Juba.
COMESA appreciated the ongoing peace approach and
urged both the parties to come forward to expedite the modal-
ities that will help to establish real peace in the affected area.
This 12th Summit theme of deepening regional integration
should persuade the LRA and the Ugandan government to opt
for traditional mechanisms such as “mato oput” to establish
peace, justice and accountability (MOFA: 20).
6. The Case of Somalia
The 7th Meeting of MOFA had “urged the people of
Somalia to give peace a chance so that they can rejoin COME-
SA in order to contribute to the attainment of sustainable eco-
nomic development of their country and the region as a whole
through the COMESA Economic Integration Agenda”
(MOFA: 21). Prior to it, Somalia needs a de jure government
to initiate the environment of dialogue. The Islamic Court
Union leadership sent a peace proposal to the de facto govern-
References
1.8th Meeting of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs (MOFA), COMESA, Nairobi, Kenya, CS/MFA/VIII/7, 21st May 2007
2.Eritrea Profile, vol.14, No.13, 21 April 2007
3.Eritrea Profile, vol.13, No.75, November 25, 2006
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
ment of Mogadishu and came forward with a Joint
Communiqué on April 18, 2007. The Communiqué is the
initiative towards peaceful reconciliation with the condition
that all foreign troops (those from Ethiopia, the U.S. and
Uganda) should withdraw from Somalia immediately with-
out any pre-condition. An Eritrean delegation of the IGAD
Ministerial Meeting in Nairobi on April 3, 2007 elaborated
that “if individual and group initiatives aimed at ensuring last-
ing peace and stability in Somalia was at all to succeed, exter-
nal military interference should be avoided, an end should be
put to acts of defamation linking some parties with interna-
tional terrorism and a political process leading to national rec-
onciliation should be promoted.(Eritrea Profile, No. 13).
The summit recommended that COMESA member states
and the international community should support an internal
political process involving all political forces aimed at nation-
al reconciliation and unity (MOFA: 21). Mutual dialogue is
the only way to initiate the peace process in Somalia. A peace-
ful Somalia will boost the COMESA objective of economic
integration with stability.
Conclusion
COMESA connects the eastern and southern parts of the
African continent and is working to establish regional unity.
Peace and stability are the real concerns and the way towards
economic integration. This summit should persuade the
Member States to respect international agreements and mutu-
al peace agreements, which help to initiate a positive envi-
ronment in the region. COMESA needs to adopt the African
line of solution that means indigenous problems should be
solved by indigenous people alone and the role of the exter-
nal world should be limited to humanitarian needs and assis-
tance, monitoring and boosting the peace process. Military
mechanisms of the external world to support one party in the
name of war against terrorism during conflict situations do not
lead to peace. The resource mobilisation mentions, “to
enhance the capability of COMESA in counter terrorism (to
be supported by the AU Centre for the Study and Research
in Counter Terrorism (CAERT) [MOFA: 34] is welcome. It
will lead to indigenous solution as well.
Today, it is indisputable that the maintenance of peace is a
major precondition for socio-economic development in any
country or region. It would be useful if the sovereign Member
States of COMESA were to allow the organisation to play an
effective role in the promotion of peace and security whether
it is the case of Somalian integration, the Sudanese peace pro-
cesses or the Ethiopia-Eritrea Boundary Commission imple-
mentation. The COMESA Mode of Operation says: “It shall
employ preventive diplomacy through dialogue and compro-
mise and completely avoid any form of coercion with Member
States (MOFA: 30).” ■
55
 B I L A T E R A L T I E S
SAY INDIA
in Sudan
Manish Chand writes about tell-tale signs of change in the Sudanese
capital Khartoum as Africa’s largest country and oil mecca
embarks on a modernisation drive and turns eastwards
to India, a rising Asian power.
I
n Sudan, Africa’s largest country and oil
mecca, the moment you say you are from
India, the Sudanese break into a smile and
start humming one of the old Hindi film
songs that are a rage here. This instant
emotional connect that the Sudanese feel
for India underlines the affection and
esteem India and Indians enjoy in a coun-
try that has emerged as the continent’s oil
hub. The cultural affinity is more than visible: Hindi films
are screened regularly at local theatres, especially in the old
city of Omdurman — home to a large Indian diaspora.
As Ashraf, a Sudanese businessman, watches the TV
showing MTV-style Arab song-and-music show in a lux-
ury hotel in Khartoum, he starts talking excitedly about
Indian superstar Amitabh Bachchan and Raj Kapoor films.
He is enjoying his Pepsi but that has not watered down his
dislike for America that has imposed sanctions on his coun-
try for nearly a decade and stifled its economy.
The romance with Indian films and children named
after Indian icons Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru is no freak
trend, but reflective of Sudan’s larger eastward journey as
56 August-October 2007
it expands political and business ties with India, China,
Malaysia, Japan and South Korea to shore up its economy
and to beat the onerous American sanctions.
The stakes are high and the stirrings of change are too
obvious to be missed in this city where the Blue Nile and
the White Nile meet. Khartoum’s skyline is changing, with
this once sleepy city rumbling with the noise of tower
cranes busily erecting high-rise buildings, its department
stores flaunting designer labels and its roads brimming with
Toyotas, Hyundais and Indian Tata buses and Bajaj scoot-
ers and auto-rickshaws.
Indian Maruti cars are also set to hit the roads in a big
way soon. In the teeth of American sanctions, Sudan is
industrialising on its own terms. The GIAD industrial park
is a classic example of Sudanese ingenuity and
entrepreneurship. The Korean Hyundai is locally assem-
bled in the industrial park and sold for a few thousand dol-
lars less than the imported Hyundai.
“We want to go eastward, not westward. We look at
India as an independent country which has its own mind
and is not a camp follower of any superpower,” Dr. Kamal
Obaid, Sudan’s ruling party National Congress’ chief
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

The stakes are high and the stirrings of change are too obvious to be missed Sudan’s capital city Khartoum where
the Blue Nile and the White Nile meet.
pointsperson on foreign policy, tells Africa Quarterly in and Khartoum needs Beijing to shield it in the UN against
Khartoum. broader sanctions, it is increasingly looking at India afresh
“Historically, we have had very good relations with India. with its proven prowess in knowledge industries as a devel-
The Indian community is very famous and successful here. opment partner.
Around 10,000 Indians live here. We would like to strength- China may have invested over $10 billion in Sudanese oil
en relations with India,” says Obaid. and is the country’s largest supplier of arms and its largest
“India and China can play a great role in the destiny of trading partner with bilateral trade touching $4 billion.
mankind in the 21st century. India is a But with its profit-driven
knowledge power. We seek Indian help India’s bilateral trade approach, it has yet to wake up to the
in the education sector,” says Abdalla with Sudan touched long-term advantages of making a
Zakaria Idris, general director of the $620 million in 2006 more enduring investment: earning
International Centre of African Studies,
a local think-tank.
and is likely to exceed goodwill Sudanese.
and affection of ordinary

“India’s business and energy ties with $1 billion soon. India, in contrast, believes in
Sudan are on an upswing. There is a lot empowering Sudan by providing
of warmth and affection for India and Indians in Sudan,” training to the Sudanese youth. Some 4,000-odd Sudanese
says India’s ambassador to Sudan Deepak Vohra. youth are already studying in India.
India’s bilateral trade with Sudan touched $620 million Besides, in a country that is still grappling with a fragile
in 2006 and is likely to exceed $1 billion soon. truce between the Arab-dominated North and Black-dom-
ONGC, the Indian oil major through its overseas arm inated South after a four-decade-old civil war, the presence
OVL, has 25 percent stake in Greater Nile Petroleum of over 2,500 Indian peacekeeping troops, part of the multi-
Operating Company (GNPOC) and has invested over $1.5 national United Nations Mission in Sudan (UMMIS), is
billion in oil exploration in Sudan — one of its largest for- reassuring for the Sudanese. The UNMIS is headed by Lt.
eign investments by India. General Jasbir Singh Lidder, an Indian Army officer.
ONGC is also exploring the possibility of acquiring two Sudan is also rolling out the red carpet for Indian invest-
more oil blocks in Sudan. ment in agriculture, transport and infrastructure sectors
GNPOC is a joint oil exploration and distribution com- with tax concessions. India’s heavy industry major BHEL is
pany in which CNPC of China has 40 per cent stake, in the process of setting $500 million 500 MW power plant
Petronas of Malaysia has 30 per cent stake, ONGC 20 per — the largest power project in Sudan.
cent and Sudapet, the national oil company of Sudan has 5 India’s desire to engage with Sudan at all levels is reflect-
per cent. GNPOC production exceeds 300,000 barrels of oil ed in the opening of a consulate in Juba, the capital of
per day in 2006. Southern Sudan. India is also thinking of offering the gov-
Although China is way ahead of India in oil investments ernment of Southern Sudan a credit line of around $400

August-October 2007 57
 B I L A T E R A L T I E S

The romance with Indian films and

children named after Gandhi and
Nehru is no freak trend, but
reflective of Sudan’s larger eastward
journey as it expands political and
business ties with India, China,
Malaysia, Japan and South Korea to
shore up its economy. Khartoum’s
skyline is changing, with this once
sleepy city resonant with the noise
of tower cranes erecting high-rise
buildings, its department stores
flaunting designer labels and its
roads brimming with Toyotas,
Hyundais and Indian Tata buses and
Bajaj scooters and auto-rickshaws.

