Ehm-Aj Baseline Report, Final Draft - Ybg & Ykg

Baseline Study on
Access to Basic Services Among

Endangered and Highly Marginalized
Adibasi Janajatis in JEP-II Project Areas
Submitted by:
Yogendra Bahadur Gurung
Yasso Kanti Bhattachan (Gauchan)
Submitted to:
Janajati Empowerment Project – II (JEP-II)
Naya Baneshwor, Kathmandu, Nepal
March 2011
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First of all we like to extend our sincere gratitude to all the 24 respondents of the Endangered
and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis for providing valuable information about their
respective indigenous peoples during the field work. The team is indebted for their help and
support that led to successful completion of the survey.
We highly appreciate 12 field researchers who had to put special effort to collect information
during Bandhs (“transportation strike”) in the eastern developmental region. Our special
thanks go to research associates Sujin Lohorung, Salita Gurung and Junu Gauchan for
tabulation and analysis of field data in order to get into the shape of report.
We would like to acknowledge the contribution made by the representatives of various

government offices, including the LDOs, DEOs, DFOs, DDC representatives, leaders of
IPOs, VDCs secretaries, school Principals, teachers, social workers etc. Likewise thanks are
due to NEFIN DCC personnel for their continued help and support.
Last but not the least, our thanks go to Janajati Empowerment Project (JEP II) and Nepal
Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) for giving us an opportunity to carry out the
“Baseline Survey on the Access of HMJ and Endangered Janajatis to Basic Services”. We
would like to thank Raj Kumar Lekhi Tharu (Project Director and NEFIN Chairperson), Jyoti
Danuwar (Project Manager), Ramjee Kongren (National Program Coordinator), and Chhan
Bahadur Bhattachan (Assistant Program coordinator) for their inputs, help and cooperation
and all the staffs of JEP II.
Research Team
March 2011
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RESEARCH TEAM
Core Research Team

1. Yogendra B. Gurung
2. Yasso Kanti Bhattachan
Research Associate
1. Sujin Lohorung
2. Salita Gurung
3. Junu K. Gauchan
Field Researcher
4. Ratna Chaudhari
5. Manju Chemjong
6. Sadhana Chemjong
7. Kopila Basnet
8. Sirjana Aryal
9. Niraj Rai
10. Binod Kumar Mandal
11. Kamal Yakkha
12. Dil Bikram Angdembe
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CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ..................................................................................................................... i
RESEARCH TEAM ............................................................................................................................... ii
LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. iv
ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................................................ v
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................................................. vii
PART I: INTRODUCTION
A.1 BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................................. 1
A.2 OBJECTIVES .................................................................................................................................. 3
A.3 METHODOLOGY........................................................................................................................... 3
A.4 IDENTIFICATION OF BASELINE INDICATORS ...................................................................... 5
A.5 REFERENCE CITED ...................................................................................................................... 7
PART II: ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

B.1 LAPCHA .......................................................................................................................................... 9
B.2 KISAN............................................................................................................................................ 14
B.3 MECHE .......................................................................................................................................... 19
B.4 HAYU ............................................................................................................................................ 24
B.5 SUREL ........................................................................................................................................... 30
B.6 BANKARIA ................................................................................................................................... 36
B.7 KUSHBADIA ................................................................................................................................ 42
B.8 KUSUNDA .................................................................................................................................... 49
B.9 RAJI ............................................................................................................................................... 54
B.10 RAUTE......................................................................................................................................... 60
PART III: HIGHLY MARGINALIZED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

C.1 KHADIA ........................................................................................................................................ 66
C.2 SANTHAL ..................................................................................................................................... 70
C.3 JHAGAND ..................................................................................................................................... 76
C.4 MUNDA ......................................................................................................................................... 82
C.5 THUDAM ...................................................................................................................................... 87
C.6 LHOMI ........................................................................................................................................... 92
C.7 DHANUK....................................................................................................................................... 99
C.8 DANUWAR ................................................................................................................................. 104
C.9 MAJHI.......................................................................................................................................... 109
C.10 THAMI ....................................................................................................................................... 115
C.11 CHEPANG ................................................................................................................................. 122
C.12 BARAM ..................................................................................................................................... 127
C.13 SIYAR ........................................................................................................................................ 134
C.14 BOTE ......................................................................................................................................... 138
ANNEX I: SURVEY TOOLS ............................................................................................................ 145

ANNEX II: SUMMARY TABLE OF BASIC INDICATORS .......................................................... 149
ANNEX III: LIST OF PARTICIPANTS IN FGD AND KII ............................................................. 150
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LIST OF TABLES
Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose .................................... 5

Table A.2: Classification of Baseline Indicators ....................................................................... 6
Table B.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lapcha ........................ 13
Table B.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kisan........................... 18
Table B.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Meche ......................... 23
Table B.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Hayu ........................... 29
Table B.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Surel ........................... 35
Table B.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bankaria ..................... 41
Table B.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kushbadia ................... 48
Table B.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kusunda ...................... 53
Table B.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raji ............................. 59
Table B.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raute......................... 64
Table C.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Khadias ....................... 69
Table C.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Santhal ........................ 75
Table C.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Jhangad ....................... 81
Table C.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Munda......................... 86
Table C.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thudam....................... 91
Table C.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lhomi ......................... 98
Table C.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Dhanuk ..................... 103
Table C.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Danuwar ................... 108
Table C.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Majhi ........................ 114
Table C.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thami ..................... 121
Table C.11: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Chepangs ................ 126
Table C.12: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Barams .................... 133
Table C.13: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Siyar ....................... 137
Table C.14: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bote ........................ 144
iv
ABBREVIATIONS
AD Anno Domini (Christian Calendar)

AJs Aadibasi Janajatis
ANC Anti-natal Care
B.S. Bikram Sambat
CBOs Community Based Organizations
CBS Central Bureau of Statistics
CC Central Committee
CDS Centre for Development Service
CFUG Community Forest User Group
CMA Community Medical Assistant
CPN Communist Party of Nepal
CPN-UML Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist)
DCC District Coordination Committees
DCM District Committee Member
DDC District Development Committee
DEO District Education Office
DEPROSC Development Project Service Centre, Nepal
DFID Department for International Development
EFA Education for All
EHM-AJs Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis
ESP Enabling State Program
FCHV Female Community Health Volunteer
FGD Focus Group Discussion
FPIC Free Prior Informed Consent
GOs Government Organizations
HHs Households
HMJs Highly Marginalized Janajatis
ICIMOD International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development
ILO International Labour Organization
INGOs International Non-Government Organizations
IP Indigenous Peoples
IPOs Indigenous Peoples Organizations
IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature
JEP Janajati Empowerment project
KII Key Informant Interview
LDO Local Development Officer
LGCDP Local Government and Community Development Programme
LSF Literacy Support Fund, Nepal
MCAP Manaslu Conservation Area Project
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MJF Madhesi Janadhikar Forum
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NCA Nepal Chepang Association
NEFIN Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities
NFDIN National Foundation for the Development Indigenous Nationalities
NFE Non-Formal Education
NGOs Non-Government Organizations
NPC National Planning Commission
NTFP Non-Timber Forest Products
OBC Other Backward Class
PAF Poverty Alleviation Fund
RHDP Rural Health Development Project
RRN Rural Reconstruction Nepal
SDC Swiss Development Cooperation
SIUAN Santhal Indigenous Uplift Association Nepal
SLC School Living Certificate
TEF The East Foundation
TMLP Tarai Madhesh Loktantrik Party
UCPN-Maoist United Communist Party of Nepal – Maoist
UNDRIP United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
VDC Village Development Committee
VHW Village Health Worker
WOREC Women Rehabilitation Centre
YCL Young Communist League
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Introduction
Janajati Empowerment project (JEP) II aims to achieve improved social and political status of
Aadibasi Janajatis by influencing policies and practices to improve their access to services
and employment in Nepal. In order to indicate achievement of the project, JEP along with
this study seeks to establish some baseline indicators on some basic government services at
the beginning of the timeline of the project. The baseline indicators mainly include access to
basic services such education and health and to other issues such as knowledge on identity
and rights, natural resources, livelihood opportunities and development process.
Target group of this study is the target of JEP project, that is, 10 endangered and 14 highly
marginalized Adibasi Janajatis throughout the country. Due to limitation of timeline, study
has been designed as a rapid baseline survey by adopting only one sample of each group and
utilized two study tools, namely focus group discussion and key informant interview
followed by some inventories, in order to collect baseline information. Thus, altogether 24
samples in 18 districts were visited for the field study.
Identity and Rights
Two types of identity problems are observed. First, some of the endangered AJs have been
losing their physical as well as social and cultural identity directly. They are namely Kusunda
and Raute. Both Adibasis are assimilating into high Hindu caste groups. Kusundas have a
tendency to introduce themselves as Thakuri and Sen and Raute as Raut and Thakuri. Their
original identity as they find is derogatory and thereby they have been discriminated in the
society from high caste Hindus. In order to escape from discriminatory situation they tend to
change their identity. Second, identity of some endangered and highly marginalized Janajatis
such as Kushbadia and Dhanuk is in a critical situation. Kushbadia has been listed as one of
the 22 Dalit castes by the Uppechhit Utpidit Tatha Dalit Barga Utthan Samiti of the
Government. Dhanuk is listed as Dalit in India and in Nepal, of the 59 indigenous
nationalities listed in the Act; Dhanuk is qualified as Raj Dhanuk, implying other Dhanuks
are not indigenous nationalities. In practice, their identity has been heavily influenced by
Hinduism. They follow Hindu culture. Their social status is considered to be Dalits among
Hindu high caste groups, which is entirely against the identity of Indigenous Nationalities as
defined by the Act. They have conflicting and dual type of identity – Hindu and Indigenous
Nationalities. Due to this dual or unclear identity they also have got problems in getting their
citizenship certificate. This is another type of identity crisis that is failure of being Nepali,
which consequently the failure in entitlement of receiving any kind of supports related to
citizenship certificate being provided by government such as endangered and highly
marginalized people allowance, VDC funds, elderly people allowance, etc.
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Regarding issue of rights to identity, a very few EHM-AJs who are directly connected to
district level as well as national IP organizations are somehow aware of what the Adibasi
Janajati means. They do not have even complete and clear knowledge on the definition. This
is almost none among the ordinary and grassroots people from EHM-AJs. Similar situation is
found for awareness on IP rights to self-determination and free prior informed consent
(FPIC).
Education
In present days, motivation of EHM-AJs towards sending their children to school is

encouraging but lack of education in mother tongues is discouraging. Primary school is
accessible to all AJs and their almost all school aged children go to school. This indicates
school enrolment among EHM-AJs is encouraging but high dropout rate due to poverty and
lack of education in mother tongue in basic and primary education is discouraging. This sort
of motivation, as respondents reported, has emerged mainly due to three factors.
• First, a number of national and international organizations have been working to
increase awareness of deprived communities on education during the last decades.
• Second, NEFIN and NFDIN along with the DCCs have also been working in
campaign for raising awareness among Janajatis.
• Third, under the Education for All (EFA), one of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs), school teachers are bound to door-to-door visit to increase enrolment
specially emphasizing girl enrolment in the school. Increased enrolment of deprived
and girl children makes two advantages for the school – government provides
additional budget for scholarships and additional teachers position in the school. In
this way, increased enrolment of EHM-AJs children in the school is the contribution
of tripartite efforts – Adibasi Janajati movement, non-government development
organizations, and the government.
This effort has still not been working for some nomadic type and very deprived AJs, such as
Kushbadia, Raute, and Thudam. Raute and Kushbadia do not have fixed settlement, due to
which children also accompany them in their mobility. Another reason is that Raute and
Kushbadia children are also reluctant to go to school because they have to face discriminatory
behaviour from especially “high caste” Hindu children, due to which they have derogatory
position in the school. Even if there is school in Thudam village, due to almost six months
snow fall and hardship of life, no teacher want to be deputed in the Thudam area. Siyar also
has similar situation in access to school education.
An interesting scenario is observed in access to education among EHM-AJs. School

enrolment is found to be higher, whereas, at the same time, school dropout and
discontinuation of schooling after completing primary education is also higher. It has been
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repeatedly and commonly reported that the poverty is the main reason for the dropout and
discontinuation. Due to poverty, children who could do some works must go for work to
support family livelihood. As for example, Siyar participants report that no children go to
school during plantation of Uwa, millet and paddy. A Chepang has three children; one is just
two years old. Two boys have been enrolled in school but they go to school turn by turn. One
day one elder brother goes to school and younger has to stay at home to look after small
sister. Another day younger boy go to school and elder has to stay at home. Their parents
must go to work in the field or for wage labourer. In such situation, opportunity cost is higher
for them when they go to school.
In most of the EHM-AJs settlement areas, only primary school is available. For higher grades
they have to go to another village, which is usually quite far from their home. It is because of
the fact that lower secondary and secondary schools are mostly located at the area where
dominant groups reside. This situation implies to all mountain, hills and to some places of
Tarai. Distance to school contributes dropout and discontinuation from the school in four
ways.
• First, it takes hours long to go and come back every day, due to which they do not
have time to support home, in one hand, and they also do not have time for study at
home as they are tired on the other, which contributes failure in examination. This is
multiplied into wastage of life because at the same time s/he did not work for home
but s/he failed the examination and did not gain any educational grade.
• Second, studying at lower secondary and/or secondary school is expensive. Even
though the regular monthly school fee is lower, most of the schools charge additional
extra fee. They also need to buy books, school dress, and stationeries, which are quite
expensive. In some cases in mountain and hills, for instance among Thudam and
Siyar, lower secondary and secondary schools are far from the village. They have to
leave the home for study, which cumulates the expenses on education. All these
circumstances make EHM-AJs not able to afford their children's education.
• Third, when the school is in the next village and usually located at Hindu “high caste”
settlements, some of the EHM-AJs children are reluctant to go to school due to
humiliation and discrimination from high caste children. Raute, Kushbadia, Kusunda,
Dhanuk and Khadia have been experiencing such instances, which has reportedly
been the contribution of dropout from and discontinuation of school.
• Fourth, children of indigenous peoples do not find basic and primary education
interesting as they have to study in Khas Nepali language, which is difficult,
compared to their own mother tongues.
Awareness on education, not only education in Khas Nepali and English but also in mother
tongues, is equally important. As some informants reported, even if their children go to
school. They have to rely completely on class in school to pass the exam. As most of the
EHM-AJ parents are illiterate or uneducated, there is no education environment and also no
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one who could guide and teach children at home. At the result, there is a tendency of higher
rate failure of EHM-AJ children in the examination, which makes them leave the study.
Informants would be hopeful with their children's education only when every school has
hostel where there is good study environment and regular guidance of the teacher is available.
The government of Nepal has a policy to provide primary education in local language
wherever necessary. However, this policy has not been implemented yet. It is argued that
until and unless the basic education is provided in local or mother tongues, the country will
never achieve the goal of cent percent literacy. It implies to many non-Nepali speaker
Adibasi Janajatis and others. Siyar and Thudam are the live evidence for this instance.
Children from these communities do not speak Khas Nepali fluently and, in contrast, school
teachers are not from their community who do not speak Thudam and Siyar language. This is
one of the main reasons for lower enrolment and/or higher dropout rate among them. Among
EHM-AJs only Lhomi is found to be lucky in this case that Lhomi children have been taught
in Lhomi language, even though the curriculum and teaching text is in Khas Nepali.
Health and Sanitation
Most of the EHM-AJs believe in shamanistic as well as modern treatment. In general, they
first prefer to visit shamans and get treatment with natural herbs in a shamanistic way.
Preference of shamanism has three reasons. First, visiting shamans and receiving treatment in
shamanistic way are the continuation of indigenous way of living a life. This means they have
been preserving and promoting their culture and identity as well. Second, shamanists are
easily available and accessible for every Adibasi community. Third, shamanistic treatment is
affordable for every Adibasi people that they use local and natural herbs and other things that
are locally available. So, this kind of treatment is poor as well as local friendly.
When disease or sickness is much serious or when treatment from shamanist does not seem
effective, they go for modern treatment. Depending upon the availability and affordability
either they go to private clinic or health post. It is commonly reported that purpose of visiting
health post is different from the purpose of visiting private clinic. Private clinic is for the
treatment of diseases to get well. But it is not affordable to all. On the other hand, health post
is used mainly for immunization of children and anti-natal and post-natal care and most of the
EHM-AJs have been using such services. For treatment, health post is rarely visited by most
of the EHM-AJs. As reported by informants, it is mainly because that medicine, except
citamol, is never available in the health post. Even if there is medicine, distribution of
medicine is discriminatory. Only rich and influential people would get medicine but EHM-
AJs do not get. Health staff is also usually not available in the health post. Another pertinent
reason is that health post is most commonly located at the place where dominant groups
reside, which is usually far from the place where indigenous peoples reside.
Sanitation and personal hygiene are location based that varies from one EHM-AJ to the other.
Hill and mountain based EHM-AJs are much aware on sanitation and Tarai based are less
x
aware. It is also observed that sanitation and personal hygiene also depend on what type of
occupation mainly the EHM-AJ follow.
Governance
Most of the EHM-AJs have been using their traditional indigenous institutions. For instance,
Rong Sejung Thee of Lapcha, Kutum of Kisan, Guthi of Hayu, Badghar of Kushbadia,
Bhalmansa of Raji, Majhi of Santhal, Gachhadar of Munda, Ghey Thanksum of Thudam,
Maijan of Dhanuk, and Majhesawa of Majhi are the indigenous institutions. These
institutions are still active to perform cultural rites as well as to manage the community.
However, these institutions have been gradually affected by the modern ethnic organizations,
local government, and strong Hindu influence. It has been reported that modern ethnic
organization has not contributed to promote and preserve the traditional indigenous
institutions for the indigenous people's governance system.
Even though some AJs have received such budget accordingly, in many instances, all party
mechanism is found to be main barrier even to provide the allocated VDC budget for
endangered and highly marginalized Adibasi Janajatis. All party mechanism has either
reallocated the budget in construction or not informed the concerned community. Main
reason for this is EHM-AJs do not have access to all party mechanism. Even if some EHM-
AJs have represented they do not have say in the decision making process. Similarly, many
EHM-AJs are also member in major political parties, but still they are not in the decision
making position.
Natural resources and livelihood
Access to natural resources is almost none among EHM-AJs. Accordingly, indigenous

people's right to forest, water, and land has not been protected in any way. In most of the
areas there is no forest. Even if there is forest, it is controlled either by government or by
community forest user committee. EHM-AJs have limited access in community forest as they
are not in decision making body of user groups. For instance, Manaslu Conservation Project
has prevented the control of Siyar over forest by limiting usage for them. They can not even
collect the herbs from the forest without permission. They have rather to pay tax. Similar,
situation exists among Thudam. Main resident of Raute is forest, which has been controlled
by community forest and thereby Raute have been displaced.
All EHM-AJs have lost ownership and control over their ancestral land and territories due to
development aggression. Right to slash and burn has almost been lost due to community
forest system. Good evidence is the case of Chepang that they used to survive with slash and
burn but they have lost it. It resulted not only into the loss of their livelihood but also
decrease in bio-diversity.
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Main sources of livelihood of the EHM-AJs are land and agriculture. Most of them have land
ownership. However, the land they have is very small piece, which is not sufficient to survive
around the year. In order to support their livelihood, they have to rely on wage labourer in
both agriculture and non-agriculture and some have to leave home for India and Middle-east
as well for work. Some EHM-AJs have different way to support their livelihood. For
instance, Siyar are involved in trade and collection of Yarsagumba; Thudam are involve in
trade of Yak related products and medicinal herbs; Kushbadia are involved in making Silauta
and Janto; Kisan and Meche have to rely on making domestic liquor.
There are very few non-government organizations launching development programmes in the
area of EHM-AJs. The programmes are mostly based on income generation activities. These
programmes have been supportive to some EHM-AJs such as Majhi, Lhomi, Meche, Siyar,
and Raji. However, right to Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) has not been
implemented by any development programme.
Aggregating Indicators
The study identified 30 indicators under five different categories to understand access of
EHM-AJs to basic services. They are knowledge based, service based, participation based,
natural resources and livelihood based, and development based accessibility. These indicators
are interpreted and analysed in each section of EHM-AJs and made score of these indicators
in the table. The score categories include none, few, some and all/almost all that have
knowledge on or access to basic services and opportunities. The score is summarized in the
following table and each EHM-AJ is classified based on score categories.
Better Access Medium Access Less Access

EHM-AJs Score EHM-AJs Score EHM-AJs Score
1. Meche 2.30 1. Hayu 1.87 1. Santhal 1.43
2. Surel 2.23 2. Baram 1.77 2. Khadia 1.43
3. Thami 2.10 3. Kisan 1.73 3. Raji 1.20
4. Bote 2.10 4. Lhomi 1.70 4. Thudam 0.77
5. Lapcha 2.07 5. Chepang 1.70 5. Kushbadia 0.70
6. Majhi 2.00 6. Jhangad 1.57 6. Kusunda 0.70
7. Siyar 1.57 7. Raute 0.60
8. Bankaria 1.53
9. Munda 1.53
10. Dhanuk 1.53
11. Danuwar 1.53
Note: Aggregate score is computed by weighted mean of the sum of frequencies of 30 different indicators from
each EHM-AJ. Weights are taken from the score categories: all/almost=3; some=2; few=1; and none=0.
In order to understand access to basic services and others in a comparative way, the aggregate
score is computed, which is weighted mean of the score. This result is closed to the
percentage distribution of response frequency among scale categories for each EHM-AJ. So,
xii
it is approximated to the reality. Based on the mean score, EHM-AJs are classified into three
hierarchical categories – under best access, medium access and less access.
According to classification, putting all the 24 EHM-AJs into single basket, six AJs namely
Meche, Surel, Thami, Bote, Lapcha and Majhi are among those who have better access than
others. The score ranges from 2 to 2.3 for this category. Medium access is designated with
the score range from 1.5 to less than 2, and 11 AJs are in the medium position. Finally, 7 AJs
are in the worse position that they have less access to services. Horizontally, the best is
Meche and the worst is Raute, which is acceptable result even based on our observations.
Recommendations
Specific recommendations are accommodated for each EHM-AJ in the respective chapters.
These recommendations are basically the view of participants of the FGD and KII collected
during the field survey. They are mostly like their demands to government and non-
government organizations that are concerned with the issues of their development and to
NEFIN, which is directly concerned with each of the EHM-AJs.
With these recommendations and findings on access to basic services and the rights and
identity issues of each EHM-AJ, recommendations at aggregate level have been made here
following the concerned issues observed from the findings.
• Much works have to be done to make EHM-AJs aware on their identity as well as
rights related to Indigenous Nationalities (Indigenous Peoples) in both national and
international context.
• The central and local government must establish mechanism for and develop
guidelines of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).
• United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and ILO
Convention No. 169 must be effectively implemented.
• Residential school education is necessary for poor, endangered and marginalized
children.
• At least primary education is necessary to provide in local language, that is, mother
tongue of the local people based on location.
• It is not possible to increase access to government health services until and unless the
government is in a position to increase health services to all. Therefore, in order to
increase access to health care services it is necessary to train and develop shamanists
in a hybrid way of treatment. Method of treatment of Christian Pastor can be adopted
and translated into indigenous people's way. Pastor asks patients to pray for Christ and
provides medicine. When a patient gets well it is believed that god has listened the
patient and made well. In the same way, shamans could make treatment of the patient
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by using modern medicine as required in an indigenous way. This would be much
helpful to increase access to health care.
• Programme for raising awareness on sanitation and personal hygiene is needed.
• Traditional institutions have vital role to good governance among indigenous
nationalities. Therefore, it is necessary to promote and preserve traditional
institutions.
• Citizenship certificates should be given to those EHM-AJs who have not yet received
it.
• Ownership and control over ancestral land and territories must be legally ensured.
• Income generating programs must be implemented.
• Need skill development training to preserve traditional occupation, IPs knowledge on
biodiversity, aquatic, medicinal plants etc.
• To preserve the traditional rituals of indigenous peoples to generation to generation
there is a need to teach the young ones.
• Each and every EHM-AJs mother tongue should be preserved and promoted.
• State should develop a special mechanism to empower EHM-AJs.
• Information should be disseminated in mother tongues.
• Water supply, drinking water and irrigation should be provided by the government.
• Special care and lesson about safe motherhood and reproductive health should be
given.
• There should be good coordination between IPs and government agencies.
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PART I
INTRODUCTION
A.1 BACKGROUND
Janajati Empowerment project (JEP) II is second phase of JEP (2003-2006 and Extended 16
months). This project has been commenced on 1 November 2010 and will end on 31
December 2012 with support of the Enabling State Program (ESP) of the Department for
International Development (DFID). The adopted project approach has been strengthening
capacity of the District Coordination Committees (DCCs), indigenous political leaders,
indigenous women's organisations, and Aadibasi Organisations (Indigenous Peoples
Organizations, IPOs) at all levels. The project aims to contribute towards this vision by
mobilising all forms of available resources to establish rights of Aadibasi Janajatis
(indigenous nationalities) and to end their socio-economic and political marginalisation. The
goal of JEP-II is to 'improve the social and political status of Aadibasi Janajatis (AJs) of
Nepal'. The project aims to contribute to achieve this goal by working with Nepal Federation
of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) for the purpose of ‘influencing policies and practices in
favour of AJs and to improve access to services and employment' in Nepal. The main project
outputs are:
1. Institutional capacity of NEFIN and Indigenous Peoples Organizations (IPOs)
strengthened;
2. Political inclusion of Adibasi Janajatis (AJs) including women and disadvantage
Janajatis improved;
3. Adibasi Janajatis' access to basic services improved with increased indigenous dignity
and cultural integrity; and
4. Positive public opinion built in favour of IP issues.
JEP-II has been implementing in 18 districts: (1) Illam, (2) Jhapa, (3) Sunsari, (4) Morang,
(5) Sankhuwasava, (6) Sindhuli, (7) Ramechhap, (8) Chitwan, (9) Sindhupalchowk, (10)
Dhading, (11) Gorkha, (12) Dolakha, (13) Rupandehi, (14) Kailali, (15) Kanchanpur, (16)
Makwanpur, (17 ) Saptari, and (18) Dang.
JEP-II requires baseline study on access to basic services among Endangered and Highly
Marginalized Janajatis. Of the 59 indigenous nationalities identified and recognized by the
Nepal Government, NEFIN and National Foundation for the Development Indigenous
Nationalities (NFDIN) have classified following Adibasi Janajatis under the categories of
Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajatis (EHM-AJs). It is to note here that
Munda and Khadia are yet to be classified, not under the list of 59 AJs. However, they were
1
included within HM-AJs by JEP I Baseline Survey. Accordingly, this study also included
Munda and Khadia as HM-AJs.
Endangered Janajati: (1) Kusunda, (2) Bankaria, (3) Raute, (4) Surel, (5) Hayu, (6) Raji,
(7) Kisan, (8) Lapcha, (9) Meche, and (10) Kushbadia.
Highly Marginalized Janajatis: (1) Majhi, (2) Siyar, (3) Lhomi, (4) Thudam, (5) Dhanuk,
(6) Chepang, (7) Sattar (Santhal), (8) Jhangad, (9) Thami, (10) Bote, (11) Danuwar, (12)
Baramu (13) Munda and (14) Khadia.
Access to basic services has been one of the key priority areas in the plans and policies of
Nepal Government since its implementation of the Ninth Plan (1997-2002). The Three-Year
Plan (2010/11-2012/13) in its section on Social Inclusion aims to provide access to deprived
indigenous peoples on economic, social, humane and cultural rights and opportunities (NPC
2067:165-168). It is obvious that donors such as the DFID would give priority in increasing
access to basic services not only by indigenous peoples but also by other deprived and
marginalized communities such as Dalits, Madhesi, Muslims and women. Therefore,
increasing access to basic services is one of the priority areas of projects such as JEP-II.
During the JEP-I phase, Rapid Appraisal on Livelihood Analysis and Need Assessment of
Highly Marginalized Janajatis (HMJs) was carried out (see Bhattachan et al., 2005). It
provides general information about access to health, education and livelihood. Concerning
access to health, the report states, “All HMJs have no access to health services due to several
factors, including lack of government health services nearby, lack of awareness on health
among HMJs, reliance on traditional faith healers and poverty” (Bhattachan et al. 2005: xiv).
Concerning access to education, the report states, “Among HMJs, some have access to
primary education but parents have no awareness to send children to schools (such as
Shingsawa), some have no access to school beyond primary level (such as Chepang, Lapcha),
some face harassment in schools (such as Kusunda), problem in Nepali language as a
medium of instruction (all HMJs but more by Madhesi indigenous nationalities such as
Jhangad and Khdia), unemployed SLC graduates (such as Baramu), poverty (such as Hayu,
Thami, Raji), high drop out (such as Surel, Bote) and irregularity in management of local
schools (such as Bote)” (Bhattachan et al. 2005:xv). One of the important recommendations
made in the report was to tie up groups formed for livelihood support with their respective
indigenous peoples’ organizations ((Bhattachan et al., 2005: xvii).
Access to basic services is one of the prioritized immediate needs or practical interests of
indigenous peoples as their strategic needs are control on one’s own collective life, self-
determination, autonomy and self-rule, ownership and control on ancestral land and other
natural resources, customary practices including in fields such as education, health and
livelihood (Bhattachan 2009; Bhattachan et al. 2005; ILO 1989; Subba et al., 2009; Tebtebba
2008; UNDRIP 2007).
2
A.2 OBJECTIVES
The main objective of the Baseline Study is to find out the access of Endangered and Highly
Marginalized AJs to basic services in the project areas particularly in areas of education,
health, forest, agriculture, and to LGCDP, PAF, MDG and EFA services.
The specific objectives are to:
a) find out whether HMJs and Endangered IPs have access to basic services;
b) find out whether HMJs and Endangered IPs have access to their basic indigenous
services;
c) make recommendations to increase access to basic services by HMJs and Endangered
IPs.
A.3 METHODOLOGY
This study is primarily based on qualitative data collected by utilizing a number of tools at
different stages. Due to the short span to complete the field survey, single sample area was
assigned for each 24 EHM-AJs, which scattered in 18 districts from Eastern Hill to Far-
western Tarai. The field survey was carried out during January 18 to February 5, 2011.
Type of tools and method of data collection were refined in consultation of JEP-II concern
personnel. In order to accomplish the baseline study, following approach was adopted.
i. Review of the Relevant Documents
Necessary and relevant project documents and previous studies on highly marginalized and
endangered Adibasi Janajatis (AJs) carried out mainly by NEFIN and NFDIN were reviewed.
Some information from national level studies and Census were also utilized as required. The
review helped basically to establish foundation of the study.
ii. Type of and source of Information
The study is solely based on primary information. Qualitative field survey was conducted in
order to generate such information.
Target population of the survey was member of the concerned IPOs such as students,
teachers, right activists, and other social workers. Concerned persons from District
Coordination Committee (DCC) of NEFIN and from local government offices were also
interviewed to generate and quality the information.
3
iii. Tools for Information Collection
The study is primarily based on qualitative information. The tools used for information
collection was mainly Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key Informant Interviews (KII).
One FGD was conducted for each 24 EHM-AJs. The group was formed of the participants of
5-10 persons from concerned EHM-AJs in the sample area. The survey team tried to maintain
each group of discussants with mix of males and females. Two to five KIIs were conducted
for each EHM-AJ in the sample area. The informants were mainly District Coordination
Committee (DCC) member, concerned persons from District Development Committee
(DDC), District Education Officer (DEO), local political leaders, school teachers, etc.
In order to maintain systematic data collection process and systematic arrangement of

contents required for the study, a rigorous checklist was developed for both FGD and KII.
The checklist included access to basic social and development services available in the
programme area. Adibasi Janajati and gender perspective guided to identify necessary
indicators to assess the access to the services. Reasons and contextual circumstances existing
in the society regarding access to those services were taken into account in the study.
Perspective of social inclusion was also found to be equally important to understand the
access to the basic services, which is the backbone of gender and Adibasi Janajati perspective
to understand and explain the issues.
Information from KII was collected further to substantiate the information from FGDs by
contextualizing and justifying the variation in access of AJs to social and development
services (See Annex I). It also helped to triangulate the information obtained from two
different tools.
Additionally, inventory of membership in user groups or community groups or management

committees of available governmental and non-governmental organizations currently
providing services to the community people was carried out. It helped to quantify some
information and to supplement as well as complement qualitative information obtained from
the FGD and KII.
iv. Sampling
The main target of the JEP-II development program is endangered and highly marginalized
Adibasi Janajatis. There are 10 endangered and 14 highly marginalized AJs, thus, the survey
was to cover 24 EHM-AJs (Table 1). Most of they AJs resides in multiple districts and they
are scattered in several VDCs as well. Time allocated for the survey was also limited. With
these constraints survey had to accomplish with quality as well as representative information.
In such a situation, drawing representative sampling is difficult task. Therefore, a strategy
was adopted that the sample may not be representative of population but representative of
issues. Following this strategy, only 'one place' was selected for the sample of each 24 AJs.
The sample place was chosen in such a way that it must capture the original indigenous place
(Mul Thalo) as far as possible. Another thing was that the survey tried capture a particular AJ
4
in a particular district based on that particular AJ is the principal target of the JEP-II
development programme in that particular district. In this way, in order to capture 24 EHM-
AJs, 18 districts were visited (Table A.1).
The sample place was purposively selected. However, three mountain AJs (Siyar, Lhomi, and
Thudam) were visited in the place different from their Mul Thalo. Lhomi was visited in
district headquarter, Sankhuwasava, and Siyar and Thudam were visited at Kathmandu. The
main reason was that, due to the field survey was during the winter season, they were not
available at their place for the whole winter season because of heavy snowfall. They go to
different places with their cattle in this season. Another thing is that their original places are
very far that can not be managed within the allocated timeframe. However, some of the
members of their IP organization were available either in the district headquarter or in
Kathmandu. So, the survey team was able to visit them in the respective places.
Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose

District E-AJs HM-AJs District E-AJs HM-AJs
1. Illam 1. Lapcha 10.Sindhupalchok 10. Thami
2. Jhapa 2. Kisan 1. Khadia 11.Dhading 11. Chepang
3. Meche
3. Morang 2. Santhal 12.Gorkha 12. Siyar
3. Munda 13. Baramu
4. Sunsari 4. Jhangad 13.Chitawan 14. Bote
5. Sankhuwasava 5. Lhomi 14.Makwanpur 6. Bankaria
6. Thudam
6. Saptari 7. Dhanuk 15.Rupandehi 7. Kusbadia
7. Sindhuli 8. Danuwar 16.Dang 8. Kusunda
8. Dolakha 4. Surel 17.Kailali 9. Raji
9. Ramechhap 5. Hayu 9. Majhi 18.Kanchanpur 10. Raute
Note: VDC is given in parentheses.
A.4 IDENTIFICATION OF BASELINE INDICATORS
The main objective of this study is to assess the access of EHM-AJs to basic services in the
JEP-II project areas particularly in areas of education, health, forest, agriculture, and other
development activities run by both government and non-government sector. In order to cover
these issues, 'some necessary baseline indicators' were identified that would help to
understand the current status of empowerment of EHM-AJs in terms of access and to
understand the progress made by JEP-II project.
The baseline study focused on two types of indicators. They are (i) general issues regarding
social and economic development and (2) specific issues regarding Indigenous Peoples'
Right. General indicators are applicable to both indigenous and non-indigenous peoples but
indigenous indicators will be specific to indigenous peoples that confirm with international
standards of human rights relating to indigenous peoples that are ensured by the UN
5
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, ILO 169 and Convention on Elimination of
All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Specifically, the study identified 30 indicators trying to
representing specific picture of the status of access of EHM-AJs to the basic social and
development services (Table A.2).
Table A.2: Classification of Baseline Indicators on Access of EHM-AJs to Basic Services

List of Indicators List of Indicators
1. IP Identity, Rights and Development 3. Participation Based Accessibility
1. Adibasi/Janajati as identity 17. Political parties
2. IP rights to self determination 18. All Party Mechanisms
3. Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) 19. IPOs
2. Service Based Accessibility 4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods
i. Education 20. Ancestral forest
4. Availability of primary school 21. Community forest
5. Enrolment 22. Safe drinking water
6. Scholarship 23. Land
7. Medium of teaching (mother tongue) 24. Food
ii. Health 25. Wage labour/employment
8. Availability of health post 26. Road
9. General health service 27. Electricity
10. Immunization 5. Development programmes
11. Antenatal/postnatal care 28. Govt. fund for promotion of IPs
12. Sanitation 29. NGOs/INGOs
iii. Government social security 30. CBOs/IPOs
13. Elderly citizenship allowance
14. Widowed/single women allowance
15. Child birth allowance
16. Endangered/Highly Marginalized
allowance
6
A.5 REFERENCE CITED
Bhattachan, Krishna B.
2008 Minorities and Indigenous Peoples. Kathmandu: National Coalition Against
Racial Discrimination (NCARD).
Bhattachan, Krishna B. et. al.

