hsr1990 229

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No.
2, 3-34
C r i m e and Authority in Eighteenth Century England

Law Enforcement on the Local Level Dietrich Oberwitiler*
A b s t r a c t : T h e history o f c r i m e a n d t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system h a s been a field of i n t e n s i v e research in t h e English social history for s o m e y e a r s . T h i s article p u r s u e s a twofold a i m : Firstly, it is i n t e n d e d to give a b r o a d overview o v e r t h e social history of e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c r i m e a n d c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e in E n g l a n d * d i s c u s s i n g different app r o a c h e s a n d m e t h o d o l o g i c a l q u e s t i o n s . I n t h e second p a r t , t h e focus will be on t h e actual w o r k i n g of t h e crim i n a l j u s t i c e system o n t h e level b e l o w t h e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s w h e r e it w a s t h e task of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e to enforce t h e law. As t h e analysis of j u s t i c e s ' n o t e b o o k s reveals, i n f o r m a l w a y s of d e a l i n g w i t h d e l i n q u e n c y w e r e c o m m o n o n t h i s local level. T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e f i n d i n g s for t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system a n d a u t h o r i t y in g e n e r a l will be assessed in part t h r e e .
1. The English History of Crime: A Review on the Field

R o u g h l y fifteen years of i n c r e a s i n g l y i n t e n s i v e research on t h e history of c r i m e h a v e resulted i n a m u c h m o r e a c c u r a t e p i c t u r e o f c r i m e a n d t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system i n E n g l i s h h i s t o r y t h a n h a s p r e v i o u s l y been k n o w n . T r a d i t i o n a l a s s u m p t i o n s t h a t t h e o l d system o f c o m b a t t i n g c r i m e w a s basically cruel, i r r a t i o n a l , a n d inefficient a n d t h a t t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system in t h e last t w o h u n d r e d years w a s a history of p r o g r e s s (1) h a v e b e e n r e p l a c e d by a m o r e b a l a n c e d view. This, h o w e v e r , w a s t h e result of a lively a n d p a r t l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l d e b a t e a m o n g social h i s t o r i a n s w h i c h took place o v e r t h e last fifteen years or so (2). T h e fundam e n t a l p r e s u m p t i o n o f all h i s t o r i a n s d e a l i n g w i t h t h i s subject w a s t h a t c r i m i n a l i t y a n d t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system reflects t h e c h a r a c t e r of social r e l a t i o n s a n d a u t h o r i t y in a society, a l t h o u g h not all of t h e m h a v e g o n e so
* A d d r e s s all c o m m u n i c a t i o n s to: D i e t r i c h O b e r w i t t l e r , B e e t h o v e n s t r a e 1, D - 5 3 0 0 B o n n 1. 3
Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34
far as to consider t h i s field as central to u n l o c k i n g t h e m e a n i n g s of eight e e n t h - c e n t u r y social history.(3) W h a t w a s p u z z l i n g English h i s t o r i a n s p a r t i c u l a r l y w a s t h e relative a b s e n c e of fierce social t e n s i o n s a n d political instability w h i c h d i s t i n g u i s h e d E n g l a n d from o t h e r E u r o p e a n countries, especially F r a n c e (4). T h e a c c e p t a n c e of t h e legal system ( a n d h e n c e of a u t h o r i t y ) by large p a r t s of t h e p o p u l a t i o n u n d o u b t e d l y played an import a n t r o l e in a c h i e v i n g t h i s stability (5). T h i s article, too, tries to give s o m e a n s w e r s to t h i s f u n d a m e n t a l q u e s t i o n . But t h e focus will be exclusively on t h e lowest level of e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y law e n f o r c e m e n t w h i c h w a s r u n by t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace. As will be s h o w n , t h i s level w a s of crucial i m p o r t a n c e for t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e crim i n a l j u s t i c e system as a w h o l e .
T h e H i s t o r y F r o m Below A p p r o a c h It s e e m s useful to c o m m e n c e with a brief discussion of general t r e n d s a n d d e v e l o p m e n t s of t h e history of c r i m e in E n g l a n d . Basically, t h e r e h a v e b e e n t w o different i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s w h i c h tried to explain t h e role of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w i t h i n society. T h e first, w h i c h h a s been called t h e h i s t o r y from b e l o w a p p r o a c h , claimed t h a t t h e a c c e p t a n c e of t h e legal system w a s t h e result of a great deceit: t h e ideology of equality before t h e law a n d t h e belief in t h e rule of law w h i c h w a s w i d e s p r e a d in eighteenthc e n t u r y E n g l a n d was a c c o r d i n g to t h i s view m e r e l y t h e result of a successful a t t e m p t by t h e small r u l i n g class to disguise t h e real p u r p o s e of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, t h e protection of a radical division of p r o p e r t y . (6) T h e o r i g i n a t o r of this radical a p p r o a c h , w h i c h s u b s e q u e n t l y triggered t h e c r i m e w a v e of t h e 70s a n d 80s, w a s E . P . T h o m p s o n w h o discovered c r i m e w h e n s e a r c h i n g for signs of sub-political protest a n d class consc i o u s n e s s in t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s (7). T h o m p son a n d his disciples p r e s e n t e d t h e i r m a r x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n m o s t p r o m i n e n t l y in t h e i r collection A l b i o n ' s Fatal Tree (8). E x p l a i n i n g t h e p a r a d o x of an increasingly savage p e n a l code w h i c h inflicted t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y on a w i d e r a n g e of petty p r o p e r t y offenses on t h e o n e h a n d a n d relatively few actual e x e c u t i o n s o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , D o u g l a s H a y e m p h a s i z e d t h e imp o r t a n c e of discretion a n d b e n e v o l e n c e exercised in this way in t h e c o u r t s for t h e p a t e r n a l i s t i c k i n d of a u t h o r i t y in e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d (9). M o r e o v e r , t h e c r i m i n a l law h a s been given an i m p o r t a n t role in t h e process of e s t a b l i s h i n g a capitalistic e c o n o m y in r u r a l E n g l a n d w h e n traditional c u s t o m a r y rights o f t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r t o use land w e r e m o r e a n d m o r e replaced by t h e capitalistic c o n c e p t of exclusive p r o p e r t y (10). T h e n o t i o n of social c r i m e d e n o t e s types of b e h a v i o u r , such as wood gathering, p o a c h i n g or s m u g g l i n g , w h i c h w e r e d e c l a r e d illegal by t h e state b u t w e r e n e v e r t h e l e s s r e g a r d e d as legitimate by large p a r t s of t h e lower classes 4
(11). T h i s c o n c e p t of social c r i m e h a s since b e e n an i m p o r t a n t theoretical s t a r t i n g p o i n t for English h i s t o r i a n s of c r i m e (12). It is o n e i m p o r t a n t result of t h e h i s t o r y f r o m b e l o w a p p r o a c h that t h e h i s t o r y of c r i m e is to a large e x t e n t t h e history of t h e l a b o u r i n g classes a n d t h e p o o r w h o c o u n t e d for t h e great m a j o r i t y o f t h e accused. F o r this reason, t h e history of c r i m e h a s to be e m b e d d e d in t h e social history of t h e lower classes in g e n e r a l (13). H a v i n g said that, it is necessary to deal with t h e criticism directed at this radical view o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y c r i m i n a l law. O n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e c o n c e p t of social c r i m e h a s b e e n q u e s t i o n e d for several r e a s o n s . T h i s is not o n l y t r u e for t h e very p e c u l i a r case of a g a n g of p o a c h e r s in t h e royal forests w h o s e story h a s b e e n w r i t t e n d o w n i n E . P . T h o m p s o n ' s W h i g s a n d H u n t e r s (14); p o a c h i n g in g e n e r a l w a s not m a d e a c r i m i n a l offence bec a u s e n e w capitalistic p r o p e r t y r i g h t s w e r e at stake, b u t b e c a u s e it was a g a i n s t t h e old a r i s t o c r a t i c interest. P o a c h i n g w a s even c o m m i t t e d partly for capitalist m o t i v e s , since t h e r e w a s a rising d e m a n d for g a m e in t h e t o w n s (15). S m u g g l i n g as well could be d e s c r i b e d as an a t t e m p t to maxim i z e profits. Yet, t h e r e a r e e x a m p l e s of c r i m i n a l legislation w h i c h clearly h a d a s t r o n g class c h a r a c t e r . E m b e z z l e m e n t at t h e w o r k p l a c e , especially in t h e p u t t i n g out i n d u s t r i e s , w a s c o m m o n a n d regarded a s legitimate b y m o s t of t h e w o r k e r s , a l t h o u g h it w a s subject to fines a n d short i m p r i s o n m e n t . J o h n Styles h a s e m p h a s i z e d , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e efforts o f m a n u f a c t u r e r s a n d legislators t o r e d e f i n e p r o p e r t y r i g h t s a n d t o o u t l a w e m b e z z l e m e n t w e r e n o t p e c u l i a r t o t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y but can b e traced back t o e a r l i e r cen t u r i e s (16). J . C . O r t h (1987a a n d 1987b) h a s recently dealt with a n o t h e r e x a m p l e of e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y class legislation: t h e c o m b i n a t i o n acts w h i c h m a d e early t r a d e u n i o n i s t activities a c r i m i n a l offence. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e b a s i c c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e h i s t o r y from b e l o w a p p r o a c h t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w a s a m e r e tool of o p p r e s s i o n in t h e h a n d s of a small r u l i n g class h a s b e e n d e n i e d (17). J . H . L a n g b e i n h a s s h o w n t h a t H a y ' s b a s i c h y p o t h e s i s t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system was d e s i g n e d t o stabilize t h e e x i s t i n g o r d e r i s t o s o m e e x t e n t tautological a n d c a n n o t be falsified (18); P e t e r K i n g (1984b) in a very influential article h a s stressed t h e fact t h a t in m o s t cases of p r o p e r t y c r i m e it w a s t h e m i d d l i n g a n d lower sort of p e o p l e w h o w e r e v i c t i m s of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s ; in fact, in m a n y cases m e m b e r s o f t h e l o w e r classes assaulted o r stole f r o m t h e i r e q u a l s . A n d t h o s e v i c t i m s f r o m t h e l o w e r classes m a d e e x t e n s i v e use o f t h e c o u r t s for t h e i r o w n p u r p o s e s . (19) T h e s e f i n d i n g s w h i c h w e r e based o n q u a n t i t a t i v e r e s e a r c h clearly d o n ' t fit t o t h e p i c t u r e D . H a y a n d o t h e r s h a v e g i v e n . O n e f u n d a m e n t a l s h o r t c o m i n g o f t h e h i s t o r y from b e l o w a p p r o a c h s e e m s to me to result f r o m a negligence of q u a n t i t a t i v e m e t h o d s (20). T h i s is not to say t h a t social c r i m e s , for e x a m p l e , w e r e of no signific a n c e for t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system at all; b u t in o r d e r to 5
get a b a l a n c e d view it is indispensable to look to t h e statistical e v i d e n c e w h i c h suggests that social c r i m e s a c c o u n t e d only for a small p r o p o r t i o n of all c r i m e s p r o s e c u t e d .