million, guaranteed against the region’s post-2011 oil pro-
duction.
More business with emerging Asian powers like India
and China, coupled with an indigenous industrialisation
drive, Sudanese officials say, could offset the impact of the
American sanctions and negative images about ethnic vio-
lence in western Darfur province in the western media.
Top Sudanese officials admit that they have a festering
problem in the mineral-rich Darfur, a province larger than
the size of France, but see it more as an issue about the fight
over resources — water and grazing land — rather than an
Arab versus non-Arab conflict and vehemently deny the
charges of genocide by the government-backed militia
hurled at it by the U.S. and its Western allies.
But what imbue India-Sudan ties with a special reso-
nance are historical and civilisational linkages that provides
a sense of special affinity Sudanese feel for India.
The Sudanese elite like to recall fondly Gandhi’s short
stay at Port Sudan in 1932 on his way to Egypt and Britain.
India’s friendship is empowering and energising, say
Sudanese politicians.
India, represented by then Chief of the Election
Commission, Sukumar Sen, helped conduct the country’s
first elections in 1954. Sudan also sought the help of India’s
judicial personnel and the experience of its legal system,
which continue to inspire the legal fraternity in Sudan.
India also contributed to the ‘Sudanization’ processes in
the aftermath of independence, and helped in the estab-
lishment of vital sectors like the railway system, and the
Sudan Forest Service in 1901 which was based on the report
of Murell, an Indian forester.
The ‘Sudan Block’ of the prestigious Pune-based
National Defence Academy established in May 30, 1959 is
an enduring symbol of Indo-Sudanese solidarity. Sudan
gifted the block to India as a mark of recognition for the gal-
lantry and sacrifices of Indian troops in defence of Sudan in
the Second World War.
Former President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s visit to Sudan in
October 2003 turned to be a milestone in the long history
of India-Sudan relations. During this visit, India extended
a $50-million line of credit for the economic development
of Sudan.
But more than diplomacy and economy, what made
Kalam’s trip special was a poem he composed and recited to
celebrate the land where the Blue Nile and the White Nile
intersects.
“…My mother called me ‘Blue Nile’
I am also named by mother, ‘White Nile’
When we grew and grew, we asked
“Oh Mother, Oh Mother,
Tell us, why did you name us ‘Nile’?”
Our mother said lovingly,
“Oh my children
You travel and travel
Cross mountains, forests and valleys
Thousands of miles, enriching nine countries
You reach Khartoum
You Blue and White Niles confluence with a Mission.
God has commanded you to give a message
You give a beautiful message
When we rivers confluence.
Oh Humanity, why not your hearts confluence
And you blossom with happiness.” ■

58 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

No signs of peace in
DARFUR, but hope lives
Manish Chand writes about the festering conflict in Darfur between
the settled farmers and the nomads over the region’s limited natural
resources. Negotiations between the Sudanese government and certain

B
militia groups over the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement holds out hope.
y air, it takes a
little over
three hours to
reach the
mineral-rich
western
province of
Darfur from
the Sudanese
capital, Khartoum. As you cover the
distance, the landscape and the quali-
ty of life, too, undergo a sea change.
Fall for the mirage of the semi-
desert region at your own risk. All the
hustle and bustle of a burgeoning
metropolis dissipates once you arrive
in El-Fasher, the capital of North
Darfur. An eerie silence envelopes ent only when pick-up vans carrying Darfur has been divided into three
your senses, throwing up questions heavily armed military men sporadi- zones: North Darfur, with its capital at
that no one has straight answers to. cally shatter the silence. But some El-Fasher, South Darfur, with its cap-
Fed on the horror stories of endemic myths fall by the wayside. You can’t ital at Niyala, and West Darfur, with its
violence that has put Darfur on the distinguish easily between Arabs and administrative seat in El Genenina.
conscience map of the world, one Africans (Darfur’s six million people Darfur was neglected for decades,
looks for tell-tale signs of unrest. are affiliated to 30 odd tribes most of first during the Anglo-Egyptian rule
When are the janjaweeds — the infa- whom are Sunni Muslims) and you between 1917 and 1956, and then by
mous horse and camel-mounted mili- don’t notice bloodlust in their eyes the powers-that-be in Sudan who con-
tiamen slaughtering innocents that either. The conflict that is has grabbed centrated on developing the K triangle,
populate contemporary folklore about world attention is, however, for real comprising Khartoum, Kosti and
Darfur — going to come? You wait and it feeds partly on ethnic rivalries Kassala, at the cost of Darfur, after it
and wait, but all you see are some and partly on a fiercely competitive became independent in 1956.
refugee camps and the soporific hum battle for land and water that the Khartoum, too, was embroiled in a
of a small North African town. region is woefully short of. The con- civil war that raged in the black-dom-
A region larger than France and flict erupted between settled farmers inated South Sudan for nearly two
rich in oil and minerals like uranium, and cattle grazers in early 2002. But decades till a peace agreement two
iron, tin and bauxite, Darfur is in the the characterisation of Darfur’s vio- years ago. In 2002, the rebels in Darfur
centre of a running feud between lence as Arab tribes slaughtering non- started a fight seeking a better deal for
nomads and settled farmers. As you Arab tribes needs to be qualified since the indigenous people. Some rebel
drive through the rain-splashed sand there are reports of Arab tribes battling factions even demanded a separate
roads in El-Fasher, typical small-town with each other as well. state.
sightings roll by: hawkers selling cheap Darfur is named after the Furs, the Land ownership is a key issue in
food, bright-eyed school children dominant tribe with its home in the Darfur. Most Arab groups in Darfur
playing in fields, and locals indulging fertile Jebel Marra region; Zagahwa are not part of the prevailing hakura
in gossip over a cup of tea. The spec- and Massalit are some of the more landholding system, developed by the
tre of a conflict zone becomes appar- important tribes in the region. British to allot dars (homelands) to var-

August-October 2007 59
 W A G I N G P E A C E
ious settled tribes. The nomads, how-
ever, enjoyed access to land and water.
Severe droughts in the 1970s and
1980s ruined thousands of pastoralists.
As a result, the nomadic tribes of the
North (Arab and Zaghawa) moved
South in search of land and water.
This led to a conflict between the Fur
and Massalit farmers in Darfur’s fertile
central zone. Libya’s 1981 invasion of
Chad only complicated the situation,
with the displacement of about two
million people.
The conflict soon acquired the
dimension of the landless versus the
landowners. A visit to the Abu Shoack
camp for internally displaced persons
(IDPs) in El-Fasher shakes one out of
torpor, induced by the desert heat, and
brings you face to face with the scars
of Darfurians, who have a reputation
of ferocious fighters. Nearly 54,000
people are living in this camp, being
managed by a coalition of NGOs, UN
agencies like the World Food
Programme and the UNICEF, with
assistance from the Sudan govern-
ment. Women and children, inured to
displacement, peer from their little
enclosures every time there’s a visitor,
mistaking him for a worker from an
60
aid agency.Ibrahim al-Khalil, the camp
manager, says the refugees are being
looked after well, and some of them
are even living a better life than the
one they were used to before the may-
hem struck.
This picture of deprivation changes
when one reaches the stately white
mansion of Mohammed Usman
Yusuf Kibir, the governor of North
Darfur, located close to the garrison
of the Sudanese armed forces.
As innocent-eyed gazelles gambol
in the lush lawns of the governor’s
house, the powerful wali (governor) of
North Darfur turns on his PR charm.
He brushes aside “all the BBC-CNN
talk” of genocide and launches into a
tirade against the Western press,
which, according to him, is distorting
key issues underlying tensions in
Darfur. “It’s basically a battle for land
and water. When the nomads’ animals
stray into the farmers’ lands, fighting
starts,” the wali says, dismissing reports
of violence as local crime cases of rob-
bery and kidnapping.
“The security has improved and
people are returning. That doesn’t
mean we don’t have problems,” said
the tall, dark and imposing governor as
August-October 2007
he jabbed his fingers in the air, con-
testing the figures of the dead and the
displaced in the Darfur conflict that is
being bandied about in the West.
There is no accurate estimate of the
victims of the violence since the crisis
started nearly five years ago. According
to the UN and different advocacy
groups in the US and the West,
400,000 people have perished in the
violence and more than 2.5 million
people displaced internally since vio-
lence began. Most Western NSOs,
Sudanese officials say, do not take into
account a large number of people who
have died of famine and diseases in
Darfur. Sudanese officials also differ
on the casualties. Most say that the fig-
ure of the dead is not more than 50,000
and that of the internally displaced
persons a little over 100,000. The actu-
al figure probably lies somewhere
between these two extremes, but there
is no escaping the fact that it’s the real
grievances of the people that trigger
incidents of violence.
Sudanese officials vehemently
rebut the charge of genocide and claim
that it is primarily a war for natural
resources. They also deny charges of
the government backing the janjaweeds,
61