2005 Rapid Appraisal on Livelihood Analysis and Need Assessment of Highly
Marginalized Janajatis (HMJ). Kathmandu: Janajati Empowerment Project
(JEP), Nepal federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN).
ILO
1989 Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (Convention No. 169).
Geneva: ILO.
NPC
2010 Tri-Barsiya Yojanako Adharpatra (2067/68-2069/70) (Concept Paper of the
Three Year Plan (2010/11-2012/13). Kathmandu: Nepal Government,
National Planning Commission.
Subba, Chaitannya, Janak Rai and Savitree Thapa Gurung

2009 Empowering Adibasi Janajati in Nepal. Experiences of Janajati
Empowerment Project (JEP). Lalitpur: Nepal Federation of Indigenous
Nationalities (NEFIN).
Tebtebba
2009 Indicators Relevant for Indigenous Peoples: A Resource Book. The
Philippines: Tebtebba.
UN
2007 United nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. New York:
The United Nations.
7
PART II
REPORTS
B. ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

(INDIGENOUS NATIONALITIES)
8
B.1 LAPCHA
1. Introduction
Lapcha are one of endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. They are numerously populated
not only in the eastern part of Nepal but also in Sikkim and Darjeeling of India. In Nepal, the
main settlements of Lapcha are in Kanyam, Fikkal, Sri Antu, Jirmale, Jogmai, Namsaling,
Laxmipur, Panchakanya, Gorkhe and Pashupati nagar in Illam and Jhapa districts. Some
people call them as Lepcha but they prefer to be called as Lapcha. They usually live in sloppy
land which is easier for slash and burn farming. Like other indigenous peoples they also
worship nature and ancestor. The main religion of Lapcha is Shamanism and Buddhism. By
nature they respect guest.
Accordingly the Census 2001, the total population of Lepcha is 3,660 among which males are
1,935 and females are 1,725. The mother tongue speaker is 2,826 (male 1,497 and female
1,329). The Lapcha language is called Rong. 50% of the total populations of the Lapchas
speak their language. Nowadays young generation has realized a need to preserve and
conserve their Lapcha language.
2. Access to identity
All FGD participants shaded light on definition of indigenous peoples as those having own
identity with their own mother tongue, costume, culture, ritual and more importantly they are
excluded from Hindu the Varna system. They understood marginalized and endangered
indigenous peoples as those who are losing their cultural identity. They classified themselves,
including other groups like Bote and Meche, in that category. Almost all the participants
know what is right to self-determination and rights of endangered and HM Adibasi Janajati.
However, they strongly realized that they have been unable to freely use their rights on right
time due to frequent interference from the powerful political parties.
3. Access to Basic Services
ii. Education
There is a primary school in the Lapcha community at a distance of two kilometres. For
secondary/high schools, children need to walk about 2 to 2 and half hours. Any considerable
complain on school and teachers’ behaviour have not been made yet. There is no teacher in
school who could speak Lepcha language. There is no financial support offered to primary
level school going children yet although three quotas of scholarship were provided to Lapcha
student at the Plus-Two level, but interestingly enough, only two students are now studying at
this level. Lapcha women and pre-schooling children are now benefited from adult education
and preschool education is now ongoing in village.
9
The enrolment Lapcha children are low because of poverty, lack of food and ignorance.
Among those who are enrolled, the dropout rate is also very high.
The participants of the FGDs mentioned that there is a great need of preserving Lapcha
language by teaching children in mother tongues in the schools.
ii. Health
There is a health post close to the Lapcha community. However, they prefer to consult
traditional traditional healers called Yaba Yama and use medicated herbs. If no progress is
made, then only they visit the local health post. In the health posts, though there are no staffs
from their community but still none of them felt discriminated by the service providers in
these health posts. Surprisingly, there is no Lapcha Female Community Health Volunteer
(FCHV) and traditional birth attendant in the village as they are unknown about the screening
process of FCHVs. During observation by the researchers, it was found that each household
has either temporary or permanent toilet. Generally they have a separate house for kitchen,
for living and sleeping. Livestock are kept in separate place, a bit far from the main house.
iii. Government social security
Eligible Lapchas are receiving old age allowance, social security allowance and maternity
incentives regularly. Nearly two-third of the participants FGDs have knowledge about the
15% of total VDC budget that is allocated for the Adibasi Janajati. From that money, they
performed awareness program on ILO C. 169 as well as computer basic course in Lapchha
community. The Lapcha participants said that the VDC secretary and other staffs are not
biased against them.
4. Access to Politics
Concerning customary governance practices, Lapchas have an interesting institution called

“Rong Sejung Thee”. Traditionally, the chief of the organization known as “Donne” would be
accountable to leading social functions like worship, marriage, feasts in Lapcha community
while “Bungthing” performs worship in the annual festival. This organization currently,
working on language and culture preservation with financial support from the Janajati
Empowerment Project I.
Three main political parties have strong presence in the Lapcha community. They have a
female Member of the Constituent Assembly/Legislature-Parliament who is associated with
CPN-UML and elected from their constituency. However, at the VDC and the Ward levels,
the Lapchas have no space in in decision making process. Instead political power strongly
influences them.
10
5. Access to natural resources
Discussion with the Key informants (KI) and FGDs revealed that there is no community
forest in their Ward. Access to forest is mostly in the private forest. Land and forest used to
be owned by the Lapcha community prior to 1769. After 1769, practice of individual
ownership of land given for cultivation by Subba/Kaji to servicemen and those who were
loyal to the palace. Hunting in own private land was in practice before 4-5 years but now it
has been restricted The irrigation system of the Fikkal VDC has benefited all the Lapchas
living in the area. Wherever canal irrigation does not exist; they bring water from small
sources by using polythene pipe. Drinking water facility is generally available from local
sources that people bring by using own pipes, although few of them fetch water from well
(“Kuwa”/”Jaruwa”) as well.
6. Access to livelihood
Wheat, maize, potato and vegetable are cultivated in a small scale by the Lapchas. Livestock
is generally looked after by men while women look after household chore. Food sufficiency
from dairy products and own farm production is just for 5 to 6 months in a year, and for
remaining months they resort to wage labour and off-farm employment, such as house
construction, making bamboo craft and materials, during off-seasons. Many Lapchas get
employment in tea garden to pluck tea leaves. Collection and selling fire wood is another
work available for them. Presently the young generations are aspired to go abroad as far as
the Middle East for work but many of them do not get necessary financial resources to do so.
7. Access to and participation in development activities
There are local government’s development programs in their community. The FGDs
participants stated that they do not have full, effective and meaningful participation in the
decision making process at the local level. A local NGO (Sahara Nepal) has lunched savings-
and-credits program in their community for two years. The Lapcha organization in local level
is strongly networked with the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) and its
horizontal organizations. The Vice-Chair of the Janajati Mahasang District Coordination
Committee is a Lapcha. This organization has been conducting language classes for Lapcha
children. Altogether 24 Lapcha children are enrolled to learn their mother tongue.
With regards to Free Prior Informed Consent, almost all the participants discharged their
aggression to a private company who has invested money in a hydro-power project in the Jog
Mai River without taking their consent. Due to this hydro-project, paddy fields are now
remained un-irrigated and fishing in the river side is almost shut down.
11
8. Summary and Conclusion
The settlements of Lapcha community are generally dense and are also mixed with other
groups however; they considered themselves distinctive from other indigenous people as they
not allowed to others inside their separate room where food storage is kept clean and
decorated as well as Puja Aaja done. Lapcha people generally feel comfortable to neighbours
of other ethnic group however; they felt not having strong enough support from them while
raising voice for the right of access to land and forest.
Access to basic services such as education and health, high school is not easily accessed in
term of distance but there is no problem to take health services as the health post is placed
near by the community. In livelihood, Lepcha are heavily depends on agriculture and
livestock. As alternative jobs, they work in tea gardens and wood selling as well. Political and
IPs right awareness are increasing in Lepcha communities these days, they are their share of
VDC budget in the training regarding ILO 169 and some other vocational trainings.
Moreover, they are conducting mother language class to children to preserve their language.
In spite of political awareness among them, they do not have access to natural resources also
free prier informed consent is not seriously in practiced. A hydro power in Jogmai River can
be taken as finger example in this case, because of this hydro power plant, Lapchas livelihood
is now in trouble.
With these findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on
mostly/many, some, few and none have knowledge or access to given rights, assets, services,
etc. (see Table B.1).
9. Recommendations
• Free prier informed consent should be taken in grassroots level.

• High school access should be easily accessible in Lepcha communities.
12
Table B.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lapcha
Score Status
Lapcha: Indicators
All/Mostly Some Few None
1. Knowledge Based Accessibility
Adibasi/Janajati as identity √
IP rights to self determination √
Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC) √
2. Service Based Accessibility
i. Education
Availability of primary school √
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
Medium of teaching (mother tongue) √
ii. Health
Availability of health post √
General health service √
Immunization √
Antenatal/postnatal care √
Sanitation √
Elderly citizenship allowance √
Widowed/single women allowance √
Child birth allowance √
EHM-AJ allowance √
3. Participation Based Accessibility
Political parties √
All Party Mechanisms √
IPOs √
4. Natural Resources and Livelihoods
Ancestral forest √
Community forest √
Safe drinking water √
Land √
Food √
Wage labour/employment √
Road √
Electricity √
5. Development programmes
Govt. fund for promotion of IPs √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 13 10 3 4
13
B.2 KISAN
1. Introduction
Kisan is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Adibasi Janajatis. The Kisan claims that
their total population is estimated to be about 1500-1600. The Census 2001, however,
recorded only 1100 population of Kisan. The main inhabitant of Kisan is Mechinagar
Municipality, Dhaijan and Bahundangi VDCs. They are also scattered in Khuttedangi,
Chilaunigaon, Itabhatti, Tokla bagan, Buttabari, Nakalabri and Shantinagar VDCs in Jhapa
district. They usually have clustered settlements and the houses comprise only two rooms.
Kisan have their own distinct culture and costmary practices, their language called "Sadri
language" that is somehow similar to Maithili language. They also speak Santhal, Meche,
Maithili, Rajbansi and Hindi languages. They celebrate their own festival called Chherta
(maghi) and Faguwa (Holy). They worship rivers, forests, and their ancestral deities. They
also follow Hindu religion and perform Hindu festivals.
Kisan have lack of their ethnic and cultural consciousness and awareness on IP identities.
They define Adibasi Janajati as group of people who are closely attached with and worshiper
of nature. Meanwhile, endangered and highly marginalized people are those who are not
access to power in centre level and small in population size as FGD participants revealed.
Nearly about two third of participants know that IPs have inherent rights to forest, land and
water so that they are inheritably deserved to have access to such resources. But nowadays,
they are not allowed to take some herbs in jungle that is necessary while performing social
function like marriage and Puja Aaja. Hence, the right of IPs is violated by state so needed
special attention to address such issues.
i. Education
Like other EHM-AJs, nowadays all Kisan children go to school. There is a primary school
two kilometres far from main village that takes more than 30 minutes on walk. According to
KII, about there are 12 Kisan students who have passed SLC and of them 3 have passed
bachelor degree. This shows that now awareness level of Kisan people in education is
encouraging. At the same time, however, dropout from high school is noticeable. The main
reason for it is reportedly poverty.
There are some teachers who can speak Kisan language in school but this language is not
used as medium of instruction. Regarding scholarship to children, they are completely
14
unknown, even though they have been receiving it up to primary school like other ethnic
children. There has been a door to door campaign before starting educational session and the
Kisan's organization was also encouraged to send their children to school.
ii. Health
Kisans do not have easy access to modern medical health services since health post is 5
kilometres far from their village. In the meantime, more than a quarter participants have felt
discriminating behaviour from staff in the health post. A participant said that staff treats well
when the patients seem to be educated and rich. From this point, it is clear that there are not
any staffs in health post to facilitate Kisan people. They do not have FCHVs from their
community as well.
They generally depend upon faith healers and traditional health practitioners to cure their
illness and diseases. They are not conscious about their health and health related behaviours.
Kisan people are not clean and neat in sanitation and personal hygiene. According to KII,
majority of Kisan households do not have latrines facility at home. They use open toilet at
field and children usually urinate outside home.
So far Kisan people have knowledge on VDC fund allocated for Adibasi Janajati but
surprisingly they do not have idea how to write proposal to demand the budget. By this time,
they have not taken the budge that is allocated from centre level to IPs and also don’t know
where the money is being spent. It shows that it is because of their lack of access in decision
making level even in VDC. Regarding allowances, participants all accepted receiving social
security allowance, old age allowance and maternity allowance regularly. However in VDC,
poor people are not treated well because they are not educated enough and there are no staffs
to help them dealing with VDC representative/staffs.
In the past decades, Kisan had their traditional organization called Kutum. The Kutum was led
by a chair known as Mahato to govern their community. But it does not exist now. At
present, they have modern organization, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan, associated with
NEFIN. It has contributed to Janajati movement and to organize cultural programmes to raise
fund for their organization.
Regarding participation in decision making level, no Kisan is representative in all party

mechanism in the Municipality. They reported that there is a Khadia in that committee but he
is not accessed any space in decision making level. Generally, Bramhin and Chhetris are in
power and have a strong influence in decision making process.
15
About two third of participants reported that they do not know any activities in the VDC that
are related to Adibasi and Dalits. There are political parties in Kisan community but still they
are not in decision making position.
Kisan have access on community forests like other ethnic population, although they are not
allowed to do any religious activities at jungle since they need Dhamira Ko Maato while
performing Puja Aja. Regarding drinking water, participants mentioned that there is safe
drinking water facility at village. Also they have access on irrigation that was constructed by
community people.
In electricity, only rich people have access on it and the poorer are still outskirt of this facility
at their home or community.
Kisans are basically farmers. Until some couple of decades ago, they used to be an enormous
land owning indigenous communities in Jhapa however; they did not have land ownership
certificates in their names. During 1964 and around, Bramhin and Chhetris captured their
land by hook or trick, in the mean time, government’s Land Reform Program also affected
them to turn in to virtually landless so that even though working as Kisan, they don’t own any
lands. Presently, only 30 percent have land about one to ten Katthas in their name and
majority of them live in landlords’ land.
Kisan have traditional irrigation although it is not sufficient for entire communities so that
they have to wait for monsoon during cropping. They produce paddy, maize and some
vegetables that barely help to survive for 6 months. Many of Kisan women work in Tea
Gardens and men pull Rikshaw in Mechinagar, Bhadrapur and Birtamod Bazaars to support
their family livelihoods. They are receiving supports or seeds, fertilizers and agro tools. There
are also credit and saving cooperative running by women groups and they are benefited now.
7. Access to and participation in development activities:
There are some development programmes run by non-government organization, Hate-Malo

Karyakram and Sahara Nepal, which are financially and technically supported by KOIKA
Japan. They are working in Kisan communities in Jhapa. Hate-Malo program is mainly
supporting scholarship to Kisan children in higher education while Sahara Nepal is concerned
in micro finance. The main working station of the organization is located at Dhulabari Jhapa.
However, no Kisans are employed in the organization. According to FGD participants, they
were informed before starting any program in village.
16
8. Summary and conclusions
Kisan have a good relationship with other ethnic people in neighbourhoods as they extend
hand in social and cultural functions. They perform "Karam Puja" annually that is distinct
from others'.
Kisan have been bypassed by taking land ownership license due to not having citizenship.
Moreover, they are humiliated by their Non-Janajati neighbours for associating in Janajati
organizations. In regards to education and health, primary school enrolment is encouraging in
Kisan communities although the health service access is not easy in term of distance and
discriminating behaviour of service providers. Furthermore, poor sanitation and hygiene
practice pulls them as backward. Their livelihood is heavily depends on sharecropping
agriculture though it is transforming to daily wage basis works in tea gardens, rickshaw
pulling and new generations work in groceries of Marwari. Kisan are now aware politically
so their involvement in IPs organization is increasing but still suppressed because they do not
feel having a space to forward their voices. Nowadays, they have been benefited by some
NGOs/INGOs including JEP to education, income generations and institutional development.
9. Recommendations
• Toilet facility and sanitation should be promoted in the village.

• Adult education to illiterate people.
• Vocational training to youth.
17
Table B.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kisan
Score Status
Kisan: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 11 5 9 5
18
B.3 MECHE
1. Introduction
Meche is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi

Janajati). Meche is the inhabitant of eastern Tarai of Nepal. They are also called “Bodo” and
consider themselves as clan (Bhaikhalak) of Rai/Limbu. The total population of Meche
recorded by Census 2001 is 3763. However, they themselves estimate their current
population as more than four thousand.
The current study is based on the information collected at ward 3 of Dhaijan VDC in Jhapa.
2. Access to Identity
Meche seem to have access to knowledge and understanding of Adibasi Janajati. Nearly all
FGD participants have expressed rightly who the Adibasi Janajatis are. Accordingly, the
population who has different language, religion and culture and living in ancestors’ place
called Adibasi. They also perceive as those whose culture has been disappearing and the size
of population is small are endangered and highly marginalized. Regarding knowledge on
right to self determination, they understand it in a simple way that right to access in human
rights but still could not express briefly in words or sentences.
i. Education
Literacy rate among Meche community is remarkably low since huge size of elder population
cannot read and write even their single name. However, nowadays, all the Meche children go
to primary school nearby village that is only half kilometre far. The school is located in the
village where the Bahun and Chhetri population reside. In the school, a large number of
students are Adibasi Janajati but no teachers are from their community. During FGD,
participants shared that the education level of Mache people is not satisfactory as there are
still considerably low number of children passed SLC. Meche girls are far behind in
education. They rarely go to school. They usually live at home for household chores,
collecting fodders and helping parents in farm.
As they reported, there is no discriminatory behaviour against Meche students in the school.
It was learned that teachers carry door to door campaign in every session of educational
calendar. However, about two third of participants disclosed that government school is not
strict enough maintaining discipline among students and they are not able to afford cost of
private school. Meche students are now getting scholarship that is classified as partial and
19
full. However, some students who are supposed to be beneficiaries for scholarship still not
benefited.
ii. Health
There is a health post in Meche community and people visit there during sickness. They also
believe in faith healer. They have one female community health volunteer (FCHV) from their
community and one traditional birth attendance to facilitate maternal and child health
program. However, lack of awareness on health and sanitation is certainly felt as problem
among Meches. The pig rising, local distillery and lack of pit toilets contribute in poor
sanitation. Again poor economic condition is reportedly referred to a primary reason of poor
health as they cannot afford to improve the living conditions. Though, the private health
services are available outskirt of their community but are beyond affordability of the Meche.
All participants have knowledge about VDC fund allocated in order to promote Adibasi
Janajati. They have already taken amount altogether Rs 27,000 (included previous and recent
budget) to work on preserving culture, religion and identity. Meches are receiving old age
allowances, single women allowance, and maternal incentives. However, some informants
opined that they prefer scholarship to their children in higher education including job security
in civil service rather than social security allowances. Regarding the attitude from and
towards VDC representative, nearly 50% of participants experienced good conduction
although there is still some discrimination against them.
4. Access to governance
Meche has their indigenous organization called “Meche Sibiary Affat” to attend to their
concerns and voice them at the decision-making levels. Nepal Adibasi Janajati Pratisthan
have supported amount Rs 54,000 to strengthen their organization, similarly, they are also
trying to raise fund at local level. This organization provides training for marketing their
agriculture product in the local market.
Effective participation of Meche in decision making level is not perceived. There is one
Meche in all party mechanisms in the VDC, but he feels that his voice is not considered in the
decision making where the Bahun and Chhetris are influential. However, this committee has
carried out some appreciative activities towards Dalit, women and disadvantaged
communities in providing allowances and training for women empowerment. They are also
associated with major political parties but not able to occupy vital posts so that they could
influence in decision making process.
20
Meche community has access in community forest in general, but their access is limited. It is
reported that they cannot collect sufficient fuel wood from the community forest, which
hampers their traditional occupation of making domestic alcohol that requires lots of fuel
wood.
Meche households have declining land holding and they have trimmed down to farming of
sharecropping (Adhiya) and wage labourer in others land. Their occupation is gradually
transforming into other sector like livestock breeding, small scale entrepreneurship and
services in Marwari's' shops. Some Meche people have land, but only 60% have ownership
certificate, as they are not aware about the process to acquire it. They do not have access to
canal irrigation and safe drinking water. Hand pump is fixed at each home in the community,
but they do not know about the quality of water.
Majority of Meche women are now attracted to alcohol production, pig rising followed by
farming wage labour and small scale vendors at local market. They have saving and credit
facility as well as seeds, fertilizers and agricultural modern tools supports from different
INGOs/NGOs. Despite of significant efforts to enhance socio-economic condition of Mache,
only 5-7% of them endure food management for whole year. However, the degree of
subsistence varies, about 40 percent have land to subsist for about 3-6 months in a year and
the remained moths have to thrive on different forms of livelihoods. They work as labours in
others farms and households. Nowadays, some Meches have acquired tractors and work as
drivers in Jhapa and some work as staff in the shops. Foreign labour migration has also been
increasing among Meche young people but still poor economic condition hinders them to pay
for high cost of migration.
With regards to access to participation in development activities, there are some NGOs and
INGOs aimed at improving livelihoods of Mache communities. They are namely DEPROSC
Nepal, LSF, and Sahara Nepal. They are mainly focused on income generation activities like
pig raising, hand pump fixing and seeds distribution. Also there are two Meches employed as
field worker in NGO.
Meche organization has good network with other Janajati organizations since they are
associated with NEFIN and holding vital position on decision making.
21
Mache preferred to call themselves as Kiranti since their customary practices, culture, rituals
are similar to Rai/ Limbus. They are now aware in education and modern health services. The
young generations go to school although private school is not affordable for them. In Meche
communities, girls are still bypassed by education because they are kept to home for house
chores. Meche children are treated and humiliated in the school surrounding due to poverty.
In modern health services, they visit health post but still private hospitals are beyond their
access. However, poor sanitation due to unmanaged pig raising and lack of health awareness
hinder them to expose to morbidity. They are receiving government social security such as
elderly citizen allowance, delivery incentives, and scholarship for children. Taking account
into access to political parties, Meches are affiliated with different parties though felt lacked
in decision making level.
Livelihood of Meches is now transferred from agriculture to subsistent activities such as

domestic alcohol production, pig raising, wage labourer and driving. The young generations
are attracted to foreign labour migration as well. There are some development activities
aiming to improve livelihood of these people. They have now good network and coordination
with other indigenous organizations.
9. Recommendation
• There is a discrimination practice against girls’ education so this issues need to