The Quantitative Approach T h a t leads to a n o t h e r a p p r o a c h to t h e history of c r i m e w h i c h shall be discussed h e r e : t h e q u a n t i t a t i v e a p p r o a c h (21). T h e r a t i o n a l e for quantit a t i v e research n e e d s h a r d l y to be e x p l a i n e d ; m a n y of t h e key q u e s t i o n s a b o u t c r i m e d e s e r v e q u a n t i t a t i v e a n s w e r s , a n d m a n y o f t h e sources prod u c e d by t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of law e n f o r c e m e n t a r e perfectly suitable for statistical analysis. Yet, unless applied with t h e u t m o s t caution a n d a high d e g r e e of sensibility for t h e l i m i t a t i o n s of t h i s a p p r o a c h , q u a n t i t a t i v e met h o d s do not necessarily e n h a n c e t h e historical k n o w l e d g e . It is o n e a i m of t h i s article to d e m o n s t r a t e s o m e of t h e p r o b l e m s t h e historian faces w h e n u s i n g statistical data especially f r o m a relatively high level. T h e r e a r e basically t w o different objects of statistical analysis: t h e patt e r n of c r i m i n a l i t y a n d t h e p a t t e r n of p r o s e c u t i o n . It is a t r u i s m for a n y given p e r i o d that t h e k n o w n c r i m e rate is only t h e rate of recorded c r i m e , a n d t h a t t h e r e is a d a r k figure w h i c h c a n n o t be assessed p r o p e r l y . All h i s t o r i a n s a g r e e that this d a r k figure w a s c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r in t h e eight e e n t h c e n t u r y , w h e n t h e r e existed n e i t h e r a detective police force n o r state p r o s e c u t i o n , t h a n it is today. N e v e r t h e l e s s , on condition that t h e extent of t h e offenses actually c o m m i t t e d w e r e reflected even to s o m e degree in t h e i n d i c t m e n t s b r o u g h t to c o u r t , an analysis of fluctuations of t h e c r i m e rate o v e r t i m e m a y m a k e sense (22). This is p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e for s h o r t - t e r m f l u c t u a t i o n s , w h e r e a s long-term d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e c r i m e rate a r e likely to be caused by i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e s . O n e of t h e favourite q u e s t i o n s exam i n e d o v e r t h e last years is w h e t h e r t h e r e w a s a correlation b e t w e e n econ o m i c h a r d s h i p a n d t h e level of p r o p e r t y offenses. D . H a y in a very thor o u g h s t u d y h a s c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e r e was such a correlation w h i c h b e c a m e o b v i o u s only d u r i n g w a r t i m e (23). I t t u r n e d out that w a r a n d peace h a d t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t i m p a c t on t h e c r i m e r a t e with periods of w a r h a v i n g a relatively low level of r e c o r d e d c r i m e s . T h e e n d i n g of wars, on t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e followed by t h e release of a great n u m b e r of u n e m p l o y e d exsoldiers w h o w e r e v i r t u a l l y forced to get t h e i r livelihood by d i s h o n e s t m e a n s . T h u s , a s i m p l e positive c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e cost of living a n d t h e level of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s clearly did n o t exist, as S.R.Wilson (1986) has recently e m p h a s i z e d . It is h a r d l y possible for t h e q u a n t i t a t i v e h i s t o r i a n to t a k e i n t o a c c o u n t all t h e c o n t r i b u t o r y factors w h i c h w e r e r e l e v a n t for t h e level of r e c o r d e d c r i m e s . To m e n t i o n j u s t o n e point: it is k n o w n t h a t dur i n g w a r t i m e s , m a n y m a l e o f f e n d e r s w e r e n o t put o n trial b u t w e n t unp u n i s h e d if they enlisted in t h e a r m y , t h u s d i s t o r t i n g t h e r a t e of recorded
c r i m e s (24). T h u s , I n n e s a n d Styles a r e right t o c o n c l u d e that t h e r e can b e no h i s t o r y of c r i m i n a l i t y s e p a r a t e from t h e history of law e n f o r c e m e n t (25). T h e p r o s e c u t i o n of c r i m e s constitutes t h e m a j o r object of q u a n t i t a t i v e r e s e a r c h . H e r e a b o v e all, J . M . B e a n i e ' s b o o k C r i m e a n d t h e C o u r t s i n E n g l a n d 1660-1800 w h i c h deals with b o t h t h e p a t t e r n of c r i m i n a l i t y a n d t h e p a t t e r n of p r o s e c u t i o n r e p r e s e n t s o n e of t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t achievem e n t s of t h e E n g l i s h h i s t o r y of c r i m e so far (26). A l m o s t every aspect of t h e p r o s e c u t i o n of felonies s t a r t i n g with t h e detection of c r i m e s a n d e n d i n g w i t h p u n i s h m e n t s i s dealt w i t h c o m p r e h e n s i v e l y , c o m b i n i n g q u a l i t a t i v e a n d q u a n t i t a t i v e m e t h o d s . T h e core of his study is, h o w e v e r , a q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s of t h e w o r k i n g of t h e assize c o u r t s , t h e highest level of English c r i m i n a l j u r i s d i c t i o n . Beattie is able to show, for e x a m p l e , t h a t t h e r e h a d a l r e a d y b e e n a shift t o w a r d s s e c o n d a r y p u n i s h m e n t s in t h e b e g i n n i n g of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h e n t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n o f felons t o A m e r i c a was i n t r o d u c e d (27). T h e n u m b e r of actual e x e c u t i o n s h a d decreased even a h u n d r e d y e a r s earlier a c c o r d i n g t o P J e n k i n s (1986). T r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y i m p r i s o n m e n t did, t h e r e f o r e , n o t replace capital p u n i s h m e n t s b u t w h i p p i n g a n d b r a n d i n g t h e t h u m b (28). A l t h o u g h B e a n i e ' s b o o k offers very b a l a n c e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s a n d und o u b t e d l y e n h a n c e s t h e k n o w l e d g e a b o u t c r i m i n a l i t y a n d law e n f o r c e m e n t in s e v e n t e e n t h a n d e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s c o n s i d e r a b l y , r e a s o n s for precaution r e m a i n . It is a c o m m o n feature of m o s t studies of t h i s q u a n t i t a t i v e a p p r o a c h t h a t t h e y a r e based u p o n data s a m p l e d on a relatively high level. Beattie h a s t a k e n his s o u r c e s m a i n l y from t h e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s (assizes a n d q u a r t e r sessions) of S u r r e y a n d Sussex. Yet, it is clear that only a p a r t of all cases of felonies ( t h o s e offenses that h a d to be tried e i t h e r in q u a r t e r sess i o n s or in assizes) actually reached t h i s stage of p r o s e c u t i o n , as Beattie himself a d m i t s . T h a t m e a n s t h a t a n exclusive focus o n t h e cases b r o u g h t t o c o u r t d i s t o r t s t h e reality of early m o d e r n law e n f o r c e m e n t . T h e role of t h e p r e t r i a l process n e e d s t o b e e x a m i n e d m o r e carefully t h a n h a s been d o n e (29). T h i s is even m o r e t h e case as only a m i n o r i t y of offenses w e r e felon i e s ; t h e m a j o r i t y o f offenses w h i c h w e r e called m i s d e m e a n o r s could b e dealt w i t h by j u s t i c e s of t h e peace o u t s i d e t h e c o u r t s . Because t h e s e petty offenses w e r e m u c h m o r e f r e q u e n t i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , t h e y a n d t h e w a y t h e y w e r e t r e a t e d a r e m o r e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e sys t e m as a w h o l e t h a n felonies a n d t h e w o r k of t h e c o u r t s . Beattie's objection t h a t o n l y m a i n s t r e a m offenses a s theft, b u r g l a r y , r o b b e r y etc. w e r e r e g a r d e d as c r i m i n a l by c o n t e m p o r a r i e s a n d t h a t if h i s t o r i a n s dealt w i t h b o t h p e t t y offenses a n d felonies t o g e t h e r it w o u l d lead to c o n f u s i o n d o e s n o t c o n v i n c e (30). It w o u l d be easy to s h o w that t h e c r i m i n a l law r e f o r m e r s of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h o w e r e obsessed by t h e idea of p r e v e n t i o n r e g a r d e d petty offenses a s p a r t i c u l a r l y d a n g e r o u s (31). 7
T h e lower levels of law e n f o r c e m e n t a n d t h e different k i n d s of offenses w h i c h w e r e typical on these levels h a v e attracted a n u m b e r of h i s t o r i a n s in recent years. A p p r o a c h i n g t h e subject by m e a n s of local case studies r a t h e r t h a n on a high level, they offered a new, a l t e r n a t i v e view on t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system of early m o d e r n E n g l a n d (32).
T h e Institutional A p p r o a c h T h e r e h a s been a m o r e general shift t o w a r d s t h e study of t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of law e n f o r c e m e n t in recent years. To s o m e extent, this d e v e l o p m e n t s e e m s to be i n e v i t a b l e . It is a result b o t h of t h e history from below a n d t h e q u a n t i t a t i v e a p p r o a c h that a very t h o r o u g h a c q u a i n t a n c e with t h e w o r k i n g of t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of law e n f o r c e m e n t is necessary w h e n d e a l i n g with t h e history of c r i m e . Various aspects of t h e w o r k i n g of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system h a v e been t h e subject of studies d u r i n g t h e last years. T h e offices w h i c h w e r e conc e r n e d with law e n f o r c e m e n t starting with t h e village c o n s t a b l e h a v e been dealt with (33). A bulk of studies h a v e been devoted to t h e office of t h e j u s t i c e of t h e peace w h i c h w a s of crucial i m p o r t a n c e for t h e w o r k i n g of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system, as will be a r g u e d in t h i s article (34). T h e m o s t t h o r o u g h a n d s t i m u l a t i n g w o r k o n t h e j u s t i c e s h a s been d o n e b y N o r m a L a n d a u (1984) w h o put t h e e m p h a s i s especially o n t h e legal f r a m e w o r k a n d t h e p u b l i c image w h i c h s h a p e d t h e i r role in t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. On t h e level of t h e c r i m i n a l courts, t h e focus in recent years h a s been on t h e j u r i e s . Traditionally boasted as t h e b u l w a r k of British liberties, t h e j u r i e s h a v e been d e n o t e d b y t h e history from below a p p r o a c h a s t h e tools of a r i s t o c r a t i c class interest (35). Little w o r k h a s been d o n e so far on t h e early m o d e r n prison system; a study of J . I n n e s (1987) r e p r e s e n t s t h e m o s t recent a c c o u n t of t h e history of t h e h o u s e s of correction (36). T h e t r a n s i t i o n from t h e t r a d i t i o n a l t o t h e m o d e r n c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w h i c h took place m a i n l y in t h e early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y is o n e of t h e m o s t c o m p l e x a n d controversial a r e a s of r e s e a r c h . After a t i m e in w h i c h t h e significance a n d t h e t h o r o u g h n e s s o f t h i s t r a n s f o r m a t i o n h a s b e e n stressed a n d a very u n f a v o u r a b l e p i c t u r e of t h e r e f o r m e r s ' m o t i v e s h a s been given c l a i m i n g that t h e i r i n t e n t i o n w a s a b o v e all to e n f o r c e social c o n t r o l over t h e lower classes m o r e rigorously (37), t h e r e h a s been a t r e n d t o w a r d s a m o r e careful a n d balanced a s s e s s m e n t of this process. Was c h a n ge or r a t h e r c o n t i n u i t y c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e actual d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of law e n f o r c e m e n t ? To a n s w e r this q u e s t i o n , detailed studies of b o t h t h e o l d a n d t h e n e w system of law e n f o r c e m e n t a r e indispensable. A recently p u b l i s h e d collection of essays by D . H a y , P . K i n g , D . P h i l i p s , J.Styles a n d o t h e r s offers insights i n t o t h e p r o s e c u t i o n process 8
a n d its c h a n g e s d u r i n g t h e crucial period of t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s (38). T h e i n t r o d u c t i o n a n d early d e v e l o p m e n t of a professional police force is o n e of t h e c e n t r a l p o i n t s of interest h e r e . T h e idea that t h e m o d e of law e n f o r c e m e n t w a s r a p i d l y t r a n s f o r m e d by t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t h e m e t r o p o l i t a n police forces in 1829 h a s c o m e u n d e r revision; c o n t i n u i t y r a t h e r t h a n c h a n g e s e e m s t o h a v e been typical for reality of law e n f o r c e m e n t (39). A n o t h e r p o i n t of d i s a g r e e m e n t is t h e question a b o u t t h e causes o f t h e t r a n s i t i o n a n d t h e factors w h i c h d e t e r m i n e d its s h a p e a n d t i m i n g . In h i s m a s s i v e v o l u m e Police a n d P r o t e s t in England a n d I r e l a n d 1750-1850, Stanley P a l m e r a r g u e s t h a t it w a s t h e fear of p o p u l a r d i s o r d e r a n d political e x t r e m i s m t h a t i n d u c e d t h e E n g l i s h governm e n t to i n t r o d u c e a paid police force; e m p h a s i s on t h e detection of c r i m e did n o t e m e r g e until t h e s e c o n d half of t h e c e n t u r y . (40) O t h e r h i s t o r i a n s a s C . E m s l e y (1986) a n d D . P h i l i p s (1980) h a v e m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e m a i n s t i m u l u s for police r e f o r m w e r e d e m a n d s t h a t t h e system o f c o m b a t t i n g c r i m e s h o u l d b e m a d e m o r e effective. I n c i d e n t s o f p u b l i c d i s o r d e r such a s t h e G o r d o n R i o t s in 1780 w e r e of c o u r s e of great i m p o r t a n c e for t h e soft e n i n g of critical a t t i t u d e s t o w a r d s a professional police force; h o w e v e r , t h e w r i t i n g s of t h e early police r e f o r m e r s such as t h e influential A Treatise of t h e Police of t h e M e t r o p o l i s by P a t r i c k C o l q u h o u n a n d t h e p u b l i c discussion a b o u t t h e necessity of a police r e f o r m do not a d m i t for a n y d o u b t that c r i m e , w h e t h e r petty or capital, w a s in fact a chief c o n c e r n of t h e r e f o r m e r s (41).