whom they deride as “freelance ban-
dits and mercenaries”.
“It can’t be more than 50,000 dead,
including those who died from dis-
ease, and the internally displaced per-
sons are at a little over 100,000,” says
Kibir. “It’s all about oil,” he says, echo-
ing a popular conspiracy theory in
Khartoum that the U.S. is showcasing
a humanitarian disaster in Darfur with
a larger agenda of dismembering
Sudan and capturing its flourishing oil
industry. Sudan has so far managed to
survive the decade-old U.S. sanctions
with help from China, the largest
investor in Sudan’s booming oil
industry with total bilateral trade
exceeding $10 billion.
The Sudanese government has also
woken up to the perils of underdevel-
opment in Darfur, with President
Omer al-Bashir announcing in July
the decision to build the Western
Salvation Highway to link Niyala with
Omdurman, the old city of Khartoum.
The governor of North Darfur is
quite upbeat about the rekindling of
interest among foreign investors
despite the ongoing violence in some
parts of the region. He also shared his
A F R I C A
dream of a Darfur that would resem-
ble any normal, well-developed place,
awash with hotels and supermarkets
and other state-of-the-art infrastruc-
ture. The Sudanese government and
certain rebel groups have now kick-
started negotiations for the Darfur
Peace Agreement. Inked between the
DARFUR PEACE ACCORD
(HIGHLIGHTS)
■ Disarmament of Janjaweeds by
October 2006
■ Incorporation of 5,000 rebel fight-
ers into the Sudan Army and police
■ Compensation for the IDPs
through a one-off payment of $300
million
■ Annual transfers of $200 million
■ A Transitional Darfur Regional
Authority (TDRA) to govern the
region till a referendum in 2011
determines whether Darfur should
be a unitary region or remain divid-
ed into three provinces
■ A new post of senior assistant to
the president and chairperson of
TDRA for the rebels’ nominee
August-October 2007
Q U A R T E R L Y
government and the largest rebel
group, the Sudan Liberation
Movement led by Mini Menawai, on
May 6, 2006, the accord failed to draw
most rebel groups, including the one
led by Paris-based Abdel Wahed
Mohamed Ahmed al-Nur.
Factionalism spawned more splinter
groups, stalling a settlement of the
Darfur crisis. In many fundamental
ways, Darfur is going to be a test case for
the UN. Darfurians are hopeful that the
hybrid United Nations-African Union
(AU) force, comprising 26,000-odd
troops, would produce some positive
results once it is deployed in the region
next year. The UN-AU force, known as
UNAMID, will replace the 7,000-
strong AU force that failed to contain
the violence in Darfur.
For any lasting solution to the
Darfur crisis, key issues such as power-
sharing and wealth-sharing, the
humanitarian situation and the securi-
ty conditions need to be looked into
immediately. But given the region’s
grim history of lost chances,
Darfurians are determined to ensure
that their hope for peace does not sink
into desert sands yet again. ■
61
 I N C O N V E R S A T I O N

‘Indian troops reap

goodwill in SUDAN’

I
n the southern town of Malakal, dor-
mant animosity between North and
South Sudan can erupt into bloody vio-
lence any time. And when it does, it’s
the job of the Indian peacekeeping
troops to ensure peace so that the oil-
rich region does not plunge into chaos.
In an interview with Manish Chand,
Lt. General Jasbir Singh Lidder, force
commander of the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS), talks
about the good work the Indian troops have been doing in
the Arab-dominated north and black-dominated south over
the last four decades.

Q. The UN Mission in Sudan has been grappling with the dif-

ficult task of maintaining peace between North and South
Sudan for some time. What has been the main challenge so far?
A. The main challenge is the North-South redeployment
across Line 1/1/56. A major area of concern has been that the
July 9, 2007 deadline for 100 percent redeployment of the
Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) to the North could not be met,
as SAF continues to retain nearly 4,000 troops in the oil fields
of South Sudan. Meanwhile, the redeployment of the Sudan
People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) to the South has begun, but
a lot of movement has taken place without the UN verifica-
tion and we are trying to set that right. The complete inte-
gration of Other Armed Groups (OAGs), nearly 60,000 in
number, who were not signatory to the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement (CPA), is yet to take place. As per the CPA, the
OAGs were to affiliate with either side, as on January 9, 2006.
We revised this deadline to March 2006, so technically, post-
March 2006, there are no OAGs. The bulk of these OAGs
are southerners who were fighting for the SAF. On paper,
everybody is aligned with either group. But that does not
reflect the ground realities. The DDR process, i.e. demobil-
isation, disarmament and reintegration, is well behind sched-
ule. The Joint Integrated Units (JIUs), which were to com-
prise 50 percent each of SAF and SPLA for the security of the
Ceasefire Zone, have not been deployed. All these factors are
a cause of serious concern.
Q. What has been the root causes of North-South Sudan con-
flict?
A. Sudan has a history of over 40 years of civil war, based on
ethno-religious grounds. Sudan has the largest number of
Lt. General Jasbir Singh Lidder, UNMIS Force
Commander, pays his last respects to late Corporal
Mohan Singh Gurung, an Indian soldier shot dead by armed
rebels during an attack on January 26, 2007 in South Sudan.
Corporal Gurung was stationed in Juba. He was asked to guard
a de-mining team working in the town of Magwe, when his
convoy came under attack. This is the first combat casualty
UNMIS has encountered since its operations started in the
southern part of the country in March 2005.
small arms in the world. As seven of its nine borders are dis-
turbed, weapons can be smuggled in from practically any-
where. Various countries have supported the SPLA in its war
with the SAF, over the years. Therefore, besides sustaining
the guerrilla war, the PLA has had the potential to launch con-
ventional attacks, supported by aircraft, artillery and tanks.
Q. India, with its 2,597 troops, is the largest contributing nation
to the UNMIS. Could you give us an idea of the role played by
the Indian contingent in UMMIS?
A. The Indian contingent is occupying a critical and rugged
sector in Sudan. Located in upper Nile, this is the region
which borders Line 1/1/56 in the North and has maximum
oilfields and OAGs. We have been experiencing maximum
violence and clashes in this sector. In November 2006, a full-

62 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

fledged conflict broke out in Malakal town, with artillery,

tanks and heavy weapons being used. In this flare-up, Indian
commanders and troops played a pro-active role in defusing
the crisis, which was commended by the UN and the inter-
national community. Besides the upper Nile sector, the IAF
helicopter contingent, the Force Reserve Battalion, the
Transport Company and the Force Signal Company have
been performing admirably.

Q. Some say Africa holds the key to the U.N. reforms, especial-
ly the expansion of the U.N. Security Council. Do you think
attempts to reform the U.N. will succeed?
A. From the viewpoint of the U.N. reforms, they are looking
at Africa as a bloc. And they are visualising two seats for Africa
in an expanded Security Council. But the problem is that
Africa has 53 countries and it is so fragmented. Africa has to
work towards reducing this fragmentation because that’s been
part of its weakness. Maybe, for some, it was easier to deal with
a fragmented Africa. Now, the AU is aware of it. It has been
holding discussions for a more united Africa. And that’s a pos-
itive sign. A united Africa would have a much stronger voice
in the U.N. than a fragmented Africa.

Q. Indian peacekeeping troops, wherever they go, especially in

African countries, inspire a lot of goodwill among local people.
What makes the Indian troops effective in conflict situations?
A. The bulk of our troops hails from a similar rural culture
and, therefore, can sustain the rigours of peacekeeping, with
pride and smile. Besides, traditionally, India has a history of
close ties with Africa. The NRIs are performing extremely well
in the majority of east and central African countries, and have
projected a very positive face of India. Indian troops are well
experienced in low intensity conflict and are appreciated for
their sheer professionalism, humane and ‘down-to-earth’
approach.

Q. Under what circumstances can the U.N. peacekeeping troops

use force?
A. Under Chapter 6 of the U.N. Rules of Engagement, we
are not to use force, except in self-defence. Chapter 7 speci-
fies two more conditions that can justify the peacekeepers’ use
of force, namely protection of civilians, if the violence profile
goes beyond the local dynamics, and protection of the U.N.
personnel, assets and installations.
Q. Indian troops are also known for their involvement in com-
munity-related projects…
A. Indian troops, like the other contingents, are engaged in
Civil-Military Coordination (CIMIC) programmes and the
implementation of Quick Impact Projects (QUIPS), to support
the local population. The Indian peacekeepers have been espe-
cially active in providing medical and veterinary support, besides
engaging in other community development schemes. When the
violent clashes took place in Malakal in November 2006, the
Indian troops came out in a big way to assist in humanitarian
related activities, especially treating the wounded.
Q. What do you think lies at the bottom of the conflict in Darfur?
Will the hybrid UN-AU make a difference to the ground situ-
ation in Darfur?
A. Darfur is a typical problem of the fight for resources: water
and grazing land. After the CPA was signed in January 2005,
some of the tribes in Darfur felt marginalised and the present
militant face of Darfur is more of a post-CPA phenomenon.
Armed groups from Chad have aggravated the problem. This
has manifested in a very large-scale humanitarian problem.
The African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) has not been
able to deal with the situation effectively due to a host of rea-
sons. It is hoped that the hybrid UN-AU force of nearly
26,000 troops, which is likely to have a predominantly African
character, should be able to make a difference and bring about
the much-needed stability in Sudan. ■

August-October 2007 63
 B O O K S & I D E A S

A selection of new books on Africa and by African writers

from www.africabookcentre.com
Child Domestic Workers in Zimbabwe Africa In China’s Global Strategy
By Michael Bourdillon; Zimbabwe Weaver Press; 128pp; Paperback; £19.95 By Marcel
Kitissou
IN THE context of AIDS and a declining economy, (Ed.);
one strategy for children to ensure their own liveli- Adonis &
hood is to engage in domestic employment. This Abbey,
study presents the findings of research based on inter- U.K.;
views and discussions with child domestic workers in 208pp;
Zimbabwe. It examines the circumstances that Paperback;
pushed them into employment, the hardships and £25.99
humiliations they face, as well as the benefits they
derive, including, in some cases, education. Argues In 1998,
that while child domestic work is problematic and China’s aid to Africa was $107 mil-
often lays children open to various types of abuse, it lion. By 2004, it had reached $2.7 bil-
can also offer critical support and patronage to dis- lion, 26 per cent of its international
advantaged children. assistance that year. In 2005, Africa-
Green-Eyed Thieves China trade reached $40 billion, 35
By Imraan Coovadia; South Africa Umuzi; 208pp; per cent up from the previous year.
Paperback; £15.99 The continent supplies 30 per cent of
China’s import of oil and gas. The
THIS IS a story of twin boys identical in appearance appetite for raw materials goes
but in nothing else. Ashraf is all rage and action, a lover beyond oil and gas and China’s for-
of the real. Firoze is a dreamer and reader — a lover eign political strategy is a global one.
of the ideal. The Dawood family is from Muslim Will Africa be a pawn or a player in
Fordsburg. The father (formally at least) is a mer- this emerging geopolitical game?
chant and the mother a part-time philosophy lectur- Will China’s deepening relations
er at Wits. Their uncle, who is known universally as with the continent represent a new
Ten-Per-Cent, lives in the house and shares the gin- opportunity for African countries to
ger-beer factory business with his brother. The story begins in Johannesburg but negotiate a new partnership and skil-
ends in America. Ashraf is jailed in Fort Dix Prison in Texas, and Firoze is just fully use it to the best advantage of
settling in New York with his new young wife. Among the cast of characters are their citizens?
Mohammed Atta (of 9/11 notoriety), George Bush himself, a Pakistani Brigadier These are some of the questions
in Peshawar, a host of lawyers and assorted crooks of one kind or another, plus contributors to the volume examine.
various Korean massage parlour girls.