address through awareness program. Scholarship to Mache children in higher
education also felt essential.
• There is poor sanitation in Mache communities so health awareness program needed.
22
Table B.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Meche
Score Status
Meche: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 17 7 4 2
23
B.4 HAYU
1. Introduction
Hayu is one of the highly marginalized indigenous peoples living mainly in the hilly area of
Ramechhap and Sindhuli districts. Their dense settlements are found in three VDCs of
Ramechhap and four VDCs of Sindhuli districts. CBS data of 2001 reveals, the population of
Hayu is 1,821 and among them 929 is female and 892 are male. In Ramechhap VDC, only
683 populations are officially recorded. They have distinct culture and their mother tongue
know as Hayu language. Hayu mother tongue speaking populations are 1,473. Among them
896 are females and 847 are males. There is no program for preservation and promotion of
Hayu language.
Information about Hayu’s access to basic services was collected by using FGDs and KII at
Sukajor village in Mudajhor VDC.
Almost all the FGD participants identified Tamang, Sherpa, Hayu, Majhi as Adibasi Janajati.
While defining endangered and highly marginalized population, they identified Hayu, Raute
and Bankaria. This means they have knowledge about the indigenous identity. Also, they
have knowledge on government policy about social security to Hayu people. They
acknowledged self- rule and right to self determination as their inherent rights. During the
discussion, participants said that they are now capable of expressing their concerns in public
speeches and meetings. Also, their active participation in Adibasi affairs has been gradually
increasing. Similarly, they showed their concern about their small population size that may
lead soon to a verge of extinction.
i. Education
Two-fourths of the Hayu adults are still illiterate in Ramechhap district. However, adult
education for women was implemented in Sukajor village by support of Nepal Adibasi
Janajati Mahasangh District Coordination Committee but the program was already phased
out. Children go to secondary schools located in nearby villages. In Ramechhap, they walk up
to 30 minutes to go to the schools, an hour to go to high school and +2. Enrolment of Hayu
children in secondary school is satisfactory but the dropout rate in high school is
overwhelming. Involvement of children in household chore and agriculture, and poor
economic status are reported as major reasons for the drop out. Currently, there are 8 teachers
employed in secondary school located nearby but it is surprising enough to note that only one
teacher (B.Ed. passed) was Hayu and another one was Tamang, the rest are Bahun/Brahmin
24
and Chhetris. Similarly, the school management committee comprises high number of
Bramhin and Chhetris though in the school there is large number of Hayu children.
Scholarships of Rs 225 and Rs. 525 per head are distributed to Hayu children and girl
students respectively. The school teacher expressed that World Education's incentive program
(edible oil distribution to girl students) worked positively to meet 100 % enrolment in
primary schools and this trend is still continue. Hayu language is not used as medium of
instruction in school. The Hayu teacher teaches language to children at his home with
financial support of JEP-I project. According to the CBS report 2001, there are 75% of Hayu
language speakers in the Ramechhap district.
Literacy classes were also run under JEP-I project. Interestingly, the Chairperson of the
district unit of Adibasi Janajati Mahila Munch had joined as a student in a literacy program
run in her VDC. Now they have demanded for English language classes as they realized that
they are unable to communicate text messages in their mobile phones.
ii. Health
Hayu have a strong believe in their faith healers and traditional medicinal practices. They use
leaves, roots and barks of different plants and trees as medicine. There is a district hospital in
Ramechhap that takes one-hour-long walk from Sukajor and more than 3 or 4 hours from
other neighbouring VDCs. Majority of Hayu women do not prefer to visit hospital during
pregnancy as they consider home birth as an easy and natural phenomenon. Similarly, they
are too shy to share reproductive health problems with outsiders. In their village, a maternal
death occurred two years ago due to prolonged labour. Since then, they have started visiting
the health institution for Anti-natal Care (ANC). About thee-quarter of the FGD participants
mentioned that they are satisfied from the service provided by the hospital; however, only
two participants complained that they did not receive treatment in an appropriate way.
Hayu are physically thin and short. Sanitation and hygiene level are okay as they keep their
livestock in sheds located next to their main house. There are two FCHVs in the village.
Hayu are aware about immunization of new born children, and vaccination of pregnant
women etc.
iii. Government Social Security
All the participants of the FGD had knowledge about budget allocated to Adibasi Janajati by
the VDC. They have indeed used the money to build a school building. Old age allowance
endangered and marginalized allowance, widowed and single women allowances are
distributed on time. However, maternal incentive is not taken by women as they do not go to
hospital or health institution for safe delivery since the hospital is too far and they have no
access to transportation. Additionally, they feel shame to visit hospital.
25
Hayu do not have any customary and traditional organization, although they have a Guthi of
their traditional god called “Okshmi Devi”. They believe that the god came together with
them when they migrated in Ramechhap Hayu have traditionally been worshiping their deity
in spring. They strongly believe on power of the God and celebrate it f 15 days by singing,
dancing and worshipping. There is a secret place like a small scared place under the tree close
to the village, no one, except the religious priest, is allowed to enter the place; if any one
enters, they believe that something wrong would happen in the village. Hayu have self-
management system of their Guthi.
Concerning the all-party committee, both the key informants and FGD participants expressed
their concern that Hayu have passive involvement in the committee. Indeed, about 30 % of
the total VDC budget is allocated through this committee. They spent Rs 15,000 to a school
in a Tamang community and the remaining budget was decided to be invested on beekeeping
project in Hayu village. Another scheme was postponed for the next year. There are three
political parties that are active in practice in Hayu communities. The respondents reported
that only 2 Hayu are in semi-decision making level. They also felt that their voices are now
coming out through political parties also; but two participants differed with this view saying
that they are still shadowed by the political parties, e.g. they have not been able to fix
electricity poles in their areas as they have no access to political power that is required to do
such works.
5. Access to Natural Resources
Hayu have access to community forests but it is not adequate fulfil their needs of fodders and
firewood. They are allowed to use the forest once a year to collect winter fuel. For daily need
of fire wood, villagers collect it weekly on every Saturday. During life cycle rituals and social
functions such as marriage and feasts, Hayu are permitted to collect rotten timbers and woods
are permitted. Hunting in the forest is now not in practice anymore because of diminishing of
bushes. The forest user committee was formed in the year 062/063 B.S. to preserve and
protect the forest. Hayu are represented by 50% in the executive committee and remaining
50% members are from other caste, mainly Chhetris, and indigenous peoples living in the
Sukajor VDC.
They have access to piped water in each neighbourhood (Tole). During winter when the pipes
get dry, villagers walk up to 2 hours to fetch water from the nearby river. There is no
irrigation facility since late nineties when a traditional irrigation facility became defunct after
the water source dried out. They now depend on seasonal rain for irrigation. During
observation, the researchers observed that the topography of Hayu settlement is a bit rocky,
unfertile and sloppy. Which was aptly said by a key informant: “There is no use of having
enough Pakha Bari (“non-irrigated land”); the soil is not fertile at all”.
26
Regarding electricity, almost 80% of the total households get electricity at home, the rest who
do not have electricity at home use solar energy as its substitute.
The main crops cultivated by Hayus are maize, lentil (gahat) and buckwheat (phapar).
Beekeeping and Chiuri production are also other income generating activities. They make
cooking ghee (“clarified butter”) from chiuri. Traditionally, Hayu people used to give gift of
chiuri plant to their daughters to make a living, but it is no more in practice. In Sukajor VDC,
14 families, who live in the southern belt of the village with no access to electricity, are
homeless. Hayu are engaged in agriculture in their family farm. Nettle weaving is their
survival strategy as it provides income enough for about 2- 3 months in a year. They make
fermented rice (Jand) to sell or barter. At present, they are attracted to making soap from
chiuri, but it is not produced professionally. Some Hayu have started selling it in a small
scale. There are indeed good opportunities for business in soap production, if investment and
market creation would have been done properly. Hayu work as wage labourers and daily
wage rate to women and men is 1 Pathi and 12 Mana of grains respectively. Due to
continuing hardship for survival, Hayu young men now aspire to go to foreign countries,
especially Malaysia, Gulf countries and India, in search of work.
The Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAF) provided goat rising, pig keeping and vegetable farming
project for income generation in Hayu village-Sukajor. Unfortunately, such effort failed as
there is no access to fodders in the forest in winter to feed their goats. Also, Hayu do not have
enough knowledge and training for goat raising. Vegetable farming also did not succeed due
to lack of irrigation facility in the village. Therefore, farmers are not interested to borrow
money from cooperatives that provides money without charging interest.
In the Sukajor, drinking water scheme is under construction. The PAF has recently piloted
modern stove (Sudhariako Chulho) in 14 households. It has also conducted training to
making soap from Chiuri plant. The same organization supported to make pit toilet in the
VDC, however, toilet facility is not in every households. There are also some upcoming
projects on Beekeeping and Chiuri plant by support from LGCDP. Likewise, Rural Health
Development Project (RHDP); financially supported by SDC also had worked for six years in
reproductive health issues, but at present, this has been phased out.
Hayu in Sukajor had benefited Rs 199,000 from JEP-I project that was used to facilitate
income generation program. Some local NGOs such as the Tamakosi Sewa Samitee,
CDS/partnership with PAF, DEPROSC Nepal are currently working on different sectors.
Working station of all the organizations is in Manthali bazaar.
27
Hayu have social networks and security, such as the “Hayu Akata Samaj and Kirant Hayu
Sangh”, which are affiliated to Adibasi Janajati Mahasang. Three participants of the FGD
were central committee members of such organization.
Officials of most of the programs come to visit stakeholders in the village. The villagers are
generally informed about the programmes.
8. Summary and conclusion
Hayus are seeking access to basic services like education, health and participation to
governing body in local and centre level. Primary school enrolment of Hayu children has
reached to 100%. Access to health is still not considerable since these services are not easily
available in their villages. The VDC budget passes through the discussion of these people but
the participation in decision making level is seen not so active because their voices are not
coming up. Regarding to livelihood, food is not sufficient for them due to infertile soil and
land they have. So they seasonally migrate to India for work to support their livelihood.
Presently, the destinations are now expanding to Malaysia and other Gulf countries too. Some
development activities are now flourishing in Hayu villages to promote Chiuri and
beekeeping with the support of LGCDP. Likely, some NGOs/INGOs namely PAF/CDS,
DEPROSC Nepal, Tamakosi Sewa Samitee are also working to improve their livelihood
through training and income generation activities.
Taking account to Free Prior Informed Consent, they are asked earlier about the program and
plan although the decision does not seem to be in favour of Hayus.
9. Recommendations
• Chiuri is a source of butter among Hayu communities so that Chiuri planting should
be promoted along with providing them a machine to format butter. Due to sufficient
Chiuri plants, Beekeeping might be a good source of income so that there is a
program needs to tab these sources.
• Primary health care service should be reached in the areas.
• A strong coordination is needed among the IPOs.
28
Table B.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Hayu
Score Status
Hayu: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 11 6 11 2
29
B.5 SUREL
1. Introduction
Surel are considered as endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. They are aboriginals of the
Suri village of Suri VDC in Dolakha district. The total household of Surel, according to Surel
key informant, is now 33. Two Surel households are in the Khari VDC, i.e. neighbouring
VDC of Suri VDC. The total population of Surel is counted about 210. Surel are physically
stilled and polite in manner, they have got fair complexion in general.
They mentioned that they have their own tradition, customs, culture and language quite
similar to Sunuwars. Almost all of them speaks Surel mother tongue. The young generations
do not speak much of their language which indicates that it is in the verge of extinction.
They worship and respect nature moreover they also worship ancestral God and Goddesses.
Some of them also stated that they are influenced by Hindu religion therefore worship and
follows Hindu religion.
All the FGD participants were able to explain the term Adibasi/Janajati. Accordingly, Adibasi
refers to those communities who has their own traditional customary, religion, culture, and
own language. All of them could not classify endangered and highly marginalized indigenous
peoples. They said that Surel is one of the endangered people because of rapidly disappearing
culture, language and costume. They are not offshoots of the Sunuwar; instead they are
original indigenous peoples of their ancestral land. They have demanded the state for right to
education, job security in civil service and so on.
i. Education
Generally, majority of elder people, 40 years and above, are still illiterate. Nowadays they
have felt need and importance of education of their children. There is a primary school just
close to the village. For further study, children have to walk 1 and half an hour distance to go
to the school. So far, only 11 Surel students have graduated S.L.C and above. Among them,
only one boy works in Janajati project at Charikot. Some boys went abroad in search of
employment and some are looking for job opportunities. In Surel communities, school drop
out was extremely high before 061/062 B.S. as they used to go to Indian cities such as
Darjeeling, Kalingpong and Calcutta in search of daily wage works. However, this is reported
that this tendency is presently getting low due to financial supports from JEP. Numbers of
30
Surel students who pass S.L.C. are gradually increasing every year; and this year, 3 students
are appearing in the S.L.C. exam.
Regarding scholarship to Surel student, the basic amount starts from Rs. 1,000 when enrolled
in in class 1, and it increases by Rs. 100 in each upgraded class. They have benefited by
stationary and uniform support from the Janajati Mahasang. Surels are quite happy and
excited to receive educational incentives program that is given to them. Meanwhile, there was
another scholarship for girl student too by "Education for All programmes", and the amount
is decided to be Rs. 175 each household but this benefit is later on given to poor students of
other castes (Dalit and Khatris) without their consent. The school management committee
said that they do not to give two facilities to one student. However, they did not complain
about it. The chairperson of the School management committee is a Chhetri and he has been
holding the post for the last 10 years. Similarly, the teachers in the school are Bahun and
Chhetri. All the FGD participants did not feel that they and their children have been
discriminated by the teachers.
Most of them do not attend school regularly; because of poverty they work in the house and
also as labourers. Their language is not taught in schools. There has not been any specific
effort to preserve and promote Surel language.
ii. Health
There is a health post in Suri VDC, which is two hour far from Surel community. They prefer
faith healers and traditional medicine. For treatment, they use herbs, bark of the trees, leaves
and roots. If faith healers fail to cure, then only they visit the health post. Surel suffer from
Uric Acid during cropping season. Till now, no one had felt discriminated by service
providers in health post; the health post in-charge is from the Tarai. They said “Doctor is not
available when they become sick and they do not get sick when doctors are available.”
Taking account into hygiene and sanitation, Surel keep their houses neat and clean. They
construct beautiful houses by using mud and stone and slates are used for roof. They keep
their cattle in sheds that is a bit far from main house. In Surel village almost every household
have a toilet, but a few do not have even a pit latrine. Sanitation is satisfactory in the village.
Almost all children get immunization, however, safe delivery in health institution is
remarkably low as the health post is too far. ANC visits the health post and FCHV provides
counselling to pregnant women and provide Rs 100 for each visit; hence number of Surels
visiting health post is now increasing.
They know about the VDC budget for development of the indigenous nationalities, they have
been spending the money in rural road construction. They collect old age allowance and
social security allowance together with and not getting any problem yet. The VDC secretary
and local leaders treat them in good manner.
31
So far Surel do not have traditional governance system but they do believe to have it long
ago. Currently, they have their tribal organization known as the "Surel Utthan Samaj" which
was established in 2060 B.S. This organization is affiliated with NEFIN when Dr. Om
Gurung was the general secretary of NEFIN. They are actively involved in all party
mechanism too. The chairperson of the organization said, "if the decision makes against to
Surel people, we bunk the meeting." Also, they said that they are now empowering women in
decision making level as the male have to go outside village in search of work and women
always remained at village. For instant, there is high volume of women in executive body in
various committee and they were actively participating in FGD. Politically, four parties
Maoist, CPN-UML, Nepali Congress and Rastriya Prjatantra Partiy are active in their
community.
They know indigenous peoples’ right to forest, land and water. They believed to have their
private Kipat primitively in Suri VDC, although at present there are community forests that
have coverage of about 166 hectors, which are divided into three clusters. These forests are
not adequate for them as the users are huge in number that counts about 200 households;
again the forest is mostly bushes; so fodder and fuels not sufficiently available in the village.
In the same time, forests are decreasing due to rural motorable road construction.
Regarding drinking water, they have a tap fixed in each neighbourhood (Tole). All together
there are nine such taps. This project was completed with the support of Janasip (Adibasi
Janajati project) in 2066 B.S. This facility was generally aimed to support Surel community
and they have shared it with other neighbours too who are Newar and Chhetri. For
maintenance and repairing, they have formed a committee that inspects while the tap and
pipes broken.
There is no any irrigation facility at Surel communities; they have been using piped water in
vegetable farming/ For cultivation, they depend on monsoon rain which shows lack of
irrigation in the area even having huge river flowing just a bit down the village.
Surel had plenty of cultivating and grazing land until the democracy Era, although it was sold
to other caste and ethnic groups and some were captured by the smart people. There is a
hydro power plant in Suri VDC that provides 24 hours electricity facility in Surel village.
They pay Rs. 80 monthly; some poor people (two households of Dalit) who are not able to
pay using electricity freely. While fixing electricity at the community, they are paid only for
house wiring; the rest like polling, and other labour cost is supported by hydro company.
32
Surel heavily depends on agriculture and remittance from India. However, traditionally they
used to work for the Chhetri. Now, departure from this practice is emerged as they are now
attracted to India. They still use traditional cropping methods; wheat, maize, millet and paddy
in small scale are main grains are produce. Also, they produce seasonal vegetables in the
farms Agriculture production is enough for 2 months to 60%, 4 months to 30 % and 6 months
to 10% of the Surel households. They also earn from others’ land in crop sharing basis
(Adhiya Kheti). To make a living for the remaining months, they seek daily wage works not
only in their village but also in Indian cities like Sikkim, Darjeeling, Bhutan and Kolkata.
Surel male is a bread winner of their families. They seasonally migrate to India in off season
farming; most of them work dish washing in hotel/restaurant, loading unloading and porter.
While in village, the wages is rated Rs.100 for male and Rs 50 for female respectively.
Apart from rural road construction and social security allowance to Surel, there is no any
development program provided by the government. Some local NGOs are working in income
generation activities by providing support to farmers by distributing free seeds and technical
support in vegetable farming for the last six years. There are also saving and credit
cooperative that lends money to its members with annual interest of 10%. It is not running
effectively as the borrower never return loan on time. With regards to vegetable farming,
Surel people had experienced good results, like 5 kilograms cauliflower in a single plant,
tomatoes etc and they were quite exited for that as well although there is no market access
nearby as the rural road is still under construction.
Taking account into social network, they have organization of their own “Surel Uthhan
Samaj”. They also keep good relation with social organizations of other indigenous peoples
such as the Sunuwar Samaj, Tamang Ghedung etc. They have not done any program jointly.
They are closely working with Janaship. So far a Surel is employed in the project. Regarding
free prior inform consent, no program can be launched in their community without
consultation with the Surels. However, a young lady who used to teach in the primary school
in absence of head teacher was expelled and she was not well informed regarding staff
recruitment process in the school. Another lady received an appointment letter from the
district headquarter and rejected her for not having teaching license with her.
In the recent past, Surels have reinvented their almost lost identity as Surel. Since their
ancestors had identified them as Sunuwar. These days, many Surels, especially the younger
generation, want to be recognized and identified them as Surel rather Sunuwar as a result of
their increased awareness and pride of their indigenous identity. In Suri village, in addition to
Surel, other co-residents are Newar, Chhetris, Khatri and Dalits. It is reported that due to
33
contact with others, young Surels have been assimilating gradually with others. Inter-ethnic
marriage to Newar is strappingly in practice.
Surel are much aware of education and health services along with active participation in
decision making process. However, absence of men in village because of seasonal migration
to India, women are now actively participating in development activities. Currently high
school pass out rate of Surel children has increased in the local school. Likely, ANC visit in
health institution also effective. They have safe drinking water access at their village and
rural road is under construction.
There are some NGO/INGOs working in income generation and saving credit programs
although lack of access to market is hindering them. As per these findings the following
recommendations are forwarded.
9. Recommendations
• Income generation through goat raising, bamboo production and vegetable farming
are potential income sources. So market access should be develop by building road
construction.
• There should be some quotas in local job centres or civil services to promote Surel
students.
34
Table B.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Surel
Score Status
Surel: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 16 7 5 2
35
B.6 BANKARIA
1. Introduction
Banakariyas are one of the 59 indigenous peoples of Nepal recognized by the Nepal
government. Their ancestral homeland is located in the Handi Khola VDC of Makawanpur
district in Narayani Zone in the Central Developmental Region. It is 30 kilometer far away
from Hetauda, the district Headquarter. The total population of Banakaria in this VDC is 66
which comprise 37 females and 29 males. There are only 13 households in the Handi Khola
VDC and only one in the adjacent Prasa district. The Chepangs claim that they are members
of the Chepang as they speak Chepang language but the Bankarias claimed that they are
separate from the Chepangs, though their culture, tradition and language are similar. They
speak their own language. Almost all speak their mother tongue. There is no specific study is
conducted to preserve and promote Bankaria language.
Bankarias are animist worshiper and they worship nature and their ancestors. Their traditional
festival on ancestor worship is known as Nawagi. Out of the 13 households, four have been
converted into Christian religion. They said that life became so hard for them due to expenses
in traditional rituals. In Christian religion there is no such demand of goat, rooster, hen etc.
The Jhakri demand such things which they cannot afford due to poverty. Those who have
become Christian they say life have became easier being Christian.
NEFIN and NFDIN have categorized Banakariyas as one of the endangered indigenous
peoples of Nepal. In its recently submitted report to the Prime Minister, the task force formed
by the Government to revise the list of indigenous peoples has denied separate identity of the
Bankarias as they have merged them with the Chepangs.
The participants of the FGDs and key informants were unaware about the meaning of Adibasi
Janajati. Only one female participant was able to tell the meaning of endangered/highly
marginalized indigenous peoples. She said that they themselves belong to this category
because they are the one who have been in the verge of extinction as they have lost their land,
language, culture, tradition, customs etc.
They do not have any knowledge about the term right to self-determination and Free, Prior
and Informed Consent (FPIC).
Due to illiteracy and lack of information of outside world they have no access to identity.
Few years before none of them had received citizenship certificates and they were deprived
from getting various opportunity and support provided by the government. Recently 23
36
Bankarias got citizenship certificates. As a result, they have received various types of help
and support from the government.
Nowadays the Government and NGOs consult the Bankarias while implementing any
program in their community. They, however, do not take Free, Prior and Informed Consent
(FPIC) with the Bankarias.
i. Education
Regarding to access to education, there are 2 schools in the Handi Khola VDC. In the primary
school (Chepang primary school) mostly Chepang and Tamang children are enrolled.
Different caste/ethnic group children study in the Sri Pashupati Secondary School.
The Bankaria children study with free ship. The schools provide them school dress, books
and snacks in the school for free. Currently, the dress is given no more. VDC has promised to
provide NRs. 10/- per student but it has not been implemented yet. There are risks to cross
the river on the way to school during monsoon when the rivers are flooded. During that time
children are afraid to go to school. During admission time there is door to door campaign for
encouragement for educating children. Bankaria students enrolled in the class 1 to class 5,
each student receive Rs. 5,000 and 3,000 respectively.
Education is not provided in Bankaria mother tongue in the school and there is no mother
tongue speaker teacher in the school. The Government has given facilities to endangered
indigenous peoples including the Banakariyas children are admitted in school but due to lack
of knowledge and illiteracy some of them still do not attend school. Among those who attend
schools also mostly dropout.
ii. Health
There is a health post in the village which is half an hour far from the village. There is a
mixed community in the health post area. Bankarias go to the health post when they become
sick. They also believe in faith healers and traditional healing system. Sometimes they go to
Dhami/Jhankri for treatment. They use herbs such as leaves, barks and roots as medicine.
They can identify most of the plants and roots which have medicinal values. Bahuns/Chhetris
go to health post more than the Bankarias. There is no staff from their community in the
health post but staffs that are from other caste/ethnic groups treat them well. Christian
Bankarias go to pastor for blessing cure during sickness.
During pregnancy some of them visit health post for the check up. Before, they used to give
birth to a child in the forest. Now, they have access to immunization and polio drops.
37
Government health workers from the hospital come in the village for immunization and
feeding polio drops.
There is no traditional institution in Bankaria community but they manage to resolve any
conflict by themselves. They have not participated in both the government and non-
governmental organizations. They have no representation in indigenous people's
organizations because they are unaware about the IPOs. Some Bankarias are general member
in political parties. There is a committee with 9 members comprising Bankaria and Chepang
but they do not know the name of the committee.
Bankarias do not have access to the All-Party-Committee (Sarbadaliya Samiti). The political
parties that are active in their village are the Nepali Congress, CPN Maoist, CPN UML, and
Rastriya Prajatantra Party. None of the Bankaria is affiliated with any political party.
Bankaria female, named Thuli Maya Bankaria is a member in the Integrated Plan
Formulation Committee (Ekikrit Yojana Tarjuma Samiti). They were of the view that they
have no influence in decision making.
They do have access to governmental and community forest. They collect edible fruits, roots,
plants and leaves from nearby forest. In the past they had the Bankaria Khola forest but now
it has been incorporated in the Prasa Wildlife Preservation Centre. They are allowed to use
forest for death rituals. Hunting is strictly prohibited.
They drink water from the nearby stream. There is access to water in the upper side of the
village where other caste people live. Bankarias brought pipe water in their area by using
pipes that were left out during construction of water supply in the village. They also irrigate
the land from nearby stream.
They don’t have access to electricity. They, however, have solar energy in all 13 households.
It was provided by the NFDIN. Currently, these solar panels are not working properly. Most
of the solar panels are not functioning because of problems in its batteries. They are
demanding that the NFDIN should help because buying new batteries is expensive which
they cannot afford. When solar is not working they usually use kerosene for lighting purpose.
Regarding the land, government has given permission to use 9 hectares of forest land that
falls within the Parsa Wildlife Preservation Centre to them to protect the forest. They do not
have their own land but they have built their own houses near the edge of the forest and bank
of the Tongrakhola River. They have cultivated the land and use it for agricultural purposes.
38
Poverty Alleviation Fund (PAF) has launched some program in Bankaria such as goat raising
and vegetable farming which has helped to improve their livelihood. They sell vegetables like
radish, potato, corn, beans, tomatoes etc. Before launching fish farming, PAF asked them
whether they want it or not? With their consent PAF provided fish farming to each of the 12
households and build 12 ponds respectively. During the field visit it was observed that these
fish farming ponds were not working for some time.
They have raised pigs in their own initiation. It has helped them to make some money. Before
they used to practice slash and burn/ shifting cultivation, but now it is not in practice. There is
no any kind of income generation program implemented by the government and the NGOs.
They do not have access to seed and fertilizer. Food is enough for 6 months only.
One of the staff of the District Education Office said that for income generating programs for
neo-literate Dalit and endangered indigenous women, if they put Rs. 10,000/-. District
Education Office add on Rs. 10,000/- But the Bankarias have no idea about it. When this
information was shared with them during the FGDs, they said that they can not put Rs.
10,000/- by themselves.
District Education Office provides training for skill development, such as kitchen garden
vegetables, goat raising, poultry, pig raising, and candle making, if the participants are small
in number. If there is more than that then they will go and give training in their won
settlement.
Local Governance Community Development Program (LGCDP) has been implemented in the
Bankaria area. There is no such program like Millennium Development Goals (MGDs) and
Education for All (EFA) programs.
District Development Committee (DDC) consulted them while constructing retaining walls at
the river bank. DDC and VDC inform them whenever they have some budget for them. In the
past, the VDC allocated Rs. 30,000/-. The DDC provided support for ginger plantation. They
have demanded Rs. 50,000/- for their development from the VDC. They are thinking of
demanding Rs.1,00,000/- this year. They had received clothes, blankets, bitten rice, rice,
meat, buffalo and Rs. 500/- as monthly allowances from the DDC during Dashain festival.
They have been receiving elderly allowance, endangered allowance, single women
allowance, disabled allowance from the VDC. They have not received maternity allowance.
There is a good environment for them in VDC but there is no staff from the Bankaria
community. The behaviour of staff towards them is good. Those organizations who
39
implement the programs in their areas do not inform them about the program. They do not
take Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC).
Bankaria is one of the highly marginalized indigenous people of Nepal. They are arguably
similar to Chepang and the Chepang activists consider them as the part of Chepang. But they
claim that they are separate from Chepang.
Banakariyas’ lifestyle have changed drastically recently. In the past they were living in dire
poverty; they had no food to eat, and cloth to wear. Now they have food sufficiency for 6
months; they have house to live; and they raise goats, pigs and chicken for income. Their life
has become more secured tan before. Most of the female participants said that now their life
has been living like in a heaven.
They have low level or no idea about the IP and their rights. Even FPIC is new for them. In
the studied area, they have access to primary education. They have access to primary health
post, but like in the other communities they do not go to health post most of the time due to
the absence of the health workers and lack of medicine.
They do not have their traditional political institution. Also, they have no access to local
bodies of governance. Bankarias are prevented from the safe drinking water and forest. Many
of them are homeless too.
There is no development programmes implemented in their community. They have increasing

dependency on outsides. This is because they lack basic requirements to live in. They feel
that they are losing their position in the decision making bodies/ mechanisms due to their
absence in participation.
9. Recommendations
• Education should be provided to the Bankaria women.

• Awareness programs for their rights should be launched in Bankaria.
• Need land in their own name.
• Awareness raising program
• Income generating activities training
• Need drinking water
• Training on IPs issues
40
Table B.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bankaria
Score Status
Bankaria: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 10 7 2 11
41
B.7 KUSHBADIA
1. Introduction
Kushbadia is enlisted as one of the endangered indigenous peoples of Nepal. Adibasi Suchi
Parimarjan Uchha Stariya Karyadal has recommended them that they are not IPs. So, they
have removed them from the list. But the task force only recommended to the Nepal
government which is not approved by Nepal Government so far. So, till the date the
Kushbadia is an endangered Adibasi Janajati. Their identity is very contradictory. Some say
that they are Dalit and some say they are Adibasi Janajati They are also enlisted in Dalit by
Dalit Aayog. They are also known as Patharkatta. There is a big issue about their identity. It
should be solved by the government with consultation with NEFIN, NFDIN and Dalit
Commission.
They are one of the smallest communities and the population is around 550. They are mainly
found in western parts of Nepal namely Rupandehi, Nawalparasi, Bara, Bake, and
Kapilbastu.
As mention by the participants in the FGD they are happy and go around with their own
communities and do not mix up with other groups. Their traditional occupation is that they
carve stone and make pestles, motors and millstones. Make money by selling the stuffs in the
villages, town and cities. It is believed that they make broom and robes out of grass called
Kush so they are named after it Kushbadia.
According to participants in the FGD, Kushbadia are unknown about Adibasi Janajati and
highly marginalized and endangered Adibasi Janajati. Some male were little bit known about
the Adibasi Janajati term. They said that who have been living in that land (patkhauli) since
ancient time are the Adibasi but female were totally unaware about it.
They do not know about rights to self-determination except one had some knowledge in this
regard. They are unknown about FPIC. According to them, none of the organization or
NGOs takes FPIC before coming to their community.
Mukti Prasad Kushbadia is the one key person in Kushbadia community who is the school
teacher by profession. He is also involved in Kushbadia's representative organization
'Kushbadia Utthan Sangh'. He also represents NEFIN DCC Rupandehi as a member.
According to him, the reason behind no access of Kushbadia to all sectors of basic needs is
nomadic life style as well as illiteracy. According to him, the awareness level of Kushbadia
women is zero compare to men.
42
i. Education
According to Kushbadia, there is a school nearby their village. Near the school there are
Tharu, Kurmi, Mali and Chamar settlement. They don’t go school regularly because they are
nomadic people. They go to school according to their willingness. Parents take their children
together whenever they go for work their traditional occupation is carving stone making
Silauto pestal. Their children go with them in the river banks to collect stones and help them.
In comparison, Tharu, Chamar children go to school regularly their have easy environment to
go to school but for Kushbadia children it is different situation.
According to them, their children have difficult to understand the Nepali language at school
because no Kushbaida language speaker in the school. Due to this, Kushbadia children don’t
want to attend school. Their demand is that they need teaching in Kushbadia language up to
primary level. Till the date, one Kushbadia male B Ed and one Kushbadia female have pass
S.L.C. respectively.
Though there is the scholarship scheme in school, they don’t send their children to school
because they have to be busy with their subsistence maintenance. No Kushbadia children got
scholarship. According to them, no incentive programs for Kushbadia's education have
launched so far. But A Key informant said in interview that once the school head master had
gone to Kushbadia village to inform about the scholarship but the parents did not send their
children to school. Behind the reason to be back in education, Kushbadia think of their
ancestors were uneducated, so they are also uneducated and unaware. They blamed that
school provides books once in a year but school takes much money at admission time. They
are not in school management committee.
ii. Health
There is one health post, located 3 km far from Kushbadia community where mostly Yadav,
Kurmi, Bahun and Chhetri reside. There is a government hospital it takes 20 minutes walk to
reach the hospital. Kushbadia believe on shamanism (Jharfuk) when they are sick. They don’t
go to health post due to very low economic condition. The other communities such as Yadav,
Kurmi, Bahun, and Chhetri who have money and are aware on health visit health post
frequently. According to them, nobody give them credit in time of need. They have been
practicing traditional healing system or natural treatment since long time they usually do not
prefer modern treatment. Faith healers are called gurubai in their community. They opinion
contradict because some said there is normal behaviour in health post and other said
abnormal. The health post staffs do not treat properly, just give the citamol. The behaviour of
the doctor is also not good they are very rude to them. There are no Kushbadia speaker staffs
in the hospital and health the post.
43
According to them, there is no health volunteer, midwives or Sudeni from Kushbadia
community because lack of education. There is Sudeni from Chamar community. According
to them, they don’t immunize the children because of their life style as nomad. Sometime
they have opportunities to feed polio drop, vitamin A distribution occasionally when they are
in the village otherwise they miss the opportunity if they are working in the river banks. They
don’t take iron, calcium etc during pregnancy and also don’t go to hospital for delivery
because of far distance and lack of money. They go to Bhairahawa hospital for treatment.
They have not gone to hospital by ambulance till now. In case of emergency they go by
bicycle.
According to them, there is no toilet in their village. They do toilet outside on the road,
stream, river bank and open field. They wash hand with ash and sometimes soap. They often
suffer from water born diseases because of poor sanitation condition.
They worship of Mata Maharani Dhamin Thakurayan. They offer Kapur and light incense
when they worship. They say sometime the man dies during worshipping time.
iii. Social Security
They are unknown about the budget allocated for Indigenous Peoples development. They
have no access to it. Till today they have not got any budget so for. Except one Kushbadia, no
others have taken elderly allowance from the VDC. The Kushbadia women have not taken
elderly allowances because they don’t have citizenship certificate. They opined behind the
reason for not getting elderly allowances, they are not informed about allowances by
concerned authorities. They can't get information due to lack of education.
Though they have access to go to VDC office in terms of geographical distance, they feel that
they don’t have easy environment in VDC. The VDC secretary lives in Bhairahawa. There is
no Kushbadia speaker at VDC. They feel that the VDC staffs don’t treat them as normal
because of poor and uneducated.
Kushbadia have their traditional institution i.e. ‘badaghar’. The badghar manages the quarrel,
dispute, fight etc. This institution manages case affairs among their community. Kushbadia
do not go to court for justice. If anyone in their community finds out that they have to the
court Kusbadia gets angry and give punishment.
Till the date not any organizations have supported to develop organization. In this institution,
there is no female participation.
They mention that they are unaware about all party mechanism. Nobody cares them or don’t
involve them in any kind of committee because of being poor. So, they don’t have access to
44
all party mechanism committee. No one has is participated in VDC level committee for any
works.
According to them, all party mechanism committee has not heard their demand. The
mechanism has not decided the effective and fruitful decision for ethnic group, women and
Dalit. Only one, Mukti Prasad Kushbadia has heard about the all party mechanism among all.
They blamed that due to no access, the all party mechanism committee has not decided any
for deprived community so far.
They are not involved in any political parties. There is no political party existed in Kushbadia
community. Leaders come to ask vote during election time. Leaders provide them alcohol
and meat during election period for vote but later they do nothing for them. They have
requested that Kushbadia's demand should be fulfilled by NEFIN and NEFIN DCC.
Kushbadias are landless people. They don’t have access on forest, drinking water and land.
They fetch drinking water from other's tap. They are demanding tap water to the government.
According to participants, they need other more tap water because currently they have been
drinking water from one tape by 6 HHs publicly.
According to them, they don’t have access on natural resources or government forest. Instead
government has restricted to dig or cut the stone for making silauto near the river bank. They
religious place to worship in the forest has restricted by government to enter in the forest.
Their ancestral Goddess is Masuniya, Dhamin and Mata Maharani Thakurien in nearby
house or house garden.
They have no irrigation system too. They don’t have access to community based irrigation
system.
According to them, they have no access to electricity. They use kerosene for lighting and fire
wood for cooking. Sometimes they cook from the straw. They have no full of access to fire
wood too.
Kushbadias are landless. They don’t work on other's farm too. They have a single house in
landlord's land. The landlords are Kurmi. They have been living in landlord's land for long
time. Till the date landlord has not said to leave the land. Nobody has own land registered
certificate in their names. There is no citizenship certificate of Kushbadia's women.
Concerned authority and male members doesn’t want to provide Kushbadia women
citizenship certificate. Again they themselves are very ignorant and do not want to have it as
said by some of the participants.
45
Their livelihood is depended on their traditional silauto making profession. The product
made by them is sometimes exchanged with goats and grains. It is being very difficult to
maintain hand to mouth problem from their profession. According to them, there is no
alternate doing daily wage labour. The government has restricted to dig out the stone at river
bank. So, they are being displaced from their traditional profession. They have no alternate
skill instead of making silauto. They respect and love their traditional professional and want
to preserve and promote it. Their profession is overshadowing by modern equipment like
mixture/grinder etc. Living standard is very very low.
Before they used to hunt and trap animals in the forest for the survival and killed wild cats,
rabbits, foxes, tortoise, etc. Nowadays government have restricted to go to the forest. They
also make their living by working as the agriculture labour during planting and harvesting. In
exchange of labour they receive cash sometimes kind like grains, paddy so on.
Kushbadias are fully unknown about any government plan and programs as well as non-
government programs such as poverty alleviation fund. They don’t have access to any kind of
livelihood programs, cooperative and education for all. They opined that nobody wants to
consult or provide them loan because they are poor. They don’t also have access to seed,
fertilizer and agricultural instruments because of landless.
They opined that no one has launched development programs in Kushbadia community. They
are unaware of development programs. Mostly people come to ask them at election time only.
According to them, leaders provide them food like alcohol, meat during election time. They
stated that because of poverty they feel happy to have good foods. During election time,
leaders come and pretend to develop Kushbadia community if they vote them. They said that
leaders never come back to village after election.
According to them, many NGOs are working in their village but no one has done any work
for Kushbadias. Only DCC and NEFIN have conducted some.
Kushbadias are rarely member in any organizations. Only one member Baddri Kushbadia is
elected to NEFIN secretariat. NEFIN has given some training on problem identification and
employment training.
8. Summary and Conclusions
Among 24 EHM-AJs, Kushbadia seems very miserable condition in terms of identity as well
as poverty. They are semi-nomad with landless and depend on daily subsistence based job
46
like stone grinder (silauto). They do not care of children education, health and also not taking
full care of them by government too.
9. Recommendations
Demands of Kushbadia Community:

• At first government should register the land or give land to Kushbadia.
• Citizenship to male and female.
• When service provider organizations work in Kushbadia community, they have to
take FPIC with Kushbadia.
• The identity of Kusbadia is still unclear. Kushbadias want to be listed as Adibasi
Janajati but they have been treated as untouchables in the society by high caste
Hindus.
• Need access to collect stone in the river banks
• Preserve the skills traditional occupation
• Preserve Kushbadia language.
• Government should provide free education to the Kushbadia children up to +2 level.
NFE class should run at time because they are not free in the day.
• They need clean drinking water.
47
Table B.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kushbadia
Score Status
Kushbadia: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 1 3 12 14
48
B.8 KUSUNDA
1. Introduction
Kusunda is one of the endangered ethnic groups of Nepal, which is nearly at the physical
disappearance. Kusunda population is 164 according census 2001. In Dang, their population
is about 40 to 45 living in nine to ten families. They are in Halbar, Hapur Bijauri, Bhaluhang
and Jhanam VDCs of Dang and Rolpa districts of Mid-west Nepal.
According to focus group discussion, most of them were not aware about the meaning of
Adibasi Janajati. Some of them said those people who have own culture and language are
Adibasi Janajati. One of the key informants said that state policy and influence of Hinduism
at present most of the Kusundas prefer to be introduced as Thakuri since from long time they
are regarded as low caste. In order to avoid harassment and extremism, they hide their real
ethnic identity.
Kusunda have their own language and own rituals (Kul Devta). However, only a few
Kusundas speak their language. Although they do not belong to Hindu caste system, they are
frequently looked down and discriminated as untouchables by Hindu high caste group such as
Bahun, Chhetri, and Thakuris.
According to the focus group discussion, due to the poverty, no education and unawareness
Kusundas are fully excluded by community. They were not associated in any committee or
full and effective participation. They were unknown on the subject of right to self
determination and free prior inform consent.
i. Education
A very few Kusunda children go to school. Even if they go to school, drop out rate is high
among Kusunda children. One of the key informants said, almost all Kusundas are illiterate.
In their settlement there is a school nearly. But no Kusundas are involved in school
management committee.
In addition to poverty for not going to and high dropout from the school, Kusunda children
also encounter other problems in the schools. During discussion with the children, it was
revealed that Kusunda children are often harassed and abused by other children and even by
the teachers. As per their version, to buy dress, books, bags and writing materials are beyond
their capacity.
49
ii. Health
It is reported that Kusunda have access to modern health system. There is one health post
closed to their area. One of the key informants said that medicines are not available for them
in that health post.
Kusunda do not have access to good sanitation. Some of them are using open field area or
forest area for toilet purpose. Only few of them have toilet in their home. Kusunda have poor
health status.
They rely on stream for all purposes. Lack of these basic services is certainly a problem
among the Kusunda. Again poor economic condition is referred as a primary reason of poor
health as they cannot afford to improve the living conditions.
Kusunda have their own religious belief system that they use traditional healer (Dhami/
Jhakri). One of them said that traditional belief may be a barrier to use of available health
services. Poor economic condition also compels them to prefer traditional healer instead.
Private health services are also available in the Kusundas settlement, but these services are
expensive for them. So, they rarely use private health services.
Kusundas do not have their own traditional institution. One of the key informants said, before
they had their traditional institution but due to influence of Hinduism they had already lost it.
According to the FGD, Kusunda are not associated in all party mechanism. They do not have
access to VDC/DDC budget. Most of the Kusunda are not involved in political parties.
According to them, There are mainly eight political parties exist in their DDCs. The political
parties are Nepali Congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist Party of
Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Rastriya Janamukti Party,
Sadbhawana Party, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, etc.
However, no Kusundas are associated with these political parties.
According to them, they have heard about the rights of indigenous peoples to natural
resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place and how to hold it.
Kusunda use tube well for drinking water. They do not have access to community forest.
However, they use government forest for their purpose.
50
6. Access to Livelihood
Most of the Kusundas do not own land or property. They live in small huts built on
wastelands near forest and seek employment as agriculture labourer in the surrounding areas.
Some adult and youth Kusundas have also gone to India for wage labour.
According to FGD, none of the Kusundas have access to income generating activities. Some
Kusundas still depend on forest for their livelihood. They hunt animals and birds and collect
roots and fruits in the forest for their sustenance. They also collect honey in the forests. Most
of the Kusundas have no land for cultivation.
They do not have access to VDC budget and allowance for endangered highly marginalized
Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. They are not
getting the budget form long period. The main reason is that the surname they put in the
citizenship is different such as Sen, Thakuri, etc. A few Kusunda are getting the allowance
for ageing people in there communities.
There are no NGOs and INGOs working in their settlement. According to them, they do not
know about free, prior informed consent (FPIC).
Kusundas are nearly losing their physical identity as the total households are nearly 10 living
in Dang and Rolpa districts. Kusundas prefer to showup them as Thakuris who are considered
as high caste. As a result their ethnic identity is disappearing. They are illiterate and unaware
about Adibasi Janajati. Nowadays, Kusunda children go to school although they drop out by
the end of primary level because of harassment and abused by higher cast children. Their
sanitation and personal hygiene is poor. Most of them do not have toilets at home. They
prefer traditional faith healers rather than modern health facilities because there is not enough
medicine in health post and private hospitals are beyond of their access.
Kusundas do not have political awareness and are not affiliated with any political parties. At
the same time, they are unknown about IPs rights to natural resources. Economically, they are
deprived because they do not have land. They live in makeshift huts built on wastelands near
forests to seek works in agriculture. They do not have access in income generation activities
since they still depend on forest for their livelihoods. Regarding development activities, they
do not have access to VDC budget and social security allowances because they identified
themselves as Thakuri in citizenship. However, some elder people are getting allowances
regularly. Moreover, there is no NGOs/INGOs working for them.
51
9. Recommendations
Kusundas are deprived socially and economically so that they need a special attention to
uplift their livelihood and level of education. Following are some of the specific
recommendations.
• Incentives in education need to motivate Kusunda children at school.
• Awareness programmes in health and sanitation.
• Vocational trainings and income generation activities should be provide along with
political awareness program.
52
Table B.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Kusunda
Score Status
Kusunda: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 3 2 8 17
53
B.9 RAJI
1. Introduction
Raji are one of the ten endangered indigenous peoples recognized by the government of
Nepal. According to the census of 2001, their total population is 2,399. Rajis believe that
their census data is under-enumerated because their actual population is more than 2,399.
The Rajis are semi-nomadic people who have their ancestral land in the inner Tarai but they
have lost control over their ancestral land. Their settlements are now scattered mainly Ailani
or marginal public lands at Karnali and Bheri river banks. Their houses are constructed with
wooden poles and thatched roof with green leaves and bamboo stick. Rajis are found mainly
in Surkhet, Kailali, Kanchanpur and Bardiya districts. Their mother tongue is Raji and they
speak Nepali (Khas) language also. Rajis worry that their language and identity may extinct.
The study team visited Bhajani and Khailad VDCs in Kailali district. It takes about 4-5 hours
travel by bus from Dhangadhi and from Dhangadhi or 4-5 hours walk to Khailad VDC-4,
from Bhajani and 2-3 hours to Bhuruwa.
According to the participants of the focus group discussion most of the Rajis do not have
knowledge and understanding of the terms Adibasi and Janajati. However, some of them said
that Adibasi/Janajati refers to those who have their own language, culture, traditional
religious values and rituals. They are not fully aware of their cultural, economic, political
rights and the importance of these factors. They are also not aware about the outside world.
Their traditional and modern community organizations are not active to protect and promote
their culture, language and other traditional customs and values. Their modern community
organization Raji Salmo is not working actively but their growing worry of possibility of
extinction has now made them conscious that they need to do something. Some of them were
aware about the right of endangered and highly marginalized ethnic group. A key informant
said that the Rajis are more aware than before. Some of them have knowledge and
understanding of their rights but most of the populations are unaware as they are poor and
uneducated. Almost all the FGDs participants said that they are unaware about their right to
self-determination. They do not have knowledge and understanding about Free, Prior and
Informed Consent (FPIC).
The FDGs participants expressed that they need awareness raising programs to protect and
promote their culture, language, economic status and political situation and institutional
support programs to strengthen their organization.
54
i. Education
Most of the Raji children go to school as they have little access to education. At present, they
send their children to school as they are conscious and aware about the importance of
education. However, school dropout rate is high among their children because of their poor
economic condition. They cannot afford paying for books, bags, and pen-pencils, dress and
so on for their school going children.
Raji’s population concentration is more in the Khailad-4, Bhuruwa where there is a Primary
school near their settlement area. In this school, 99% of its students are Rajis and remaining
1% are from other communities, including the Tharus, and Kumals among indigenous
peoples and Chhetris and Bahuns among the caste groups. Maximum number of the Raji
children dropout from higher secondary or high schools because these schools are located far
away from their settlement area. The students have to cross the river where there is no bridge.
They cannot afford sending their children for high school education because of low income,
poverty etc. Only few Raji children pursue higher education. Most of them have to earn
money by doing wage labour to make a living.
Raji children do not have access to scholarship granted by the government. Of the 225 Raji
students enrolled in the primary school, only few (about 5%) Raji student are getting
scholarships.
Rajis have access and control in the school management committee. All teachers are from
Raji community but none of them is a permanent or fixed job holder.
Raji have good command in their mother tongue. The key informants said that support to
education in mother tongue is essential to enhance Raji language and help to promote,
preserve and protect their ethnic identity.
ii. Health
Personal health and sanitation is not good due to poor economic condition. Most of them use
forest area, open field and river bank for toilet purpose. Only few of them have own toilet.
Raji have access to modern health service than before. There is a health post in their village
and Wit takes about 2 hours to reach there by foot. When they become sick they give first
priority to traditional healers and herbs (Jadibuti). If the problem persists then only they go to
health post for cure. At present they are aware about modern health care and visit hospital for
health services. One of them said that, in health post free medicine is not available for their
illness, and due to poor condition they cannot afford buying expensive medicine. Therefore,
they usually go to traditional healer (Dhami/ Jhakri or Baidhya) for the treatment.
Few Raji women are aware about modern health services. They have access to immunization
and other health services for anti-natal care, child delivery and post-natal care. Only few of
55
them go to health post for check up during child delivery due to long distance, lack of
transportation and poor economic condition. During pregnancy period women have to go to
jungle to cut and gather fodder, firewood.
There are 3 Raji female health service volunteers who are working in the Raji community.
Midwives (Sudini) also available but they are from the Tharu community. Some of them said
that health service providers’ behaviour towards Raji community is quite good but in some
cases they discriminate Rajis while distributing medicines.
iii. Government’s Social Security
They have access to VDC/DDC budget allocated for development of Indigenous

Nationalities. One of the key informants said that they began to claim budget allocated for
endangered indigenous nationalities and the government allowance only after attending
awareness program of DDC NEFIN, Kanchanpur. VDC secretary and all party mechanism
committee recently decided to give some amount to the Rajis.
They do not have access for allowance to elderly people and widowed single women. When
they claim these allowances, the government service providers said that each person deserve
only one type of allowance, not more than one. The participants of FGDs said that behaviour
of government service providers has been satisfactory so far.
Rajis had their traditional indigenous institution but it no more exist now. Rajis have adopted
Bhalmansa, the traditional institution of the Tharus due to the influence of their neighbouring
Tharu community. Some said that Bhalmansa is a traditional institution of the Rajis.
Bhalmansa carry out social, cultural and religious activities, including birth to death rituals,
marriage system, nature worship, Kulpuja and other feast and festivals.
They do not have access to full and effective participation in any government or non
government organization. Rajis have access to all party mechanism but not in any decision
making position. They are members but not leaders in the parties. There are mainly 6 parties
(Nepali congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist party of Nepal
'United Marxist Leninist', Rastriya Prajatantra Party, TMLP, Madhesi Party forum) that are
active in their settlement area Bhuruwa, Khailad-4, Kailali. Most of the Rajis are members of
Communist party of Nepal (UML) and the Unified Nepal Communist Party (Maoist). One of
the Raji is a district level member of the Maoist party.
56
They have less access to natural resources. Some of the FGD participants said that they have
little knowledge about indigenous peoples’ rights to forest. They all said that they do not have
full access and control to the community forest. There is a community forest committee in
their settlement. Although the President and most of the members are from Raji community
but they said that they do not have full and effective participation in decision makings and
they do not have knowledge about Free, Prior and Inform Consent (FPIC).
Rajis do not own their own land; they have been forced to settle in public (Ailani) land. They
cultivate some of these lands and they have access to irrigation. They use tube well and
pumping water. They use tube well water for drinking, normally everyone have own hand
pump set.
Rajis are semi-nomadic indigenous peoples. Some of them make their living by catching fish,
bee keeping, collecting roots and tuber and hunting wild animals and birds. At present they
consume normal foods such as rice, bread (Chapati), lentil (Dal), vegetables, potatoes etc.
They do not have ownership on land. They are fully dependent in farming (agriculture) and
allowances provided by local government. They have no any permanent job. In Raji
community food sufficient rate is only enough for 2-3 months in a year. They do wage labor
in other places as there is no industry in their villages.
The participants from the FGD mentioned that, due to low population, poverty, landless they
are exploited and excluded from all types of resources.
They have access to the budget allocated for development for endangered and HMG from
Ministry of Local Development, Government of Nepal. They have been getting the budget
last year only in the topic of irrigation.
The Village Coordination Committee comprises members from various indigenous peoples,
such as the Raji, Tharu, Magar and Tamang, the Hill castes such as the Bahun and Chhetri,
and Madhesi, such as the Yadav.
Previously the Rajis were fully dependent upon wild foods. NGOs’ help and support changed
and improved their livelihood. Nowadays, Rajis have access to some income generating
activities, such as domestic bee keeping, poultry farming and fish keeping.
57
Rajis have not understood the concept of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). All
participants of the FGDs and key informants said that no one ever consulted them while
implementing and planning any program in their settlement/community.
Rajis are semi-nomadic people settled in river banks in Inner Tarai of Nepal. They are not
fully aware of their cultural, economic and political rights. They are also not aware about the
outside world. Both of their traditional as well as modern community organizations are not
active to protect and promote their culture, language and other traditional customs and
manners. Their modern community organization Raji Salmo is not active. They have not yet
held any regular meetings and general convention of their organization. However, Rajis are
now adopting Tharu traditional institution Bhalmansa because these practices are similar to
Raji. Taking account of basic services, Rajis are now much aware on education as their
children go to school although dropout rate is significantly high in school because of poverty
and language barriers. They are also not benefited by government's scholarship programs.
Regarding health facilities, remarkable proportion of Rajis are still outskirt of modern health
services due to long distance, not having access in transportation and not enough money to
buy medicines.
Presently, they are benefited by VDC budgets and social security allowances, they are
participated to all party mechanism and political parties as well although the space in decision
making level likely to be nil. Rajis' livelihood depends on agriculture and daily wages but
they do not have access to fertile farming lands. However, they are now attracted to income
generation activities such as bee keeping, poultry farming and fish keeping by the support of
various NGOs/ INGOs so that Rajis' livelihood is now improving in compare to the past
decades but still special attention need to enhance their education and livelihood.
9. Recommendations
• Rajis need awareness raising programs to protect and promote their socio-cultural,
linguistic, economic and political rights.
• Institutional support programs to strengthen their community organization.
• Scholarship should be provided to Rajis children.
• Health awareness program needs in Raji community.
58
Table B.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raji
Score Status
Raji: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 6 4 10 10
59
B.10 RAUTE
1. Introduction
Information about Raute has been collected through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and Key
Informants interview. This report has been prepared on the basis information collected in
Brahmadev-9, Khalla Tudikhel of Kanchanpur district. Raute are nomadic peoples, but at
present they have settled life in different districts of Nepal. Raute is one of the endangered
among 59 indigenous nationalities of Nepal. Census 2001 recorded Raute population as 658.
The main resident of Raute is Jogbudha in Dadeldhura district.
According to FGD, Raute do have knowledge about what is Adibasi Janajati. Due to lack of
knowledge and education they are highly excluded group in Nepal. Other Adibasi Janajati
groups are much aware of protecting and promoting their cultures, customs, languages,
religion and other traditional practices for their identity. But Rautes are about to lose their
cultures, particularly their traditional costumes.
One key informant said, those who still live nomadic life are still able to preserve their
traditional cultures, but those who have fixed their settlement permanently at a place have
already lost their traditional cultures.
Some of the Rautes call themselves as Raut instead of Raute. Because they have been teased
and looked down by other communities. So, they hide their real identity for outsiders. Due to
influence of other communities and due to lack of awareness, Raute have changed their ethic
names, used the dress of other communities and adopt other occupations. They make nice
boxes and containers of wood, which has been disappearing gradually.
i. Education
According to Focus Group Discussion, few of Raute children go to school. There is a primary
school nearby their settlement. Nowadays they are somehow aware of education, so they send
their children to school. However, as other Adibasis, dropout from school is a problem
among Raute children. Informants explain a number of reasons for school dropout of Raute
children. They are mainly poverty, nomadic type of lifestyle, teasing and humiliation from
high caste children. Another pertinent reason is that there is only primary school at their
settlement. For high school education they have to go to other village. First, they are not able
to afford for high school education. Second, they have to go for work and third, they do not
want to be humiliated by other children.
60
There is only one Raute who has passed SLC sent-up. Most of the Raute youths who are
physically capable go for wage labourers. Some of them also go to India to look for
employment opportunities.
One Raute is also in management committee of Primary School.
ii. Health
Raute do not have access to modern health services. Almost Raute community use open field
or jungle area for toilet purpose.
There is a health post in close to their settlement. When they get sick they go to health post.
According to FGD, health service staff behave them unequally. When they go to health post,
staff turns into them explaining no medicine for free service. Raute also believe in traditional
inhalers. Most of the Rautes depend upon their traditional faith healers (dhami/jhakris) to
cure their sickness.
According to the focus group discussion, Raute women are not regular in health post during
their pregnancy period. They are fully disconnected from other communities. One of the key
informants said that Raute women do not talk to other women (especially high caste women)
because of humiliation. However, a few also have good relationship with other communities.
Raute's traditional institution is not functioning at present. Nowadays they have formed 3
modern institutions of Raute" Mahakali Raute Samuha", "Raute Bikas Samuha", and "Nepal
Raute Bikas Sangha". The last one is associated with District Coordination Committee
(DCC), NEFIN, Kanchanpur.
According to FGD, Raute do not have access to VDC budget for indigenous people. There
are seven political parties in the district. However, no Rautes are associated with any political
party. Raute do not have political awareness. They are also not in the all party mechanism.
They have distinct settlements very close to the forest areas of ward -9 in Brahmadev Khalla,
Tudikhel of Kanchanpur. But their settlement area has been already encroached by other
communities. Their long-established socio-economic condition has already been influenced
by others.
61
According to their tradition, they make use of wild foods such as Roots, Tubers and
Monkeys. However, at present they have been fully assimilated to others. They use normal
food items such as Rice, Millet, Maize, Potato, Beans and different types of vegetables. One
of the pertinent reasons for discontinuation of the tradition is forest is not under their control.
They have lost the control over forest because forests are gone under the control of either
government or community forest.
Raute do not have land, where they are settled now. They are using unregistered land and
some are landless. They do not have any sources to improve their livelihood.
According to them, they have heard about the indigenous people's rights to natural resources
but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place and how to use the rights.
Few of them said that government has to restore their own jungle to them. But community
forest does not permitted to go to forest and collect wild food.
Some Rautes use spring water and a very few use water tap for drinking water nowadays.
They do not have access to VDC budget and they are not getting it. They are also less aware
of allowance for endangered and highly marginalized Adibasi Janajati. But they are getting
allowance for endangered ethnic group.
According to key informants, at this time none of the NGOs and GOs are working for the
improvement of their livelihood in Mahendranagar.
According to them, they have no knowledge at all about the free, prior informed consent
(FPIC).
Raute are nomadic peoples. However, nowadays they began settled life in different districts
of Nepal. They do not have in-depth internalization of IPs rights and institutions. They are
reportedly losing their traditional culture and practices and assimilating into other
communities. Their children go to school nearby village but still they leave school by the end
of primary level due to humiliation with higher caste children and abject poverty.
Traditionally, Rautes used to depend on faith healers; however, they now started to visit
health post as well. But they have not felt discriminatory behaviour of service providers.
Similarly, women do not go for ANC visit during pregnancy due to shame and humiliation,
which shows lack of awareness in health practice and behaviour.
62
Rautes do not have political awareness. Surprisingly, no Rautes are associated to any political
parties although seven major political parties exist in the communities. Rutes' traditional
foods are roots, yam, tuber and monkeys; however, nowadays they adapted normal foods like
rice, millets and beans etc. These people do not have land, so they use common lands (sarkari
jagga) which are not fertile enough for cultivation. Rautes fear to collect foods in jungle
because community forests do not allow them. They have access to drinking water at the
village. Despite of considerable socio-economic status of Raute, no NGOs/INGOs have reach
to support them.
9. Recommendations
• Rautes are not attending school because of extreme poverty and language barriers so
that scholarship provision and teaching in mother tongue are needed.
• Awareness on health including reproductive health education needed in the
community.
63
Table B.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Raute
Score Status
Raute: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 3 1 7 19
64
PART III
REPORTS
C. HIGHLY MARGINALIZED ADIBASI

JANAJATIS (INDIGENOUS
NATIONALITIES)
65
C.1 KHADIA
1. Introduction
Khadia is considered as a highly marginalized indigenous population of Nepal even though

they have not been listed yet in the schedule of 59 Indigenous nationalities as recognized by
the government. Population census 2001 did not record Khadia population. Khadia claims
that their total population is 1,575. They mainly reside in Jhapa and few are in Morang and
Kapilbastu districts as well.
In FGD with Khadias, a woman discussant remarks, "Adibasi are like we people; ugly,
having black complexion, and uneducated poor farmer." However, two third of participants
perceived Adibasi as a group of people having distinct culture and tradition and living in
same place since ages. They also indicate that the populations who are smaller in size like
Khadia, Jhangad, Maal Pahade, Kuruwa, Gwala and having dilemma to preserve their culture
and language is called endangered and highly marginalized. None of them are familiar with
the term, "Aatma Nirnaya Ko Adhikar", though they remark it as similar to choice of people
while selecting something/someone. The participants also point out that they have now lost
their ownership in land and forest that used to be their assets.
ii. Education
There are two primary schools in a distance of 1.5 kilometres in Chhetris and Rajbansi
village. According to key informants and focus group discussants, all the children go to
school, among which about 75% go to private school. There is no Khadia language as
medium of instruction in school, at the same time they do not feel any kind of discrimination
and language barrier against them. Surprisingly, no participant knows about government
scholarship as well as educational incentive so far majority of their children admitted in
private school.
ii. Health
From the KII and FGD, there are no health services in the Khadia village. Health services are
available at a distance of one hour's walk located at Bahun village. During service delivery,
they have marked some sort of discrimination by the staff. For instance, waiting for long time
in queue, which other Bahun and Chhetri people do not need to be in queue; staff seem to be
arrogant and use discriminative words while delivering health services to the Khadia.
66
However, about two third of participants assured that immunization, vaccination of children
and antenatal/postnatal care are well received by the community. There are no FCHVs and
traditional birth attendances among Khadia community. During an urgent need, they ask
Jhangad women for the help.
Khadias know about the budget allocated in VDC/municipality for Adibasi/Janajati. They
have already spent about Rs. 40,000 in weaving training for women and language trainers'
training programs. Allowances for elderly population, social security allowances and
maternity incentives are being received without any difficulty. Meanwhile, nearly half
participants revealed that they felt ignored by VDC secretary when they for for consultations.
There are three major political parties presently in power in the Khadia community. Majority
of them are affiliated with UCPN-Maoist and CPN-UML parties. Despite of their active
involvement in politics, they have felt that their voices are not taken seriously in decision
making process. All participants revealed that there is no Khadia in all parties' mechanism as
they felt that they are not deserved for that position due to lack of education and experiences.
However, their voices are being considered because of inclusive policy of the VDC.
Similarly, a key informant stressed that there is some budgets amount Rs 5, 00,000 allocated
from VDC in order to endorse Adibasi Janajati but the concrete master plan is yet to be
materialized because of the lack of knowledge and ideas.
In FGD, participants were asked about access to natural resources. None of them have
knowledge on right to natural resources, since there is no community forest or
private/government forest available nearby the Khadia village. With regards to safe drinking
water and irrigation, everyone has had hand pump water at home, but irrigation facility is not
available in the community as they usually work in tea garden as daily wage labourers.
For livelihood, Khadia squarely subsists on working in own farm and the tea garden. The
farm production merely survives them for six months and for the rest of the months they
endure by wage labourers in tea state. In spite of significant support in income generation by
local NGOs, Khadias are not able to enhance their agricultural product and raise livestock
because of little land they own and lack of access to irrigation.
67
Apart from cutting, knitting and sewing training for some selected women and motor road
construction projects, no any special programs are implemented yet by the government. Two
third of FGD participants reported that there is a saving and credit program running by a local
organization (Sahara Nepal) and very few Khadia women are participated in. However, none
of participants admitted as they get free prior informed consent from such organizations.
In comparison with other communities in the village, Khadia are socially and culturally
distinct and economically backward. Instantly, they celebrate Hindu Feast and Festivals but
in different way, basically, land worship is their main festival. Despite normal conduction
with Bahun and Chhetris in daily life, they still hesitate to keep bonding relation to them.
Concerning to assimilation to other indigenous people, they feel cosy as they make fermented
rice (Jand, Raksi), keep poultry and pig.
Their livelihood is largely supported by wage labourer in Tea Gardens and agriculture. With
regards to access to basic services and government security, they are now aware on seeking
for such services but still less accessed. Similarly, their participation in politics is raising
affirmative way. They are able to have access to VDC funds. At the same time, they are not
able to grab such funds because of not having any ideas to develop proposal for. In natural
resource utilization, Khadias do not have any access to forest, land and irrigation. There are
some NGOs working in saving and credits, cutting and swing trainings for women group.
However, majority of Khadia women are still outskirt of their coverage areas.
Based on findings summary indicators have been identified with score category based on
etc. (see Table C.1).
9. Recommendation
• Essential health care services along with awareness program are needed to improve
their health seeking behaviour.
• Majority of Khadias have very poor economic condition. They depend on daily wages
in tea garden. So, skills in different income generating activities are needed to
improve their livelihood.
68
Table C.1: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Khadias
Score Status
Khadias: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 9 3 10 8
69
C.2 SANTHAL
1. Introduction
Information about Santhals has been collected through Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and
Key Informant Interview (KII) with Santhal of three VDCs: Siswani Jadaha VDC, Majhare
VDC, Bhathigachha VDC and Babiyabirta VDC in the Morang District. Due to time
constraint, the researchers could not visit their ancestral land.
Santhal are indigenous peoples, living mainly in Jhapa, Sunsari and Morang districts, in the
eastern Tarai of Nepal. Some call them as “Sattar” but they do not like it as they feel that the
others use such term to dominate and humiliate (hepeko jasto) them. They identify
themselves as 'Santhal'. They have different clanonym within Santhal ethnonym such as
'Murmu', 'Baske', 'Hasda', 'Soren', Besra, Tudu etc. They have own language, religion and
history. The population of Santhal according to National Census report of 2001 is 42,698 but
Santhal claimed that their population is around 100,000. They mentioned that they are the
indigenous (aboriginal) peoples of present districts of Jhapa and Morang. The land
registration policy of Nepal government and land reform program of 2024 B. C. most of the
hill Bahun and Chhetris migrated and register the land in their names which made Santhal
lost their land. Later on they became landless in their own land.
Santhals neighbours are Teli, Sudi, Muniya (Madhesi OBCs), Gangai (IP), Rajbanshi,
Dhanuk, Mallah etc. Santhal have a good relation with neighbouring communities
individually but communally they don't have such a good relation because other castes
dominate Santhals on the basis of ethnicity. Other castes do not cooperate and support to
Santhals if some problems occur.
Santhals have no clear understanding of the term “Adibasi Janajati”. They know 59 enlisted
Indigenous Peoples (IPs) of Nepal. They are the people that they live in the village near the
forest, they do poaching of birds, and they are the Matwali (“liquor users”).
They claimed that they have the capacity to understand their rights but they have not been
any given chance to understand or go ahead by other communities. They are, like the Munda
(Mudiyari) and other indigenous peoples, have been dominated by the “upper castes”. These
“upper caste” people refer them as “backward” and illiterate.
Some participants, especially young students, of the FGD, and some who are associated with
organizations said that right to self-determination means self-decision made by one.
70
i. Education
Santhal have now a little access to education. Santhals are aware of education but they are not
getting access to education as expected due to poverty. All Santhals children go to school.
There are four schools (3 lower secondary, 1 primary) in Siswanijahad VDC. Primary school
is located in ward no 9 and lower secondary are located in ward numbers. 3, 5, and 8. Almost
all schools are located in the centre of the village. Mostly Santhals and Gangai children have
enrolled in these schools. The scholarship is provided by government agencies as well as
other NGOs are also providing Santhal children some scholarship.
According to them, mostly teachers are Gangai in schools. Only one Santhal mother tongue
speaker teacher is in school the school is located at ward no 9 though the S.L.C. passed
Santhals are in maximum number. A few Santhals have joined in +2 and bachelor's degree.
Santhals are also member of school management committee.
Santhal mother tongue is not taught in schools. There are no Santhal teachers in any school.
Santhal children do not feel like attending school because they are not treated well in school.
Parents are also not educated. Due to lack of awareness towards education children are
deprived from the benefit. Due to poverty they are unable to send their children to school.
Children received Rs. 250/- yearly, school dress as a scholarship from the school. Schools
had run a campaign program to increase the children's education and enrolment in the school.
Teachers went to door to door program, rally exhibition, play card showing and meeting to
the guardians at children admission time in Chaitra and Baisakh.
ii. Health
Santhal have some access to modern health system than before. There is one health post in
every VDC (Siswanijahada, Majhare and Babiyabirta) which lies at a distance of 1 km to 4
km far from the Santhal community. There are some private clinics in the village. In
Siswanijahad and Babiyabirta VDC, maximum Gangais live in near health post office but in
Majhare VDC, Santhal live near by health post.
They go to health post and private clinic in small illness and to Biratnagar for complicated
illness. They go to traditional healers, Baidhay, Dhami/Jhankri, especially grassroots peoples.
Sometimes they go to dargi budahi (“midwives”) for healing and consultation to use herbal
medicines.
The medicines are not sufficiently available in the health post and the staffs also do not come
to office on time. The health post staffs are not from Santhals but 1 MASIKA and 2
Syamsewika (volunteers) are from the Santhals community.
71
Santhals have their traditional institution called "Majhi". Its headman of is called
'Majhihadam'. Any problem, including clash, conflict and dispute within the community, they
report first to the Majhihadam and he manages the dispute through informal customary rules.
The division of land among brothers in a family is also managed by Majhi. This institution
still exists in the community. If some conflict occurred in the community, they do not go to
police or seek modern legal justice; instead, they take the case to the 'Majhi' as they give
priority to the traditional institution because everyone in their community respects the rules.
They have also the modern representative ethnic organization called "Nepal Santhal Adibasi
Utthan Sangh". It is established in 2049 B.S. and registered at the District Administration
Office, Morang in 2051 B.S. The organization was instrumental in eradicating the custom of
forced marriage (Keti Taanera Jabarjasti Bibaha Garne Chalan). They have their own
customary rules for punishment and compensation systems if some body gets married to a
girl without her consent; for example, the boy will be restricted from community like
unacceptance of water from him, no fire provide, cut the hair and make naked and get out
from the village with painting the black dust (kalo moso dalera) on his face. The forced
marriage has not happened for the last 15 years.
According to them, there are mainly seven political parties active in their VDCs. These are
the Nepali Congress, Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), Communist Party of Nepal
(United Marxist Leninist), Rastriya Janta Dal, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, and Rastriya
Prajatantra Party.
Both male and female are members of all party mechanism (Sarbadaliya Samyantra) of the
VDC but they don’t have effective role in meeting due to domination from other castes.
Santhals raise voices in the meeting for their development and upliftment but the voices are
not heard effectively. Some small problems are addressed but it depends on the situation and
circumstances. There is effective role of Gangai in Sarbadaliya Samyantra because they are
most numerously populated in the VDC and they have representation in three main parties,
and also, they have a sense of ethnic solidarity in their community. Santhals are associated
with all political parties in the village but there is a lack of leadership in politics. Some
Santhals are in front position at the ward level.
Santhals lost forest and land after arrival of the Hill Bahun Chhetris in their ancestral land.
Forest was depleted about 50 years ago. They use Guitha, rice straw for fuel wood.
Santhals have heard about the indigenous peoples’ rights to natural resources but they do not
know exactly what sorts of rights are given and how to use these rights.
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They still have access on the natural spiritual place where they worship 'Marangguru' (Ista
Devata) at Majhithan near by village.
Santhals used to drink water from well but now a days they use tube well. One tube well is
used by 3-4 households. Some families own private tube well.
Most Santhals do not have their own land. They work as daily wage labourer in other
people’s land. Some Santhals who own land, they use stream water and pump set water for
irrigation. They hire the pump set for irrigation on land in agriculture time. They grow the
plants two times in a year. There is a canal (nahar), brought from Chatara, Koshi but they
don’t have access on it because it is not managed well. They have no access to canal water
for irrigation.
Electricity was made accessible two years ago. Before, they used kerosene for lighting. In
spite of access to electricity, about 75% of the Santhal still use lamp (Kupi/Tuki) as they can
not afford to take the electricity line and pay the bill.
A few Santhals won own land from 1 Kattha to maximum 10 Bigha and a few Santhal youth
have gone to the gulf countries for employment. Most Santhals are landless (sukumbasi) as
they have already lost control on their land; hence, work in land owner's farm and some go to
work as wage labourer to Biratnagar and India. They do not have skill. They work in the
village in agriculture time and go to outside of the village in non agriculture time. Before,
they felt some discrimination in wage labour. They had to do hard work but they used to get
less paid in comparison of other caste people. Santhals were not allowed to touch the kitchen
area (Chulo) but now it is gradually decreasing due to awareness level in increased both
Santhals and other communities.
There is a cooperative organization in the Santhal village. The organization provides seed
money to some Santhals for their income generation. They have utilized the money to goat
raising, vegetable faming etc. which helped them to run their daily economic needs. There is
no access to any program that provides seed and fertilizer.
Santhals have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from the Ministry of Local
Development. They have been getting the budget for the last 3 years. The budget is
distributed for scholarship to the local Adibasi Janajati students through the Village
Coordination Committee. Some budgets are provided to the topper students from that area.
The allowances for ageing people are also provided. Members of the Village Coordination
Committee comprise Santhal, Gangai and Rajbansi.
73
In Siswanijahada and Majhare VDC, Santhals are unaware about the Poverty Alleviation
Fund (PAF). PAF has not provided any program to the Santhals. Some NGOs are working in
the Santhal village. There is a cooperative in the village. The Plan international is working in
Majhare VDC and it has implemented the child development program. It runs a class of
children between 3-5 years old. It has provided a teacher from Dalit community the students
to play and some basic curriculum.
There is no program with special focus on the Santhal community.
No NGOs have consulted Santhals through their organization. They are invited by some
organization individually due to personal relation. Only NEFIN invites them organizationally.
Santhals participation is not effective in the VDC council because their participation in VDC
council is nil.
According to them, they have not understood about the free, prior informed consent (FPIC).
Santhal are indigenous residents to Jhapa and Morang, eastern Tarai. They feel dominated
with Sattar identity and claim as Santhal. They have different clanonym within Santhal
ethnonym such as 'Murmu', 'Baske', 'Hasda', 'Soren', Besra, Tudu, etc.
Santhals have access to basic education but are not satisfied with health services. Those
economically sound members of this community go to hospitals in the towns. They have their
traditional institution called "Majhi". They have also the modern organization, Nepal Santhal
Adibasi Utthan Sangh. Santhals are associated in all existing political parties in the village.
Most Santhal have low land and no forests. Compared to other IPs, they have a bit more
access to the public funds. They feel that some NGOs have ignored the FPIC in their area on
the one hand, on the other hand, they are not fully known to FPIC.
9. Recommendations
• To create the better society, state should implement policies and programs as expected
by these Indigenous people.
• Detail ethnography is to be conducted about them.
• They need reservation within reservation among marginalized Adibasi Janajati if the
Santhal's development should be done.
74
Table C.2: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Santhal
Score Status
Santhal: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 4 11 9 6
75
C.3 JHANGAD
1. Introduction
Jhangad are synonymously called Dhagar or Urao as well and one of the highly marginalized
among 59 Adibasi Janajatis of Nepal. They are live in the eastern Tarai of Nepal, scattered in
Jhapa, Morang and Sunsari. According Census 2001, population of Jhangad was 41,764. This
study is based on sample of Satterjhar VDC in Sunsari district. Jhangad settlement is found in
10 VDCs in Sunsari district, they are: Purba and Paschim Kusaha, Nursing, Bhokraha,
Satterjhora, Chittah, Tanmuna, Singiha, Dumraha, Dhuski, Rajgunjsinuwari VDCs.
In the discussion, Jhangad seems to be not so aware on the definition of Adibasi Janajati.
Some Male Jhangad said that the people who have been living since long in a place or native
people are called Adibasi Janajati. In Satterjhora context, local Tharu, Urao are the Adibasi of
that place.
Regarding EHM-AJs they opined that like Tharu, Jhangad/Urao, and Mudiyari who are very
less in number or (count by breaking the finger) are called highly marginalized and
endangered Adibasi Janajati.
Except some students and member of the Jhangad organization, they are not aware on rights
to self-determination.
ii. Education
Jhangad parents have started to send their children to school. Before, they used to go to work
out of the village. There are primary and secondary school at Jhangad village in Satterjhora
VDC, Sunsari. They have easy access to go to school where they have to walk around 20
minutes to reach the school.
So, now almost all Jhangad children go to school. But the drop out rate is still high because of
poverty, lack of employment. They are unknown about the government policy on "education
for all". Jhangad have been aware on seeking their rights. Children have also started to say to
make their citizenship certificate.
Girls seem more active in education than boys because boys usually drop out the school and
go out of the village for work when they get around 14 years. There are mostly Jhangad
students in the school. There are no Jhangad speaker teachers in the school in Satterjhora, but
76
Jhangad language is used in medium of teaching at a school in Simariya VDC, Sunsari.
Scholarships are getting by all caste/ethnic children who study up to grade five. Mostly Dalit
students get the scholarship. One primary school is providing breakfast to attract to the
students in the school.
ii. Health
There is a health post in the VDC but not in the Jhangad village, closely located to their
village. Jhangad believe both in traditional healing and modern treatment system. According
to them, there is normal environment in the health post except the in-charge Soni Lal Yadav
does not come on time (he comes at 1 pm instead of 10 am). There are normal medicines only
available in the health post and the distribution of medicine depends on the mood of Soni Lal
Yadav. Jhangad people get medicine only when he wants.
According to them, there is also the politics in the health post. They behave differently
depending upon the personality of people (manchhe herera bebahar garinchha). According
to participants in the discussion, it is usual that Soni Lal Yadav verbally abuses them in the
health post but there is no option so they have to go there for treatment. They feel there is
some sort of discriminatory environment against Jhangad in the health post.
Jhangad women are FCHV (Mahila Swasthya Swoyamsevika) in the village since 052 B.S.
They do care of maternity child, delivery women and distribute polio drop in the village.
Before there was the Sudeni from Jhangad community but now she does not work because all
people go to hospital for delivery.
iii. Government's Social Security
Jhangads of Satterjhora VDC are found to be aware of the government budget allocated for
IPs development. They express clearly about the 15% is allocated for IPs development in
DDC. They said they did not take the budget before of 065/066 because of they were
unknown about it. After 065/066, they have been taking/getting the budget regularly. They
took NRs. 25,000/- in 065/066 and NRs. 37,000/- in 066/067 and are planning to take the
budget of 067/068 year.
According to them, they spent the budget of 065/066 in basic skill development training of
women like tailoring and cutting training which have not been as fruitful or have not seen
utilized (khasai upalabdhimulak dekhiyena). They think of to spend this year's budget on
empowerment program.
According to Jhangad/Urao, they had no traditional governance system. But now they have
their ethnic organization. Their organization makes aware on the rights. They are also
77
represented in in political parties, all party mechanism (sarbadaliya samiti) at VDC level.
However, their influence is not in the decision making level. They think that their
representation in political parties is just for mathematical calculation (ganitiya hisabko lagi
matra chahe jun sukai party ma hos) or say ceremonial. Yadav and Shah are dominant in all
sector of decision making process at VDC. Jhangad are discriminated in terms of ethnicity
(sampradayik bhawana) in sarbadaliya samiti and party. The high caste groups do not inform
them that what they decide in the sarbadaliya samiti.
Currently in a teacher appointment case in a school, we knew a teacher was appointed from
high caste group. They directly appointed to him without our consultation. We are not raising
voices in this regard but now thinking to raise voice against this issue. Jhangad are planning
to develop a proposal for 15% budget for IPs, which they want to spend in human resource
development and empowerment. They have formed committees, comprising of 9 to 10
member from political parties and Adibasi Janajati, for empowerment in each ward.
According to them, 90% women are going to represent from ward 7.
According to informant, they are involved in all most all political parties exist in the VDC.
One Jhangad is a ward in-charge from Maoist party but he is less influential in decision
making process. No political parties have worked for Jhangad though they are member in the
all parties. In this regard, we raised question that didn’t you say to the party to do something
for you. They said that they can not raise voice otherwise party implement whip. People
opined that though he is the active member in the party, but he is becoming just as the bag
carrier (Jhola bokne matra vako chha). According to one Jhangad participant, we should
attach in any one political party after born in Nepal otherwise we would become as an animal
(janmi sake pachhi euta na euta rajnitik party ma astha rakhnai parchha natra pashu
vayinchha).
In Satterjhora VDC Jhangad village, the natural forests have been destroyed from around 3
generations before. So, they don’t have easy access to forest resources because of
unavailability of resources around. They go to Udaypur's jungle to cut the Thakal. For it they
have to pay levy (purji katnu parne) to the government. Some times they go to northern
Charkose Jhadi to bring leaves for use in wedding ceremony, edible fruits for religious work.
For it they have access to bring it.
They said they have access to drinking water. They drink the underground water. They say it
clean drinking water. They also opined that they have access to traditional irrigation system.
They do agriculture but they have not more agricultural land. They have access to irrigate
their land that how many they have.
According to them, now they have electricity line in Jhangad village. The other caste group
had tried not to give the electricity line to their village but it did not succeed. They feel that
78
political parties also did not support them on that difficult condition. Though they have
electricity line, some Jhangad have not brought the line due to economic problem.
Jhangad's main occupation is the agriculture but they don’t have enough agricultural land. So,
they have to work on other people's land. According to them being they are uneducated and
simple, other people cheat them and becoming landless and poor day by day. According to
them, they can manage their subsistence for 6 months somehow because young boys go to
work outside leaving the study.
Some cooperative organizations are working to provide them loan but all Jhangad can't afford
to take the loan due to poor economic condition. Some have taken the loan but they have also
not utilizing it in income generation as expected by organization.
Regarding the livelihood of Jhangad of Sunsari district, Sunsari NEFIN DCC chair opined
that the Jhangad of Singiha and Ikrahi are totally landless (as Sukumbasi) and uneducated.
In Satterjhora Jhangad village, they have formed mothers' group as a community based
organization.
According to Jhangad of Satterjhora Sunsari, They are not informed, consult or participate in
any kind of development activities in VDC and DDC. In VDC council also, council does not
also consult them about to be implemented programs. Some Jhangad, who take concern on
the rights, raise issues to be consulted them in the council but their voices are not heard by
others. But day by day they are being aware on their rights than before. According to them,
they are being aware on their social, cultural and economic rights.
There is run a program related to agriculture by an NGO but they don’t know the name of
NGO. This NGO has run the pig raising (Bangur Palan) program in ward no. 2 and 5 of
Satterjhora VDC of Sunsari district. Some Jhangad have getting benefit from this program.
Besides that some other NGOs have worked in Satterjhora. Plan Nepal worked for 9 years
focusing to children, drinking water, environment, livelihood, small farmer (kitchen garden
/kareshabari) and some infrastructure constructions. Plan Nepal constructed a school
building, toilet in the VDC which was for all.
Women Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC Nepal) and Nerude Laghubitta Bikash Bank also
worked but the program did not so effective and success.
79
Currently above mentioned NGOs have been phased out. One Star Nepal named NGO is
working on livelihood program. Different groups have been formed by this NGO.
According to them, Government has not launched such any program, especially for Jhangad,
in Sattherjhora VDC. They said they have not also involved directly in such programs. They
said they are exploited. There is not gravel road in ward no. 1, rest all wards are gravelled.
According to participants, whether GOs or NGOs come to work, they take consult to some
main-main persons of the VDCs and launched the programs. They take consult to the clever
and key persons (taatha baatha manchheharusang matra sodhpuchh garchhan). So, they
have felt that their FPIC is violated.
Jhangad of Satterjhora, Sunsari are totally unaware, except very few males, on identity about
Adibasi Janajati, IPs rights ensured by national and international instruments such as rights to
self determination, and FPIC.
In terms of basic services such as education, health and social security, they are coming
ahead than before but still it is not encouraging. Most of them do not have land. The land
those who have is also not sufficient for their livelihood around the year. They have to rely on
wage labourer. Jhangad situation is better demonstrated by the summary indicators in Table
C.3.
9. Recommendations
• Government should be launched the Jhangad upliftment programs.