II. The Work of the Justices of the Peace

In o r d e r to learn s o m e t h i n g a b o u t everyday c r i m e a n d law e n f o r c e m e n t , it is t h e w o r k of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace (or m a g i s t r a t e s , as t h e y w e r e syno n y m o u s l y called) t o w h i c h o n e m u s t t u r n . Law e n f o r c e m e n t o n t h e level below t h e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s , o n t h e local level, rested with t h e j u s t i c e s w h o w e r e s u p p o r t e d b y c o n s t a b l e s a n d o t h e r p a r i s h officers. Justices h a d t o deal with all k i n d s of offenses, r a n g i n g from p r o f a n e s w e a r i n g or s t e a l i n g fruit from o r c h a r d s t o theft, r o b b e r i e s a n d h o m i c i d e s . I n m o s t cases, t h e j u s t i c e s a c t i n g o u t s i d e t h e c o u r t s c o u l d h e a r a n d d e t e r m i n e t h e cases t h e m s e l v e s u s i n g s u m m a r y j u r i s d i c t i o n a n d o t h e r legal i n s t r u m e n t s t o deal w i t h all k i n d s of m i s d e m e a n o u r s ; b u t if a felony w a s r e p o r t e d to a j u s t i c e , it w a s his responsibility t o act a s a n i n v e s t i g a t i n g j u d g e b y e x a m i n i n g t h e case a n d c o m m i t t i n g or b a i l i n g a suspected felon for trial. T h u s , m o s t cases of c r i m e w h i c h w e r e officially p r o s e c u t e d c a m e b e f o r e a j u s t i c e . T h i s is w h y t h e w o r k of t h e j u s t i c e s gives a fairly realistic p i c t u r e of c r i m i n a l i t y in early m o d e r n E n g l a n d . 9
T h a t it is possible at all for h i s t o r i a n s to analyse law e n f o r c e m e n t on t h i s local level is d u e to t h e n o t e b o o k s w h i c h w e r e kept privately by s o m e j u s t i c e s . A l t h o u g h t h e k e e p i n g o f n o t e b o o k s w a s strongly r e c o m m e n d e d , only few did k e e p one, a n d only very few of t h e m h a v e survived. Five of t h e s e s u r v i v i n g n o t e b o o k s c o n t a i n i n g a b o u t o n e t h o u s a n d cases h a v e b e e n a n a l y s e d for this study (42). T h e d e g r e e of i n f o r m a t i o n given in t h e s e n o t e b o o k s is differing: at best, all cases b r o u g h t before t h e j u s t i c e s t o g e t h e r with i n f o r m a t i o n about t h e p e o p l e i n v o l v e d a n d t h e o u t c o m e a r e r e c o r d e d ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , not all of t h e m c o m e close to t h i s high d e g r e e of c o m p l e t e n e s s . A p a r t from these n o t e b o o k s , also h o u s e of correction c a l e n d a r s h a v e been used which c o n t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h o s e cases w h i c h resulted in a c o m m i t t a l to t h i s type of p r i s o n (43). E n f o r c i n g t h e c r i m i n a l law w a s only o n e p a r t of t h e d u t i e s of j u s t i c e s of t h e peace w h o w e r e at t h e s a m e t i m e in c h a r g e of t h e c o u n t y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n . D u e t o t h e nearly c o m p l e t e a b s e n c e o f a n y state-controlled b u r e a u cracy in E n g l a n d , virtually all m a t t e r s of i n t e r n a l policy, r a n g i n g f r o m t h e m a i n t e n a n c e of streets a n d bridges as well as of law a n d o r d e r to t h e s u p e r v i s i o n of t r a d e a n d i n d u s t r y , w e r e e n t r u s t e d to t h e w o r k of t h e s e u n p a i d m e n w h o acted v o l u n t a r i l y a n d w h o c a m e m a i n l y from t h e l a n d e d g e n t r y . A s aristocratic r u l e r s o f t h e n a t i o n , t h e y w e r e rarely s u b m i t t e d t o c o n t r o l , a n d t h e i r discretion w a s c o n s i d e r a b l e in a d m i n i s t r a t i v e as well as 10
in c r i m i n a l m a t t e r s . A s t u d y of t h e j u s t i c e s ' n o t e b o o k s can t h e r e f o r e shed light on t h e actual e n f o r c e m e n t of t h e c r i m i n a l law on t h e local level. Offenses against t h e p e a c e W h a t k i n d of offenses w e r e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e local level of law enforcem e n t , a n d i n w h a t way did t h e j u s t i c e s deal w i t h t h e s e offenses? As figure 1 shows, by far t h e largest g r o u p w e r e t h e offenses a g a i n s t t h e peace. T h e s e offenses i n c l u d e d a w i d e r a n g e of i n c i d e n t s such as assaults, batteries a n d insults w h i c h t o o k place m a i n l y a m o n g n e i g h b o u r s , colleagues or w i t h i n t h e families; a t h i r d of t h e s e cases r e p o r t e d to t h e j u s t i c e s w e r e c o m m i t t e d b y m e n a g a i n s t w o m e n . I n t e r p e r s o n a l v i o l e n c e seem t o h a v e been very w i d e s p r e a d i n early m o d e r n E n g l a n d , a n d i t w a s m u c h m o r e tolerated by society as an i n e v i t a b l e c o n c o m i t a n t of e v e r y d a y life, t h a n it is today. It is fair to a s s u m e t h a t o n l y a fraction of cases w e r e actually p r o s e c u t e d . As t h e title of t h e office indicates, k e e p i n g t h e peace w a s t h e o n e of t h e principal t a s k s of t h e j u s t i c e s ; b u t in cases of p r i v a t e d i s p u t e s , j u s t i c e s sought t h e s e t t l e m e n t of t h e s e conflicts, not t h e p u n i s h m e n t of t h e offend e r s , as t h e c h a i r m a n of t h e M i d d l e s e x j u s t i c e s e x p l a i n e d : In C o m p l a i n t s of t h i s Sort, w h e r e t h e I n j u r y is b u t s m a l l , t h e Magistrate ... c a n n o t better exercise his H u m a n i t y , a n d I m a y a d d , h i s Wisdom, than by persuading the Parties to Peace and Reconciliation; an E x p e d i e n t w h i c h I h a v e s e l d o m k n o w n to fail. (44) In t h e great m a j o r i t y of b r e a c h e s of t h e peace w h i c h w e r e r e p o r t e d to t h e justices, n o formal action w a s t a k e n ; William H u n t r e c o r d e d a n agreem e n t b e t w e e n t h e parties in 75 p.c. of t h e s e cases such as in t h e following case in w h i c h he g r a n t e d a w a r r a n t against several p e r s o n s for ...their violently a s s a u l t i n g a n d b e a t i n g t h e c o m p l a i n a n t in a b a r b a r o u s m a n n e r a n d t h r e a t e n i n g t o shoot h e r with a pistol. T h e p a r t i e s agreed w i t h o u t a h e a r i n g . (45) E v e n a fighting with t h e s u b s e q u e n t d e a t h of a p a r t i c i p a n t w a s n o t r e g a r d e d as a m a t t e r of c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n (46). T h e E n g l i s h law offered an a l t e r n a t i v e i n s t r u m e n t for t h e t r e a t m e n t of offenses a g a i n s t t h e peace: t h e so-called surety of t h e peace (47). A j u s t i c e could o r d e r a p e r s o n to e n t e r i n t o a r e c o g n i z a n c e , a legal d o c u m e n t in w h i c h t h e d e l i n q u e n t p r o m i s e d n o t t o offend i n t h e s a m e m a n n e r a g a i n . I f t h i s p r o m i s e w a s c o n t r a v e n e d , a s u m of m o n e y w h i c h w a s fixed on t h e r e c o g n i z a n c e w a s forfeited t o t h e c r o w n . T h i s process, also called b i n d i n g over, w a s d e s i g n e d to p r e v e n t f u r t h e r conflicts a n d to coerce a p e r s o n to lawful b e h a v i o u r . P e r s o n s w h o w e r e d e e m e d t o o p o o r t o pay t h e s u m i f forfeited o r w h o could n o t p r o d u c e respectable p e r s o n s s p e a k i n g o n t h e i r b e h a l f c o u l d instead be sent to t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n , for w a n t of s u r e t i e s . In t h i s case, 11
Table 1: Decisions of Justices in Cases of Breaches of the Peace (in %} Justice W.Brockman R-Brockman H.Norris RAVyatt W.Hunt no result recorded 85,7* 20,0 62,6* 66.1 13,7
1
informal settlement 4.8 733 24,1 6,8* 74,8

1
binding over 4,8
summary conviction 4,8 6,7 0,9 8,5 u
for trial
total 100,1 100,0 100,0 100,1 100,1
(n) 21 15 219 59 95
1,4 10,2 2,1
11,0 8,5 8,4
Source: Sample Notebooks Of the cases in the column "no result recorded", a large percentage is likely to have been settled informally without or upon hearing before the justices.
b i n d i n g o v e r could w o r k as a q u a s i - p u n i s h m e n t directed p r i m a r i l y against p e o p l e from low social strata or w i t h o u t social ties in t h e c o m m u n i t y . O n l y in a m i n o r i t y of cases, h o w e v e r , t h e j u s t i c e s felt it necessary to d e m a n d sureties of t h e peace (see t a b l e 1).