■ Editor’s Pick Mandela’s Ego: A Novel

History of Rasselas, Prince Of Abissinia By Lewis Nkosi; South Africa,
By Samuel Johnson; Penguin Books, U.K.; Umuzi; 182pp; Paperback; £15.99
137pp; Paperback; £8.99
A YOUNG Zulu boy named
RASSELAS, PRINCE of Abyssinia, leaves Dumisani grows up in awe of the leg-
the easy life of the Happy Valley, accompanied endary figure of Nelson Mandela. He
by his sister Nekayah, her attendant Pekuah, thinks of Mandela not only as a great
leader of the oppressed, but also as a
and the much-travelled philosopher Imlac.
great seducer of women, and it is in
Their journey takes them to Egypt, where they
this aspect that he decides to emulate
study the various conditions of men’s lives,
Mandela. A woman he has been pur-
before returning home in a “conclusion in
suing for a long time yields to his
which nothing is concluded”. Johnson’s tale is advances the day the Black Pimpernel
not only a satire on optimism, but a philo- is captured. But Mandela’s imprison-
sophical exploration of the human mind’s infi- ment renders Dumisani impotent for
nite capacity for hope. 27 years.

64 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

COLLECTOR’S ITEM The Art Of Southern Africa

By Sandra
Claim To The Country: The Archive of Klopper;
Wilhelm Bleek and Lucy Lloyd Five
By Pippa Skotnes; Ohio UP, U.S.A.; Continents
388pp; £42.99 Editions;
Italy; 208pp;
IN THE 1870s, facing near-cultural £40.00
extinction and the death of their lan- THE ART of
guage, several San men and women told Southern
their stories to two pioneering colonial Africa, unlike
scholars in Cape Town, Wilhelm Bleek the better-known traditions of cen-
and Lucy Lloyd. The narratives of these tral and western Africa, has been long
San (or Bushmen) were of the land, the overlooked. This book calls close
rain, the history of the first people, and attention to the art of this region
the origin of the moon and stars. These through 140 objects, beautifully
narratives were faithfully recorded and reproduced in full-colour plates
translated by Bleek and Lloyd, creating from the Terence Pethica
an archive of more than 13,000 pages including drawings, notebooks, maps, and Collection. The pieces come from
photographs. Now residing in three main institutions — the University of Cape southern African countries includ-
Town, the South African Museum, and the National Library of South Africa, ing South Africa, Namibia,
this archive has recently been entered into Unesco’s Memory of the World Botswana, Mozambique, Angola and
Register. Lavishly illustrated, this book, created, compiled, and introduced by Zambia. Featuring exemplary objects
Pippa Skotnes, presents in book form and on an accompanying DVD all the ranging from ornamental adorn-
notebook pages and drawings that constitute this remarkable archive. ments, kitchen implements, prestige
Contextualising essays by well-known scholars, such as Nigel Penn, Eustacia staffs, dance wands, figures for initi-
Riley and Anthony Traill, and a searchable index for all the narratives and con- ation ceremonies, figures for secret
tributors are included. stages of personal growth, objects for
Eritrea: Bradt Travel Guide battle, and objects for dance and spir-
by Edward Denison and Edward Paice; Bradt its, this book brings together a mag-
Publication, U.K.; 248pp; Paperback; £15.99 nificent compilation of works, many
of which have never been seen
A FOURTH EDITION of the essential guide for before, made of wood, metal, bone
independent travellers to this unusual and remark- and rhinoceros horn.
able African country. In addition to the charms of
Asmara with its broad avenues, markets and the African Odyssey: 365 Days
Roman Catholic cathedral, the interiors, rich in his- By Anup Shah & Manoj Shah;
torical remains, is well worth visiting and is covered USA. ABRAMS; 744pp, £19.95
comprehensively. The main port, Massawa, is a
natural gateway to the 350 islands in the Red Sea FOLLOWS THE movements of the
that offer superb diving spots, and this guide provides all the necessary informa- great wildebeest herd as they migrate
tion. across the Serengeti during the course
of a year. Spurred on by the dry season,
which usually begins in April/May, the
■ Feminism, Revolution and Liberation herd of more than 1.5 million wilde-
African Women In Revolution beests leaves its breeding and birthing
By O. Wunyabari Maloba; Africa tionary movements define women’s grounds in search of greener plains and
World Press, USA; 296pp; Paperback; liberation? What is the linkage between then, as the dry season turns back to
£18.99 feminist theories of liberation and wet later in the year, it travels back to
national liberation? Did the national the plains it left. The cycle repeats itself
ANALYSIS OF the roles played by liberation movements betray women? year after year. This book follows the
women in seven revolutionary move- And what has been the fate of the orig- calendar year, with each spread repre-
ments: Algeria, Kenya, Guinea-Bissau, inal commitments (and impulses) senting a day in the life of the wilde-
Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe and toward women’s liberation and gen- beests from January to December.
South Africa. How did these revolu- der equality?

August-October 2007 65
 B O O K S & I D E A S

■ Unifying historiography
Modernising a continent through a larger narrative War In Darfur: And The Search For
Peace
Myth, History And Society: The Collected Works of Adele By Alex De Waal, Harvard
Afigbo University Press, U.S.A.; 74pp;
By Toyin Falola ; Africa World Press, USA; 634pp; Paperback; £18.99
Paperback; £24.99
A SERIES of
AN ANTHOLOGY of Afigbo’s writing on the his- essays by leading
toriography of Nigeria and, by extension, his vision of Sudanese and
a unified historiography of the African continent. international spe-
Afigbo’s central idea is that Nigerian historians and cialists on Darfur,
historians of Africa as a whole have from the birth of combining origi-
the new African historiography seen and published historical studies and writ- nal research and
ings as part of a larger effort to create, consolidate, and run modern and mod- analysis. The book
ernising states in the continent. It is this larger process that Professor Afigbo refers provides in-depth analysis of the ori-
to as statecraft — and it is from a study of this larger process that he draws the gins and dimensions of the conflict,
conclusion that its role is neither new nor surprising, but rather a part of an ongo- including detailed accounts of the
ing African historic tradition dating back to the older versions of history where
evolution of ethnic and religious
the stories of a nation’s past are embedded in myth and song.
identities, the breakdown of local
administration, the emergence of an
Fit To Govern: The Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki
Arab militia and resistance move-
By Ronald Suresh Roberts; STE Publishers, South Africa; 296pp;
Paperback; £14.99 ments, and regional dimensions to
the conflict. The study also focuses
EXPLORES THE intellectual traditions and elaborates the central ideas of on the search for peace, with contri-
Mbeki’s style of governance. Having had unprecedented access to the President butions by those most closely
himself, Roberts was ideally and uniquely placed to write with sympathy about engaged in local and international
the South African President. efforts to resolve the conflict.

■ Fiction ■ Trailing AIDS

The Asylum Seeker
By Amina Soueliman, & Mandy
Sutter (Eds.); Mama East African
Women’s Group, U.K.; 120pp;
Paperback; £12.00
THE STORY of Bahsan’s life begins in
a tiny desert village in Northern Somalia
in 1945 and ends in present-day Europe.
She is one of the first Bedouin women to
receive formal education at a British colo-
nial school and later, to move in her own
right to Somalia’s capital, Mogadiscio, for
a prestigious job at a bank. When her
country is taken over by a ruthless yet
incompetent dictator, she tackles military
training camp with gusto and when she
and her friend Bilan are seconded to work
for the dictator, does everything she can to
undermine his authority.
Her story gives an eyewitness account
of recent Somali history.
The Africa Multi-Country AIDS
Program 2000-2006: Results of the
World Bank’s Response to a Development
Crisis
By Marelize Gorgens-Albino;
World Bank Publications; U.S.A.;
172pp; Paperback; £8.99
DESCRIBES THE internationally
acclaimed World Bank’s Multi-
Country AIDS Program (MAP) that
has dramatically increased access to HIV
prevention, care, and treatment across
Africa. The book uses extensive data
from national surveys and HIV/AIDS
programmes that show how MAP
funding has helped support children
and adults affected by AIDS, prevent
mother-to-child transmission, helped
countries build capacity for national
programmes, and been a catalyst for
greatly increased support.