• Many incentives programs (alternative livelihood programs) should bring for IPs as
well as Jhangad.
• Though their enrolment in school is high, but concerned agencies should be thought
about their long-term and quality education.
• There should be positive discrimination for EHM-AJs. No need to reservation for
high class groups.
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Table C.3: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Jhangad
Score Status
Jhangad: Indicators
All Some Few None
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Wage labour/employment
Road √
Electricity √ √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 7 10 6 7
81
C.4 MUNDA
1. Introduction
The information are collected through the FGD and KII with the Mundas (Mudiyaris) in
Bhaudaha VDC, Jhapa. Munda is the one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous
Nationalities of Nepal, even though they have not been enlisted in the Rajpatra. However,
they have been identified as Indigenous Nationalities and recommended to enlist by last
Suchi Parimarjan Task Force.
According to participants, they are unknown about Adibasi Janajati but some boys opined
based on others' hearsay that Adibasi Janajati are the people who are living in a place since
primitive time.
According to them, they have heard about right to self-determination but have not
understood/known actually the meaning of it. However, some male participants tried to
define the term in a way that "work to do as own soul or mind wants" (Aatmale Chaheko
Kaam Garnu nai Aatma Nirnayako Adhikar ho).
i. Education
In Morang district, Bhaudaha is the VDC in Morang district where higher population of
Mundas reside. According to participants, Mundas used not to go to school 10 years ago.
Now almost all children go to school. There are 10 schools (6 primaries, 3 lower secondary
and 1 secondary) in Bhaudaha VDC. The teachers are mostly from Bahuns and few are
Dalits. Recently, one teacher with I.A. education from Munda community has been
appointed. Comparatively, majority of students are Munda in the school. According to
participants, few of other teachers also speak Munda language and the environment to the
students in school is normal. Overall, nowadays the access to education is good.
A case shared by participants in the discussion, once a scholarship quota was opened for three
students for +2 free studies from the Nepal Rastra Bank. On that quota, one Munda had
applied for scholarship but he did not get and at the end one teacher's son who belongs to
high caste group got the scholarship.
Government had provided scholarship to the students of a school of Bhaudaha VDC. The
scholarship had come for Dalit quota but the Munda students had also got in lump sum basis
Rs. 300 due to being deprived community. The amount was given for school dress.
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District education office had run a child care centre for children between aged of 3-5 years in
Bhaudaha VDC, Morang. The class had run from 10 am to 2 pm and managed breakfast and
a female teacher. The teacher used to teach the children through game.
ii. Health
There is a sub-health post in ward no. 5 of Bhaudaha VDC. There are private clinics too in
their area. It takes 20 minutes walk to reach the sub-health post, which is located at Batar and
Sardar village.
According to a community medical assistant (CMA), though they have access but they go
less frequent to the health post. Munda directly go to zonal hospital at Biratnagar for delivery.
Mudiyari believe in traditional healing system. They go to own community traditional healers
as well Batar community. Mostly Batar and Sardar go to health post because health post is
within their village.
According to participants, there was a one experience Sudeni in Mudiyari community but she
does not work nowadays because the Sudeni’s work has been disappeared because of hospital
and clinics availability everywhere. The staffs in the health post are Yadav, Das, Tharu with
one Village Health Worker (VHW) belonging to hill community. There is no staff from the
Mudiyari.
iii. Government's Social Security
All eligible Mudiyari are getting elderly allowances as per rule. Some are not getting because
age in the citizenship certificate does not permit them to be eligible even though they are
eligible biologically. According to participants, around 20 Mudiyari are receiving elderly
allowance from the VDC.
According to participants, only Mudiyari male know about the VDC fund allocated for
Adibasi Janajati. VDC had provided NRs. 40,000/- for all Adibasi Janajati in 2066 B.S. The
budget was spent on Eye Camp and goat raising, from which 7 Mudiyari and 6 Rajbanshi
families were benefited. VDC also provided NRs. 15,000/- for Adibasi Scholarship in 2065
B.S. From this, 35 Adibasi Children got shirt and pant; some of them were also Mundas.
4. Access to Governance
Munda have own traditional government system. It is called 'Gachhadar' system in their
language means Mukhiya system. This system manages village level class and conflict within
Munda community. They have a traditional custom, called 'Gram Puja' with collecting
money, rice as donation and worship for betterment of coming life and distribute the things to
83
the community as 'prasad'. According to them, such traditions are being disappeared day by
day. New generations are less interested in such traditions.
They have also modern ethnic representative organization. It is established in 2059 B.S. the
main purpose of this organization is to develop and promote the Munda community. There
are both males and females representative in district and central committee. They are doing
conference, meeting, movement for enlistment and fighting for their rights. Their first
conference was held in Jhapa and second in Morang. NEFIN had also supported for their
conference. This organization's village level committees have been formed in Jhapa, Morang
and Sunsari. They collect NRs. 25 yearly as membership fee with the people of above 16.
Regarding their access to politics, they are member in often existed political parties like
Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN-Maoist, Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum, Tarai Madhes
Loktantrik Party, Sadbhawana. As they reported, most of them in the village are affiliated
with CPN-UML. They said one female from their community; Surjidevi Mudiyari is ward
level chairperson from CPN-UML party. They have participated some time in decision
making level too. Some Munda youths are involved in YCL, Youth Force. Simultaneously,
they opined that though one Maoist in-charge is from Munda, but the leadership will take
from other caste. They opined that we affiliate in political parties but the leadership is taken
by others. According to them, there is one house of Bhraman but he leads to all. He is
affiliated with Maoist party.
Participants in the discussion are less aware of the rights to natural resources, but could not
express complete meaning of the rights. They give an example that they need a plant Sita
Kada and Simal, used in marriage ceremony and some religious functions. They think they
have a right to these plants.
There is no forest in and around the sample area. They have to rely on cow dung, guitha, for
cooking. Fire wood is quite expensive (Rs. 10 per Kg.) and also easily not available.
Regarding drinking water, before they used to drink underground water by digging from the
deep well. Now they are using tube-well for drinking water. World Vision has provided tube-
well in the community, one tube-well for every five HHs. Around 70% HHs have tube-well
with some own private too. LGCDP has also provided some tube-wells in the community.
According to them, they have irrigation facility, locally constructed from canal, river, stream,
boring and natural rain. They also use water of Koshi canal alternatively. They have
electricity. It has been around 20 years. Somebody still does not have taken electricity line
because of low economic condition.
84
Munda's traditional occupation is the agriculture. They used to farm in their own land but
now they are in compulsion to do work in other’s land. Around 70% of Munda of Bhaudaha
VDC have only 1-2 Kattha of land. Only 2/3 Munda households have 5/6 Bigha land. Every
Munda have a normal type house. Only 3/4 families have food for a year from their own land.
Other secure only for 6 months and less and they have to rely on wage labourer for the rest.
Usually, they go to Biratnagar for work in the factories as unskilled or semi-skilled labour.
They also involve as agriculture labour in other people’s farm.
There is a development bank, Jeevan Development Bank. A few of the Mundas have taken
loan from this bank. The loan they have used in buffalo, retail shop, etc.
Besides that, VDC have conducted awareness program on ILO 169 spending NRs. 20,000/-
and spent NRs. 10,000/- for World Indigenous Peoples Day. When NGOs come to work in
the village, the NGOs first consult all party mechanism committee. However, no Mundas are
in all party mechanism committee. All party mechanism decides everything. One Mudiyari is
in all party mechanism through the NEFIN, Morang.
Munda is not enlisted in the list of IPs but they are very eager to be listed as IPs. They are to
some extent aware on their identity. Mundas are located near by VDC of Biratnagar sub-
metropolitan city. Due to this though they are poor, they have access to education and having
health and other social security as normal as other EHM-AJs.
9. Recommendations
• NEFIN should launch awareness program on identity in Munda community. They are
unknown about it.
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Table C.4: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Munda
Score Status
Munda: Indicators
All Some Few None
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 7 9 7 7
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C.5 THUDAM
1. Introduction
Thudam is the one of the indigenous people, enlisted among 59 indigenous nationalities.
Their original inhabitant is Thudam, ward 9 of Chepuwa VDC, Sakhuwasava district. They
are also called Thudamba, residents of Thudam. They reported that there are about 25-26
households (HHs) living in Thudam village. Because of hardship of life in Thudam, some of
them have migrated to other part. Guphapokhari is the main place where about 20-22
households migrated and currently residing. This place belongs to Nundhaki VDC (ward 9) in
Sankhuwasave district, but at the centre of Taplejung, Terhathum and Sankhuwasava
districts. It is 10 days walk far from their original place Thudam.
Informants do not have have idea about their population size. It is estimated Thudam
population may be about 300 altogether. In Thudam, they are homogenous, whereas they
have been mixed with other groups such as Limbu, Bahun, Rai and other in Guphapokhari.
According to participants, they have no idea about what does the Adibasi Janajati mean. A
very few of those who live in Kathmandu and involved with their ethnic organization and
some kind of relationship with other ethnic organizations know partially about their
indigenous identity. Their ethnic organization is ‘Thudam Sewa Samaj’ comprising of 9
members1, which is affiliated to the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN).
The chairperson, Mr. Karsang Dorji Sherpa and Secretary, Ms. Thakche Sherpa only
know/understand the definition of Adibasi Janajati, highly marginalized and endangered
group. However, they even do not have have idea about right to self-determination and free
prior informed consent.
i. Education
There was a primary school, Shri Dudhpokhari Primary School, in the past at Thudam.
According to participants in the discussion, a school and a health post were provided by the
late King Birendra when the king had visited once to that area. But the school is totally closed
now. The main reason is that Thudamba children do not speak Nepali and the teacher did not
understand Thudam language and children did not understand Nepal language. Next problem
is the harsh ecological condition. Thudam village lies in very high altitude. The area is
1
Chair-Karsang Dorji Sherpa, Vice chair- Chhokik Sherpa, Secretary-Thakche Sherpa, Treasurer-Pema
Sangmu Sherpa, Members- 1. Dawa Dharke Sherpa 2. Urke Sherpa 3. Lakpa Sherpa 4. Tshering Sherpa 5.
Pemba Tsering Sherpa.
87
covered by snow around 6 months. So, due to snow fall and harsh economic condition, no
teachers wanted to go to Thudam.
All the Thudam children in Guphapokhari go to school. However, as other EHM-AJs school
dropout after completing primary level is high. The main reason is that there is no school
above primary level and they cannot afford to go for secondary level. Rarely some rich
parents send to their children out side of the village for secondary level education. Till now,
only one Thudam girl is studying in bachelor level at Pashupati multiple campus Chabahil,
Kathmandu.
ii. Health
Currently there is not health post in Thudam closer to their village. A health post is available
at the VDC, ward 4, but located at the place which is 4 days walk from their village. They
believe in their traditional healing system. If they fall serious sick, at that time they will go to
China border, which takes one day to walk from the village. Otherwise they treat through
traditional healing system. The traditional healers are Shingsa people. There are no Thudam
health workers or staff. There are some experiences women especially for delivery case, to
whom they call in their local term ‘Hama’. The Hama helps during delivery as Sudeni.
ii. Government Social Security
According to participants, the Thudam are totally unknown about the allowances provided by
the government. Behind the reason it that they are not frequently keep in touch with VDC. It
takes approximately 4 days walk from Thudam to reach VDC office. So, they are not getting
any kind of allowances or facilities from the VDC. Even in Guphapokhari none of them have
received elderly people allowance and other allowances. It is because their citizenship
certificate is not from the current area.
They have their traditional institution, still existed in the village. But the participants could
not say that the actual name of the institution. The head man of the institution is called ‘Ghey
Thanksum’. The main role of the Ghey Thanksum is to manage local conflict, clash, division
of land partition, etc. If the case could not be managed by him, then only they proceed to the
VDC or district.
Thudambas are totally isolated from the modern political system in their original place.
According to them, they do not know about the political parties, they are not participated in
any kind of politics as well as at VDC level. But in Nundhaki VDC-9, Guphapokhari, the
place where they are living temporarily, they are called sometimes on in sarbadaliya samiti.
But their role in decision making is zero. The Limbu, Rai and others dominate on decision
making.
88
Thudams are animal herders. They need a lots of pasture land. Behind the reason to migrate
to Guphapokhari is also the lack of pasture land at Thudam. According to them, at
Guphapokhari, Limbu restricts them to cut the grass in the jungle. They often collect the
grass at winter for summer too. At their original place, they have right to and control over
local resources.
They collect medicinal herbs like Kudki, Bikhuma and others. They collect it for their own
use and for sale too. Till now they have access to collect the herbs in their original place.
However, if somebody from other village knows that they are collecting such herbs, they are
charged fine sometimes.
They do not have piped or systematically managed drinking water. They fetch drinking water
from local stream. It is very difficult to go to fetch water in the monsoon as well as at that
time the water is also not clean in the stream.
They don’t have electricity at Thudam village. Some rich people have brought solar from the
Tibet but the poor people light the kerosene. Thudam do not have land for farming and do not
involve in any kind of agriculture, so they do not need irrigation. According to them, they
grow only a turnip type vegetable (Gante Mula Jasto Dallo Pareko Mula). For this, they do
not require plenty of water.
Thudambas have their own house in their original place at Chepuwa-9, Thudam but there is
no house at Nundhaki-9, Guphapokhari. They have made small hut type shelter in
Guphapokhari. It is because they are living there temporarily for livestock.
According to them, they secure their food subsistence for 6 months in a year from their own
occupation. Alternatively, they go to China for selling Yak, Yak related products, wood and
medicinal herbs.
Their main occupation is livestock, Yak, and trade between China and Nepal. Thudambas of
Guphapokhari trade the goods from Basantapur, a small town of Terhathum district, to Tibet.
They move to Tibet during Aswin to Jestha and return back to Guphapokhari. The distance
between Thudam and Guphapokhari is around 10 days walk. Thudam lies on the upper
northern part of Sankhuwasava and Guphapokhari on the northern eastern part of
Sankhuwasava.
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According to Chairperson and Secretary of the Thudam organization, in Thudam there has
never been launched any development programme by both government and non-government
sectors. Thudambas are unknown about the education for all.
They rarely go to VDC because it takes 4 days walk from the village. The VDC is located in
Shingsa area. They go to VDC just to take recommendation letter for citizenship certificate.
At Guphapokhari, Thudam have formed a cooperative group. They meet once in every 3
months and collect NRs. 25 monthly. Till the date, they have deposited around NRs. 30,000/-.
This has made them easier to take loan in cheap interest.
Thudam's original inhabitant is the Chepuwa VDC of Sankhuwasava district. According to

them, 25-26 Households (HHs) are existed in the Thudam village and 20-22 HHs are
migrated temporarily to Guphapokhari Sankhuwasave. Their main occupation is live stock
namely Yak and trade between China and Nepal. They do not have any kind of access to
identity as indigenous people, except a few of those who are living in Kathmandu and
affiliated to ethnic organization.
They lack basic services and have problem of learning due to the language difficulties.
Neither the teachers nor the students can understand one another's language. They have hares
economic condition. Health services are not reliable. They are not getting any kind of
allowances or facilities from the VDC regarding social security.
Their political institution is still functioning. They are pastoralists, in order to have access to
pasture lands; they have to move from one place to another. They have knowledge to use the
herbal plants with the aim of treatment. They have low education and have low access to
services. Due to no introduction of any kind of development program at Thudam, no FPIC
and full and effective participation is seen.
9. Recommendations
• NEFIN should reach and launch the program in the concerned community.
• Information about scholarship, trainings, programs etc. provided by NFDIN, NEFIN
should be disseminated publicly through DCC-NEFIN as well as IPOs.
• Awareness and educating is necessary.
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Table C.5: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thudam
Score Status
Thudam: Indicators
1. Knowledge Based Accessibility √
Adibasi/Janajati as identity
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 1 6 8 15
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C.6 LHOMI
1. Introduction
The information is based on the focus group discussion with Lhomis of Chepuwa VDC who
were present at the time of survey in Khandbari, Sankhuwasava. Indigenous name of the area
of Lhomi settlement is Shingsawa region. Residents of Shingsawa are Lhomis and so they are
also called Shingsawa. Sankhuwasave is a mountain district and Shingsawa lies on the far
north in remote area of the district. It is about 160 km north and takes more than 7 days walk
from the district headquarter. And, the north border of Shingsawa region is Tibet.
Lhomis/Shingsawa are considered to be indigenous to this area. They are scattered in four
VDCs - Kimathanka, Chepuwa, Hatiya and Pawakhola. Lhomi/Shingsawa are densely
populated at Kimathanka and Chepuwa VDCs. It is to note here that Thudam is also the
residents of ward 9 in Chepua VDC. The total household of Lhomi is estimated to be 1,053
and the total population of 4,952. At present, some of them have migrated to district
headquarter, Khandbari of Sankhuwasave district and Kathmandu valley. Some have
temporarily migrated to Darjeeling and Kalimpong. All residents of Chepuwa VDC are
Lhomi/Shingsawa, expect a Kami household.
Lhomis are unknown about the definition of Adibasi Janajati that what it really means. They
have vague idea that Adibasi means “backward” people. They have some knowledge about
Highly Marginalized and Endangered Adibasis as they have heard the term EHM-AJs
recently but they are not clear about its meaning. The participants of FGD opined that they
need rigorous training about it.
In Lhomi community, they do not have any idea whether the indigenous institution exists or
not, but they have an ancestral institution Gumba where Lamas receives education about
Buddhism.
Most of the FGD participants did not know the term “right to self-determination”. Some
school teachers and students have superficial idea of right to self-determination. Only one
respondent said that right to self-determination means making decision freely by oneself.
They identify themselves as Bhote too, but the Tibetans called them as Shingsawa, who
follow the Buddhist religion. Those who follow the Christian religion call them as Lhomi.
They used to do shifting cultivation (slash and burn/ khoriya kheti) in the past.
Etymologically, 'Shing' means forest and 'Sawa' means the community who do the agriculture
after cutting down the forest, i.e., slash and burn. So, other people say them as Shingsawa by
referring the Jungle Faadera Basne Samudaya.
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i. Education
There are one secondary and seven primary schools in the area of Lhomi settlements. The
secondary school is in Chepuwa, one primary school is in Kimathanka, and 6 in Hatiya.
Almost all primary school teachers are the Lhomi. The head master of a secondary school is
also Lhomi and some other teachers in secondary school are non-Lhomi who came from
outside the VDC. The schools are not far from the village which is located in the centre of the
village. They have easy access to the schools.
All Lhomi school age children go to school. The class is run in mother tongue from class 1-3.
But the curriculum is in Nepali language. From class four, the class runs in Nepali language.
Lhomi children have a good access in school and feel easy to take education because mostly
teachers are Lhomi and all the students are Lhomi. They are receiving scholarship, which is
provided by government as well as NFDIN.
Education for all programs is directly/indirectly being implemented in Lhomi village. In this
regard, the teachers motivate parents and students to enrol their children in the school.
Teachers go to the door to door visit/campaign during admission time and convince the
parents to send their children to school.
Non-formal education (NFE) class for middle aged Lhomi and child education are running
for the last two years. They don’t know exactly who run the program but they think that it is
from the VDC budget through the District Education Office.
ii. Health
There is one sub-health post in each VDC of Lhomi settlements. The health post is closer to
the Lhomi village. The health assistant is Lhomi. They get medicine, such as Citamol and
Iodine, from the health post. However, the Lhomis believe in both shamanists and modern
treatment. When they got sick, they first go to the Lama for the treatment and then if the
problem persists or get complication then they go to the health post as well as hospital in
Khandbari. They prefer natural treatment, especially during delivery and snake bites.
There are Sudenis (MASIKA) in the Lhomi community. They advise the community members
to use first aid. During pregnancy and delivery time they go to the hospital for check up and
frequently visit during pregnancy.
Lhomis do not know about the budget for Adibasi Janajati upliftment which is allocated from
VDC through the Ministry of Local Development. A Lhomi college student know about the
budget.
93
All the Lhomi elderly people are getting the old age allowance as per rule, NRs. 500/- per
month. They go to the VDC for some services such as child birth registration, marriage
registration, and recommendation letters. They get these services easily.
Some of the VDC staffs are from Lhomi community and other non-Lhomi staffs have learnt
their Lhomi language. They can understand when people speak in Lhomi. The VDC staff do
not discriminate them.
There is no electricity in the Lhomi village. They use kerosene oil which they bring from the
Khandbari and Kimathanka bazaar. Nowadays, some of them have installed solar light in the
village and some are still using kerosene for lighting purpose.
Lhomi have some access to the local government. Three main political parties, viz. the Nepali
Congress, UCPN-Maoist, CPN-UML are active in the village. In every party, all the leaders
and cadres are Lhomis in Chepuwa VDC. Though there are mixed community in the Hatiya
VDC, Lhomi are in decision making positions. They participate in village coordination
committees.
Lhomis are aware on the right over natural resources (water, forest and land) but they do not
know how the rights are gained and secured. They just heard that they have the right over
natural resources.
Some of the FGD participants said that they still have access to their ancestral forest. Other
participants said that they do not have access as before and observation also affirmed it.
Nowadays they have to pay levy/tax (Purji Katnu parne) to the National Park whenever they
collect herbs etc. They also have to pay levy to the community forestry when they collect
fodder, non timber forest product, grass, wood etc. but there is no discrimination on
distribution of forest product based on caste/ethnicity.
They have access to perform traditional rituals in the forest. Sometimes they poach deer,
ghoral but they do not dare to hunt tiger and bear but that are strictly prohibited. In the past,
they had full access and control on pasture land but now they do not have such control.
Lhomis/Shingsawa are members in Community Forest User Groups (CFUGs) committees

such as Chhulungma CFUG, Namdung CFUG, Pejungdada CFUG, Makpalung CFUG, and
other organizations such as the Gumba Kiduk Samaj, Chandra Surya Club, Thupsethanka
Mothers' Group, and Tshilopthanka Mothers' Group and so on. They hold all position in the
organization (because Lhomi settlement are homogenous in Chepuwa VDC) except one
94
member is Sanmaya Biswokarma in Chhulungma CFUGs Committee who belongs to the
Dalit community. In two mother groups, all female Lhomi are members and hold decision
making position.
Lhomi had access to slash and burn in the past but now such practices has been reduced
drastically as they have been made aware by CFUG to conserve forest. Wangdabi, a key
informant, said that he and some other people who live in the district headquarter know about
the declaration of celebration of 2011 A.D. as a 'Forest Year' but people living in the village
have no idea about it. This message should be disseminated at the grassroots level so that all
people become aware on forest conservation.
Lhomi drink stream and well (kuwa) water. They think that such water is clean for drinking
purpose as they have been drinking since time immemorial. Governments have not yet
provided any kind of drinking water facility in the village. They cultivate non-irrigated land
because of high altitude. There is no paddy field. There is neither traditional nor modern
irrigation system. Irrigation is difficult due to adverse geographical location. Nowadays some
Lhomis started planting vegetables, such as spinach, and fruits using some water. They have
heard that a Japanese has produced paddy in high altitude, as high as 3000 ft in Mustang. If
government could manage well irrigation facilities in Lhomi village they also can plant rice,
vegetables, and different kinds of fruits as well.
Lhomi do not have access to food provided by the food corporation. They just heard that the
rice is distributed for them but they wonder where that rice goes. They have heard that rice
quota allocated for them is distributed to another VDC due to negligence of rice contractor. In
some cases, the concerned community themselves do not care for it because if they get, they
only get 5 kgs, which is not enough to meet their need.
Their traditional occupation, slash and burn, has been disappeared these days. However, they
still do not rely completely on agriculture using modern technology and skill. Some plants
like Alainchi are cultivated as a cash crop. They also cultivate millet, wheat, barley, potato
etc one season only. For some, the food produced from their farm is enough to feed their
family for about 6 months.
Lhomis have access to traditional land since long time. They have been getting ownership on
the land and other natural resources (water, forest, pasture land). In the year 2051 B.S., used
land was registered to the users by the government.
They collect medicinal herbs (Jadibuti) and come down to the south which is called 'Kabela'
in Nepali and 'Ginha' in Lhomi. They seasonally migrate in the south, Urlabari, Damak,
Biratamod, Chakkarghatti of Sunsari, Morang and Jhapa district during winter, i.e. from
95
Mangsir to Fagun. Some of them go to the Darjeeling and Kalimpong in India. They sell and
exchange the herbs with money and goods.
In Lhomi village, Shingsawa Kalyan Kendra is running a child care centre (Shishu Syahar
Kendra) for the last two years. The child care centre's purpose is to provide care to small
children of 3-5 years of age and to teach the children about basic letters of Nepali and English
languages. This child care centre has a teacher, provide breakfast, one time egg in a week,
first aid treatment of children, medicine, tooth brush etc. The class runs from 10 am to 5 pm.
This child care centre is run specially targeting to the Lhomi/Shingsawa children.
The East Foundation (TEF), an NGO based in Khandbari, has launched a program for
planting and production of various medicinal herbs and its conservation. Sometimes the NGO
give training on herbs production and conservation.
When the NGO or outside organizations come to work in the village, that time the NGO
consult to the Lhomi people through different groups or community based organizations. The
main offices of the organization are in Khandbari. The staffs in NGOs are not from Lhomi.
But low level staffs are Lhomi in Makalu-Barun National Park and Conservation Area.
Till now now no mega project or program is launched in the Lhomi village. The
organizations that come to work, they generally consult them before launching the program.
They are informed individually. They mention that if any project is implemented in their area,
they should know about the project implementation.
Sometimes Lhomis go for lobbying to VDC, DDC, NGOs/INGOs. They also said that if any
NGO/INGO come to work in their area, they should ask first to the community and take their
consent. For example, RRN and Red Panda conservation asked them and took their consent.
Lhomis/Shingsawa consider themselves as Bhote too. They are scattered in four VDCs.
Presently, some of them have migrated to district headquarter, Khandbari of Sankhuwasave
district and Kathmandu valley. Some have temporarily migrated to Darjeeling and
Kalimpong as well.
Most of them do not know about IP rights and issues but a very few participants and teachers
know it. They have easy access to schools and education. Interestingly, the classes are run in
mother tongue from grade 1-3 and scholarship is provided regular. They believe in both
shamanist and modern health treatment. However, they prefer fist Lama and then natural
treatments.
96
Most of the Lhomis do not know about VDC budget for Adibasi Janajati upliftment but old
age allowances are regularly being received. Lhomis use kerosene oil since there is no
electricity. Some have fixed solar light as well. Lhomis are aware on the right over natural
resources (water, forest and land) but they do not know how the rights are gained and
secured. They have to pay tax to the national park while collecting herbs. They have also
reduced slashing and burning practice to preserve forest. Their farm production is sufficient
for about 6 months to feed their family. They have also to rely on collecting medicated herbs
and selling in southern part. They are informed and taken their consent before launching the
programme.
9. Recommendations
• In Lhomi schools, they use Lhomi language as medium of instruction by grade three
but the curriculum is not made properly so that a curriculum need to develop in
Lhomi language.
• Lhomi use drinking water direct from spring and well so that need awareness program
to make it safe to drink.
• There need a program to promote and produce medicated herbs.
97
Table C.6: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Lhomi
Score Status
Lhomi: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 7 13 4 6
98
C.7 DHANUK
1. Introduction
Dhanuk is one of highly marginalized ethnic Nationalities of Nepal as identified by the