P o o r Law a n d L a b o u r O f f e n s e s A n o t h e r g r o u p o f offenders violated t h e laws w h i c h regulated t h e c o n d u c t of the l a b o u r i n g poor, as the unpropertied and wage-dependent part of t h e p o p u l a t i o n w a s usually called. It is o n e of t h e characteristics of t h e c r i m i n a l law until well in t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h a t s o m e p a r t s of it served explicitly as a tool of social c o n t r o l over t h e lower classes. T h e acts r e g u l a t i n g t h e relations b e t w e e n e m p l o y e r s a n d w o r k e r s ( m a s t e r a n d serv a n t law) a n d t h e acts c o n n e c t e d with t h e p o o r law w e r e closely related, b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e part of o n e social policy, w e r e directed against t h e s a m e p a r t o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n a n d s t e m m e d from c o m m o n ideological roots. P o v e r t y w a s r e g a r d e d by c o n t e m p o r a r i e s as a m a i n cause of c r i m i n a l i t y (48). T h e a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s poverty, h o w e v e r , w a s d e t e r m i n e d b y t h e belief i n i n d i v i d u a l responsibility. Idleness a n d m o r a l w e a k n e s s w e r e t h o u g h t t o be t h e roots of poverty, u n l e s s o b v i o u s r e a s o n s such as illness or age w e r e f o u n d , a n d h e n c e all m e a s u r e s against p o v e r t y h a d t o c o m b a t t h e s e evils. l d l e n e s s is t h e root of all evil, a n d p r o p e r l y p u n i s h a b l e by c o r p o r a l c o r r e c t i o n a n d c o n s t r a i n e d l a b o u r . (49)
12
T h i s rigid ideology h a d b e e n c e n t r a l for t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n in t h e late s i x t e e n t h a n d early s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s (50). Tog e t h e r w i t h t h e p o o r relief system w h i c h obliged t h e p a r i s h e s t o care for t h e i r d i s a b l e d p o o r , t h e h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n ( t o g e t h e r w i t h o t h e r coercive i n s t r u m e n t s as t h e w o r k h o u s e ) c o n s t i t u t e d a social policy w h i c h w a s d e s i g n e d to c o m b i n e aspects of relief a n d p u n i s h m e n t . It is w o r t h n o t i c i n g t h a t t h e basic idea o f c o r r e c t i o n t h r o u g h i m p r i s o n m e n t w h i c h i n s p i r e d t h e prison r e f o r m e r s i n t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d early n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s can a l r e a d y be f o u n d in t h e ideology of t h i s early p r i s o n system. A c c o r d i n g to t h i s ideology, an act of 1610 d i r e c t e d t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace t h a t idle a n d d i s o r d e r l y p e r s o n s shall b e sent t o t h e h o u s e o f c o r r e c t i o n s (51) D u e t o t h e v a g u e definition o f t h i s act, t h e j u s t i c e s held s t r o n g d i s c r e t i o n a r y p o w e r s i n t h e t r e a t m e n t o f v a r i o u s k i n d s o f d e l i n q u e n t s f r o m t h e lower classes. A w o m a n w a s c o m m i t t e d to t h e C l e r k e n w e l l h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n in 1752 ...for b e i n g an idle a n d d i s o r d e r l y p e r s o n l a y i n g o u t of N i g h t s pilfering a n d not b e i n g a b l e t o give a n a c c o u n t o f g e t t i n g a n h o n e s t l i v e l i h o o d . (52) W h a t seems obvious from this description is that she was a vagrant w i t h o u t e m p l o y m e n t ; also, s h e w a s suspected to be a casual thief. It m a y as well be t h a t s h e w a s i m p r i s o n e d b e c a u s e s h e w a s d e e m e d a p r o s t i t u t e , an offence w h i c h w a s not o u t l a w e d explicitly. F o r a lawful i m p r i s o n m e n t , it w a s sufficient t o c o m m i t h e r a s a n idle a n d d i s o r d e r l y p e r s o n . H o w e v e r , over t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e w a s a t e n d e n c y t o w a r d s a m o r e precise definition of t h e offenses w h i c h c o u l d be p u n i s h e d by i m p r i s o n m e n t in a h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n (53). In t h e Essex h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n , l e a v i n g t h e family c h a r g e a b l e t o t h e p a r i s h , h a v i n g b a s t a r d c h i l d r e n w h o w e r e chargeable t o t h e p a r i s h , b e g g i n g a n d b e i n g a v a g r a n t w e r e t h e m o s t f r e q u e n t c h a r g e s (54). A total p e r c e n t a g e of 40 p.c. of t h e p r i s o n e r s w e r e c o m m i t t e d for o f f e n d i n g a g a i n s t t h e v a g r a n t act in s o m e w a y (see figure 2). M a s t e r a n d s e r v a n t law also i n c l u d e d p r o v i s i o n s for p u n i s h i n g l a b o u r e r s for c e r t a i n offenses. T h e j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e h a d b e e n r e s p o n s i b l e for t h e s u p e r v i s i o n o f l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s since t h e late m i d d l e ages; a n E l i z a b e t h a n act of 1563 w a s still t h e basis for t h e j u s t i c e s ' a c t i n g in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y (55). A l t h o u g h t h i s w a s not a typical case in t h e e i g h t e e n t h century, a m a n w a s c o m m i t t e d to t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n for a s h o r t p e r i o d on c h a r g e o f l i v i n g w i t h o u t e m p l o y m e n t s (56).Usually, m a s t e r s a n d employers c a m e t o j u s t i c e s i n o r d e r t o c o m p l a i n a b o u t t h e i r w o r k e r s w h o w e r e d e e m e d i d l e o r h a d left t h e i r j o b , t h u s b r e a c h i n g t h e i r c o n t r a c t . I n such cases, j u s t i c e s w e r e a l l o w e d t o s e n d t h e o f f e n d e r s t o t h e h o u s e o f correct i o n . 13 p.c. of t h e p r i s o n e r s in t w o h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n in Essex w e r e c o m m i t t e d for t h e s e offenses. E m b e z z l e m e n t a t t h e w o r k p l a c e w h i c h w a s f r e q u e n t especially i n t h e textile i n d u s t r y w a s p u n i s h a b l e b y t h e j u s t i c e s 13
w i t h i m p r i s o n m e n t in t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n or a fine. In t w o Essex h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n s , only 3 p.c. of t h e p r i s o n e r s , p r e d o m i n a n t l y w o m e n , h a d been c h a r g e d with e m b e z z l e m e n t ; i n G l o u c e s t e r , w h e r e t h e textile i n d u s t r y w a s m o r e i m p o r t a n t , m o r e t h a n 1 0 p.c. h a d been c o m m i t t e d for t h i s offence (57). A larger p r o p o r t i o n of cases w e r e p r o b a b l y p u n i s h e d with fines. O n l y in a m i n o r i t y of cases, i m p r i s o n m e n t in t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n w a s a c t u a l l y a p p l i e d . A s t h e G e n t l e m a n ' s M a g a z i n e observed i n 1769, ...magistrates a n d p a r i s h officers a r e c a u t i o u s of inflicting t h i s punishm e n t , b u t r a t h e r c h u s e to let it h a n g in t e r r o r e m over t h e h e a d s of t h e offenders... (58) A c t i n g as an e x e m p l a r y p u n i s h m e n t , it a c h i e v e d its p u r p o s e : t h e disciplin i n g of t h e l a b o u r i n g poor. O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e j u s t i c e s w e r e also available for c o m p l a i n t s b r o u g h t by l a b o u r e r s a g a i n s t t h e i r m a s t e r s ; in fact, t h i s k i n d of c o m p l a i n t s out n u m b e r e d in t h e j u s t i c e s ' n o t e b o o k s t h o s e b r o u g h t by e m p l o y e r s . William H u n t decided mostly in f a v o u r of l a b o u r e r s w h o h a d been dismissed c o n t r a r y t o t h e c o n t r a c t , o r w h o s e m a s t e r s refused t o pay t h e i r wages. 14
P r o p e r t y Offenses T h e t h i r d m a i n g r o u p o f offenses w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e d a b o u t 3 0 p . c . o f t h e cases b r o u g h t before t h e j u s t i c e s w e r e p r o p e r t y c r i m e s . Offenses o f t h i s b r a n c h of d e l i n q u e n c y c o n s t i t u t e d t h e great m a j o r i t y of cases tried in t h e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s . But t h e r e w a s an i m p o r t a n t distinction b e t w e e n t w o different k i n d s of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s : theft (larceny), b u r g l a r y , r o b b e r y a n d fraud w e r e r e g a r d e d as felonies a n d h a d to be tried on i n d i c t m e n t in crim i n a l c o u r t s ; t h i s category of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s will be called f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s in t h i s a r t i c l e . T h e theft of wild a n i m a l s ( p o a c h i n g ) , w o o d theft a n d theft of v e g e t a b l e p r o d u c t s n o t yet h a r v e s t e d , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e not r e g a r d e d a s felonies b u t a s m i s d e m e a n o r s , s u b j e c t t o t h e s u m m a r y j u r i s d i c t i o n of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace acting a l o n e or in petty sessions. T h i s c a t e g o r y of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s will be called s u m m a r y property c r i m e s in t h i s article. T h e r e is a n o t h e r p o i n t of d i s t i n c t i o n h e r e : n o t m a n y p e o p l e , m a y b e not even t h o s e w h o c o m m i t t e d t h e s e c r i m e s , w o u l d h a v e d i s p u t e d t h a t larceny o r b u r g l a r y w a s illegal, w h e r e a s t h e theft o f wild a n i m a l s o r vegetable i t e m s w a s not r e g a r d e d c r i m i n a l b y c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t s of t h e p o p u l a t i o n . In fact, t h e definition a n d p r o s e c u t i o n of t h e s e offenses w a s a field of conflict in r u r a l society. But t h e lines of conflict r a n differently d e p e n d i n g o n w h o s e p r o p e r t y interest w a s a t s t a k e . T h e g a m e laws h a v e l o n g been d e n o t e d a s t h e p r i n c i p a l e x a m p l e o f class legislation a n d class j u s t i c e p r o t e c t i n g t h e privileges of a selfish r u l i n g class (59). T h e clich of j u s t i c e s of t h e peace as partial a n d r u t h l e s s exec u t o r s of t h e a r b i t r a r y g a m e laws was w i d e s p r e a d a l r e a d y in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y (60). I t w a s t h e m i d d l i n g sort ( f a r m e r s a n d y e o m e n ) , w h o lead t h i s p r o t e s t (61). A l t h o u g h t h e g a m e laws w e r e clearly u n j u s t , t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e s e laws a n d t h e role of t h e j u s t i c e s in rigorously e x e c u t i n g t h e m h a v e b e e n e x a g g e r a t e d , a s M u n s c h e (1981) h a s s h o w n . O f c o u r s e , t h e r e w e r e e x a m p l e s of a r b i t r a r y j u r i s d i c t i o n by j u s t i c e s ; t h e e v i d e n c e f r o m t h e not e b o o k s , h o w e v e r , i m p l i e s t h a t j u s t i c e s treated cases of p o a c h i n g in t h e s a m e r a t h e r l e n i e n t w a y as t h e y did in o t h e r cases. A b o v e all, offenses a g a i n s t t h e g a m e laws w e r e not f r e q u e n t in t h e everyday w o r k of t h e j u stices: o n l y 2 p.c. of all cases in t h e n o t e b o o k s a n d only 0.9 p.c. in t h e h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n w e r e related to t h e g a m e laws. Of t h e s e cases, s o m e e n d e d w i t h an acquittal, s o m e resulted in fines, or if t h e o f f e n d e r could n o t pay, w i t h a c o m m i t t a l to t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n . T h e i n f a m o u s Black A c t d e c l a r i n g certain f o r m s of p o a c h i n g a capital offense w a s v e r y s e l d o m used. M u c h m o r e f r e q u e n t w a s w o o d a n d vegetable theft. Wood theft w a s t h e p r i n c i p a l m a s s delict in t r a d i t i o n a l society, c o m m i t t e d by p e o p l e f r o m t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r for o b v i o u s reasons: e c o n o m i c w a n t . T o g e t h e r w i t h o t h e r c u s t o m s s u c h a s g l e a n i n g , w o o d g a t h e r i n g w a s i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l r u r a l society a c u s t o m a r y right o f t h e p o o r w h i c h b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e r e s t r i c 15