66 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Bestsellers in India
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August-October 2007 67
 D O C U M E N T S

Speech by Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh at the Joint ceuticals and auto components. We would like to see
Session of the Nigerian National Assembly: Indian investment expand in Nigeria.
Our partnership is for development. We need to share
15/10/2007 experiences on effective strategies for sustainable develop-
ment, poverty alleviation, healthcare facilities and universal
“India, Nigeria and our Partnership with Africa in the 21st Century” education. In this context, being largely agrarian societies,
there is great potential for cooperation in agricultural

I
am deeply honoured by this opportunity to address research, soil and water management, and food processing.
you here today in this new temple of your democ- It is a partnership for energy security. Nigeria’s rich nat-
racy. I am also delighted to be in this beautiful city ural resources provide the base for our mutually beneficial
of Abuja, which symbolises a dynamic Nigeria and cooperation for energy security.
a new dawn in the life of an ancient people. India and Nigeria should also promote research and
I stand before you to convey to the people of Nigeria development in efficiency of energy production, clean
the greetings and good wishes of over a billion Indians. technologies and renewable sources of energy.
We have been your brothers and friends of long standing. Ours is a partnership for peace, stability and security. We
In the past, we have shared the pain of subjugation and are united in our condemnation of terrorism as a grave
the joy of freedom and liberation. We have worked shoul- threat to humankind. We seek to upgrade our cooperation
der to shoulder in the fight against apartheid and racial dis- on security matters to meet these emerging threats to our
crimination. We have worked together in the Non-Aligned social fabric.
Movement to promote South- Finally, it is a partnership to
South cooperation for develop- steer the global political and eco-
ment. Today, we need to stand ever nomic agenda towards address-
more united to meet the challenges ing the legitimate concerns of
of the new millennium. developing countries.
India is the largest democracy in We need to jointly seek
the world. Nigeria is the largest changes in the international
democracy in Africa. We are multi- financial and trading system to
religious, multi-ethnic and multi- make it development-friendly.
lingual societies. Our societies The crushing burden of debt on
embrace modernity while preserv- the poorest of the poor, and bar-
ing their traditions. There is a nat- riers to trade in the form of
ural logic in ties between our two restricted market access and dis-
countries. tortions in subsidies need to be
The principal challenge before removed.
us remains the socio-economic We have a vital interest in pre-
development of our people. The serving and promoting the effec-
information revolution and higher tive role of the United Nations.
levels of literacy have raised popu- For this, the structure and func-
lar expectations. Economic tioning of the organisation
growth has to be accompanied “In the past, we have shared the has to reflect contemporary
by better distribution of its pain of subjugation and the joy of global realities. It has to
benefits. become a truly representative
We are approaching the 50th
freedom. We have worked world body.
year of the establishment of shoulder to shoulder in the fight India is grateful for
our diplomatic relations. against apartheid and racial Nigeria’s support for its per-
There can be no better occa- manent membership of an
sion than this to launch a
discrimination. Today, we need to expanded Security Council.
Strategic Partnership between stand ever more united to meet the We also believe that no
India and Nigeria. It will be challenges of the new millennium.” reform of the Security
anchored in the past and look Council would be complete
to the future. without adequate representation from Africa.
This is a partnership for economic growth. There are We support Nigeria’s view that the General Assembly
many complementarities in our rapidly growing economies. should resume its role as the pre-eminent organ of the
Nigeria is already India’s largest trading partner in Africa, United Nations, as originally envisaged in the United
but we need to vastly expand and diversify our trade. Nations Charter. India also has a vision for a partnership
There has been a surge in Indian investment abroad in with Africa for the 21st century.
areas such as Information Technology, energy, pharma- I believe it is very appropriate that I discuss it with you

68 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

in Nigeria, because your support and commitment are crit- nations of the African Union through a satellite and fibre-
ical to realising this vision. optic network that will provide effective communication
Our first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, while and connectivity among themselves.
addressing this Assembly in 1962, said — and I quote: The project also envisages connecting regional centres
“Of one thing there can be no doubt, and that is the vital- in Africa to institutions in India to provide tele-education
ity of the people of Africa. Therefore, with the vitality of her and tele-medicine facilities.
people and the great resources available in this great conti- The India-Africa technical cooperation programme
nent, there can be no doubt that the future holds a great today involves an outlay of over $1 billion. Annually over
promise for the people of Africa.” 15,000 African students study in India. Many Indian engi-
We envision an Africa that is self-reliant, economically neers, doctors and accountants live and work in Africa.
vibrant and at peace with itself and the world. It is this We will work steadfastly for the preservation of our ecol-
promise that our partnership with Africa seeks to fulfill. ogy and collaborate on local solutions to problems such as
India will offer its fullest cooperation to harness the great climate change and conservation of scarce resources. We
potential of the African people. We seek to become a close wish to learn from the work of African environmentalists
partner in Africa’s resurgence. who have pushed the frontiers of discourse on sustainable
Our partnership will be based on the fundamental prin- development to embrace democracy, human rights and
ciples of equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit. Our women’s rights.
rich cultural and historical legacies are a common heritage
of all humankind. Abuja Declaration on Strategic Partnership between India
We will incorporate in our partnership with the African and Nigeria
continent the importance of protecting civilisational iden-
tities and preserving cultural diversities. 15/10/2007
We will promote the multi-faceted expansion of our

H
economic relationship. The objective would not merely be is Excellency Manmohan Singh, Prime
a quantitative increase in our trade and investment. We will Minister of the Republic of India, paid an
aim at a qualitative enhancement of your economic com- official visit to Nigeria from October 14 to
petitiveness and technological capabilities. 16, 2007, at the invitation of His Excellency
Indian companies are fast Umaru Musa Yar’Adua,
becoming major investors in President of the Federal
Africa. India is also a large “India is the largest democracy in Republic of Nigeria. During
and growing market. We
wish to see many more
the world. Nigeria is the largest his visit, Singh held intensive
and fruitful discussions with
African companies doing democracy in Africa. We are President Yar’Adua and
business in India. We will multi-religious, multi-ethnic and addressed a joint session of the
facilitate this process.
India has extended con-
multi-lingual societies. Our Nigerian National Assembly.
India and Nigeria are linked
cessional lines of credit to societies embrace modernity by common historical experi-
promote economic activity while preserving their traditions. ences and in the contemporary
and for developmental pro-
jects in a number of African
There is a natural logic in ties context are united to work
towards democratic pluralism,
countries. We have con- between our two countries.” tolerance, economic develop-
tributed to the New ment and social justice. Both
Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and are multi-religious, multi-lingual and multi-ethnic soci-
ECOWAS. India launched the TEAM-9 initiative — a pro- eties with a vibrant media and civic society. Both are mem-
ject-based technical assistance programme for the West and bers of the United Nations, the Commonwealth, the G-
Central Africa. We propose to have a focused dialogue with 77 and NAM and have a history and tradition of working
African leaders to evaluate the effectiveness of these efforts closely together in regional and international organisations.
and to enhance their relevance to national economic targets. During the discussions, the leaders reiterated the impor-
We will use our strengths to assist Africa in the devel- tance of ensuring socially inclusive economic growth in
opment of its physical and digital connectivity. their countries. They agreed that exchange of experiences
India is well placed to offer cost-effective transportation and programmes with respect to poverty alleviation, would
systems particularly in the railways sector. Our automobile benefit the two countries the rest of Africa.
sector is also witnessing unprecedented expansion both at Nigeria is India’s largest trading partner in Africa and the
home and abroad. The Pan African e-network project, that potential and opportunities for substantially enhancing
seeks to bridge the 'digital divide' between Africa and the trade and investment between the two countries largely
rest of the world is one of the most far-reaching initiatives remain untapped. Both countries agreed to enhance mutu-
undertaken by India. The project envisages connecting 53 ally beneficial trade and investment exchanges in sectors