government. According to 2001 census, total population of Dhanuk is 188,150. Dhanuk
population is concentrated mainly in Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusha and Mahottari but also spread
in other central and eastern Tarai districts.
Information about Dhanuk has been collected in Kanchanpur VDC, ward 1 and 9 in Saptari
District. According to the concerned authorities of district development committee (DDC)
and some key informants, there are different types of Dhanuks - Mandal, Sirauha, Phudawa,
Maghaiya and Sur Dhanuk. Among them Sur Dhanuk are considered to be untouchables.
Newar, Magar, Chhetri, Muslim, Shah, Gupta, Paswan, Teli, and Sudi are the main
neighbouring residents in the Dhanuk village.
Dhanuk have their own religious organization and recently they have modern organization
called Dhanuk Kalyan Sewa Samiti. Their oral history expresses that Dhanuk was migrated
from India about long years back. Their surname, Dhanuk, was put after that they were expert
in playing archery, which in Nepali is termed as Dhanus, so they were called later 'Dhanuk '.
According to focus group discussion, Dhanuks do not have knowledge and understanding
about Adibasi/Janajati. Dhanuks are poor, illiterate and unaware. In the study area, there is no
indigenous organization. One informant reported that only prosperous and capable Dhanuks
have access in that committee, most of them are excluded and still poor and unemployed.
Due to unawareness, Dhanuk people do not understand the term, right to self determination.
i. Education
There is a school near by their settlement. Dhanuk small children go to school. They have
little bit access to education. Few of the key informants said, however, due to language
problem dropout rate is higher among Dhanuk children. Dhanuk do not have access in higher
education.
It is reported that Dhanuk children do not have access to scholarship. The scholarship
provided by government agencies as well as other NGOs is provided only to Dalit children.
Dhanuk are also member in school management committee. Dhanuks are considered to be bit
advanced in comparison with Dalits.
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ii. Health
It is reported that Dhanuk do not have access to modern health system. There is one health
post closed to their village. One informant said that behaviour of service provider is
discriminatory and they do not usually give medicine to Dhanuks.
Dhanuks have their own religious belief system, traditional healer. When they get sick,
Dhanuks prefer Dhami/Jhakri then health post. One of the reasons as they reported is that
they are poor and are not able to afford Doctor or clinics.
Dhanuks do not have access to allowance for highly marginalizes group. They are not in the
all party system mechanism. As they reported members of all party mechanism include
Bahun, Chhetri, Yadav, Jha, and Shaha and they have been using all the resources.
Dhanuks have their own traditional institution called, Maijan. The headman of Maijan bears
lots of responsibilities to integrate their community into a traditional religious value, birth-
death rituals, marriage process, custom and customary practices, other feast and festivals, etc.
There are mainly five political parties exist in their VDCs. The political parties are Nepali
Congress, Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist, Communist Party of Nepal (United
Marxist Leninist), Sadbhawana Party, and Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF). At present most
of the Dhanuks are member of Forum. The main reason behind it as an informant reported is,
in other party, they are dominated and discriminated by hill origin high caste people as they
are influential in the party, that in other party influence of high caste Dhanuk people are
dominated and discriminated. And, attitude of the members of MJF party towards them is
considerable.
Some of the Dhanuks among FGD participants have heard about the indigenous people's
rights to natural resources but they don't know exactly that what sorts of rights are in place
and how to use the rights. Most of the Dhanuk do not have owned the land, only a very few
have their own land. There is no facility of irrigation in the village.
There is no government as well as community forest around the village. They use tube-well
for drinking water, but they do not know about the quality of water they make from tube-
well. One tube-well is used by 3-4 households and only a few Dhanuk households have their
private tube-well.
100
Dhanuk community is highly excluded in their village area. Firstly, most of the Dhanuk
community does not have ownership of land. They do not have access to electricity in their
settlement area. Mostly they use kerosene oil for light. Dhanuk works in other's land as
agriculture wage labourer. Some of the landless Dhanuks farm other's land as sharecropper.
One of the key informants said, adult Dhanuks are frustrated from their life so they leave
village. They have to go out of village or country for work.
According to them, Dhanuk do not have access to any kind of income generating activities.
Most of the Dhanuks feel that due to the poverty no one trusts them in investing money.
Dhanuk can survive for only 2-3 month in a year with their production. For rest of the
months, they depend on wage labourer. Some of Dhanuk work as rickshaw pooler to survive
their daily life.
They do not have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local
Development, Government of Nepal. They were not getting the budget allowance provided to
highly marginalized and endangered group by local government.
According to them, they do not understand about free, prior, informed consent (FPIC). They
don't know the meaning of full and effective participation and they were not participated in
any types of development work.
Dhanuks are residents of southern part of Nepal. They follow Hindu system of cast hierarchy.
Accordingly some castes within Dhanuks are considered as untouchable. A huge bulk of
Dhanuks is still unknown about Indigenous People’s organizations and movement because of
illiteracy and poverty. With reference to basic services, primary education is in their access
however, drop out is remarkable in high school, the reasons were told difficulty to
understanding Nepalese language and poverty. Additionally, they do not have access in
scholarship scheme too, as these scholarship facilities goes only to Dalit children. Similarly,
government health facilities are not succeeding to cover these people as these people do not
have access to modern health facilities in term of distance, money to buy medicine and the
treatment of service providers. They also feel not equally treated by service provider.
Traditional institution called "Maijan" is still functional in the community and this institution
leads the customary practices of Dhanuks. They do not have active involvement in all party
system mechanism however their political affiliation in Madhesi Forum is increasing these
101
days because of their loyal behaviour toward them. They do not have clear understanding in
IPs rights.
Most of the Dhanuks do not have land for their livelihood. Some of them work for landlords,
some are sharecroppers, some work as wage labourer and some also go to India for seasonal
works.
They do not know about the VDC budget allocated for endangered and marginalized Adibasi
Janajatis. They have no idea about free prior informed consent as well.
9. Recommendations
• Awareness programme on identity and rights is required for the Dhanuks.

• Awareness on education and health is needed.
• Income generation activities is needed for their livelihood.
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Table C.7: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Dhanuk
Score Status
Dhanuk: Indicators
All Some Few None
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 5 11 9 5
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C.8 DANUWAR
1. Introduction
The study team visited at Dudhauli VDC at Sindhuli District. Information about Danuwar has
been collected through Focus Group Discussion and Key Informant Interview.
Danuwar is one of the marginalized ethnic minorities. They live mainly in inner Tarai area.
We have selected field area Dudhauli VDC-4 and 5 Thulo Lakhanpur, Sindhuli District for
baseline survey research. According to the key informants, their relationship between other
communities are good, they help each other. Their neighbouring castes/ethnic groups are
Brahman, Chhetri, Tamang, Tharu, Dalit etc.
According to focus group discussion and key informants, Danuwar have not clear
understanding on the Adibasi Janajati. Some of them said having own land, traditional rituals
(birth-death), poor and illiterate are endangered Indigenous people. Few of participants know
59 are enlisted Indigenous Peoples (IPs) in Nepal. According to them, they are the people that
they live in the village, nearby river, mainly farming and they are located in inner Tarai.
According to the FGD, Danuwar have not knowledge and understanding the terms of right to
self determination but they were aware about self decision for own self. One of the key
informants said to preserve their ethnic identity they need their own language school.
Danuwar people were settled in village area, so Danuwar adult people are illiterate, unaware
and poor. They do not have access and control in decision making power. They have not
knowledge and understanding of FPIC. They claimed that they have the capacity to
understand about their rights but they have not given chance to understand or go ahead by
few opportunist Danuwar. The people think of dominated by upper level. The other people
called them as backward and illiterate.
Due to the key informants, especially Tarai Danuwar lost their culture heritage (tradition,
custom, legacy, birth right) and adopted Hinduism. Due to influence of Hindus now most of
the Danuwar follows Hindu religion and celebrate Hindu festivals too. Some of them say
Danuwar of inner Tarai unable to speak their language but they excited to learn.
i. Education
One of key informant said that at present Danuwar have more access to education than
before. School is very near from their settlement area. According to focus group discussion
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most of the Danuwar adults are illiterate due to poor economic condition. But immature
Danuwar children go to school regularly. One of the key informant said Danuwar small
children school enrolment rate is growing but adult dropout rate is very high because of
unemployment and poverty. They have to go outside for wage labour.
Some of the key informant said Danuwar students are excited to speak and learn on their own
language. Recently, village school started to teach them in their own language and three
teachers were appointed for this purpose. There are three schools 2 primary and one lower
secondary in ward no. 4 and 5. Almost all schools are located in the centre of the village.
Highly marginalized scholarship provided by government is getting by Danuwar children.
Children have got Rs. 250/- yearly as a HMJ scholarship from the school. Only last year
teachers had done door to door program, especially inspiring for girl. Danuwar do not have
access to school management committee.
ii. Health
According to FGD and key informants Danuwar have some access to modern health system
than before. Due to poverty and unawareness, most of the Danuwar use open fields for toilet
purpose. They have not access to good sanitation. There is a health post, which is located
very near from their settled area. There are some private clinics too.
Danuwar women are aware in the case of imitation. They are regular go to health post, for
checking natal and postnatal period. One of them said Danuwar are aware so they frequently
went to health post, but medicine are not sufficient for them. Sudeni is the least accessed
facility for Danuwar women, the poorly accessed of these facilities may be due to relative
scarcity of these services, expensive, and so on.
According to key informants, Danuwar also believe on their Traditional healer (Dhami,
Jhakri). Few of them said due to low income, when they became sick, mostly they gave first
priority and usually they went there for cure. Danuwar also use traditional medicine as-
different types of plant, roots, leaves etc.
During FGD and key person Interview Danuwar have their own traditional institution
'Adhikari' to manage their religious values-rituals, customary practices as-birth and death
rituals, marriage process, Kulpuja and other feast-festivals etc. According to them this
institution still exists in their community.
Due to key informants Danuwar have not access and control in Govt. resources (VDC/DDC
budget for endanger and HM indigenous peoples). Danuwar do not have full and effective
participation in all party mechanism. They are only member and if they raise voice no one
heard their accent. One of the key informants said some time VDC organized leadership
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training, motorcycle maintenance training etc., and they call only few member of Danuwar
community for participation. They never inform our community to preparing plan. Some of
them say, VDC all party mechanism uses HMJ allowance for making road, School etc.
According to FGD, There are mainly 4 parties (Unified Nepal Communist Party-Maoist,
Communist party of Nepal 'United Marxist Leninist', Rastriya Prajatantra Party) are existed
In their VDC, Most of the Danuwar people are member of Communist party of Nepal
(UML).
According to FGD, they had heard about the IPs rights to natural resources but they don't
know exactly that what sorts of rights are in placed and how to use the rights. Danuwar
people have less access to natural resources. Most of the high caste community as- Bahun,
Chhetri, Tamang, and Tharu are involved in community forestry committee.
Due to the key informants, Danuwar people have their own land; only 5% are dependent in
Ailani/Sukumbasi land, so their main occupation is agriculture. Danuwar have access in
irrigation system. They have modern irrigation system. It helps Danuwar people to increasing
their income. They have still access on the natural place where they worship near by their
village area.
Due to the key informant, Danuwar people use drinking water liberally without any hesitation
now a day. In Danuwar village area some have solar, some have electricity and most of them
are using kerosene oil for lighting.
Danuwar have not access to Seeds, fertilizer, pesticides, veterinary etc. provided by
government and other NGOs. One of the key informant said no one inform us, upper caste
and some rich Danuwar were used up.
Mostly Danuwar have their own land so, they are fully dependent in farming and wage
labour. They do not have any access to other economic activities. Due to lack of education
and poverty, most of the Danuwar, They do not have skill and opportunities; they have to go
outside to carry load wage labour. A few number of youths have gone to gulf country.
Due to key informant said Danuwar adults think vocational and technical education as
motorcycle repairing, leadership, anchoring etc. helped for Danuwar youths to increase their
income and chance of employment opportunities but no one was helping this community.
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They do not have access to the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati from Ministry of Local
Development, Government of Nepal. Danuwar were getting particularly allowance for highly
marginalized ethnic. But they do not have access in all party mechanism. One of the key
informants says due to poverty and illiterate, they have not skill of any technology. They
have no idea about free, prior informed consent (FPIC).
School is now easy access for Danuwars as the schools are located closed to their settlements.
Their children are benefited from scholarship; consequently school enrolment is now
encouragingly rising. They have access to health facilities although they believe in traditional
and faith healers too. In Danuwar village, sanitation and hygiene is noticeably poor since they
do not have toilets at home.
They have their traditional institution, called Adhikari, who leads continuation of the
customary practices of Danuwar. They do not have effective participation in all party
mechanism as well as political parties. They opined that the reasons may be due to poverty,
illiteracy and less access to power among them. The social security allowances are normally
received but still the VDC funds are not allocated to development of Danuwars. During
planning and decision making, they have never been asked for free prier informed consent.
Danuwars' main occupation is agriculture but still irrigation facilities, seeds and fertilizers
have not been reached to the poor Danuwar. They also involve in wage labourer mostly
related to loading and unloading. Nowadays, the new generations are attracted to foreign
labour migration, especially designed to gulf countries.
Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of
Danuwar (see Table C.8).
9. Recommendation
• Scholarship Program that includes uniform and day meal for school going children.
• Awareness Program on health and sanitation.
• Vocational trainings and supporting program in income generation activities.
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Table C.8: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Danuwar
Score Status
Danuwar: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 11 5 3 11
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C.9 MAJHI
1. Introduction
Majhi is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi

Janajati). Majhi population concentrates largely in Ramechhap, Sindhuli, Sindhupalchok,
Morang, Jhapa and Sharlahi districts. They are indigenous to the river and mainly the
residents of riversides. Their traditional occupations are fishing and boat sailing. It is believed
that Majhis were originated from riversides of Tamakosi in Ramechhap and spread to other
districts. The 2001 population census recorded the total population of Majhi as 46,676. They
are accounted for 792 in the sample VDC, Bhatauli in Ramechhap.
Concerning knowledge and understanding of term and definition, Majhi participants during
the discussion have internalized the meaning of Adibasi Janajatis. They express Adibasi
Janajati as Matawali people like Magar, Thami, Tamang, Majhi etc. Discussants are also
somehow aware of what marginalized and endangered carry the meaning. They try to define
marginalized and endangered as those who are small in population and they are culturally as
well as endangered. About 40% of FGD participants and all women participants are not
familiar with the terms highly marginalized and endangered.
ii. Education
A primary school is at Bhatauli village in 15 minutes walking distance. In the past, the school
was almost abundant because it is located in Majhi community and they didn’t have any
access to manage even required facilities at school. FGD participants reported their
experience that they had completed primary level from the school and went to school in next
village, Bahun village, where they always felt embarrassed; everyday teased and beat by
Bahun children. “We used to go school with bear feet, not even proper clothes on body let
alone nice uniform, feeling humiliating always. It is because we were very poor and our
parents never understood how we were treated and what really needed in school”.
There are currently about 300 students in the school and the girl students are higher in
number as villagers are now aware on girl education. The school teacher said that “these days
our children are at school; they somehow complete at least primary level though the dropout
begins in secondary level because their parents move to work in Brick Factory in Kathmandu
and their children had to move too. At the same time, when they get back to village after
some months, children rejoin the school but their performance is weak because they are not
regular in the classes. Majhi children are picked up from their village by broker of the brick
109
factory. Almost 40% of the Majhi families in the village depend on brick work.
Comparatively number of Tamang and Newar children going to school is higher because
their parents constantly remain in the village.
In primary school, two teachers are appointed in relief quota and one more teacher is about to
add soon with VDC resource. Both teachers are Majhi and previously worked as volunteer in
the school for three years. Majhi language is not used in school as all students understand
Nepalese language. Majhis are now encouraged for educational support in the school, there
are currently running Bal Shikshya Karyakram by DEPROSC Nepal (NGO), and they have
got financial support to build one block to Bal Shikshya Karyakram. They have appointed an
IA passed Majhi lady teacher in the program.
Dalit students are getting scholarship which is screened through resource centre. School
management committee is occupied by Bahun even though they send their children to private
boarding schools in Manthali Bazaar. They are dominant in decision making at the cost of
Majhi children.
ii. Health
Health post is located at a distance of 5 minutes walk. Closed to the health post there are 4
Chhetri houses. There are four staffs in health post but none of the Majhis are among them.
They usually go to health post and get free medicine during sickness. In the same way, they
do believe in faith healers, Dhami/Jhankri and use traditional medicine, such as leaves, roots
and barks of different plants and herbs. However, these days modern medicine is being used
in their communities as they reported health service providers treat them in good ways.
Regarding personal health and sanitation, Majhi villages are not so clean, neat and tidy. They
tie up cattle just closed to their main house and public toilets are very dirty even though water
is running just close to the toilets. From this point of view, their sanitation level is not
satisfactory enough.
The VDC funds are designed and implemented by all party mechanism. A FGD participant
said, "actually, there is full participation of Majhi people in budget allocation but still the
decision is made by big bosses". We have no place even to file our problem. During the field
visit of this study, there was a meeting in VDC regarding budget sharing, so far a participants
said lots of people were attending the meeting just to show up their power, and the big share
of budget mostly goes to them who has such power and access with.
Old age allowances, social security allowance and delivery incentives are regularly
distributed to beneficiaries.
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In the past, they used to have their organization called Majhesawa which was the main
governing body of their community. They used to collect revenue called Dungepathi in Koshi
Ghat. They had judiciary body as well, if there was fighting/quarrelling in village, the
members of the institute would be the key persons in local justice court. The collected
revenue used to spend in social work and Koshi Puja so far, Majhi people worship Koshi
River with great ceremony. Nowadays, this institution does not exist at all. Instead, there is
an organization Majhi Utthan Sangh in Bhatauli VDC, which was formed in 2058 and
affiliated to NEFIN aiming to betterment of Majhi community.
They are representing their community in “Ward Level All Party Mechanism”, however, as
they reported, this year's VDC fund allocated for Adibasi Janajati was reallocated for
backward group, Pichhada Barga (Backward Class). There is no separated fund for Majhis.
They have demanded separate budget for them. Political parties even don’t want to talk about
the issues of Janajati. The other indigenous people like Tamang, Newar can easily take
advantages in accessing budget in their favour because these people have access in centre
level. They also do not have any ideas about the money that allocates to women, children and
Dalits.
In the past, they had historical land "KIPAT” nearby Manthali Bazaar, which is no more in
existence today. Now, Majhis do not have land. The jungles are transferred into government
and again into community forests. Majhi people are allowed to collect fodders and firewood
any time in their convenient. There is not enough fodder for cattle in jungle because of
deforestation. They do not have any private jungle belongs too.
There are drinking water taps in each cluster in village. However, the source of water is
seasonal and it works only during the rainy season. During the winter seasons, they have to
fetch water from Koshi River that is 15 minutes far from the village. Yet, no effort has been
made to solve this problem as there is no alternative source of water.
Regarding irrigation, the participants said that before there was Amade Sinchai Yojana
designed by centre planning project. However, this is now not in use for several years as the
source of water was flooded during summer, and no one has attempted to repair it. They are
using traditional Kulo (small canal) instead. But it is reportedly not that much reliable.
Traditional occupation of the Majhi is fishery, boat sailing and agriculture. They also sell
fermented rice ‘Jand’, locally made liquor. Nowadays, it has been disappeared as
development has severely affected their occupation. Boating has been replaced by suspension
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bridges over the rivers and motor road. There are 70 households in Bhatauli village, they
have own houses but not enough land for farming. Only 30 percent of them have food
sufficient for a year and the rests can thrive only for 3-6 months. They have to rely on
sharecropping in Bahun's land. In addition, they do work as wage earner in Bahun's home and
agriculture farm. They also began to migrate for work in Brick Factory in Kathmandu.
7. Access to and Participation in Development Activities
Now days, some NGOs is implementing income generating activities in Bhattauli village.
CDS/PAF has provided loan to its member in cattle breeding and small scale of
entrepreneurship as well as to farming seasonal vegetables. They have formed women's group
and working under the groups. They are involved mainly in income generation activities such
as goat raising and buffalo keeping as well as saving and credit programme. In enterprise,
women make local liquor/fermented rice (Jand) and sell it in market in Manthali Bazaar.
They have also created saving and credit program in women groups collecting Rs 5 rupees
monthly from each home.
DEPROSC Nepal has supported for child education programme in Majhi community. Rural
Health Development Programme (RHDP) is working in health and sanitation sector. Majhis
are also involved in Adibasi organization, affiliated with NEFIN. Two FGD participants are
chair person and treasurer in Adibasi organization.
Regarding informed consent, participants expressed that the programs are generally designed
based on donors' interest and the project partner but never asked to them. Anyway as the
reported, "we are happy enough for what we are getting till now. We still hope for long term
program that could boost up economic condition of Majhi community."
Majhi people are still socially and economically backward. There is discriminatory
relationship against Majhis from other dominant groups in the village.
Culturally, they worship Koshi Puja, Thikuri Devi (river goddess). They also worship their
ancestor and perform some Hindu festivals due to growing influence of Hindus.
Majhis have access to education and health services. Enrolment of Majhi children has been
encouraging but higher school dropout is frustrating part of their community. The main
reason for high dropout is poverty. They do not survive for the whole a year with their land
and production. They have to rely on wage labourer and they have begun to send their
member to work in brick factory in Kathmandu. This situation does not permit Majhi children
to be regular in school.
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Because of poor economic condition and poor access to political power, their participation in
decision making level is remarkably lower. There are development activities carried out by
some NGO/INGOs in health, sanitation and income generation activities although needed
some initiations to improve their livelihood.
Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Majhi
(see Table C.9).
9. Recommendations
• Majority of school children seasonally migrate to Brick factory in Kathmandu

because of poverty so that there should be an intervention to hold them in school.
• Generally, a blocked budget allocates to name of Adibasi Janajati which later on goes
to them who have power accessed so that such budget should be allocated based on
Janajati groups.
• There is not sufficient drinking water during winter seasons so alternative ways
should be explored, in the same way, irrigation system is immediate need.
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Table C.9: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Majhi
Score Status
Majhi: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 14 6 6 4
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C.10 THAMI
1. Introduction
Thami is one of the highly marginalized indigenous peoples mostly populated in

Sindhupalchowk, Dolakha and Ramechhap districts of Nepal. They have migrated all most in
16 other districts of Nepal. They are mostly found in the hilly areas only. They are locally
known as Thangmi. According to the 2001 Census, their total population is 22,999. In our
study sample area, there are 3,993 Thami populations. They speak mother tongue, which is
known as the Thangmi Language. In our sample area, i.e. the Piskar VDC in Sindhupalchowk
district, the Thami comprises 65% of the total population of the VDC and Newar are 20%,
and Bramhin and the Dalits are 10% each.
They believe and worship ancestors as well as practice Bon religion. They are influenced by
the Hindu religion and celebrate some Hindu festivals, follow some of the Hindu culture and
tradition.
Their traditional occupation is bamboo products and nettle weaving but main occupation is
agriculture. Nevertheless they have their own distinct culture, tradition, norms and values.
With regards to knowledge and understanding about their identity, no one, except two FGD
participants, could clearly define and identify highly marginalized and endangered
indigenous peoples. Almost all the FGD participants mentioned that they have often heard the
term “Adibasi Janajati” through radio and speech by local leaders. They said, “it refers to the
groups of peoples having their own distinct cultures, language and identity, such as Thami,
Tamang, Rai, Limbu etc”. The elder participants were confused in differentiating
marginalized and endangered Adibasi, while the young participants clarified Kusunda, Raute,
Surel, Chepang as endangered and Thami, Jirel, Tamangs as marginalized Adibasi Janajati.
The participants were aware about the rights of Adibasi/Janajati as they feel that they have
been enjoying their rights in political parties and decision making process in local level for
about five years. However, nearly two-fourth of participants did not comprehended the term
right to self-determination but they have some knowledge about right to access of education
and the health services.
i. Education
In the Piskar VDC, there is a high school and +2 located nearby, fifteen minutes of walking
distance, in the village. A primary school is located in the southern belt of the village. School
115
enrolment of Thami children is significantly higher at the primary level, though the trend is
almost decreasing in high school due to prevailing early marriage practice in the community.
The parents are extremely worried to find a boy for their daughter on their 13/14 and sooner
after marriage Thami girls abandon from schooling. Teenage marriage is high. The
participants mentioned poverty and need of working people to work in family farm or daily
wages. They also added that Chhetri children comparatively complete high school than
Thami children. The chair of school management committee is Thami. Indeed, in executive
body, about 30% of positions are hold by Thami people. Out of 12 teachers in the school,
only one is a Thami teacher and he was appointed in a “relief quota”. So far, there is no
Thami language being used as medium of instruction. They have not felt any language barrier
in school as they have now taken for granted that “Nepali language is easy enough to
communicate in school and outside.” Some Thami students have been receiving scholarship;
there are financial supports for poor and disabled students provided by the Janajati Mahasang.
Scholarship for the entire Thami student at primary level is regular. Similarly, Dalit students
are also getting money but the participants did not notice the amount they receive. The total
numbers of the Thami students who have passed SLC exam from Thami village in Piskar are
6 only and all of them are boys. Among them only one Thami has recently received I. A.
degree. One Thami student has pursued education in the Lalita Kala Sangeet Bidhyalaya, but
the remaining ones are just hanging around due to lack of job opportunity. One of the FGD
participants opined, “Education level has been raising gradually but girls are not as grown up
as they are supposed to be; I have never seen them serious in their studies.” Generally, young
girls leave home to work in Kathmandu. In informal education, Thami women benefited until
2009 but the program was already cut off. Most of the adults are illiterate. The children do
not attend school regularly due to hand to mouth problem and due to poverty they have to
collect firewood and work as labourer.
ii. Health
There is a sub-health post in ten minutes walking distance. All the staffs are outsiders; a peon,
who belongs to Khatri caste, is local. They practice Dhami (chinta basne). One of the Key
Informants said, "As far as I know, our grandfathers never visited health post; they believed
on Lama and Jhankri but younger generation takes services from sub-health post." Thus,
Thami still believe on the faith healers (dhami jhakri), they frequently go to Dhami to get
holy water (Phukeko Pani) if they should get sick seriously then only they visit hospital or
health post. They use herbs such as roots, leaves, bark of the plants for medicinal purposes.
Nowadays, some villagers pray in the Church as there are about 25% of the villagers
converted into Christian religion in the last two years. The participants were teasing and
making fun on such practices.
All the participants mentioned that they do not have any problem with Auxiliary health
assistant and Auxiliary Nurse Midwife, as they admire them their behaviour, treatment and
medicine they provide. There are two Thami Female Community Health workers in the entire
VDC; one is substituted recently to replace a migrated Chhetri FCHV. Concerning safe
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delivery practice, so far none of the Thami women goes to hospital as there is no birthing
centre in the sub-health post, and Barabise, where such service is available, is too far, i.e.
about 2 hours long journey by bus from their village. There is no 24 hours bus access in that
route. Due to this reasons, no one take pregnant women to any hospital unless they get
prolonged labour. However, anti-natal visit is being common among pregnant women. 100%
of the children are immunized. The observation revealed that each house have a toilet. The
houses are in square shape and cattle were tied inside and around it. Similarly, cow dung was
kept in front yard so the sanitation level was in some extent poor.
iii. Government and social security
Almost all FGD participants had information about the budget that are allocated to the
Adibasi Janajati from the central level. They felt that Janajati are now getting empowered. A
community building is under construction with the budget allocated for the Janajati. Dalits
have also benefited from this construction work as they have grill and welding machine in
their traditional work place (Aaran). Old age allowance and widowed allowance is regularly
distributed. Concerning the maternal incentives, they do not have access to birthing centre in
the sub-health post. Barabise bazaar is too far from there. So delivery at is in practice. For
this reason, maternal allowance is not effective among the Thami.
One third of the FGD participants said that there is no problem in dealing with VDC’s staffs,
The VDC secretary office is now in Barabise which was transferred in Barabise Bazaar
during emergency (Moist conflict). If anyone of villagers get problem in communicating with
them, facilitator assist them.
In the past Thami people had Mulmu and Khami system as traditional organization used to
work on common concerns of Thami people. Such organization is rapidly disappearing,
indicating a need for its preservation.
Chhetris are Ward and VDC chairpersons but Vice-chairpersons are the Thami. At present,
local VDC is run by the VDC secretary and power sharing is contested by two major political
parties, namely CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist. Nepali Congress and Rastriya Prajatantra
parties also have little influence. Thami are equally participating to deciding and making
plans and program; the budget is being used generally in drinking water, electricity, and road
construction. In the recent budget, they have allocated Rs 1, 00,000 to construct Adibasi
community building and asking the VDC Council for more money; they are indeed positively
assured. A participant expressed “so far I know, Rs. 30,000 has been allocating in the name
of Adibasi Janajati, we were not informed about this matter before (until two years back),
now a days we are happy that the concerned authority (VDC Secretary) honestly report to us
about such matters.” They have also allocated some money to Dalits and used the money to
117
make toilets etc. Basically, when the budget flows in the VDC, two separate political parties
discuss on it and development program also severely influenced by them.
There are drinking water tap running for 24 hours, one for four households, supported by (a
local NGO. Electricity is made available from the Khimti hydropower project; so they never
face power cut off. There are also some other hydro-power projects in neighbouring VDCs.
Regarding access to forest, there are some private jungles and three community forests,
among them two are always open for fodders and firewood. The participants experienced
inadequacy of jungle products due to huge number of users. Thami had traditional irrigations
system until one decades ago however, it was dismantled while road was constructed by
“food for work” project in 2058 B.S. What is intriguing is that the damaged parts mostly
affect Farms of the Thami; while Bahuns are still using the same irrigation system and
farming mustard as usual. The damaged irrigation system is in a process of repair in this year.
None of the Thamis is homeless in the Piskar village; they have land of their own. About
25% of the Thami has 20 Ropani, 25% Thami has 10-15 Ropani, 20% Thami has 10 Ropani,
and 25% Thami have 1-5 Ropani of land. They are still following traditional method of
agriculture. They do not use any advance agro-technology and modern fertilizers such as
urea; they use cow dung as usual. The main crops grown by Thami are maize, wheat, millet,
mustard, potato and seasonal vegetables, they also raise livestock such as goats, and cows not
in professional way as there are not enough grazing lands. They have skill in nettle weaving.
Some local NGOs are supporting for sheds distribution, local market creation and
cooperatives for the local farmers. Farmers sell their vegetables in local open market (Hat
Bazaar) in Thauthali, located in a half an hour walking distance. For cattle, buyer comes to
collect and sell it in Lhasa in China and also in Kathmandu. In spite of such activities,
however, all participants said that only 5% of the households can manage food for the whole
year from their own family farm, remaining 95% of the households have food sufficiency for
3-6 months from agriculture production and rest of the months they work as daily wage
labourers. Generally, Thamis work as carpenter and mason in the neighbouring districts,
namely Dolakha, Kavre and Kathmandu. In the village, basic wage rate for carpenter and
Mistri is Rs. 150 per day.
During farming season, Thami practice Parma, which is a labour exchange system. All the
villagers, including Bahun, Chhetri and Dalit, work together to plant paddy and millet etc.
Thami mainly do share cropping (Adhiya) in the farms of the Chhetris. One of the FGD
participant said, Hami Thamiharu Bhaneko Chhetri Ko Khet Kamaune Ho (We are serfs of
the Chhetris).
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With regards to development programs, there are some ongoing projects in the Piskar VDC.
These are rural road construction and extension, repairing irrigation and Adibasi Block
construction. They had a program called “Food for work” on from 2058 B.S. to 2063 B.S.
Currently, some local organizations working on agro based program in order to enhance
income generation, for instance, TUKI Sangh has been distributing sheds to farmers.
However, two-thirds of the participants spelled out that the sheds were not suitable in the
weather as the crops did not grow up well and farmers are now hesitated to retry such sheds.
They planted potato recently and waiting for its result. Meantime, there is also a cooperative
that lend money to farmers, Rs. 10000-15000 with 14% annual interest rate. A participant
said that PAF is going to work in Dalit and ethnic communities in this village and they have
primarily focused on Dalit first, then Janajatis; and they are piloting soon in two wards in the
VDC”. Similarly, the Gramin Mahila Srijanshil Pariwar, in coordination with UNFPA, is
working to raise awareness against early age marriage. There is a Youth Information Centre
that provide counselling service relating to adolescent health problems. The Solid Nepal and
Gramin Hatemalo Karyakram are working in Piskar and some others neighbouring VDC.
Concerning to Free Prior Inform Consent, generally, INGOs or NGOs people come to visit
key persons of the village before launching the programs, they sit together and talk about the
matter. By the time, a SLC passed boy is working in a local NGO in the village, local women
groups are formed in order to carry on the program however, and these all NGOs offices are
located in Barabise Bazaar.
Taking account into access to indigenous organization, they are organized into Thami Sudhar
Samaj and Nepal Thami Samaj. The first one was registered a year ago with the initiation of
educated Thami youth who felt that they were ignored by their seniors in ideas sharing and
planning. The second one Thami Samaj, affiliated with the Adibasi Janajati Mahasang, was
established in 2058. This institution carried out training on participation of Thamis in
Constituent Assembly (Sambidhan savha ma Thami Jatiko Sahabhagita) in the year 062/063.
There are also another organization called Nikko Thami Samaj in Dhuskun and Ramche
VDC. Nearly 50% of FGD participants were engaged in Thami organizations, out of 15
participants 2 were chairperson and secretary of “Thami Sudhar Samaj”. The rest were not
involved because they are illiterate and not good enough to understand issues of Janajatis.
Having several organizations in Thami communities however, coordination among them was
not likely strong enough as the chairperson knew nothing about programs of other and Thami
organizations don’t let them know their programs too.
Despite of extreme domination by Bramhin and Chhetris, Thamis are now slowly crawling to
get access to basic services like education, health, and participation in various plans and
programs in the village. Socially they have harmonious relation among other ethnic groups
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such as lending or borrowing money, participation in rituals and farming, development issues
like road construction, community building etc.
In Thami village, there is an interesting practice of collectivism, especially in social and

cultural rites and ceremonies. A young participant strongly said “Our fathers and four fathers
lost their lands for a piece of bread.” Based on caste hierarchy, they were considered as
lower cast but Newar and Tamangs were in line with them currently such sort of
discrimination is diminishing at the village.
Regarding livelihood, majority of Thamis depend on agriculture and livestock but still they
practice traditional method of farming. Nowadays, there is local market developing in
Sindhupalchowk to sell vegetables and cattle due to access of road. Some NGOs are
supporting farmers by distributing seeds and fertilizers, it also provides loan to them. Taking
account into access to indigenous organizations, there are several Thami organizations
however, they don’t have strong coordination among them so needed a mechanism to circle
them in.
Thami (see Table C.10).
9. Recommendation:
• Piskar is nearby centre market of Barabise and Lhasa, so that there is a potential
market to cattle and vegetable trade that’s why good irrigation is needed.
• Thamis' scattered organizations should be coordinated.
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Table C.10: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Thami
Score Status
Thami: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 14 8 5 3
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C.11 CHEPANG
1. Introduction
Chepang is one of the highly marginalized among 59 indigenous nationalities in Nepal.