ted a n d m a d e c r i m i n a l d u r i n g t h e early m o d e r n period w h e n t h e m o r a l e c o n o m y w a s a t t a c k e d (62). C o n t r a r y t o t h e g a m e laws, t h e r e w a s n o p u b l i c protest against this c r i m i n a l i z a t i o n , since t h i s t i m e , b o t h g e n t r y a n d f a r m e r stood t o g e t h e r in d e f e n d i n g their p r o p e r t y interests against t h e unp r o p e r t i e d classes. If t h e r e w a s protest by t h e p o o r , it t o o k t h e f o r m of collective a n d riotous a c t i o n s w h i c h w e r e d e s i g n e d t o p r e s e r v e t r a d i t i o n a l c u s t o m a r y r i g h t s (63). Wood theft a n d theft of vegetable i t e m s w a s subject to a fine of 5 shilling or, in default, of a s h o r t i m p r i s o n m e n t in t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n . In t h e s a m p l e from Essex h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n , 12 p.c. of t h e d e l i n q u e n t s w e r e c o m m i t t e d for this offence (see figure 2); 20 p.c. of t h e cases b r o u g h t before William H u n t , w h o w a s a c t i n g in a r u r a l area, belonged to t h i s category of p r o p e r t y d e l i n q u e n c y . Finally, a b o u t a fifth of all cases dealt w i t h by t h e fives j u s t i c e s w e r e f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s . Most of t h e s e cases w e r e thefts of items of v e r y s m a l l v a l u e as food, textiles a n d h o u s e h o l d i t e m s v a l u e d u n d e r 12 p e n c e . T h e f t s of v a l u a b l e s , robberies, b u r g l a r i e s a n d special types of theft such as h o r s e theft w e r e less f r e q u e n t . A s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , i n t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y t h e r e w e r e n o police t o carry out i n v e s t i g a t i o n s a n d no p u b l i c p r o s e c u t o r to b r i n g a suspected crim i n a l to trial; instead, t h e b u r d e n of c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n was entirely left to t h e v i c t i m . It is fair to a s s u m e t h a t u n d e r t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s t h e prop o r t i o n of u n s o l v e d a n d un prosecuted cases w a s c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r t h a n it is today. If t h e victim expressed a suspicion, it w a s t h e j u s t i c e s ' responsibility to o r d e r t h e a p p r e h e n s i o n of t h e suspected felon, to h e a r t h e victim, witnesses a n d accused a n d t o c o m m i t o r bail h i m o r h e r for trial. U n d e r n o c i r c u m stances w a s it allowed for t h e j u s t i c e s to acquit a suspected felon, b e c a u s e all cases of felony had to be d e t e r m i n e d in c o u r t . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e p r e t r i a l process w a s of great i m p o r t a n c e for t h e w o r k i n g of t h e w h o l e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. T h e a b s e n c e of an efficient system of c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n m e a n t t h a t t h e reality of e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y law e n f o r c e m e n t differed considerably f r o m its design. E v e n if t h e d e l i n q u e n t was k n o w n , a large prop o r t i o n of cases n e v e r r e a c h e d t h e final step of p r o s e c u t i o n , t h e trial, for a n u m b e r of r e a s o n s w h i c h will be discussed in t h e following part. T h e Informal Treatment of Delinquency At all t i m e s , it is basically t h e v i c t i m ' s decision to p r o s e c u t e or not to prosecute a property crime; but this discretionary power was considerably g r e a t e r in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . Very often, t h e victim c h o s e n o t to prosecute t h e offence even if t h e offender w a s k n o w n . A t t e n d i n g a trial in o r d e r t o give e v i d e n c e a g a i n s t t h e accused w a s a n e x p e n s i v e a n d timec o n s u m i n g affair w h i c h d e t e r r e d m a n y p e o p l e , especially f r o m t h e lower classes. H e n r y Fielding, a j u s t i c e of t h e peace a n d early police r e f o r m e r , c o m p l a i n e d t h a t d u e to t h e costs of p r o s e c u t i o n a p o o r victim 16
... m u s t be a M i r a c l e of p u b l i c Spirit if he d o t h not r a t h e r c h o o s e to c o n c e a l t h e Felony, a n d sit d o w n satisfied w i t h his p r e s e n t loss... (64) M a n y v i c t i m s preferred t h e c o m p o u n d i n g of a p r o p e r t y c r i m e to. a crim i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n , if t h e stolen g o o d s c o u l d be r e c o v e r e d in t h i s way. In t h e capital, advertisements in t h e n e w s p a p e r s w e r e a f r e q u e n t l y used med i u m for c o m m u n i c a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e v i c t i m a n d t h e thief. A n o t h e r reason n o t to deliver t h e c r i m i n a l to t h e c o u r t s w a s p u b l i c d i s a p p r o v a l of a crim i n a l law w h i c h inflicted capital p u n i s h m e n t o r t r a n s p o r t a t i o n for t h e m e r e theft of t h e p r o v e r b i a l silk h a n d k e r c h i e f . In m a n y cases, s y m p a t h y w i t h t h e c u l p r i t ' s fate or t h e fear of hostile r e a c t i o n s from t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d p r e v a i l e d over t h e wish for p u n i s h m e n t . T h i s a t t i t u d e w h i c h contrav e n e d t h e concept o f e x e m p l a r y p u n i s h m e n t s w a s w i d e s p r e a d i n t h e eight e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d p r o m p t e d t h e c r i m i n a l r e f o r m e r s t o call for p r o p o r t i o nal p u n i s h m e n t s (65). In s o m e e x t r e m e cases, v i c t i m s w h o s e i n i t i a t i v e resulted in a c r i m i n a l ' s e x e c u t i o n b e c a m e t h e target of r i o t o u s a c t i o n s or w e r e even lynched b y t h e m o b (66). W h a t h a p p e n e d o n c e t h e victim c h o s e to r e p o r t a felony to a j u s t i c e of t h e peace? A s stated a b o v e , t h e law d i r e c t e d t h e j u s t i c e s t o c o m m i t o r bail suspected felons for trial; also, it w a s h i s task to b i n d t h e v i c t i m a n d t h e w i t n e s s e s o v e r in o r d e r to m a k e s u r e t h a t t h e y a p p e a r e d in c o u r t to give e v i d e n c e . In reality, only in a b o u t a q u a r t e r of all cases of f e l o n i o u s property c r i m e s i t was decided t o p u t t h e s u s p e c t e d d e l i n q u e n t o n trial. T h e i n f r e q u e n c y of t h e s e cases leads to t h e i m p r e s s i o n t h a t a z e a l o u s e x e c u t i o n of t h e c r i m i n a l law w a s not t h e j u s t i c e s ' m a i n c o n c e r n ; t h e practise of law e n f o r c e m e n t w a s instead c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a v e r y different p a t t e r n in w h i c h i n f o r m a l ways o f d e a l i n g with d e l i n q u e n c y w e r e d o m i n a n t . T h e j u s t i c e s used t h e i r discretion to deal w i t h cases of f e l o n i o u s offenses in v a r i o u s ways. If they r e g a r d e d t h e s u s p e c t e d c r i m i n a l as i n n o c e n t , they s o m e t i m e s acquitted h i m or s h e c o n t r a r y to t h e law. In 1771, a c h i m n e y s w e e p e r a n d his s e r v a n t w e r e accused of a b u r g l a r y by a y e o m a n . After s o m e e x a m i n a t i o n s R i c h a r d Wyatt d i s c h a r g e d t h e t w o m e n , i n s u f f i c i e n t e v i d e n c e a p p e a r i n g against ( t h e m ) . (67) I n t h e s a m e way, H e n r y Morris d i s c h a r g e d a m a n accused of h a v i n g stolen t w o p o t s of t h e v a l u e of 2-3 p e n c e b e c a u s e t h e case s e e m e d t o o t r i f l i n g to h i m to justify a c r i m i n a l p r o s e c u t i o n (68). E v e n in a case of suspected infanticide, R.Wyatt discharged t h e w o m a n (69). A b o u t every sixth case of f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s in t h e s a m p l e w a s dismissed b y t h e j u s t i c e s . In t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p r o c e s s w h i c h t o o k place w h e n a case w a s b r o u g h t before a j u s t i c e of t h e peace, t h e c o m p l a i n a n t c o n t i n u e d to play a decisive role. T h e n o t e b o o k s s h o w t h a t t h e j u s t i c e s suffered a n d e v e n enc o u r a g e d t h e o p p o n e n t s t o c o m e t o i n f o r m a l s e t t l e m e n t s , a s t h e y w e r e used a n d expected to do in cases of b r e a c h e s of t h e p e a c e . Such i n f o r m a l settl e m e n t s could b e f o u n d a t several steps o f t h e p r o s e c u t i o n p r o c e s s . T h e y 17
could be r e a c h e d after t h e j u s t i c e h a d g r a n t e d a w a r r a n t at t h e c o m p l a i n t of t h e victim, b u t b e f o r e t h e e x a m i n a t i o n actually took place. In t h e not e b o o k o f H e n r y N o r r i s for e x a m p l e , n o h e a r i n g a n d n o o u t c o m e w a s r e c o r d e d in 46 p.c. of t h e cases of f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s . We can ass u m e t h a t a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e s e cases w e r e settled by direct n e g o t i a t i o n b e t w e e n c o m p l a i n a n t a n d a c c u s e d . I n t h e s e cases, t h e w a r r a n t issued by t h e j u s t i c e s could serve as a m e a n s to t h r e a t e n t h e d e l i n q u e n t with a formal criminal prosecution. I n f o r m a l s e t t l e m e n t s d u r i n g t h e h e a r i n g o f t h e parties before t h e justices w e r e also c o m m o n . I n t h e w o r k o f William H u n t , they m a d e u p half o f t h e cases. E v e n if t h e j u s t i c e s h a d a l r e a d y send t h e parties to trial, opp o r t u n i t i e s for a s e t t l e m e n t r e m a i n e d . If t h e c o m p l a i n a n t decided to settle t h e case o u t s i d e c o u r t , j u s t i c e s did usually n o t insist on t h e forfeiture of t h e r e c o g n i z a n c e w h i c h t h e c o m p l a i n a n t h a d e n t e r e d i n t o (70). W h i c h factors w e r e i m p o r t a n t for t h e decision w h e t h e r a case w a s to be settled i n f o r m a l l y or be p r o s e c u t e d a c c o r d i n g to t h e law? An analysis of t h e n o t e b o o k s m a y h e l p to a n s w e r t h i s q u e s t i o n . A typical case of a prop e r t y c r i m e w h i c h e n d e d with a n i n f o r m a l a g r e e m e n t can b e f o u n d i n Hunt's notebook: G r a n t e d a w a r r a n t on t h e c o m p l a i n t of M a r y A m o r of M a r k e t L a v i n g ton against T h o m a s H u n t a n d E l i z a b e t h C o l e m a n o f s a m e for t a k i n g a n d c a r r y i n g away certain goods, t h e p r o p e r t y o f t h e c o m p l a i n a n t . U p o n t h e i r a p p e a r a n c e , t h e y p r o m i s e d t o r e s t o r e t h e goods. U p o n w h i c h t h e y agreed it. (71) T h a t t h e o p p o n e n t s w e r e living i n t h e s a m e p a r i s h a n d k n e w each o t h e r had without any doubt an important impact on the outcome. The propensity to b r i n g a p e r s o n to trial w h o lived in t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d w a s of c o u r s e v e r y low; a t t h e s a m e t i m e , i n f o r m a l s e t t l e m e n t s w o r k e d b e t t e r i n t h o s e t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s w h e r e t h e social c o n t r o l t h e d e l i n q u e n t could b e submitted to was tough. If t h e social status of t h e c o m p l a i n a n t w a s c o n s i d e r a b l y h i g h e r t h a n t h a t of t h e d e f e n d a n t , i n f o r m a l s e t t l e m e n t s t o o k r a t h e r t h e c h a r a c t e r of a pard o n t h a n of an a g r e e m e n t , as in t h e following e x a m p l e of a w o o d theft w h i c h t h r e e boys h a d c o m m i t t e d in t h e forest of a g e n t r y l a n d o w n e r : ... u p o n t h e i r h u m b l i n g t h e m s e l v e s t o M r W a d m a n , a n d t h e i r p r o m i sing not t o offend i n like n a t u r e a n y m o r e , t h e y w e r e forgiven b y t h e c o m p l a i n a n t s (72) The defendant's submission to the authority of the complainant and the c o m p l a i n a n t ' s use o f m e r c y a n d b e n e v o l e n c e r e i n f o r c e d t h e u n e q u a l nat u r e of social r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n p e r s o n s f r o m different social classes. T h e s a m e is t r u e for t h e m a n n e r in w h i c h j u s t i c e s of t h e peace a d m i n i s t e r e d t h e s u m m a r y j u r i s d i c t i o n . A s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , w h e n they d e a l t w i t h offenses against t h e p o o r law, t h e l a b o u r laws a n d o t h e r offenses w h i c h w e r e 18
c o m m i t t e d m a i n l y by t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r , t h e y inflicted p e n a l t i e s o n l y in a p a r t of all cases, t h e r e b y g i v i n g an e x a m p l e of t h e i r b e n e v o l e n c e a n d at t h e same time enhancing their authority.