August-October 2007 69
 D O C U M E N T S

such as infrastructure (including railways), agriculture, 20 and G-33 and stressed the importance of continuing close
food processing, small and medium enterprises, power coordination to effectively realise the development dimension
generation, fertilisers, ICT, pharmaceuticals, automobiles, in every aspect of the outcome of the negotiations on the
auto components and other sectors. In this context, both Doha Developmental Agenda. They reiterated the urgent
sides desired that the fifth meeting of the Joint need to successfully complete the Doha Round to promote
Commission be held within the next few months and the interests of the developing countries.
should draw a detailed roadmap for this purpose. Nigeria is a leading member of the African Union and
Singh thanked the Nigerian leader for the rapidly grow- ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States).
ing partnership in the energy sector and confirmed the Singh said that India attaches particular importance to
understanding that both governments would continue to exchanging views with Nigeria on all critical matters of the
encourage further cooperation in the oil and gas sector. global agenda.
India and Nigeria also have a longstanding cooperation in India and Nigeria cooperate closely at the United
defence. India has agreed to establish two IT laboratories in Nations. Both sides stressed the need to promote
the defence academies of Nigeria. They also agreed to democratisation by increasing the participation of devel-
enhance cooperation in regard to UN peacekeeping opera- oping countries in their decision-making bodies. They
tions in which they have always played an important role. recalled that both had co-sponsored the recent draft reso-
The two countries also stressed the need to enhance air lution pertaining to the UN Security Council reform pro-
and maritime connectivity. They instructed that a new cess which they had tabled along with other African, Asian,
Civil Aviation Agreement should be entered into within six Caribbean and Pacific Island States at the recently con-
months and further efforts should be made to improve the cluded 61st Session of the UN General Assembly.
maritime connectivity. India and Nigeria reaffirmed that no reform of the UN
Condemning terrorism in all its forms, both countries would be complete without reform of the UNSC Nigeria
agreed to sign appropriate pacts to jointly fight against reaffirmed its support for India’s permanent membership
international terrorism and drug trafficking. on UNSC.
The Indian side conveyed its intention to further Following agreements were signed during the visit:
strengthen its cooperation, ! MoU between Foreign
which dates back to Africa’s Nigeria is India’s largest trading Service Institute and the
struggle against colonialism Nigerian Foreign Service
and apartheid. It is India’s partner in Africa. Both countries ! MoU between Indian
intention to renew its part- agreed to enhance trade and Council for World Affairs
nership and upgrade its con- investment exchanges in sectors, (ICWA) and Nigerian Institute
tent to meet contemporary of International Affairs
African requirements. The such as infrastructure, agriculture, ! Protocol for Foreign Office
Nigerian side expressed its food processing, small and medium Consultations
appreciation for India’s con- enterprises, power generation, ! MoU on Defence
sistent and longstanding sup- Cooperation
port to Africa and conveyed fertilisers, ICT, pharmaceuticals, It was agreed that to
its happiness at India’s inten- automobiles and auto components enhance a broadbased
tion to host an India-Africa among others. cooperation, the follow-
Forum Summit in April 2008. ing agreements would be
The Summit intends to focus finalised and signed
on finding ways by which India can further enhance its within the next six months:
support to the African countries to meet their socio-eco- ! Double Taxation Avoidance Agreement
nomic developmental objectives. ! Bilateral Investment Promotion & Protection Agreement
Both sides reiterated the importance of matters pertain- ! Bilateral Inter-Governmental Science &
ing to climate change and agreed that the solution to the Technology Agreement
problem, which is essentially the outcome of the unsus- ! Bilateral Air Services Agreement (renewal of 1976 agreement)
tainable production and consumption patterns in the ! Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty
developed world, cannot lie in the perpetuation of pover- ! Extradition Treaty
ty in developing countries. Developing nations cannot ! Trade Agreement
accept approaches that impede growth and retard poverty ! Agreement on Cooperation against trafficking of drugs.
alleviation obligations. They agreed to cooperate closely, ! Cultural Exchange Programme 2008-2010
along with other developing countries, at the UNFCCC
(United Nations Framework Convention on Climate The Nigerian side described Singh’s visit as a landmark
Change) and also within the framework of the Kyoto in bilateral relations. Taking into account the commonal-
Protocol. ities and complementarities between the two countries it
Singh and Yar’Adua recalled they are members of the G- was agreed to establish a strategic partnership that would

70 August-October 2007

cover bilateral political, economic, trade, security, cultur-
al, education, S&T and international dimensions. Singh
expressed his gratitude to the government and the people
of Nigeria for the hospitality. He invited President
Yar’Adua to pay a visit to India which was accepted with
pleasure. Singh also expressed his happiness that President
Yar’Adua had designated a high-level delegation, led by
the Vice-President Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, at the Fourth
International Conference on Federalism in New Delhi to
be held in November 2007. That occasion would provide
another opportunity for the leadership to exchange views
on issues of topical interest.
Sonia Gandhi’s Inaugural Lecture of Gandhi Lecture series
‘Relevance of Gandhian Philosophy in the 21st Century’
Cape Town University, August 23, 2007
I
feel privileged to inaugurate the Gandhi Lecture Series
being organised by the Government of India in major
universities of the world. It is indeed an honour to be
here at this esteemed centre of learning.
I stand before you in humility to speak about one of the
greatest figures of history, whose experiments with truth
began in your country. For me, as an Indian, a visit to
South Africa is a pilgrimage.
The world knows greatness in many forms. There are
the great who won celebrated military victories. There are
the great who have deepened our knowledge of the phys-
ical universe. There are the great who have helped us
understand the workings of the human mind. There are
the great who by their inventions have transformed the way
we live.
Mahatma Gandhi stands in a category of his own. He too
was an inventor but of a different kind — an inventor of a
unique way of protest, of struggle, of emancipation and of
empowerment. His generalship lay not in making war but
in waging peace. His weaponry was not arms and ammu-
nition but “truth force”, satyagraha as he called it. The
moral universe was his field of action. He explored a whole
new dimension of the human psyche — its capacity to
willingly accept suffering, even unto death, not to attain the
kingdom of heaven, but a better world here and now, by
bringing about social and political change.
2. On June 7, 1893, a young Indian barrister, Mohandas
Karamchand Gandhi, was evicted from a train at
Pietermaritzburg station for being a non-white. “I have
never understood,” he later remarked, “how any man can
derive pleasure from the humiliation of another.” A spark
was lit which was to change the course of world history.
On September 11, 1906, Mohandas Karamchand
Gandhi launched the first satyagraha campaign from the
Empire Theatre in Johannesburg. He issued a clarion call
for non-violent resistance against racial discrimination,
oppression and injustice. He described satyagraha as “a
force born of truth and the love of non-violence”, a moral
equivalent of war.
After 21 years in South Africa where his views took shape
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
and were tested and refined, he carried the torch of satya-
graha to India. The world saw with amazement how this
unique technique energised millions of men and women
to bring a mighty empire to its knees.
3. Mahatma Gandhi, the person was a many-sided per-
sonality to an unusual degree. He was a man of peace who
did not hesitate to fight for what he believed to be right.
He was a political strategist who shunned convention-
al politics and held no office. He was a thinker and a
philosopher who was, first and foremost, a man of action.
He was extraordinarily pragmatic and adapted himself to
changing situations without compromising or abandoning
his basic values. Mahatma Gandhi respected tradition. Yet,
he was also an iconoclast. He was deeply religious. But his
was a religion that drew from every faith, a religion that
was all-inclusive.
He embodied spirituality. But his was a spirituality root-
ed in an abiding concern for the poor and the deprived, of
service to and empowerment of the disadvantaged and
underprivileged.
He was impatient for cataclysmic change. Yet, he
shunned violence in any form as an instrument to force the
pace of change. In his own words “non-violence is might-
ier than the mightiest weapon of destruction, devised by
the ingenuity of man”.
The popular picture of Gandhi is that of a highly solemn
and earnest person. His mission was indeed a lofty one but
his personality was full of lightness and humour. Once,
reacting to criticism that he was wearing merely his usual
loincloth, sandals and shawl when invited to tea by King
George and Queen Mary, he said, “The King had enough
on for both of us.”
Although Mahatma Gandhi was a true revolutionary, he
was that rare exception — a revolutionary who could laugh.
4. A common response to Mahatma Gandhi — to
Gandhian thought, word and deed — is that it was extraor-
dinarily effective given the times in which he lived. Today’s
world, it is often argued, is dramatically different, and
while Mahatma Gandhi is certainly worthy of continued
admiration and awe, it would be naïve and unrealistic to
expect his methods to be effective today.
I beg to disagree.
I am glad to say that an increasing number of young
people in India and elsewhere are today turning to him to
seek solutions to contemporary concerns through individ-
ual and collective action.
Here in South Africa, Nelson Mandela is a shining
embodiment of that vision. The whole world celebrates his
achievement and that of his fellow freedom fighters.
It is true that the world of today is vastly different from
the world of Mahatma Gandhi. The fundamental issues he
was confronted with, namely colonial subjugation, has dis-
appeared from our world. Racial discrimination too has
been blunted significantly.
At the same time, new threats to peace, harmony and sta-
bility have emerged. And it is one of the paradoxes of the
21st century that while the establishment of peace has
71
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become the world’s single vance, Mahatma Gandhi has

greatest imperative, the tradi- “I am glad to say that an increasing actually become all the more
tional instruments of preserv- number of young people in India pertinent in the 21st century.
ing peace have been found to
be increasingly ineffective.
and elsewhere are today turning to Whichever the challenge we
confront, you can be sure that
Whether it is ethnic national- the Mahatma to seek solutions to the Gandhian way is a real,
ism or religious chauvinism, contemporary concerns through live option, an option that
economic inequality or mili-
tary might — all of them
individual and collective action.” informs and illuminates.
But we would be doing
powerful drivers of conflict in him great injustice if we did-
today’s world — there is no doubt that we are in great need n’t interpret, in contemporary terms, what he spelt out in
of a new paradigm for solving conflicts. the context of his times. He would have wanted us to
Today, we face the challenge posed by continuing con- experiment and find our own way without compromising
frontation in the name of religion and ethnicity. At its our fundamental beliefs.
worst, this is terrorism, which inflicts untold suffering on Mahatma Gandhi bequeathed to us three guiding prin-
innocent women, men and children. ciples: Ahimsa (or non-violence), Satyagraha (or the force
We confront also the challenge of growing inequality born of truth and non-violence) and Sarvodaya (or uplift
both within and amongst nations. Economic disparities are of all). It is the value of these principles that we have to
accentuated by lack of access to education, health and food rediscover if we want to deal effectively with today’s chal-
security. To these are now added the threat of environ- lenges.
mental degradation and climate change, as well as diseases 5. Let me take the challenge of inequality first.
like AIDS. The essence of Mahatma Gandhi’s political philosophy
The question to ask is not whether Mahatma Gandhi is was the empowerment of every individual, irrespective of
relevant or not. The real issue is whether we have the class, caste, colour, creed or community. To him, extreme
courage and strength of mind to follow in his footsteps, poverty was itself a form of violence. Democracy has
whether we are prepared to live our lives by what he become the preferred form of government in the 21st cen-
preached and most importantly, practised. tury, yet sadly his “notion of democracy” is far from being
The simple truth is that instead of diminishing in rele- universally accepted.