Makawanpur, Dhading, Chitwan and Gorkha districts are the main habitants of Chepang.
According to Population census 2001, total Chepang population is 52,237. According to
Chairperson of Nepal Chepang Association (NCA), major population of Chepang live in 21
VDCs – 5 in Gorkha, 6 in Dhading and 18 in Chitwan and Makwanpur district.
The baseline study selected a sample of Koiraltar village of Dhusa VDC in Dhading district,
where almost half of the total population are Chepang accounting for about 3,000.
None of the FGD participants know about the meaning of Adibasi and Janajatis. However,
they are aware of that 'Chepangs are Adibasi'. They are also unaware of the rights to self-
determination.
i. Education
There is a primary school, Bhangeri Primary School, in the village. The classes run in the
school are from 1 to 3 grades where Chepang, Magar and Biswakarma students are studied.
For secondary school they have to go to neighbouring village, located at Bahun gaon. In
present days, Chepangs are reportedly much aware of education and almost all of the
households send their children to school. A project from Japan (they do not know the name of
the project) launched an awareness program on education. After that they started to go to
school. In the school, Chepang students are high because of high population of Chepang are
there. However, there is no teacher in the school from the Chepang. The medium of teaching
is entirely Nepali even though the majority of the students are Chepangs.
All the Chepang girls get NRs. 600 as a scholarship once in a year. NEFIN has provided
scholarship for 2 Chepang students.
Tilak Chepang (NEFIN DCC secretary and NCA advisor) and Jitendra Chepang (Chairman,
NCA) report that enrolment of Chepang is encouraging these days. There are 63 young
Chepangs who have passed the SLC in the Dhading District. About 75 percent of the
Chepang children are enrolled in school. However, drop out rate is also considerably high.
High drop out as they reported is mainly due to higher incidence of failure rate among
Chepang children. Due to abject poverty, most of the time children have to go for work and
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consequently they are mostly absent in the school, which cause them failure in the
examination. One participant said that if there are three sons/daughters in a family, they go to
school alternatively because one has to look after younger brother/sister.
ii. Health
There is no health post or clinic in the Chepang village. A sub-health post is in the VDC but it
is quite far from Chepang village, which is located at Bahun village. They have to walk one
and half hour to reach the sub-health post.
They go to health post or clinic for ordinary treatment and they go to Kathmandu for serious
treatment. However, they do not prefer to go to health post mainly because of unavailability
of the medicine (there are just citamol) as well as skilled doctor. So, they directly go to
Hospital or clinic. Another reason why they do not prefer to go to health post is there is no
staff from Chepang.
The perception on Dhami Jhankri has been changed than before but some old generation
people still believe on Dhami Jhankri for satisfaction (Man ko Shanti ko lagi).
According to an informant, overall health situation among Chepang is miserable. They

reported as:
• 71% Chepang children have malnutrition
• Problem of Uterus prolapsed (Aang Khasne Samasya)
• Problem in mouth because they do not brush the teeth
• Unsafe maternity (they give birth child in the jungle)
• 80% anaemia during delivery
• No vaccination in pregnant – antenatal care
• High fertility
They know about the budget allocated for Adibasi Janajati. Even though they demand the
budget in the VDC, the Sarbadaliya Samiti decides that where the budget should spend. As
they reported, budget allocated for Adibasi/Janajati and Dalits was spent in electricity and
road construction. When some Chepang activists ask Sarbadaliya Samiti for their budget,
they replied, "Do Adibasi/Janajati and Dalits not need these roads and electricity? Do they
not walk in the road?"
They are getting the elderly allowance, maternity allowance from the VDC. They get
maternity allowance NRs. 100 when they go for check up and they get NRs. 1000 when they
give birth of child in hospital. However, some are not getting because of they do not know
about such allowance.
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The informants reported that access of Chepangs to basic services provided by government
such as education, health has been increasing compared to before. Different organizations
have launched awareness program for the empowerment of Chepangs and they themselves
are learning to fight for their rights.
According to an informant, despite the Chepang population as majority in 21 VDCs, only one
VDC (Siddhi) in Chitwan and one VDC (Raksirang) in Makwanpur had Chepang chairperson
in the last election. After Maoist political insurgency, some Chepangs are District Committee
Member (DCM) in Maoist party in Gorkha, Dhading, and Chitwan and Makawanpur district.
Similarly, there are some DCM from CPN-UML in Chitwan, Makawanpur and Dhading.
There is only member from Nepali Congress party in Makawanpur.
5. Access to natural resources (Indigenous right)
According to participants, they don't have access on their ancestral forest land. There is no
government forest too. They bring all the forest resources (fuel wood, NTFPs, fodder, grass)
from Community Forest. But they don’t have access to traditional custom such as shifting
cultivation (slash and burn), poaching etc.
According to them, they have access to clear drinking water. They drink the water of stream
and well (kuwa). They do not have access to irrigation. Community themselves are not able
to construct irrigation canal because it needs huge amount of money and no government and
non-government sectors are interested in such project. They don’t have traditional irrigation
system. Their farm is dependant on rainfall.
There is electricity in the village. They have access to electricity.
They have own home and land but the land all the households own is small piece, which is
not sufficient to produce food for around the year. As they reported, they could rely on their
land for no more than 6 months in a year. They do vegetable farming and goods exchange for
the food sufficiency for the rest 6 months. They do not have access on seed, fertilizer,
agriculture instruments as well as loan and income generation programs. Once PAF have
given some money for goat raising.
Some development activities have been carried out in the village such as electricity, drinking
water, and road. For road construction, Community Forestry has given the fuel and DDC has
given the money for dozer hire. According to informant, they were informed on development
activities but were not asked for the participation in decision making.
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Some NGOs are working in Chepang village. Shanti Nepal works on health, RIMS Nepal
works on community forestry, and Focus Nepal works on poverty alleviation. According to
Chepangs, their participation is satisfactory in these mentioned programs. However, all these
offices are located at urban areas and there are no staffs from Chepangs in these NGOs.
According to them, The NGOs take free, prior informed consent (FPIC) on their basic
services programs.
Chepang is one of the indigenous people residing mainly in Makawanpur, Dhading, Chitwan,
and Gorkha district. Around 70% Chepangs follow Christianity and other follow Shamanism.
The Chepangs are unknown about the Adibasi Janajati and their right. Almost all have access
to basic education not in the higher education. The enrolment rate in primary school is 75%
but the dropout rate is higher.
Distant primary health facility has caused weak access to health services. They have a
problem of malnutrition. They have low level of access in local polytypical body. They have
not access to decision making level of local governance such all party mechanism and
political parties as well. A few programs have helped them to build up their capacity.
In the survey conducted area, there is no ancestral jungle. It has prevented them to practice
their original traits. They have access to electricity, water to drink, and they own land.
Chepang (see Table C.11).
9. Recommendations
• Government should launch the programs on education and health for the Chepangs.
• Government should guarantee the employment for Chepangs because Chepangs are
unemployment.
• Government should allocate separate budget for Chepangs' livelihood.
• NGOs should also focus on providing trainings on livelihood and skill development
training
• NEFIN has also to focus on the programs on rights on concerned Chepang
communities
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Table C.11: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Chepangs
Score Status
Chepangs: Indicators
All Some Few None
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 11 6 6 7
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C.12 BARAM
1. Introduction
Baramu is also one of the 14 highly marginalized groups among 59 Adibasi Janajatis. Barams
are the residents of north-east of the Gorkha district. They report that Takukot, Moseni,
Pandrung VDCs are the main ancestral places of Barams. Population Census 2001 recorded
7,383 of total population of Barams. However, Baram informants claim that their population
was underreported. The main reasons behind it are – first, Barams in Chhoprak VDC reported
themselves as Sunuwar in 2001 census; second, some Barams introduced themselves as
Gurung while recruited into Indian Army; and third, Barams in Nuwakot reported them as
Tamang instead of Baramu. The Baram population is scattered mainly in four districts,
Gorkha, Nuwakot, Dhading and Chitwan.
Barams are very few who know what the Adibasi, Janajati, Highly Marginalized and
Endangered Adibasi Janajati are about. They even don’t know that who belong to Adibasi
and Janajatis. Few of them report that Adibasi Janajatis are those who have different custom
and culture, have ancestral land, own distinct rituals and rites on birth and death.
They expressed that they are completely unknown about rights to self-determination and IPs
rights over natural resources.
i. Education
VDC profile of Pandrung recorded that overall literacy rate of Barams in the VDC is 74%,
which is closer to Bahun/Chhetri (75.1%) and considerable higher than other Janajati
population (60%). However, Barams are only 11% who passed the SLC; five-times lower
than Bahuns.
There is a primary school close to Baram village. It takes 5 minutes walk to reach the school.
The school is located at the village where Bahun community resides. Informant report that
the school was previously planned to construct in the Baram village. Later, it was built in
Bahun's village. Now, Some Bahuns who belong to school management committee tried to
sell the land allocated for school in the Baram village. But Barams opposed to sell the land
and they are planning to build community house in the land for which Bahuns have not
accepted this proposal.
Now, all Barams' children go to school. No Barams and Dalits have experience any kind of
discrimination based on caste and ethnicity. More than 50% students are Barams out of 118
127
total students in that school. However, drop out rate of Baram children is reported to be
considerably high. The main reason for drop out is high failure rate of Baram children in
grade promotion, which is due to the fact that there is no suitable environment for education
in the home among Barams. In the discussion, participants said regarding the school drop out
trend of Baram that "Pass Bhaye Das Ma, Fail Bhaye Bus Ma" (literally if they pass the
examination, they will study in 10 class, otherwise they leave the village by bus for work).
Though Baram have access to education in terms of school, teacher, curriculum but they drop
out school and go to work to urban area or Gorkha, Kathmandu and other cities as well as
foreign country including India. This saying mostly implies to youth population.
One Baram teacher is appointed through private source (niji shrot) in local school. Out of 5
teachers, all are from Bahun community (4 Male, 1 Female).
According to Baram participants, new generation does not speak their language, only a few
elderly Barams speak and they are seriously worried in extinction of the Baram language.
There is no teachers in the school who speak Baram language. Accordingly, the school has
not adopted Baram language as medium of teaching.
Students are getting scholarship once in a year from the school. Each student gets NRs. 480.
But Baram just guess that perhaps they get the scholarship being as Adibasi Janajati.
Actually, they don’t know that who are giving the fund for scholarship. Besides, till the date,
no programs are initiated for focusing the education of Baram children.
According to participants, there are 6-7 teachers from Baram community in Gorkha district.
Among them 4 are permanent teachers in the whole district.
ii. Health
Participants in FGD said that there no health post in Baram village. The nearest health post is
in the next village, but within VDC. It takes 2 hours walk to go to the health post. There are
mixed community live in health post-located village such as Bahun, Gurung, Magar, Baram,
Chhetri, Kami etc. Deurali, a small emerging village town, is closer to Pandrung, which
needs only 15-20 minutes walk to reach. So, instead of visiting health post, Barams usually
go to private clinic in Deurali village when they get ordinary sick. It is mainly because usual
unavailability of health personnel as well as medicine in the health post. When the sickness is
quite serious, they go to Gorkha bazaar, district headquarter of Gorkha district.
Almost all the Baram children are immunized. Baram women are aware of anti-natal and
post-natal care. For normal case, they usually do delivery in the village with the help of
experienced elderly women and when it is bit serious they go to either health post or clinic in
Deurali.
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Barams also believe in traditional healing practices/curing of Shamanism (Dhami/Jhankri,
Jharfuk). Mostly old aged people believe and prefer the shamanistic treatment.
There are no staffs from Baram community except one Sudeni and one Female Community
Health Volunteer (FCHV) in health post. The environment and behaviour of staffs in the
health post is good but some times they feel staff do negligence in the treatment of Baram
people.
Situation of personal hygiene and sanitation is good in Baram Community. They are much
aware of personal health and sanitation. Every household has their own toilet. Mostly houses
are neat and clean. No human excretions are made outside toilet.
Barams know about the budget coming in VDC for the uplift of Adibasi Ajanta. It has not
been long that they know about the budget. They have demanded the budget in the VDC but
they have not received the budget till the date and VDC has also not asked that where the
budget is spent.
Most of the eligible Barams are getting elderly population allowance. Some have not received
it because of some technical problems: first, few of them do not have citizenship certificate;
and age of some Barams recorded in citizenship certificate is much lower (ineligible) than
their actual age.
They are unknown about maternity allowance as well as deprived allowance and nobody is
receiving such allowances.
Currently, in Barams' initiation, DDC has allocated the small budget for the promotion and
protection of Barams' culture and tradition. They have planned to spend the budget in
collecting traditional costumes and jewelleries.
According to Barams, they don't have their traditional indigenous institution. But they have
been performing various ritual functions in communal way since long. Some traditional
customs and rituals are still continued in Baram community. They are Parma Pratha, Chandi
Puja, Bayu Puja, Kul Puja, etc. They have modern organization named "Nepal Baram
Sangh". They believe that this organization is successful to organize Barams in a consolidated
way.
There is very low participation of Baram in all party mechanism (Sarbadaliya Samiti).
Barams feel that they are not much educated in comparison of other community. In the
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discussion, some Barams said that all agendas were taken from all members in all party
mechanism but the decision is made inside the room by portfolio.
Bahuns influence their agendas in Sarbadaliya meeting because they are very empowered
and educated. So, Bahuns have access in every sector. According to participants, no programs
have been launched for Adibasi Janajati, Dalit, and Women from Sarbadaliya Samiti. Barams
are not able to influence Sarbadaliya Samiti because no body listen their voices. Barams are
participated rhetorically but their participation is not meaningful in reality (Sahabhagi
garaiyeko jasto dekhiyeko chha tara nirnayama sahabhagi garayidaina).
There are mainly three political parties exist in Pandrung - Nepali Congress, CPN (UML),
UCPN (Maoist). Barams are only in member in committee of political parties. Their
participation in decision making is almost none.
They feel that their voices are heard less in the VDC otherwise other environment is good.
There are no staffs from Baram and Baram speaker. The available staffs' behaviour is good to
the Baram.
One key informant, principal of school, opined regarding Baram less access to all aspects that
Barams are poor, backward in terms of education and economic status. They are not in the
decision making level. They are not concerned about their rights and they just hope that other
people would do for them.
According to Baram, there is no ancestral forest, but they do have community forestry (CF).
They depend on the community forest for fuel wood, fodder, grass, non-timber forest
products as per the rules of CF. In the committee of CFUG, highest number belong to Bahuns
followed by Barams.
They are drinking natural water but they don’t have easy access to bring it. They have to go
little down to fetch the drinking water. It means geographically they don’t have easy access to
water resources. There is no irrigation facility (neither traditional kulo nor modern canal)
except raining in the monsoon.
They have electricity in the village. So, they do not use other energy source such as kerosene,
petrol, solar etc.
All Barams own little bit land. They do not work in other's land. They don't take the loan
usually. Two reasons they reported for this are – first, the land they have is very few that is
130
not accepted by any moneylenders and financial organization (Jagga thorai vayera dhito
rakhna pugdaina) and, second, they have their own mother's group functioning as saving and
credit for the Baram community. They are able to collect more than Rs. 250,000 and
whenever they need they borrow money from the group.
They use compost for agriculture. If they need more fertilizer, they bring it from the market.
The food security of Baram is 6-7 months annually. For remaining months, they have to rely
on other sources mostly work outside the village, such as Gorkha, Kathmandu, India and
foreign labour.
7. Development programs by GOs, NGOs and CBOs
It is reported that there is no organizations working for the development of Baram village.
Once Care Nepal had given training on Good Governance to the women including Barams in
the village but currently no programmes are launched. As Barams reported they have just
heard that 9 Bahun households are involved in goat raising program.
According to participants regarding Free Prior Informed Consent (FPIC), they are not aware
of the meaning of FPIC as well as any kind of development projects do not take FPIC. They
get to know indirectly only after when it is rumoured in the village that some kind of
development program(s) is/are being (or going to be) launched in the village. This means, till
the date, Barams have not been informed and consulted for any development activities carried
out either by government or non-government sectors. The main reasons behind it are,
according to an informant, Barams have no access to and participation at all levels in the
concerned service provider organizations whether it is government organizations or non-
government.
There is a community based organization namely "Baram Mothers' Group". They have
balanced of NRs. 250,000 with the regular collection from the community. They use the
budget on different topic when they need the economic problems. They have not received any
kind of training. According to them, if they could get the training, they would be more
efficient. District cooperative does not want to incorporate them, mainly because their
mothers' group does not have legal status.
Baramu is also the one of the highly marginalized group among 59 Adibasi Janajati. Their
ancestral place is in Takukot and Pandrung VDC of Gorkha district. They have no idea about
the categorization of the IPs of Nepal. They have limited access to the basic services. They
are unaware of the FPIC. They have access to basic services like education and other a few
but have a problem of good health services.
131
They have no their own political institution but practice some traditional rituals and customs.
They have no ancestral land and forest but they are the users of community forests nearby
them. None of the NGOs have implemented works in their village.
In overall, this indigenous group is also like other HM groups. In no way, they are far better
than other groups. Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent
the situation of Barams (see Table C.12).
9. Recommendations
In the discussion, Barams recommended the following points to increase the access of
Barams are:
• Local infrastructure development (transportation facilities) should be reached in the
Baram village.
• Government should provide free education to the Barams
• Other service provider agencies also should implement special programs (skill
development, awareness program, health and sanitation) to the Barams.
• Donor agencies should also focus the income generation or economic development
program for uplift of the Baram community.
• NEFIN, NFDIN, JEP should focus program in Barams' concerned place, otherwise the
Barams' religion, culture, language, tradition will be endangered.
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Table C.12: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Barams
Score Status
Barams: Indicators
All Some Few None
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 11 7 6 6
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C.13 SIYAR
1. Introduction
Siyar is one of the mountain indigenous people of Nepal. They are resided in Chhekampar
and Chhumchet VDCc, upper part of the Gorkha district. Some Siyar are living in
Kathmandu too. Mostly young students for higher education and rich people live in
Kathmandu. They think of that they are Chhumba not Siyar.
Regarding the definition of Adibasi Janajati, Chairman of Siyar organization said that the first
settler of any place or who came first and settle in that place are called the Adibasi and who
have different language, custom and culture are called Janajati. According to him, the Local
Siyar people do not understand meaning of Adibasi Janajati because of they are uneducated.
They express that right to self-determination means the right to decide for own or free to
decide for own. Accordingly, they would like to call themselves as Chhumba not Siyar
because their identity is not actually Siyar. So, they had given an application to Adibasi
Janajati Suchi Parimarjan High Level Task Force for enlisting their identity as Chhumba
instead of 'Siyar. The task force has recommended to the Nepal Government accordingly.
i. Education
There are 6 schools (all primary level) in two VDCs. They have to go out for lower secondary
and secondary level. For lower secondary, they have to go to Siddhibas near by VDC where
mostly Gurungs live and for secondary they have to go district headquarter, Gorkha bazaar.
For college study, they have to go to Pokhara and Kathmandu.
According to them, school classes are run for hardly 3 months in a year. The main reasons for
it are teachers are rarely available at the village and students are also lacked regularly. Most
of the time as they reported teacher usually go to district headquarter or Kathmandu either for
the purpose of training or for collecting materials and salaries. On the other hand, Chhumba
children have to go for work in the field.
Some rich families send their children to study in Kathmandu and India and who are not able
to afford for education they send their children to become Aani to the Monastery. They
opined that they have been loosing their culture, language, kinship relation due to the reason
that Chhumba people should leave the village to take the good education.
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ii. Health
There are one health post and one sub-health post in two VDCs. There is 7 post in the health
post, one for Heath Assistant, one for Health Worker, one Assistant Nurse Midwife, two for
Village Health Worker and two for Peon. Among seven staff in the health post, two are from
out of community and village and rest are from the local. The Siyar people go to health post
and traditional healing system equally while they get sick. They have traditional Tibetan
treatment system which they call Aamchi in which healer diagnose the diseases by touching
vein and hand. They use the medicine also the local medicinal herbs.
They are receiving elderly citizenship allowance and delivery incentives. All the children are
immunized. They are also getting partially VDC funds for their upliftment.
They have access to and participation in village council. There are no members from other
community because only Siyar live in two VDCs (Chhekampar and Chumchet). They have
spent the budget to develop local infrastructures such as Monastery, Bridge, and Roads etc.
Though Siyar are in Village Council, All local Siyar do not know about the budget allocated
in the VDC. Most Siyar do not take care about the budget and development programs.
According to participants, in Siyar village, they have been getting impact of climate change
nowadays. Before there was enough water in the stream but nowadays it lacks the water for
irrigation.
They have their own community forest but now it is under the Manaslu Conservation Area.
Now the forests are preserved with combination of traditional forest conservation and modern
Community Forestry Users' Group (CFUG). There are many CFUGs in two VDCs. Siyar
opined that after implementation of this system it has created the conflict among the
community people through CFUGs. Before they had harmonious relationship. The project
has formed a committee in order to control illegal poaching of wild animals and illegal
cutting of wood and fodder (Chori Sikari Niyantran Samiti). It has made limited use of forest.
It is reported that the main source of Siyar's livelihood is agriculture and livestock. However,
from their food production, they do not survive for whole year. They have to rely on
alternative sources such as collecting Yarshagumba and others. Some Siyar people are in
abroad for earning, which has also supported them to their livelihood. However, those who
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earn the remittance do not live in the village they shift to city to Gorkha, Pokhara and
Kathmandu.
In Siyar village, Communication facility is available. Mostly people use v-set phone. Some
NGOs are working in the Siyar village. There are Manaslu Conservation Area Project
(MCAP), KADURI, FACE Nepal. Kaduri has given 2 micro hydro powers and pipes for
drinking water. The aim of MCAP is conservation and sustainable development of the area.
Some organizations such as ICIMOD, IUCN have been published some articles, books
related to Chhumba ethnic people. An NGO, Face Nepal is working on health sector.
According to participants, Development agencies inform, consult and take help from them
but don’t participated them in decision making.
Siyar is one of the mountain indigenous people of Nepal. They are resided in Chhekampar
and Chumchet VDC, mountain region of Gorkha district. They are found to be interested in
organization. Some organizational works have been done but they have no sufficient fund to
carry out these works. They feel that their culture has been encroached by two reasons:
because of their movements to other places and the languages of learning. Health and energy
facilities are partially available in the areas.
They have low access on the resources and have felt the impact of climate changes. Access to
communication is growing. In their locality, basic infrastructures like communication,
energy, schools are partly available.
Siyar/Chhumba (see Table C.13).
9. Recommendations
• Government should promote tourism in Siyar (Chhumba) resided place because there
are lots of possibilities of tourism development.
• There are natural beauties having lakes, mountains, different kinds of species of
herbs, wild animals, historical religious gumbas (monastery) etc.
• Mahamanab baseko itihas pani raheko, Tibetan Ritual Text
• NEFIN, NFDIN publications should be published in very simple and local language.
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Table C.13: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Siyar
Score Status
Siyar: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 8 7 9 6
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C.14 BOTE
1. Introduction
Bote is categorized into highly marginalized indigenous peoples of Nepal as identified by the
Government of Nepal. Botes, like the Majhis, are also riversides dwellers in Tarai and inner
Tarai. They are densely populated in Chitwan, Nawalparasi and Tanahu districts. Some
Majhis are scattered in other districts such as Gorkha, Lamjung, Palpa, and Sarlahi. Their
total population, according to the Census of 2001, is 8,000. The Botes believe that their
population has under-enumerated. In Chitwan district alone, there are about 2,433 population,
out of this, Patihani VDC has 250 Botes.
Botes speak their own mother tongue Bote that belongs to the Indo-European language
family. They also speak Khas Nepali language; some of them speak Tharu and Darai
languages. Bote children speak Khas Nepali language more because in school they are taught
in this language.
Like other indigenous peoples, they worship their deities, nature and ancestor. They have
adopted Hindu festivals like Dashain and Tihar. Their main occupation is agriculture. They
also weave net, build boat and help people to cross the river by boat. They have great aquatic
knowledge.
A majority of Botes have been displaced from their traditional homeland or ancestral land
due to establishment of Wildlife Conservation and National Parks. Also, constructions of
modern bridges in nearby river have affected their income sources; which have great impact
on their survival and it put their traditional occupation at risk.
This report has been prepared based on the collected information through FGDs and KIIs at
the Bote Tole ward no 1, Patihani VDC and Jutpani VDC ward no. 1 in Chitawan district.
Some of the participants had knowledge about the term ‘Adibasi Janajati’. They said that
those who have their own language, culture, tradition, religion and have been living from
time immortal are known as Adibasi Janajati. They also said that they are one of them so as
Tharus, Limbus, Rai and so on.
FGD participants could not explain meaning of right to self determination although they
reported that they have heard about it and understood little, they also questioned that in spite
of having privileged on natural resources they don’t have access in river like before as they
required license for fishing.
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i. Education
Like other marginalized people, a large number of the Botes are still illiterate. This is now
declining because the younger children go to school and elders are aware on education. There
are more than a couple of schools, namely the Shree Dhanauji Secondary lower school, the
Shree Ganganagar Secondary school and the Amar Higher Secondary School. These schools
are located at various locations in the village at Patiyani. The nearest one is 1 kilometer far
away from the village. Most of the students who are enrolled in the schools are Bahun,
Chhetris and some are Dalits, Tharus and the Botes. Rich people like Bramhin and Chhetris
send their children to boarding school but the Botes cannot afford doing so. Therefore, these
private schools are beyond their access. Remarkably, only 3 students from Bote communities
have passed +2 levels followed by the same numbers in SLC level. Students drop out during
the period of class 5 to 8 because they are grown up and go for labour work in carpet factory
in Kathmandu. They also help in the household chores and work as agriculture labour.
Concern Entire Bote students are benefited from the scholarships provided by the
Government; these students get amount Rs. 800/- annually but so far FGD participants
reported that it is not sufficient for them to buy uniform and stationeries. Similarly, the key
informant, who was principal of the local school, said that the scholarship includes Rs 300/-
each to uniform and stationary respectively and admission fee is free at the school. In the
school management committee, only one position for advisor is given to a Bote. Only one
teacher is from Bote community in the school. There are 9 Bote teachers in total and of them
5 Bote teachers are in Nawalparasi district, 2 Bote teachers are in Tanahu and Chitwan each.
Bote language is not used as a medium of instruction in the schools.
ii. Health
Health post is 1 kilometer far from Bote communities in Patihani; it takes half an hour by foot
to reach, only 4 to 5 minutes by bus. They depend on faith healer and traditional medicine.
These days they have started to visit hospital and health post during illness. There are also
some private clinics and hospitals close to the village. Government health service is not easy
access to them because there is not a regular doctor in the health post. Nowadays, they prefer
to go to private clinic because government hospitals are far away than private clinics.
The FGD participants mentioned that they have not experienced any discrimination by
service providers during service delivery. There is no Bote as FCHVs and traditional birth
attendant in their communities. A Tharu woman has been working as FCHV in Bote village.
They do not get information in their mother tongue. They have access to immunization, polio,
maternal care, neo natal, post natal, safe delivery and medicine practice but they have no
access to basic and primary health. In the buffer zone area, they have access to surgery, lab
test and x-ray in subsidize rate. They have access to mobile clinic and ambulance service
during emergency but they have to pay money if they should use the service. Indeed, Botes
prefer allopathic medicine than Ayurbedic medicine these days. Superstition to witch craft
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has now been eliminated in the village due to various awareness health programs. It shows
that Bote are now getting aware on health and other superstitious practice. Nowadays, their
personal hygiene and sanitation is remarkably improving as 50% of the Bote households have
constructed toilets. Safe delivery practice and safe motherhood practices in health sector is
gradually increasing in the communities.
VDC office is in about half an hour walking distance from their resident. They have bitter
experience because VDC staffs always ignore them while dealing their cases. During rush
hours in VDC office, their cases are always postponed by two to three days. Concern to
budgeting, they have heard about the budget which allocate in the name of Adibasi Janajati
but still about two third of participants were unknown about the budget that is allocated to
IPs. Some participants also reported that they had forwarded application to get access in such
budget but their voices were not considered. More interestingly, only one old man is getting
old age allowance, the others allowances like widowed, single women, maternity allowance
etc are not in accessed. It is because they are not aware about that due to education lacked.
Bote had traditional institution called Chautaria. Mukhiya used to be the Headman who is
accountable to maintain justice and peace in the community. He fixes the quarrel, fight,
harassment and discrimination in the community. It is now replaced by modern organization
called "Nepal Bote Samaj".
Botes do not have access to the All-Party Mechanism so far they reported that there is no
representation from their community. Till now the committee has not done any remarkable
efforts for the Botes. However, they have already received Rs 10.000/- to make a wooden
rack in order to preserve their traditional instrument apparatus. In the same time, they have
also got another instalment containing Rs. 15,000 for driving training, some Bote men have
driving license and worked as driver after obtaining the training.
With regards to participation in political parties, majority of Botes are associated to the
Maoist party, followed by the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML. These political parties
highly influence during planning and budgeting in VDC. Botes are always given lower
preference in these parties even being high participation in the parties.
Traditionally, rivers and forest were the main sources of income for the Botes. At present;
they have no access to forests and rivers. They have to be a member of community forest to
collect fodders and firewood. These forests open twice a year for timbers and wood.
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Additionally, in Chitwan and Nawalparasi districts, establishment of National Parks and
Wildlife Conservation Areas in Tarai and inner Tarai region have displaced many Botes from
their traditional lands. They also suffer by Nepal army and police, if animals die in the jungle
they have to bear legal problem. Indigenous Peoples in these areas suffers more from security
providers. The fish Bote catch are snatched by the army and police. Additionally, Botes get a
lot of harassment from them.
They have access to drinking water; the sources of drinking water are pond, well, pump and
river. Concerning to irrigation, there is an irrigation project called "Nepal Purbi Rapti
Yojana" and another one is constructed by community is in Chitwan district although Botes
don’t have access on it because it was not affordable for them. Similarly, they don’t have
enough land of their own however; very few have 4-5 Kattha land so that most of them earn
crop sharing land.
Traditionally, Bote are fishermen and boat sailors like Majhis, they make wooden boat but
their occupation is severely affected due to construction of suspension and modern bridges
over the rivers. They also weave net for fishing and for selling also. Boating in river is now
taken by Hotel and Restaurants in that area but they are not allowed to keep boat with them.
Most of the them live in extreme poverty due to this there is hand to mouth problem. They
work as agricultural labours in the villages. They have food sufficiency for 2 to 3 months in a
year. Some of them work in rivers sides to collect sands, carpet industry, domestic helpers,
now days they are attracted to work in Dairies and small scale entrepreneurships like local
grocery, vendors and meat shop. They also work as labour in construction in Narayanghat
and other towns.
Some Botes have taken initiations for vegetable farming and other activities like income
generation at Bote Tole ward no 1 in Patihani. They are using underground water for off
seasonal vegetable through motor, this way; they are now attracted to growing vegetables as
well.
7. Access to and Participation in Development Activities
Botes have got financial supports through the VDC to make underground well for vegetable
farming. They also get seeds and fertilizer through cooperatives. In regards to involvement of
non government organization in development sector, The PAF is working in vegetable
farming in their communities. Some of them have benefited by driving training.
Recently some students from Denmark had visited their villages near Rapti River to study
their culture and settlement; they have donated Rs 3,000/- to the Bote Samaj. NEFIN has also
supported them to make toilets at their office. Action aid is also making remarkable
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contribution to Bote communities as it has provided trainings and orientation to education,
health and sanitation. As a key informant interviewee mentioned that NEFIN has also made
an effective program in their communities through JEP 1 program.
Regarding free prior informed consent, they haven’t got any kind of consent in community
level from government and non-governmental organization. Although some key informant
reported that they are informed in regards but partiality, invitation letter for meeting to
political parties about 3 or 4 days earlier but for Adibasi they inform just before the meeting
or such information given to them very late.
Botes are socially and culturally distinct then other IPs, but still they have good relation to
other societies as they are happy for maintaining such social harmony. They share helping
hands during social functions and rituals. Botes has their own language, because of their
traditional occupation fishing and boating, they clustery dwelling in riversides of Tarai and
inner Tarai. However, their occupation is now replaced by agriculture, daily wages in
construction and dairies although very few of them have engaged in small groceries, vendors
and meat shops too. Regarding to access to basic services, Bote are now aware on education
and health services, their children go to government school but still dropout rate is high in
high school level because children are kept at home either to help their parents, family farms
or to work in daily wages outside of their village. At present, nearly a dozen of school
teachers are produced from the entire Bote communities. Except teaching, they don’t have
access to civil service and other jobs.
Taking account into health services, as they feel now they are transforming from traditional
healing practices to modern medicine, health post is nearby their village but Botes preferred
private clinics and hospitals even though not having enough money with them to pay for
service and medicine because there is not doctor available 24 hours in government health
institutions.
They have also maintained clean and neat sanitation in their village; about 50 % of them have
toilet facility at home and piped water in Patihani VDC. These days, they immunize their kids
and pregnant women and the same time, ANC visit and safe delivery practice are also
increasing in their communities.
While service delivery in government offices, they have felt ignoring by government
officials. They also reported that low access to decision making which led them not able to
grab such opportunities. As mentioned that they are still out skirts of government's and other
political parties' priorities due to lack of education in their communities.
Some INGOs/NGOs have been working in Bote villages for couples of year; PAF is
supporting them on vegetable farming by free distributing of seeds and fertilizers. On the
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other hands, Action aid is providing awareness in education, health and sanitation. They also
provided vocational trainings like driving and vegetable farming trainings etc.
Despite of such programs and supports, they are not growing as much as they need to, so they
require special attention to improve their livelihood as well as to preserve, promote and
protect their tradition, culture, language and identity. In their own words, they want
government and other donor agencies to help their children in education. They also
emphasized for their full and effective participation while making program and project for
them. The most highlighted issue they raised was that budget should be separate for each
group of indigenous peoples; the budget comes in the name of IPs but it goes to those who
have power and access to centre. In the conclusion, Botes need an especial attention to
improve their livelihood along with education. They also emphasis on FPIC should be taken
while launching and implementing any program in their area.
Summary indicators identified with score category may better represent the situation of Bote
(see Table C.14).
9. Recommendations
• Despite of such programs and supports, they are not growing as much as they needed,
so that requires special attention to improve their livelihood. In their own words, they
want government and other donor agencies to help their kids in education.
• They also emphasized in their participation while making program and project to
them. The most highlighted issue they have raised was separated budget based on
each indigenous people, since they said, the budget comes in the name of IPs but it
goes to them who have power and access to centre level.
• Botes need an especial attention to improve their livelihood along with education
level.
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Table C.14: Summary Indicators of Access to Basic Services Among Bote
Score Status
Bote: Indicators
i. Education
Enrolment √
Scholarship √
ii. Health
Immunization √
Sanitation √
IPOs √
Land √
Food √
Road √
Electricity √
NGOs/INGOs √
CBOs/IPOs √
Total 15 6 6 3
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ANNEX I
SURVEY TOOLS
I. Checklist for Focus Group Discussion (FGD)
• What is Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi Janajati)? What is the meaning of
Endangered and Highly Marginalized Adibasi Janajati (EHM-AJ)? Who are EHM-
AJs?
• Do you have traditional indigenous institutions? If so, what is the main function?
Whether any agency has supported to such institution?
• Are you a member of any Adibasi Janajati organization? If not why? If so, in what
position? And what activities are carried out by this organization? If not, why?
• Do you know about right to self-determination? Please brief on it.
• What is the meaning of IP right to forest, land and water?
2. Relationship with other Adibasi Janajati and caste groups