I t i s risky t o d r a w c o n c l u s i o n s f r o m t h e s k e t c h y e v i d e n c e w h i c h t h e n o t e b o o k s offer; h o w e v e r , if o n e c o m p a r e s t h e p r o p e n s i t y of t h e j u s t i c e s to inflict f o r m a l s a n c t i o n s in cases of f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e , an i n t e r e s t i n g p a t t e r n e m e r g e s w h i c h u n d e r l i n e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e lowest p r o p o r t i o n of cases in w h i c h f o r m a l s a n c t i o n s w e r e t a k e n can be f o u n d in William H u n t ' s N o t e b o o k (see figure 3) (73). T h e a r e a in Wiltsh i r e i n w h i c h h e w a s living w a s p u r e l y a g r a r i a n a n d h a d k e p t its t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i o - e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e until m i d - e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y ; t h e s a m e i s t r u e for t h e p a r t o f K e n t w h e r e William B r o c k m a n w a s j u s t i c e o f t h e p e a c e a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . R i c h a r d Wyatt, w h o inflicted f o r m a l s a n c t i o n s in a b o u t 40 p.c. of t h e cases of f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s , lived in an a r e a of S u r r e y w h i c h w a s situated n e a r L o n d o n a n d saw lively traffic on t u r n p i k e s a n d o n t h e T h a m e s . A l t h o u g h m o s t o f t h e p e r s o n s h e h a d t o deal w i t h c a m e from t w o a d j a c e n t p a r i s h e s , a m o n g t h o s e h e s e n d t o trial w e r e p r e d o m i n a n t l y n o n - r e s i d e n t s . Finally, H e n r y N o r r i s , w h o lived o n l y few k i l o m e t e r s off t h e b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e m e t r o p o l i s , h e s h o w e d t h e h i g h e s t p r o p e n s i t y to apply f o r m a l s a n c t i o n s in cases of f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y c r i m e s . 19
T h e s e f i n d i n g s s u p p o r t t h e h y p o t h e s i s t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s with tight social r e l a t i o n s w e r e fitted best for an i n f o r m a l m o d e of law enforcem e n t . S o m e h i s t o r i a n s d i s t i n g u i s h t w o different concepts of law enforcem e n t e x i s t i n g side by side (74): t h a t of t h e c o m m u n i t y on t h e o n e side w h i c h tried t o settle d i s p u t e s a n d conflicts w i t h i n t h e c o m m u n i t y ; a n d that of t h e state on t h e o t h e r side w h i c h dealt only with those cases w h i c h could not be settled successfully by t h e c o m m u n i t y because the limits of acceptable b e h a v i o u r h a d b e e n exceeded or b e c a u s e t h e d e l i n q u e n t stood already o u t s i d e t h e c o m m u n i t y . As far as j u s t i c e s of t h e peace are c o n c e r n e d , it is possible to say t h a t t h e i r m o d e of law e n f o r c e m e n t represented an comb i n a t i o n of t h e s e t w o c o n c e p t s . It is an i m p o r t a n t result of t h e analysis of t h e i r w o r k t h a t they suffered t h e c o n f l i c t i n g p a r t i e s to utilize e l e m e n t s of t h e f o r m a l c r i m i n a l law (such as w a r r a n t s a n d recognizances) for a strategy of i n f o r m a l s e t t l e m e n t s . A c t i n g in t h i s flexible way, they m a d e t h e m s e l v e s a v a i l a b l e as a p l a t f o r m for s e t t l i n g conflicts (75). N o t in every case w a s t h e i n f o r m a l use of t h e c r i m i n a l law was designed as an act of reconciliation b e t w e e n t h e c o m p l a i n a n t a n d the d e f e n d a n t . O f t e n , t h e c o m p l a i n a n t o r t h e j u s t i c e i n t e n d e d t o p u n i s h the d e l i n q u e n t w i t h o u t inflicting t h e w h o l e scale of f o r m a l c r i m i n a l sanctions. T h i s was p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e case w i t h f e l o n i o u s p r o p e r t y offenses. We h a v e a l r e a d y seen t h a t t h e cruelty of t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y d e t e r r e d s o m e v i c t i m s from r a i s i n g a f o r m a l a c c u s a t i o n a g a i n s t a d e l i n q u e n t w h o had c o m m i t t e d a capital c r i m e . O n e possibility t o avoid t h i s p r o b l e m was t o reduce t h e v a l u e of t h e stolen goods u n d e r t h e a m o u n t of 1 shilling, t h e r e b y altering a g r a n d l a r c e n y w h i c h w a s a capital c r i m e i n t o a petty larceny which w a s not a capital c r i m e . T h i s b e h a v i o u r w a s c o m m o n i n t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y . I n fact, o n e of t h e p r i n c i p a l a r g u m e n t s of t h e r e f o r m e r s of t h e c r i m i n a l law w a s t h a t capital p u n i s h m e n t in t h e m i n o r offences operate powerfully in p r e v e n t i n g conviction. (76) T h e r e f o r m e r s criticized t h e t r a d i t i o n a l crim i n a l trial at c o m m o n law in g e n e r a l as i n a p p r o p r i a t e , inefficient a n d too u n c e r t a i n : only half of t h e accused w e r e f o u n d guilty (77). In cases of small theft, a s u m m a r y c o n v i c t i o n w i t h a s h o r t period of i m p r i s o n m e n t as it was u s u a l in cases of s u m m a r y p r o p e r t y offenses seemed to be m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e . A l t h o u g h t h e s u m m a r y j u r i s d i c t i o n for petty theft was i n t r o d u c e d o n l y in 1850, j u s t i c e s of t h e peace did c o m m i t d e l i n q u e n t s to t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n w i t h o u t p r o p e r trial t h r o u g h o u t t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . T h e e x t e n t of t h i s i n f o r m a l p u n i s h m e n t is difficult to assess. Beattie h a s m a i n t a i n e d that t h i s practise fell off s h a r p l y in t h e second q u a r t e r of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y a n d did n o t play a n i m p o r t a n t role a f t e r w a r d s (78); h o w e v e r , t h e e v i d e n c e f r o m t h e h o u s e s of correction c a l e n d a r s gives anot h e r i m p r e s s i o n . O f 3 4 d e l i n q u e n t s w h o w e r e c o m m i t t e d for felonious prop e r t y c r i m e s to t w o h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n in Essex between 1771 a n d 1775, only 17 w e r e put on t r i a l . T h e s e f i n d i n g s c o r r e s p o n d with those of P . K i n g 20
w h o a n a l y s e d t h e Essex h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n c a l e n d a r s of t h e years 1753-1759 (79). T h e reason for such i m p r i s o n m e n t w i t h o u t trial w a s o p e n l y stated in t h e prison c a l e n d a r s as in t h e case of J a n e Sutton w h o w a s committed ... to be corrected a n d held to h a r d l a b o u r for t h e space of o n e C a l e n d a r M o n t h b e i n g d u l y convicted of b e i n g guilty of Stealing of t w o S h i r t s of small Value. (80) T h e j u s t i c e s also c o m m i t t e d casual t h i e v e s a n d pilferers to t h e h o u s e of c o r r e c t i o n as idle a n d d i s o r d e r l y p e r s o n s . 17 p.c. of t h e p r i s o n e r s in t h e M i d d l e s e x h o u s e of correction in C l e r k e n w e l l b e t w e e n 1750 a n d 1752 w e r e c o m m i t t e d u n d e r this c h a r g e . S o m e o f t h e m w e r e surely c o m m i t t e d for theft, as o n e e x a m p l e reveals: A m a n called R o b e r t Nest w a s accused of h a v i n g stolen s o m e clothes. T h e j u s t i c e c o m m i t t e d t h e suspected thief t o t h e h o u s e o f correction b u t a c q u i t t e d h i m o n t h e s a m e day, a p p a r e n t l y b e c a u s e t h e e v i d e n c e did not w a r r a n t a f o r m a l a c c u s a t i o n . On t h e next day, h o w e v e r , R o b e r t Nest w a s convicted to h a r d l a b o u r in t h e h o u s e of correction b e c a u s e h e w a s a n idle a n d d i s o r d e r l y p e r s o n . (81) T h i s w a s t h e o t h e r face of t h e i n f o r m a l t r e a t m e n t of d e l i n q u e n c y : w h e r e a s o f f e n d e r s w h o w e r e r e s i d e n t a n d h a d social ties w i t h i n t h e c o m m u n i t y c o u l d h o p e to be dealt with in a r a t h e r l e n i e n t way, social outsiders, strangers a n d v a g r a n t s w e r e likely t o b e s u b j e c t e d t o a r b i t r a r y p u n i s h m e n t s . T h e I m p l i c a t i o n s of I n f o r m a l S e t t l e m e n t s T h e s e f i n d i n g s a b o u t t h e w o r k i n g of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y law enforcem e n t o n t h e local level c a n n o t b e w i t h o u t c o n s e q u e n c e s for o u r unders t a n d i n g o f t h e w h o l e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system. Firstly, t h e d a n g e r s of q u a n t i t a t i v e analysis based on the records of t h e c o u r t s a r e stressed. It is not possible to q u a n t i f y t h e p e r c e n t a g e of cases w h i c h w e r e dealt with i n f o r m a l l y ; h o w e v e r , it is necessary to use d a t a from t h i s high level very cautiously. T h i s is not o n l y a p r o b l e m of n u m b e r s ; also t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system n e e d s to be c o n s i d e r e d . If a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n of p r o p e r t y o f f e n d e r s w e r e not put on trial b u t t r e a t e d i n f o r m a l l y d u r i n g t h e pretrial process, t h e h i s t o r i a n ' s focus o n t h e w o r k of t h e c o u r t s distorts t h e real c h a r a c t e r of a c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system in w h i c h flexible f o r m s o f d e a l i n g with o f f e n d e r s w e r e m u c h m o r e f r e q u e n t t h a n c o m m o n l y a s s u m e d . Selectivity w a s n o t only crucial at t h e level of t h e c r i m i n a l c o u r t s b u t also d u r i n g t h e p r e t r i a l p r o c e s s w h e r e t h e j u s t i c e s tog e t h e r w i t h t h e v i c t i m s decided w h e t h e r a d e l i n q u e n t s h o u l d b e p u t o n trial o r n o t . T h e e x p e r i e n c e s p e o p l e h a d w i t h t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w e r e a b o v e all d e t e r m i n e d by t h e w o r k of j u s t i c e s of t h e peace. T h i s is t r u e all t h e m o r e as only a m i n o r i t y of offenses in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w e r e felonies. T h e typical e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y d e l i n q u e n t did not c o m m i t a ca21
pital c r i m e b u t a m i s d e m e a n o u r as a wood theft or an assault, a n d he did n o t e n c o u n t e r t h e c r i m i n a l justice system i n t h e c o u r t - r o o m b u t i n t h e h o u s e of t h e j u s t i c e of t h e peace.