72 August-October 2007

We now recognise that political liberty must go hand in
hand with economic progress. But to be truly meaningful,
this growth has to be equitable. As with political power, a
few cannot enjoy the gains of economic progress, while the
many do not get their due share.
Economic growth also has to be consistent with envi-
ronmental conservation and stewardship. But sustainabil-
ity does not mean that vast numbers of people are denied
better material well-being and living standards.
What is the Gandhian perspective on economic growth?
It is that wealth created and generated must contribute,
first and foremost, to a larger social purpose and cause. By
stating this in today’s world, we do not negate the princi-
ples of profit and commerce. But we do underline the need
to use a part of the wealth created, to better the quality of
life of those whose voices remain unheard.
Observing the rush to consumerism that is so evident
today, Mahatma Gandhi would also most likely have
reminded us that a modicum of austerity would not be out
of place.
For many, Mahatma Gandhi was and continues to be the
ultimate touchstone of moral authority. This means judg-
ing all our actions — in word and deed — on the touch-
stone of public purpose. Public purpose itself has to be
judged against the yardstick of the welfare and well-being
of the poorest and most deprived in the land.
6. Let me now turn to conflict.
Here I would straightaway say that Mahatma Gandhi
would give primacy to the search for the underlying caus-
es of conflict. Violence can be wanton and senseless. But
often, conflicts can be symptoms of a deeper malaise that
needs to be understood. This is not to romanticise violence
— Mahatma Gandhi never did. But it is to analyse why it
occurs and address it at its very source and root.
The political discourse, these days, is centred on a glob-
al war on terror. And indeed, terrorists who target inno-
cent men, women and children deserve no quarter.
But today’s enemies are not just individuals, they are
also ways of thinking and perceiving the world itself.
Countering violence with even more violence does not
provide a durable solution. Whatever else Mahatma
Gandhi may have done in our circumstances, surely
strengthening the wellsprings of discourse and dialogue
must play a central part in it. And he would have gone
even further. He would have looked within himself. For
him, external engagement went hand in hand with inter-
nal interrogation. In reaching out, he would first and fore-
most have asked himself the question — “to what extent
am I myself responsible”?
If democracies are going to wage a war against terrorism,
the measures that are adopted, should be consistent with
and not contrary to the values of democracy. This is in
keeping with the Gandhian consonance of ends and means.
“There are many causes that I am prepared to die for,” he
said, “but no causes that I am prepared to kill for”.
What would the Gandhian perspective be on the so-
called “clash of civilisations” about which we hear so much
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
these days? I am reminded here of his response to the query
of a foreign journalist who asked what he thought of
Western civilisation. “It would be a good idea,” he
answered.
Actually, Mahatma Gandhi would straightway and sum-
marily reject the very idea of such a clash. He never accept-
ed the exclusivist approach to religion, culture or civilisation.
Mahatma Gandhi fervently believed in the pivotal role
of religion in everyday life. He saw it as an ethical and
moral mooring to all our actions — private and public.
But his was a faith that drew from every religion, a faith
that was all-inclusive. When asked about his religious
belief, he said, “yes I am a Hindu. I am also a Christian, a
Muslim, a Buddhist and a Jew.”
7. And what of the future?
Conflict and inequality seem an inevitable part of the
human condition. Mahatma Gandhi’s greatest lesson to
the world was that this need not be destructively so.
Conflicts can be resolved and inequalities can be contained.
But without worthy means, worthy ends can never be
attained. Will the 21st century see the fulfilment of
Mahatma Gandhi’s vision? Or will non-violence be viewed
as outdated and utopian? All around us, we witness that
violent means do not bring about lasting change, that vio-
lence cannot bring about peace. Violence only begets vio-
lence and spirals on.
It is my fervent hope that the world will embrace
Gandhian truth and action and that you, my young friends
here, will be among its torchbearers.
Inaugural Dr. Dharam Pal Memorial Lecture by External
Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee on ‘India and Africa:
Strong Bonds and Future Prospects’, August 11, 2007,
Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi
I
t is a privilege for me to deliver the inaugural Dr.
Dharampal Memorial Lecture. I thank the Observer
Research Foundation and the Indian Society for
Afro-Asian studies for the invitation. The lecture is
dedicated to the memory of late Dr. Dharam Pal, a noted
scholar in the field of African studies. It is only apt that the
first lecture should be on a topic closest to his heart. It gives
me particular pleasure to speak on Africa, having recently
visited Addis Ababa, the diplomatic capital of Africa and that
of Ethiopia, a country with which India has enjoyed old
civilisational links. The first prime minister and foreign min-
ister of independent India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, in his
address to the Asian Relations Conference in Delhi in
March-April 1947 before our independence said: “We of
Asia have a special responsibility to the people of Africa.” At
the International Conference on Peace and Empire, held in
London, in 1948, Panditji added, “The people of Africa
deserve our special attention.” This sums up the Africa pol-
icy of India.
The pain which India always felt in seeing the agony in
Africa eventually translated into a movement after the fate-
ful day on June 7, 1893 when Mohandas Karamchand
73
 D O C U M E N T S
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru
Gandhi was evicted from a train in Pietermaritzburg station
in Durban, South Africa, for being a non-white. He decid-
ed to fight unjust discrimination.
On September 11, 1906 he led a mass meeting to vow not
to submit to unjust laws. This vow came to be known later
as Satyagraha, an abiding Gandhian philosophy which
changed the course of freedom movements in India and the
world over.
2. There can be no greater tribute to the role of India in
74 August-October 2007
the African liberation struggle than Nelson Mandela’s
words: “The prospect of a united front between Africans and
Indians, greatly worried them (the rulers).” Several com-
memorative events are being held in this Satyagraha cente-
nary year to underline the continued relevance of Gandhian
philosophy and as a reminder of the unique ties that have
always bound India and Africa.
Having suffered under the colonial yoke, independent
India extended unqualified moral and material support to
liberation struggles across the continent. The beginning of
liberation in Africa, signalled by the independence of Ghana
and Nigeria in 1950s, was welcomed by India. India also
welcomed the founding of the Organisation of African
Unity (OAU). In the 60s we began the saga of our rela-
tionship with post-colonial Africa.
India has been deeply involved with the Africa of today,
the Africa emerging from history.
India held Africa’s torch high at the meetings of the
Commonwealth, in the United Nations, and in the mobil-
isation of the Non-Aligned Movement for Africa’s cause and
against invasion, colonialism and apartheid in Africa.
As a measure of the practical demonstration of India’s
commitment towards Africa, then prime minister Rajiv
Gandhi, in 1986, helped launch the AFRICA Fund. That
acronym did not stand for the name for the continent. It
stood for “Action For Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and
Apartheid”. The Fund was wound up when South Africa
was liberated in 1993.
3. We now have an Africa which is politically liberated.
We have an India that is a thriving and vibrant pluralist
democracy growing at a rapid yet sustainable pace.
We have the achievable ambition to continue to grow
rapidly while preserving social equity. Africa itself is wit-
nessing far-reaching changes. The real GDP has grown by
6 percent in sub-Sahara Africa in 2006 while as many as 20
countries have averaged a growth rate of 5 percent in the past
decade.
As Africa moves confidently to take charge of its destiny,
its initiatives for establishing democracy and good gover-
nance, expanding education and healthcare, improving con-
nectivity, eliminating poverty, building peace and security
have our enthusiastic cooperation.
India has a natural ally in Africa, our neighbour across the
Indian Ocean, and home to a 2-million strong Indian dias-
pora. We have enormous synergies and complementarities
and our intention continues to be to forge cooperative rela-
tions with the countries of the continent in a manner that
serve the developmental needs of these countries.
India’s trade with Africa has been increasing in recent
years. India has signed trade agreements with 29 countries
in Africa. The two-way trade rose from $5,493 million in
2001-02 to $11,822 million in 2005-06 (an increase of 115.3
per cent). It further rose sharply to $18,538 million during
the period April 2006 to January 2007, after accounting for
Indian oil imports in the trade figures.
Though trade has grown impressively, it still has to
achieve its true potential. Indian investment in Africa in all