• What type of social relationship do you have with other group of people such Bahun,
Chhetri, Musalman, etc.?
• What are the similarities and dissimilarities between you and other group of people in
the neighbour? What type of behaviour do they do with your community in everyday
life?
• What type of social relationship between you and other Adibasi Janajati?
• What are the similarities and dissimilarities between you and other Adibasi Janajatis?
What type of behaviour do they do with you in everyday life?
• Is there any Endangered and highly marginalized AJs represented in all party
mechanism? If so, how effective is the participation?
• Who are usually dominant in the decision making in all party mechanism?
• What sorts of decisions have been made by all party mechanism for Adibasi Janajati,
Dalit, women and other backward people till the date?
• Is there any political party exists in the village? Are you member in these political
parties? If so, what position do you hold and what roles do play in decision making
process in the committee?
a. School and education

• Is there primary school located in your community? If not how far it is? Where is it
located and who are the residents in that location?
145
• Do the children of your community go to school? How is the school environment for
your children to get education? Comparatively, which groups (caste/ethnic) of
children are more in the school?
• What is medium of teaching in this school? Is there any teacher in school who speak
your language? What sort of behaviour the school teachers do with your children?
• Are your children receiving scholarship allocated for endangered and marginalized
Adibasi Janajati? If so, what type scholarship is provided?
• Is there any programme that is working for motivation of your children to go to
school? If so, what type of programme activities do they have?
b. Health and sanitation

• Do you have health post/sub-health post in the village where your community resides?
If not, how far it is? Who are the residents (caste/ethnic) in the place where health
post located?
• Where do prefer to go for treatment when you get sick? Whether it is Shamans or
Doctors or Health post or Clinics? Why?
• Whether do you go to health post/sub-health post while getting sick? If not, why?
Comparatively, which community mostly go to health post/sub-health post?
• How is the environment in health post for your community? Does your community
member easily get treatment? Is there any staff from your community? How do the
the health staff behave with your community member?
• Are there TBA and FCHV from your community in the village?
c. Forest
• Do you have ancestral indigenous forest? If so, do you have ownership and control?
• Do you have access to public forest (government, national park, wildlife conservation,
protect area, etc.)?
• Do you have access to community forest?
• Do you have access to collect Kandamul, slash and burns, hunting and gathering,
ritual performance, etc?
d. Drinking water and irrigation

• Do you have access to clean drinking water?
• Do you have access to government irrigation plant?
• Do you have access to community irrigation plant?
• Do you have access to traditional irrigation system?
e. Electricity and energy

• Do you have access to electricity, petroleum, solar energy, etc?
f. Food security
• Do you have access to food provided by government?
146
g. Income and employment
• Do you have access to Government (unregistered, resettlement) and other's land?
• Do you have access to Poverty Alleviation Fund programme?
• Do you have access to saving and credit and income generation activities?
• Do you have access to seed, fertilizer, and other agriculture inputs?
• Do you have land owned?
• Do you have house?
• How many months do you survive with your income/production?
h. Special programme
• Do you have access to MDGs, EFA and other targeted programmes related to
education?
• Do you have access to local governance community development (LGCDP)
programmes?
4. Village Development Committee

• Do you have knowledge and access to VDC fund allocated for endangered and highly
marginalized AJs to promote and develop culture? Whether you have applied for such
fund? If so, how this fund has been utilizing?
• Are you all receiving elderly allowance, endangered and marginalized allowance,
delivery incentives, etc? If not why?
• How is the environment for the people from your community in VDC while they go
for services? Are there any staff who could speak your language? How do they
behave with you?
5. Non-government development activities

• Are there any NGOs/INGOs working in village for the development of your
community, that are directly linked with your livelihood? If so, what type of activities
do they do?
• Do they inform and get consent from your community prior to design and begin
work?
• Are you or your community member participating in such activities? If so, what type
of participation?
• Where is the head office of these NGOs/INGOs? Are there any staff from your
community?
147
II. Checklist for Key Informant Interview
1. In this VDC/district, do the EHM-AJs have access to basic services (such as education,
health, VDC funds and allowances, electricity, agriculture forest, irrigation, drinking
water, LGCDP, PAF, EFA, etc.)? Is there any change in access between past and present?
If not, what are the main reasons behind?
2. In this VDC/district, do the EHM-AJs have access to indigenous traditional systems (such
as cultural perform in the forest and river, right to forest land and river, etc.)? Is there any
change in access between past and present?
If not, what are the main reasons behind?
3. In this VDC/district, do the government or non-government organizations take Free Prior

Informed Consent (FPIC) from EHM-AJs for any development activities?
If so, when and how do they do?
4. Is there full and effective participation in the programmes and organizations that have
been working for EHM-AJs in this area?
If so, in what position and how?
5. What is to be done in order to increase access of EHM-AJs to basic services? Who will be
the main stakeholders and what should they do?
Government
Service provider such as education, agriculture, forest, drinking, etc.
Donor agencies
NGOs
NEFIN
Others
148
ANNEX II
SUMMARY TABLE OF BASIC INDICATORS
Summary table with percentage distribution of response frequency according to scale scoring
and weighted mean by EHM-AJs
Percentage of frequency based on score category
Adibasi Janajatis All/ Weighted
by category Almost Some Few None Mean
(3) (2) (1) (0) Total Score
Endangered AJs
1. Meche 57 23 13 7 100 2.3
2. Surel 53 23 17 7 100 2.2
3. Lapcha 43 33 10 13 100 2.1
4. Hayu 37 20 37 7 100 1.9
5. Kisan 37 17 30 17 100 1.7
6. Bankaria 33 23 7 37 100 1.5
7. Raji 20 13 33 33 100 1.2
8. Kushbadia 3 10 40 47 100 0.7
9. Kusunda 10 7 27 57 100 0.7
10. Raute 10 3 23 63 100 0.6
Highly Marginalized AJs
11. Thami 47 27 17 10 100 2.1
12. Bote 50 20 20 10 100 2.1
13. Majhi 47 20 20 13 100 2.0
14. Barams 37 23 20 20 100 1.8
15. Lhomi 23 43 13 20 100 1.7
16. Chepangs 37 20 20 23 100 1.7
17. Jhangad 23 33 20 23 100 1.6
18. Siyar 27 23 30 20 100 1.6
19. Munda 23 30 23 23 100 1.5
20. Dhanuk 17 37 30 17 100 1.5
21. Danuwar 37 17 10 37 100 1.5
22. Santhal 13 37 30 20 100 1.4
23. Khadias 30 10 33 27 100 1.4
24. Thudam 3 20 27 50 100 0.8
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ANNEX III
LIST OF PARTICIPANTS IN FGD AND KII
1. Lapcha, Ilam
Lapcha: FGD Participants

SN Name Position and Organization
1 Bir Bahadur Lapcha Chair, Rong Sejung Thee
2 Sama Kot Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
3 Binu Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
4 Lakit Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
5 Yam Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
6 Man Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
7 Chhatra Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
8 Tsering Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
9 Muna Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
10 Kamal Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
11 Chet Bahadur Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
12 Bhim Kumari Lapcha Member, Rong Sejung Thee
Lapcha: KII Participants

1 Prem Bahadur Lapcha Ex-Chair, Rong Sejung Thee (Lapcha Organization)
2 Bir Bahadur Lapcha Chair, Rong Sejung Thee (Lapcha Organization)
2. Kisan, Jhapa
Kisan: FGD Participants

1 Dagari Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
2 Pukli Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
3 Buni Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
4 Basanti Kisan Joint Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
5 Parbati Kisan Advisor, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
6 Jivan Kisan Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
7 Jogi Kisan Chair, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
8 Renuka Kisan Ex. Secretary, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
9 Muna Kisan Ex. Treasurer, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
10 Sangita Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
11 Mohan Kisan Member, Kisan Samudaya Bikash Pratisthan
Kisan: KII Participants

1 Jogi Kishan Chair, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan
2 Jivan Kishan Student, Treasurer, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan
3 Renuka Kisan Student and staff, Kisan Samudaya Bikas Ptratisthan
4 Muna Kisan Student 12 grade
150
3. Meche, Jhapa
Meche: FGD Partipants

1 Bhuwan Lal Meche Secretary, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
2 Biren Meche Joint Secretary, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
3 Binod Meche Member, DCC, NEFIN, Jhapa
4 Kamala Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
5 Sumitra Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
6 Rosani Meche Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
7 Narendra Meche (A) Member, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
8 Narendra Meche (B) Vice-chair, Meche Samaj Shibiyari Affat
9 Sarma Lal Meche General people
10 Santosh Kumar Meche ''
11 Rupesh Meche ''
12 Kalpana Meche ''
13 Kul Bahadur Meche ''
14 Soma Meche Student
Meche: KII Participants

1 Binod Meche Teacher and Member, Meche Sibiary Affat
2 Rupesh Meche Ex-Chair, Meche Sibiary Affat
3 Biren Meche Member
4 Rosani Meche Staff, NEFIN DCC
5 Amit Khambu Journalist, ANIJ
4. Hayu, Ramechhap
Hayu: FGD and KII Participants

SN Name of Participants Position and Associated Organization
1 Ram Bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group)
2 Gyan bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group)
3 Nar Maya Hayu Chair C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
4 Dil Kumari Hayu Secretary Hayu Ekata Samaj (DC)
6 Bisnu Maya Hayu Member Cipred vegetable Group
7 Ramesh Kumar Hayu Member (C.C.) Kirant Hayu Sangh
8 Bir Bahadur Hayu Member Prakash Samudayic Sastha
9 Chhatra Bahadur Hayu Secretary Prakash Samudayic Sastha
10 Indra Bahadur Hayu Member C.D.S.(Bhdrakali Group)
11 Dhan Maya Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
12 Kopila Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
13 Chiritra Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
14 Kabita Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
15 Januka Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
16 Shanti Hayu Member C.D.S.(Mahakali Group)
151
5. Surel, Dolakha
Surel: FGD and KII Participants
1 Shiva Surel Chair, Surel Utthan Samaj
2 Sabitri Surel Member, Community Forestry
3 Bharat Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj
4 Man Kumari Surel Member, Mother Group
5 Yam Kumari Surel Chair, Mother Group
6 Shiva Maya Surel Member, Mother Group
7 Pramila Surel Treasurer, Mother Group
8 Lal Bahadur Surel Member, Local Cooperative
9 Tirtha Bahadur Surel Secretary, Surel Utthan Samaj
10 Bhim Maya Surel Member, Local Cooperative
11 Anjana Surel Teacher
12 Laxmi Surel Member, Local Cooperative
13 Saraswoti Surel Chair, Drinking Water User Group
14 Dabal Bahadur Surel Farmer
15 Arjun Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj
16 Pashupati Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj
17 Ratna Maya Surel Member, Mother Group
18 Laxman Surel Member, Surel Utthan Samaj
6. Bankaria, Makwanpur
Bankaria: FGD participants
1 Santa Maya Bankaria Bankaria community people
2 Chyanti Bankaria ''
3 Bishnu Bankaria ''
4 Krishna Bankaria ''
5 Goma Bankaria ''
6 Dil Kanchha Bankaria ''
7 Kanchha Bankaria ''
8 Puja Bankaria ''
9 Bimala Bankaria ''
10 Thuli Maya Bankaria ''
11 Maya Bankaria ''
12 Kanchhi Maya Bankaria ''
Bankaria: KII Participants

1 Pratap Bista Journalist
2 Bidur Pathak Joint Secretary of VDC (VDC not mentioned by researcher)
3 Badri karki vice-secretary, District Forest Officer, Hetauda
4 Bishnu Ram Praja Vice-chairperson, District Coordination Committee (DCC)
5 Him Sharma Poudel Vice secretary-District Education Committee, Makawanpur
6 Dhruba Sunuwar Headmaster, Sri Chepang Primary School, Makawanpur
7 Santa Maya Bankariya Chairperson , Bankariya Women Group
8 Padam Gurung Vice-Chaiperson, NEFIN DCC Makawanpur
152
7. Kushbadia, Rupandehi
Kushbadia: FGD Participants

1 Mukti P. Kushbadia DCC member, Kushbadia Utthan Sangh
2 Nirmal Kushbadia Member
3 Gita Kushbadia ''
4 Mauji Lal Kushbadia ''
5 Rita Kushbadia ''
6 Hari Chandra Kushbadia ''
7 Koili K Kushbadia ''
8 Tribeni Kushbadia ''
9 Rambha Kushbadia ''
10 Usha Kushbadia ''
11 Abhadh Kushbadia ''
Kushbadia: KII Participants

1 Mukti P. Kushbadia Teacher and DCC member, Kushbadia Utthan Sangh
2 Hom Bahadur Darlami Chair, NEFIN DCC, Rupandehi
3 Tara Bahadur Karki LDO, Rupandehi
4 Rakesh Srivastab DEO, Rupandehi
5 Lunja Lal Shakya Accountant, District Health Office
6 Prasu Ram Gupta Head Teacher, Patthkhauli Lower Secondary School
7 Dilip Hamal Teacher, , Patthkhauli Lower Secondary School
8. Kusunda, Dang
Kusunda: FGD and KII Participants

1 Judda Bdr. Thakuri Secretary, Kusunda Sewa Samaj
2 Dhan Bdr. Kusunda Chairperson, Kusunda Sewa Samaj
3 Prem Bdr. Kusunda Member
4 Gopal Kusunda Member
5 Sunita Kusunda Mamber
6 Dewa Koshi Kusunda Member
153
9. Raji, Kailali
Raji: FGD and KII Participants

1 Nirmala Raji Raji Salmo Samaj
2 Ganga Raji Volunteer of health post
3 Bhim Bdr. Raji President of Community forest
4 Ram Kisan Raji Member
5 Rupi Raji Student
6 Juna Raji Member
7 GomatiRaji Member
8 Sukhi Raji Member
9 Nar Bdr. Raji Central Member
10 Kansu Ram Raji Member
11 Dhaniram Raji Head master of Primary School
12 Lauti Raji Volunteer of health post
13 Jokha Raji Member
14 Lila Devi Raji Member
15 Bisna Devi Raji Member
16 Jokha Raji Member
17 Laltu Raji Member
18 Bhim Bdr. Raji President of School Committee
19 Belli Devi Raji Member
20 Petari Devi Raji Member
21 Bindu Devi Raji Volunteer of health post
22 Khateri Devi Raji Member
23 Jani Devi Raji Member
24 Bam Bdr. Raji Chaukidar (Guard)
25 Chedu Raji President of Sonpal community forest
10. Raute, Kanchanpur
Raute: FGD and KII Participants

1 Kar Bir Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh
2 Durga Devi Raute ''
3 Lal Bdr. Raute Member of DCC NEFIN
4 Mohan Raute Student
5 Padam Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh
6 Kiri Devi Raute Member, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh
7 Jaya Lal Raute ''
8 Bir Bal Raute ''
9 Amber Raute ''
10 Basant Kumar Gurung Chair, Nepal Raute Bikash Sangh
154
11. Khadia, Jhapa
Khadia: FGD Participants

1 Shanti Khadia Chair, Khadia Utthan Samuha
2 Ayush Khadia Student
3 Bikram Khadia Labour
4 Dhanu Khadia Student
5 Phul Kumari Khadia
6 Pinkal Khadia Labour
7 Mariam Khadia Student
8 Rupa Khadia Student
9 Sunita Khadia Student
10 Salina Khadia Labour
11 Thumri Khadia Labour
12 Renuka Khadia Student
13 Hira Khadia Labour
14 Sushma Khadia Labour
15 Basanti Khadia Labour
16 Purni Khadia Labour
17 Dasharath Khadia Teacher
18 Rajesh Khadie Office staff
Khadia: KII Participants

1 Rajesh Khadiya Staff and member, Khadia Utthan Samuha
2 Dasarath Khadiya Teacher and member, all party mechanism
12. Santhal, Morang
Santhal: FGD Participants

1 Bhaiyaram Baske Santhal Indigenous Uplift Association Nepal (SIUAN)
2 Bishnu Murmu SIUAN
3 Bhagawanlal Beshra SIUAN-activist
4 Manoj Baske SIUAN
5 Shyamlal Baske SIUAN
6 Jugal Murmu Youth Club
7 Surya Narayan Hasda SIUAN-ex secretary
8 Dev Narayan Chaudhari DCC NEFIN, Morang
155
Santhal: KII Participants
SN Name Position and Organzation
1 Bir Bahadur Lama Nepal Tamang Ghedung, Biratnagar
2 Krishna Bahadur Moktan NEFIN, DCC
3 Dhak Bahadur Magar Lecturer, Morang Campus
4 Vaiya Ram Baske Vice chairperson, Nepal Santhal Utthan Sangh
5 Surya Narayan Hasda General Secretary, Nepal Santhal Utthan Sangh
6 Bishnu Murmu Local Leader, Nepali Congress
7 Dil Bahadur Thebe, Vice Chairman, NEFIN DCC, Morang
13. Jhangad, Sunsari
Jhangad: FGD Participants

1 Sugawati Devi Urawn Member, Nepal Jhangad (Urawn) Kodrem Sudhara
2 Baso Devi Urawn ''
3 Mina Devi Mudiyari ''
4 Ram Kisun Urawn ''
5 Amar Lal Urawn ''
6 Dilip Chaudhari ''
7 Domi Urawn ''
8 Raj Kumar Urawn ''
9 Manish Lal Urawn ''
10 Se Kumar Mudiyari ''
11 Chit Narayan Mudiyari ''
12 Bina Devi Urawn ''
13 Sushila Devi Mudiyari ''
14 Ramesh Kumar Urawn ''
Jhangad: KII participants

1 Raj Kumar Urawn Student +2
2 Amar Lal Urawn Teacher, Boarding School
3 Ramesh Kumar Urawn Student +2
4 Sujendra Tamang NEFIN DCC, Sunsari
5 Prem Kumar Osti District Education Officer
156
14. Munda, Morang
Munda: FGD and KII participants

1 Lamlesh Mudiyari
2 Kalashu Mudiyari
3 Udaya Kumar Mudiyari
4 Uttam Kumar Mudiyari
5 Kamlesh Mudiyari
6 Parameshwor Mudiyari
7 Krishna Mudiyari
8 Dev Kumar Mudiyari
9 Manoj Kumar Mudiyari
10 Sunita Kumari Mudiyari
11 Keshav Mudiyari
12 Nilu Mudiyari
13 Jina Mudiyari
14 Dhuniya Mudiyari
15 Parwani Mudiyari
16 Pawani Mudiyari
17 Asha Mudiyari
18 Sangeeta Mudiyari
19 Ravindra Mudiyari
20 Anjana Mudiyari
21 Suryawati Mudiyari
22 Surjiwati Mudiyari
23 Lutani Devi Mudiyari
15. Thudam, Sankhuwasava
Thudam: FGD and KII Participants

1 Pashang Dorje Sherpa Chair, Thudam Sewa Samaj
2 Thakche Sherpa Secretary, Thudam Sewa Samaj
3 Dawa Bhuti Sherpa Member
4 Tasi Sherpa ''
5 Urgen Sherpa ''
6 Lakpa Sherpa ''
7 Angmu Sherpa ''
157
16. Lhomi, Sankhuwasava
Lhomi: FGD Participants

1 Kamal Lama Primary School Teacher
2 Tshering Bhote -
3 Rapchung Bhote College Student
4 Tshering Lama -
5 Sichung Bhote (A) College Student
6 Sichung Bhote (B) School Student
7 Jyamu Bhote -
8 Rinjin Bhote -
9 Pimba Nurpu Bhote -
10 Ghangri Bhote -
11 Ikka Bhote Student
Lhomi: KII Participants

1 Tshering Bhote Vice chairperson, Shingsa Kalyan Kendra
2 Wangdabi Bhote Chairperson, Shingsa Kalyan Kendra central committee
3 Kingson Lama Headmaster, Arunodaya Secondary School, Chepuwa
4 Ongmu Lama Treasurer, NEFIN, DCC, Sankhuwasabha
5 Krishna Tamang Chairperson, NEFIN, DCC, Sankhuwasabha
17. Dhanuk, Saptari
Dhanuk: FGD Participants

1 Bulaki Dhanuk Nepal Gangai Welfare Council
2 Rameshwor Dhanuk ''
3 Suphal Dhanuk ''
4 Badri Dhanuk ''
5 Balu Dhanuk ''
6 Mahabir Dhanuk ''
7 Jitan Dhanuk ''
8 Jageshwor Dhanuk ''
9 Suresh Mandal ''
10 Dipesh Mandal ''
11 Ajaya Mandal ''
12 Prakash Mandal ''
13 Kedar Dhanuk ''
14 Ganga Ram Dhanuk ''
15 Raj Kumar Mandal ''
16 Binesh Mandal ''
17 Pramod Mandal ''
158
Dhanuk: KII Participants
1 Karan Dhanuk Chairperson of Ricksha association
2 Mahabir Dhanuk Community forest committee-Chairperson
3 Dolti Dhanuk Mahila group
4 Mahsdaiya Dhanuk Social Mobilizer/Volunteer
5 Surya Narayan Dhanuk Govt. Service
6 Kumar Man Shrestha Social worker
7 Brija Man Tamang Social worker
8 Madhusudan Prasad Gupta Social worker
18. Danuwar, Sindhuli
Danuwar: FGD Participants

1 Ramawatar Danuwar Danuwar Sewa Samaj
2 Dev Prasad Danuwar
3 Rina Danuwar
4 Sabina Danuwar
5 Pabina Danuwar
6 Jaganwati Danuwar
7 Rabina Danuwar
8 Ilji Danuwar
9 Basuram Danuwar
10 Khusi Lal Danuwar
11 Melina Danuwar
12 Surendra Danuwar
13 Dhanamanti Danuwar
14 Bilashi Danuwar
15 Sabin Danuwar
16 Mahesh Danuwar
17 Umesh Danuwar
18 Nirajan Danuwar
19 Bimala Danuwar
20 Sristika Danuwar
21 Om Danuwar
Danuwar: KII Participants

SN Name Positin and Organization
1 Bashudev Gyawali
2 Devendra Parajuli
3 Kul Chandra Bista
4 Dev Prasad Adhikari
159
19. Majhi, Ramechhap
Majhi: FGD Participants

SN Name of Participants Position and Associated Organization
1 Harka Bahadur Majhi Chair Indra Samajic Garibi Niwaran Kosh
2 Devi Majhi social mobilizer AJ Mahila Samuha
3 Sarita Majhi Member Swablambi saving Group
4 Sidhi Maya Majhi Member Naya Nepal saving Group
6 Lila Majhi Member Indrawati saving Group
7 Kumari Majhi Member Indrawati saving Group
8 Chandra Maya Majhi Member Swablambi saving group
9 Lal Bahadur Majhi Member Swablambi saving group
10 Shree Bahadur Majhi Secretary A.J. Akai Samittee
11 Santa maya Majhi Member Majhi Utthan Sangh
12 Akkal Bahadur Majhi Teacher Durga Devi Primary school
13 Man bahadur Majhi Member Nepal AJ Samanya Parisad
14 Pabitra Majhi Member Nepal AJ Samanya Parisad
20. Thami, Sindhupalchok
Thami: FGD and KII Participants

1 Ram Bahadur Thami Nepal Thami Samaj
2 Sudan Thami ''
3 Man bahadur Thami ''
4 Laxman Thami ''
5 Krishna bahadur Thami ''
6 Jagat Bahadur Thami ''
7 Chandra Maya Thami ''
8 Raju Thami ''
9 Kailash Thami ''
10 Chandra Bahadur Thami ''
11 Shyam Kumar Thami ''
12 Bhakta Thami ''
13 Man Kumar Thami ''
14 Baburam Thami ''
15 Dipak Thami ''
16 Gyanu Maya Thami ''
21. Chepang, Dhading
Chepang: FGD Participants

1 Kabi Raj Chepang Nepal Chepang Association
2 Amar Chepang ''
3 Gam Bahadur Chepang ''
4 Ramesh Chepang ''
5 Bindu Chepang ''
6 Kanchhi Chepang ''
160
7 Beli Maya Chepang ''
8 Samjhana Chepang ''
9 Bijaya Chepang ''
Chepang: KII Participants

1 Tilak Chepang Secretary NEFIN DCC, Dhading
2 Jitendra Chepang Chairperson, Nepal Chepang Association
3 Krishna Bahadur Chepang Nepal Chepang Association
4 Santa Man Chepang Nepal Chepang Association
5 Amar Chepang Nepal Chepang Association
22. Baram, Gorkha
Baram: FGD Participants

1 Yam Bahadur Baram Community People
2 Min Bahadur Baram ,,
3 Gam Maya Baram ,,
4 Tek Man Baram ,,
5 Krishna Bahadur Baram ,,
6 Prem Kumar Baram ,,
7 Bhadra Kumari Baram Teacher, School
8 Saraswoti Baram Community people
9 Beli Baram ,,
10 Chandra Maya Baram ,,
11 Bhakta Maya Baram ,,
12 Chameli Baram ,,
13 Hasta Bahadur Baram ,,
14 Buddhi Bahadur Baram ,,
15 Shanti Baram ,,
16 Khadka Maya Baram ,,
17 Subhadra Baram ,,
Baram: KII Participants

1 Ms. Bhadra Kumari Baram School teacher
2 Mr. Ek Bahadur Gurung DCC Chair
3 Mr. Ashok Rana Magar
4 Mr. …. Pandey Local Development Officer
161
23. Siyar, Gorkha
Siyar: FGD and KII Participants

1 Chundi Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
2 Tanzin Gyalzen Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
3 Gyanjen Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
4 Namgyal Ngodup Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
5 Tanzin Chhodak Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
6 Rinzin Norbu Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
7 Tsering Phuntsok Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
8 Nurbu Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
9 Lopsang Tsering Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
10 Tsering Phinzo Lama Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
11 Nima Lama Chair, Siyar Samaj Kalyan Kendra
24. Bote, Chitawan
Bote: FGD Participants

1 Mitra Lal Bote Chair, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
2 Raj Kumar Bote Secretary, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
3 Bina Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
4 Shanti Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
5 Samilal Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
6 Suk Bahadur Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
7 Suk Ram Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
8 Sam Rao Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
9 Sanka Bahadur Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
10 Basudev Bote Member, Nepa Bote Samaj Sewa
Bote: KII Participants

1 Padam Bahadur Gurung DCC, Chair
2 Ram Bahadur Gurung District Coordinator
3 Mahendra Dura Chair (student federation)
4 Sawame Bote Member (DDC)
5 Raj Kumar Bote General Secretary (Bote Samaj)
162

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Baseline Study on

Access to Basic Services Among

We would like to acknowledge the contribution made by the representatives of various

Core Research Team

PART II: ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

PART III: HIGHLY MARGINALIZED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

ANNEX I: SURVEY TOOLS ............................................................................................................ 145

Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose .................................... 5

AD Anno Domini (Christian Calendar)

Identity and Rights

In present days, motivation of EHM-AJs towards sending their children to school is

An interesting scenario is observed in access to education among EHM-AJs. School

Health and Sanitation

Natural resources and livelihood

Access to natural resources is almost none among EHM-AJs. Accordingly, indigenous

Better Access Medium Access Less Access

i. Review of the Relevant Documents

ii. Type of and source of Information

In order to maintain systematic data collection process and systematic arrangement of

Additionally, inventory of membership in user groups or community groups or management

Table A.1: Distribution of EHM-AJs by district for sampling purpose

A.4 IDENTIFICATION OF BASELINE INDICATORS

Table A.2: Classification of Baseline Indicators on Access of EHM-AJs to Basic Services

Bhattachan, Krishna B. et. al.

Subba, Chaitannya, Janak Rai and Savitree Thapa Gurung

B. ENDANGERED ADIBASI JANAJATIS

3. Access to Basic Services

iii. Government social security

Concerning customary governance practices, Lapchas have an interesting institution called

7. Access to and participation in development activities

• Free prier informed consent should be taken in grassroots level.

3. Access to Basic Services

iii. Government social security

Regarding participation in decision making level, no Kisan is representative in all party

5. Access to natural resources

7. Access to and participation in development activities:

There are some development programmes run by non-government organization, Hate-Malo

• Toilet facility and sanitation should be promoted in the village.

Meche is one of the highly marginalized among 59 Indigenous Nationalities (Adibasi

3. Access to Basic Services

iii. Government social security

7. Access to and participation in development activities

Livelihood of Meches is now transferred from agriculture to subsistent activities such as

• There is a discrimination practice against girls’ education so this issues need to

3. Access to Basic Services

iii. Government Social Security

5. Access to Natural Resources

7. Access to and participation in development activities

8. Summary and conclusion

3. Access to Basic Services

iii. Government social security

5. Access to natural resources

7. Access to and participation in development activities

8. Summary and Conclusion

3. Access to Basic Services

5. Access to natural resources

7. Access to and participation in development activities

8. Summary and Conclusion

There is no development programmes implemented in their community. They have increasing

• Education should be provided to the Bankaria women.

iii. Social Security

5. Access to natural resources

7. Access to and participation in development activities

Ehm-Aj Baseline Report, Final Draft - Ybg & Ykg

Ehm-Aj Baseline Report, Final Draft - Ybg & Ykg