III. The Paternalist Concept of Authority

T h e results u n d e r l i n e t h e role of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace in e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y law e n f o r c e m e n t . T h e way they exercised t h e i r j u d i c i a l p o w e r s is n o t o n l y telling for t h e c h a r a c t e r of law e n f o r c e m e n t b u t also for t h e i r c o n c e p t of social r e l a t i o n s a n d a u t h o r i t y in g e n e r a l . T h e label w h i c h desc r i b e s t h i s c o n c e p t best is p a t e r n a l i s m (82). P a t e r n a l i s m m e a n s an inegal i t a r i a n , h i e r a r c h i a l social o r d e r in w h i c h t h e lesser r a n k s a r e s u p p o s e d to be dependent on the guidance of their superiors w h o are the natural r u l e r s . At least in theory, paternalist a u t h o r i t y was not based on force a n d r e p r e s s i o n b u t o n h a r m o n y a n d c o n s e n s u s . C o n f r o n t a t i o n a n d Conflict b e t w e e n t h e r u l e r s a n d t h e ruled had t o b e avoided: ...it is t h e D u t y as well as t h e Interest of every Civil M a g i s t r a t e , to e n d e a v o u r to r e n d e r himself beloved a n d popular...; a n d if t h e r e a r e m a n y w h o a r e m o r e hated, a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y less obeyed b y t h e people, it m u s t be o w i n g to t h e i r own ill C o n d u c t . (83) In w h a t respect did this paternalist concept i n f l u e n c e t h e j u s t i c e s ' role in e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y law e n f o r c e m e n t ? Basically, leniency r a t h e r t h a n rigor o u s e n f o r c e m e n t of t h e c r i m i n a l law w a s c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e i r j u d i c i a l w o r k . As we h a v e seen, a c o n s i d e r a b l e p e r c e n t a g e of all offenses w e n t u n p u n i s h e d . W h e t h e r a d e l i n q u e n t w a s to be treated leniently or w h e t h e r he w a s p r o s e c u t e d a c c o r d i n g to the law d e p e n d e d largely on t h e j u s t i c e s ' m e r c y . T h e i m p o r t a n c e of b e n e v o l e n c e a n d m e r c y in d i s p e n s i n g j u s t i c e u n d e r l i n e d t h e e n o r m o u s discretionary p o w e r held by j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e . A s D . H a y h a s p o i n t e d out, people m a y even accept despotic p o w e r w h e n it c o m e s f r o m t h e 'good king' (84). T h e lenient way t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e exercised t h e i r j u d i c i a l w o r k reinforced a n d e n h a n c e d t h e i r a u t h o rity o v e r t h e people. T h i s w o u l d h e l p to explain t h e relative stability of English Society in t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y . But t h e r e is a n o t h e r aspect of t h e j u s t i c e s ' m o d e of law e n f o r c e m e n t w h i c h is crucial in this c o n t e x t . By d i s p e n s i n g w i t h official r u l e s a n d a p p l y i n g t h e law in a flexible way t h e y m a d e t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system a v a i l a b l e for t h e interests a n d i n t e n t i o n s of t h e people. As we h a v e seen, t h e v i c t i m s of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s w e r e given an i m p o r t a n t role in t h e d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g process w h i c h was not i n t e n d e d by t h e official c r i m i n a l law. In cases of b r e a c h e s of t h e peace, t h e j u s t i c e s sacrificed t h e i r t i m e to m e d i a t e t h e p r i v a t e d i s p u t e s of t h e i r i n f e r i o r s . By d o i n g t h i s t h e y u n d e r lined t h e i m a g e o f t h e p a t e r n a l r u l e r w h o cares for t h e peace a n d con22
s e n s u s of t h e c o m m u n i t y . A b o u t t w o - t h i r d s of all cases H e n r y N o r r i s h a d t o deal w i t h w e r e such q u a r r e l s m a n y o f w h i c h t o o k place a m o n g t h e l a b o u r i n g poor. T o w h a t extent w a s t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system a s r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e peace available for t h e lower r a n k s of society? First of all, b e c a u s e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e social status given in t h e n o t e b o o k s is s o m e w h a t f r a g m e n t a r y a n d v a g u e , t h e statistical f i n d i n g s can o n l y give a v e r y r o u g h i m p r e s s i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e statistical m a p s h o w s t h a t w h e r e a s t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r m a d e u p t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e accused, they f o r m e d o n l y a b o u t a t h i r d of t h e c o m p l a i n a n t s . F a r m e r s , t r a d e s m e n a n d g e n t l e m e n , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , a p p e a r m o r e frequently i n t h e n o t e b o o k s a s c o m p l a i n a n t s t h a n as d e f e n d a n t s . In m o s t cases of p r o p e r t y offenses, t h e c o m p l a i n a n t was of a h i g h e r status t h a n t h e accused, as c a n be seen in figure 4. O n l y in a small m i n o r i t y of t h e cases in H u n t ' s as well as in Wyatt's n o t e b o o k s , t h e v i c t i m s of p r o p e r t y c r i m e s c a m e from t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r . T h i s is h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g , since t h e p o o r t e n d e d t o steal f r o m t h e better-offs. O n e s h o u l d b e a r in m i n d , h o w e v e r , t h a t a m o n g t h e s e p r o p e r t y offenses t h e r e w a s a c o n s i d e r a b l e p r o p o r t i o n of offenses such as w o o d theft w h i c h w e r e a m a t ter of conflict w i t h i n t h e r u r a l society. H e r e , as w i t h t h e p o o r law a n d t h e acts r e g u l a t i n g t h e l a b o u r relations, t h e j u s t i c e s enforced a c r i m i n a l law w h i c h w a s designed to protect t h e interests of t h e u p p e r classes. But t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r did not m e e t t h e law solely a s d e f e n d a n t s . P e o p l e from t h e lower classes w e n t t o t h e j u s t i c e s t o p u r s u e t h e i r interests against o p p o n e n t s from t h e s a m e a n d from h i g h e r r a n k s . I n m o s t cases o f p r i v a t e d i s p u t e s , assaults a n d insults, t h e social status of t h e o p p o n e n t s w a s roughly equal (see figure 4). M o s t of t h e m c a m e f r o m t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r . T h e j u s t i c e s ' availability for t h e m e d i a t i n g of conflicts a m o n g t h e l o w e r classes d e t e r m i n e d t h e i r p u b l i c i m a g e to a large e x t e n t (85). Very often, p e o p l e from t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t u n j u s t o r u n l a w f u l t r e a t m e n t b y t h e i r e m p l o y e r s o r b y t h e p a r i s h officers w h o r a n t h e p o o r relief system. A s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , c o m p l a i n t s b r o u g h t b y labour e r s against t h e i r e m p l o y e r s w e r e m o r e f r e q u e n t t h a n vice versa. I n t h i s regard t h e j u s t i c e s actually p r o v i d e d a p o o r m a n ' s system of j u s t i c e (86). T h e j u s t i c e s w e r e influenced in their j u d i c i a l b e h a v i o u r by a p o p u l a r ideal w h i c h stressed t h e i r role as fatherly p r o t e c t o r s of t h e poor. In e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w r i t i n g s , j u s t i c e s w e r e described a s t h e p o o r M a n ' s h o p e , t h e p o o r M a n ' s F r i e n d (87), a n d they w e r e a d m o n i s h e d t o a d m i n i s t e r i m p a r t i a l j u s t i c e (88) w h e n e m p l o y e r s c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t t h e i r l a b o u r e r s a n d vice versa. In fact, it w a s a p a r t of t h e j u s t i c e s ' task to c o n t r o l t h e w o r k i n g of t h e p o o r law system a n d t o supervise l a b o u r r e l a t i o n s ; yet, since t h e law itself w a s heavily biased against t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r , actual j u s t i c e a n d equality before t h e law w a s a m e r e ideology. Finally, an analysis of t h e j u s t i c e s ' w o r k e x e m p l i f i e s t h e i m p o r t a n c e of t h e m i d d l i n g sort as a g r o u p of society w h i c h t o o k a d v a n t a g e of t h e cri23
m i n a l j u s t i c e system, especially in t h e p r o s e c u t i o n of p r o p e r t y offenses. D u e to t h e focus of t h e history f r o m below a p p r o a c h on t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r , t h e m i d d l i n g sort a l t h o u g h particularly s t r o n g in English society h a s not received d u e a t t e n t i o n by h i s t o r i a n s of c r i m e for m a n y years (89). T a k i n g all findings t o g e t h e r , it is possible to c o m e to a b a l a n c e d b u t s o m e w h a t c o n t r a d i c t o r y conclusion a b o u t t h e c h a r a c t e r of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system on t h e crucial local level. T h e c r i m i n a l law w a s n o t j u s t a n i n s t r u m e n t t o p u n i s h offenders a n d t o protect people's safety; it w a s also a p l a t f o r m for conflict a n d c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n individ u a l s a n d g r o u p s in society. A l t h o u g h t h e c r i m i n a l law w a s c o n t r o l l e d by a small r u l i n g class, it did not serve t h e i r interests exclusively; it was available t o p e o p l e from t h e m i d d l i n g sort a n d , t o limited b u t n e v e r t h e l e s s r e m a r k a b l e extent, from t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r . T h e j u s t i c e s ' practice of law e n f o r c e m e n t reflected t h e i r paternalist concept of a u t h o r i t y a n d a c c o u n t s for t h e relative a c c e p t a n c e of t h e i r role by t h e public. If o n e looks to t h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l c h a n g e s of t h e late e i g h t e e n t h a n d early n i n e t e e n t h century, t h e p e r s i s t e n c e of this t r a d i t i o n a l concept of law e n f o r c e m e n t a n d t h e alm o s t u n e q u i v o c a l rejection of paid s t i p e n d i a r y m a g i s t r a t e s a n d a professional police force by t h e English p u b l i c is s t r i k i n g . P u b l i c criticism of t h e a r i s t o c r a t i c r u l e by j u s t i c e s of t h e peace r e m a i n e d r a r e t h r o u g h o u t t h e 24
e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y w h e n o t h e r aspects o f t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system w e r e heavely criticized. A l t h o u g h m a n y factors, m o s t i m p o r t a n t l y t h e fear of a F r e n c h - s t y l e police, c o n t r i b u t e d to t h i s a t t i t u d e , o n e is t e m p t e d to r e g a r d t h e role of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e p e a c e in t h e c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e system as a story of success r a t h e r t h a n failure.