sectors has steadily increased in sectors as diverse as agri-
culture, floriculture, horticulture, small-scale industry,
automotive plants, chemical industry, mining, and power
generation and transmission among others.
India has offered the benefits of its own experience to
African countries. Cost-effective and intermediate Indian
technologies and our large human capital base give us a
unique advantage, for instance, in areas of HRD and capac-
ity building. This has, therefore, been a key focus area of our
approach and Africa is today the largest recipient of India’s
ITEC programme with an outlay of over a billion dollars.
Projects such as the pan-African e-network programme
are examples of our efforts to share our progress in the
knowledge sector to help the continent bridge the digital
divide. I had the privilege of inaugurating in Ethiopia in July
pilot projects of the Pan-African e-Network programme
for tele-education and tele-medicine, a vision laid out by
former President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam at the Pan African
Parliament in 2004. This programme costing Rs. 500 crore
will be fully funded by India.
4. India supports the New Partnership for Africa’s
Development (NEPAD) which has today become a sym-
bol of post-colonial African renaissance. As part of our sup-
port to Africa, we have announced lines of credit of $200
million to assist the NEPAD objectives. We also provide
grant assistance in response to humanitarian requirements
and for smaller development projects under our ‘Aid to
Africa’ programme.
To help Africa in its developmental efforts, India has
been extending concessional lines of credit. Past debts have
been written off through the HIPC initiative and fresh cred-
it lines amounting to about $1.5 billion have been allocat-
ed for power generation, rural electrification, agriculture,
irrigation and small-scale industries.
The Indian private and public sector has taken advantage
of partnering with Africa for mutually beneficial joint ven-
tures and projects. There are a number of other sectors
where the India-Africa partnership has already begun to
mature through bilateral efforts and through the Regional
Economic Communities. The obvious sectors are agricul-
ture and small industries; the others being the knowledge
and communications sector, cyber space and energy.
Institutional arrangements have been put in place to
explore possibilities of comprehensive economic coopera-
tion agreements with the Common market of Southern
Africa (COMESA) and the Eastern African Community
(EAC). The Cabinet has already approved the Draft
Framework Agreement with the Southern African Customs
Union (SACU) for a PTA. Projects are being developed in
agriculture, health and medicine, SMME and telecommu-
nications sectors with the Southern African Development
Community (SADC).
In the WTO context, India has not only given voice to
African aspirations, we have shared our experiences as a
developing country through training and capacity building
programmes for African negotiators. This also reminds us
that we must fulfil our promise we made at the WTO to
August-October 2007
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
provide duty-free access to products from African LDCs.
5. The aims and aspirations of developing countries like
India and those of Africa will not be realised until institu-
tions such as the United Nations particularly the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC) are democratised.
Both India and Africa are agreed that these institutions,
in order to be effective must reflect the reality of today. A
majority of countries of Africa support India’s claim to the
permanent membership of UNSC. We were touched by the
words of a visiting African minister who said: “When you
are there, we are there.”
India has made it clear that any expansion of the UN
Security Council will not be complete without representa-
tion from Africa including in the permanent category. We
will also sustain our unity and cooperation with Africa at the
UN, NAM, G-77, on climate change and WTO.
As development is not possible without peace and secu-
rity, India has been contributing for decades towards UN
peacekeeping efforts. We have Indian peacekeepers in Sudan,
the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Our participation in UN peacekeeping operations in Africa
stems from our belief that ensuring peace and security is a pre-
requisite for the socio-economic development of our friends
in the continent. President Festus Gontebanye Mogae of
Botswana during his visit to India last December stated that
India’s international peacekeeping record alone qualified it to
be a permanent member of the Security Council.
6. Leaders of Africa set up the Organisation of African
Unity which has now become African Union (AU). It is
now taking conscious steps towards African integration.
India is the dialogue partner of the African Union and will
support all efforts that will help bring sustainable peace,
progress and stability in Africa.
We expect to hold the India-Africa Forum Summit in
India in April of 2008. The scourge of international terror-
ism has not been eliminated. We have been a long suffering
victim of terrorism, sponsored, aided and abetted from out-
side our borders. We would wish to strengthen our coop-
eration with countries of Africa in our endeavour to joint-
ly defeat international terrorism.
We have not confined ourselves to bilateral relationships
with the African continent. We have moved across conti-
nents to develop a trilateral relationship known as IBSA
(India-Brazil-South Africa). IBSA is all about shared demo-
cratic values, harnessing complementarities, improving con-
nectivity, developing a common market, and undertaking
joint projects in the three continents. IBSA reflects our pol-
icy of forging solidarity between Asia and Africa, and among
Asia, Africa and Latin America.
The bonds that tie India and Africa are civilisational and
time tested. We are in the process of adjusting these bonds to
help meet the changing needs of our societies in the face of
the pace of globalisation. Together it will be our effort to har-
ness the positive forces generated by the technological, infor-
mation and communication revolutions and minimise their
negative consequences. Our partnership is based on trust,
mutual respect and the fulfilment of common objectives.
75
 I N C R E D I B L E I N D I A

ANDAMAN
& NICOBAR
A trip down the Emerald Isles

K
nown as ‘Emerald Isles’, the
Andaman and Nicobar islands
are a traveller’s delight. Once a
forbidden land, this conglomer-
ation of 572 islands is famous for
its marine life, pristine white
beaches and palm-frilled coasts.
Home to India’s only active vol-
cano, the islands are the treasure
houses of several primitive tribes, many of which are fac-
ing extinction. The tribes are primarily of two stocks:
Mongoloid and Negroid. The Great Andamanese, Onges,
Jarawas and Sentinelese are dominant among the Negroid
tribes and are concentrated in the Andaman District.
According to some studies, these tribes may be the direct
descendants of the first human beings who originated in
Africa almost 1,50,000 years ago.
Easily accessible from Chennai, Kolkata and
Visakhapatnam, these islands that have been described by
second-century Roman geographer Ptoleny as “the island
of good fortunes” are a must for water-sport enthusiasts.
There is ample space for snorkelling, scuba diving and
trekking.

Major Attractions

Andaman’s African link

For Jarawais — who live in the jungles of South and
Middle Andaman Islands — the link to the ‘civilised world’
is turning out to be one long nightmare. At home in the
rainforest, where they have lived at peace with nature for
centuries, the tribe is slowly losing out in the survival game.
Threatened by ‘modern civilisation’, whether the Jarawa
live to see the next millennium remains a big question. The
tribe — it numbered around 1,000 about 15 years ago — is
down to 300. Anthropologists fear the remaining could
soon become extinct, thanks to poor immunity to import- issue, that of closing the Andaman Trunk Road (ATR), to
ed diseases like measles, influenza and pneumonia. save them from extinction, is being ignored. The road, say
While the government is treating the Jarawas infected locals, has cost the tribe dearly. The Jarawas, who resisted
with measles as they emerge from their cover, the main felling of trees to make way for the road, were allegedly

76 August-October 2007

TOURIST INFORMATION
HOW TO GET THERE
BY AIR: Port Blair, the capital of
Andaman and Nicobar is well connect-
ed to Kolkata and Chennai by regular
flights. Indian Airlines, Jet Airways and
Air Deccan provide daily services.
BY SEA: It is a 50-60 hour journey to
Port Blair by ship. Regular passenger
ship services are available to Port Blair
from Chennai, Kolkata and
Vishakhapatnam. There are three to
four sailings every month from Kolkata
and Chennai to Port Blair and vice-
versa.
BEST TIME TO VISIT: Between
November and March.
WHERE TO STAY:
There are a number of hotels and resorts
on the islands.
A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y
silenced. Hundreds of Jarawas, who came in batches to drive away the tres-
passers, were allegedly electrocuted. The government is now trying to limit con-
tact between Jarawas and outsiders to preserve the tribe.
Port Blair: The capital of Andaman and Nicobar Islands, located on a har-
bour on the east coast of the South Andaman Island, has some interesting and
historical significant places to show off.
Cellular Jail National Memorial: Built by the British over a period of 18
years to incarcerate and punish Indian freedom fighters, the Cellular Jail still
houses the original gallows.
Viper Island: The spectacular view from the brick jails breathes horror into
the strongest of hearts. Being named after a wrecked ship only adds to its charms
imbued with forebodings.
Mt. Harriet: A trek on a naturally engraved trail to the top of Mt. Harriet,
north of Port Blair, offers exhilarating views of the capital, Mt. Harriet National
Park and the picturesque Madhuban beach. ■
August-October 2007 77
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

■ Contributors

■ DR. TIM MURITHI is Senior Researcher, Direct Conflict Prevention Programme, at the Institute for Security Studies
in Addis Ababa. He is the author of several books, including The African Union: Pan Africanism, Peacebuilding and Development.

■ K. MATHEWS, a noted expert on African affairs and international relations, is Professor of International Relations at
the Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. Earlier, he was Professor of African Studies and Head of the Department at the
University of Delhi (1991-2003). He has lived in Africa for about 17 years and has travelled extensively across the conti-
nent. Mathews has over 80 publications to his credit, including two books (ed.), chapters in books and articles in ency-
lopaedias and well-known journals mostly covering African issues and problems. His book, Africa, India and South-South
Cooperation (edited with N.N. Vohra, published by Har Anand, New Delhi, 1997) is an internationally acknowledged source
book. A former editor of Africa Quarterly, he has attended numerous conferences, including the Second African Union
Summit in Maputo, Mozambique, in 2003 as an observer.

■ MANISH CHAND is Editor of Africa Quarterly. He writes on foreign policy, politics, culture and books for IANS. His
articles have been published in leading national and international publications. He travelled recently to Sudan and Darfur
and was part of the media delegation accompanying Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Nigeria and South Africa
in October.

■ DR. SURESH KUMAR is Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, College of Social Sciences, Eritrea
Institute of Technology, Mai Nefhi, Asmara, Eritrea, North East Africa. He is actively involved in the Darfur Peace
Process and the Somalia reunification negotiations.

■ SONU TRIVEDI is Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Zakir Husain College, University of Delhi. She spe-
cialises in regional cooperation and integration in Africa and South East Asia. She has to her credit around forty articles
and research papers published in reputed journals and magazines. Her recent works include A Handbook of International
Organisations and Regional Co-operation and Integration: COMESA-EU-SAARC.

78 August-October 2007
 A F R I C A Q U A R T E R L Y

Note to Contributors

Africa Quarterly, published since 1961, is devoted to the study and objective analyses of African affairs and
issues related to India-Africa relations. Contributions are invited from outstanding writers, experts and spe-
cialists in India, Africa and other countries on various political, economic, social-cultural, literary, philo-
sophical and other themes pertaining to African affairs and India-Africa relations. Preference will be given
to those articles which deal succinctly with issues that are both important and clearly defined. Articles which
are purely narrative and descriptive and lacking in analytical content are not likely to be accepted.
Contributions should be in a clear, concise, readable style and written in English.
Articles submitted to Africa Quarterly should be original contributions and should not be under consid-
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In addition to major articles and research papers, Africa Quarterly also publishes short articles in the sec-
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79
August-October 2007
 africa
Q U A R T E R L Y
Volume 47, No. 3
Aug-Oct 2007

Idea Of A
United Africa
! Transition to an African Government

A F R I C A
! Paradigm for a United States of Africa
" ALSO in the issue:
! Say India in Sudan
! Roots of the Darfur crisis
! In Conversation: Lt. General J.S. Lidder

Q U A R T E R L Y

Indian Council for Cultural Relations

Azad Bhavan
Indraprastha Estate
New Delhi-110 002
E-mail: africa.quarterly@gmail.com
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Regd No. 14380/61
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