Notes
I w o u l d like to t h a n k B o b S h o e m a k e r for h i s c o m m e n t s on an early draft o f t h i s article a n d h i m a n d J o h n Styles for t h e i r r e a d i n e s s t o discuss t h e subject o f t h i s article a n d t o give m e crucial s u p p o r t . (1) (2) L.Radzinowicz (1948, v o l . 1 , p.ix). T h e m o s t c o m p r e h e n s i v e review a r t i c l e is J.Innes and J.Styles (1986). Cf. D.Blasius (1988), J . L . McMuIlan (1987) a n d J.A.S/wrpe (1983b). D.Hay. P.Linebaugh e.a. (ed.) (1975), I n t r o d u c t i o n , p. 13. F o r a s h o r t critical a s s e s s m e n t see J.Styles (1988). See e.g. l.R.Chrisiie (1984). See J.A.Sharpe (1985); J.Brewer and J.Styles (ed.) (1980), I n t r o d u c tion. P a r t s of t h i s a r t i c l e h a v e also b e e n p u b l i s h e d as: P o p u l a r Attit u d e s T o w a r d s t h e L a w i n t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y , in: M . F i t z g e r a l d (ed.), C r i m e a n d Society: R e a d i n g s i n H i s t o r y a n d T h e o r y , L o n d o n 1981, pp.29-36. D.Hay (1975b, p.35). E.P.Thompson (1963, p.59, p.64). Cf. about E.P.Thompson: T.L.Chapman (1980); E.K.Trimberger (1984). It h a s to be stressed t h a t h e w a s a b l e t o b u i l d o n w o r k d o n e m u c h earlier b y o t h e r historians. See J.L.Hammond and B.Hammond (1911); K.Marx himself dealt with c r i m e a n d v a g r a n c y i n pre- a n d e a r l y - i n d u s t r i a l E n g l a n d as a result of e c o n o m i c g r i e v a n c e s . D.Hay, P.Linebaugh e.a. (1975). Hay (1975b). E.P.Thompson (1975, p.240ff). S e m i n a l for t h e c o n c e p t of social c r i m i n a l i t y : E.J.Hobsbawm (1972); cf. J. Rule (1979). See e.g.: E.Billinge (1985); R.Williams (1985); B.Bushaway (1983); J.Carter (1980); R.A.E.Wells (1984). See especially: F.Snyder and D.Hay (ed.) (1987). O t h e r m a j o r n e w w o r k s on t h i s field: K.D.M.Snell (1985); for t h e 16th a n d 17th centuries, see: A.L.Beier (1985); P.Slack (1988). 25
(3) (4) (5)
(6) (7)
(8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13)
(14) (15) (16) (17)
Thompson (1975). Cf. t h e Hill (1985); J.Broad (1988).
criticism
in:
E.Cruickshanks/H.Erskine-
(18) (19) (20)
(21) (22) (23) (24) (25) (26) (27) (28) (29) (30) (31)
Cf. C.Emsley (1987), p . 3 . T h e best w o r k on p o a c h i n g a n d t h e g a m e laws h a s been d o n e by P.B.Munsche (1981). J.Styles (1983a, p p . 173-210). It m u s t be stressed t h a t Thompson h a s c o m e to a revision of his once clear-cut p i c t u r e of t h e e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y legal system. A l r e a d y in 1975, he d r e w a m o r e complex a n d c o n t r a d i c t o r y conclusion in w h i c h he r e g a r d e d t h e r u l e of law as a c u l t u r a l a c h i e v e m e n t of u n i v e r s a l significance,... an unqualified h u m a n good. (1975, p.265f.). J.H.Langbein (1983, p.97, pp.114f). P.King (1984b, p.33). T h i s m a y originally stem from E . P . T h o m p s o n ' s dislike for a n y k i n d of c o u n t i n g w h i c h he h a s s h o w n e.g. in t h e standard-of-living d e b a t e . See Thompson (1963, c h p t . 1 0 ) . SeeEmsley (1987), c h p t . 2 ) ; lnnes/Styles (1986, p p . 388-395); E.Monkkonnen (1985). J.M.Beattie (1986, p.199). D.Hay (1982). Cf. t h e critical c o m m e n t s by Jnnes/Styles (1986, pp.391-394). An e x a m p l e can be f o u n d in the Essex h o u s e s of correction c a l e n d a r s (Essex R e c o r d Office Q / S B b / 2 2 3 , 11th N o v e m b e r 1760). Jnnes/Styles (1986, pp.401 f). Beanie (1986). T h e r e is a lengthy review of t h i s b o o k in Innes/Styles (1986, pp.413-418). Beanie (1986, p.620); for t h e history of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n see: R.Ekirch (1988). Beanie (1986, p.619). See P.King, R e v i e w of N . L a n d a u , T h e Justices of t h e Peace, in: Crim i n a l Justice H i s t o r y 7/1986, pp.184-187. Beanie (1986, p . 6 / 7 ) . Take, for e x a m p l e , t h e following s e n t e n c e by Sir George Onesipherus Paul ( C o n s i d e r a t i o n s on t h e Defects of P r i s o n s a n d T h e i r P r e s e n t S y s t e m of R e g u l a t i o n , L o n d o n 1784, p . 5 0 ) , p r i s o n r e f o r m e r in G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e : F e w m a n h a v e been h a n g e d for a felony, t h a t m i g h t not h a v e been saved to t h e c o m m u n i t y by c o r r e c t i o n of a f o r m e r misdemeanours I m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s a r e : J.Sharpe (1980); K.Wrightson (1980); A.Macfarlane (1981); R.B.Shoemaker (1985). J.R.Kent (1986). Still f u n d a m e n t a l is B.Webb a n d S.Webb (1906). Cf. E.Moir (1969). P.Wettmann (1987) h a s dealt with t h e w o r k of t h e j u s t i c e s of t h e
(32) (33) (34)
peace o n t h e bases o f R.Wyatt's a n d W . H u n t ' s n o t e b o o k s w h i c h a r e t w o of t h e m a i n s o u r c e s of this article, too. U n f o r t u n a t e l y , his statistical analysis is r a t h e r f r a g m e n t a r y . (35) (36) (37) T.A.Green (1985); J.S.Cockbum a n d T.A.Green (ed.) (1988). See also M.DeLacy (1986). F o r t h e t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w see Radizinowicz (1948-1986); o n e of t h e studies p u t t i n g f o r w a r d t h e m a r x i s t a r g u m e n t m o s t powerfully i s M.Ignaiieff (1979); a p p r o a c h i n g t h e r e f o r m e r s from t h e intellectual a n g l e : R.McGowen (1986); for a recent case-study see M J.D.Roberts (1988). D.Hay a n d F.Snyder (ed.) (1989). F o r a h i s t o r i a n w h o t e n d s to stress t h e c h a n g i n g c h a r a c t e r , see: D.Philips (1980); t a k i n g revisionist positions are: C.Emsley (1986) (this article is identical w i t h c h a p t e r 4 of Emsley (1987)) a n d J.Styles (1987). F o r e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y a t t e m p t s of p o l i c e - r e f o r m s see J.Styles (1983b).
(38) (39)
S.H.Palmer (1988, pp.8-9). A l s o stressing t h e role of d i s o r d e r : R.K.Vogler (1987); D.S.Eastwood (1985). (41) A l t h o u g h P a l m e r m a k e s it clear in t h e preface (pp.8-9) t h a t c r i m e is n o t h i n g a historian of t h e police h a s to deal with seriously a n d disp e n s e s with c o n s u l t i n g recent studies o n c r i m e a n d c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e t h o r o u g h l y , h e c a n n o t b u t e m p l o y t h e findings a n d a r g u m e n t s o f t h e h i s t o r y of c r i m e himself. T h e Ratcliffe H i g h w a y M u r d e r s of 1811, for e x a m p l e , a r e p r e s e n t e d as a trigger of police r e f o r m s in L o n d o n (p. 164). (42) Two of t h e m h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d : E.Crittal (ed.), T h e J u s t i c i n g Not e b o o k of William Hunt, 1744-1749 (Wiltshire R e c o r d Society 37), D e v i z e s 1982; E . S i l v e r t h o n e (ed.), T h e D e p o s i t i o n Book of Richard Wyatt J P , 1161-1116 ( S u r r e y R e c o r d Society 30), G u i l d f o r d 1978; u n p u b l i s h e d : N o t e b o o k of Henry Norris, 1730-1741 ( G r e a t e r L o n d o n R e c o r d Office, L o n d o n , G . L . R . O . M 7 9 / x / l ) ; N o t e b o o k of William Brockman, 1689-1721 (British L i b r a r y , A d d . M S S 42598) a n d Noteb o o k of Ralph Brockman, 1770-1781 (British L i b r a r y , A d d . M S S 42599). (43) C a l e n d a r of Clerkenwell H o u s e of C o r r e c t i o n , M i d d l e s e x , 1750-1752 ( G . L . R . O . M J / C C / R / 2 3 - 3 9 ) ; C a l e n d a r s of Halstead a n d Newport H o u s e s of C o r r e c t i o n , Essex, 1761-65 & 1771-1775 (Essex R e c o r d Office, C h e l m s f o r d , E . R . O . Q / S B b / 2 1 8 - 2 8 2 ) . T h e s a m p l e c o n t a i n s a total of a b o u t 900 cases. (44) J.Hawkins, A C h a r g e of t h e J u r y of M i d d l e s e x , L o n d o n 1780, p.27. (45) W.Hunt, C a s e N o . 1 0 3 . (46) R.Wyatt, C a s e N o . 6 0 . (47) R.Burn, T h e Justice of t h e P e a c e a n d P a r i s h Officer, 18th ed. L o n d o n 1797, vol.IV p.l00 ff. 27
(40)
(48)
M o s t w r i t e r s w h o c o n t e m p l a t e d a b o u t c r i m i n a l i t y began t h e i r p a m p h l e t s with t h e p r o b l e m o f p o v e r t y . See m o s t p r o m i n e n t l y H.Fielding, An E n q u i r y i n t o t h e C a u s e s of t h e Late I n c r e a s e of R o b b e r s w i t h s o m e P r o p o s a l s for R e m e d y i n g t h i s G r o w i n g Evil, L o n d o n 2 n d ed. 1751; P.Colquhoun, Treatise. M.Dawes, An Essay on C r i m e s a n d P u n i s h m e n t s , w i t h View of, a n d C o m m e n t a r y o n Beccaria, R o u s s e a u , Voltaire, M o n t e s q u i e u , F i e l d i n g a n d B l a c k s t o n e , L o n d o n 1782, p . 8 1 . SeeJ.Innes (1987); P.Spierenburg (1984). 7Jac.l.c.4. G.L.R.O M J / C C / R / 3 9 , Clerkenwell House of Correction Calendar, O c t o b e r 1752. T h e s e d e f i n i t i o n s w e r e laid d o w n in t h e v a g r a n t act of 1744, 17.G.11.C.5. C o n t r a r y t o t h e o t h e r offenses, h a v i n g b a s t a r d c h i l d r e n w a s n o t pun i s h a b l e in m o s t cases; m a n y f a t h e r s of bastard c h i l d r e n w e r e o n l y c o m m i t t e d to h o u s e s of c o r r e c t i o n b e c a u s e they w e r e u n a b l e or unw i l l i n g t o pay for t h e i r c h i l d r e n ' s m a i n t e n a n c e . 5 El.I.c.4; cf. J.Rule (1981); R.Malcolmson (1981). E . R . O . Q / S B b / 2 8 0 , Newport House of Correction Calendar, A p r i l 1775. J.R.S.Whiting (1976, pp.228f). Gentleman's Magazine 39(1769), p.372. See e.g. Hammond/Hammond (1911, p.!86f.); Hay (1975a). See e.g.Gentlemaivs Magazine 21(1751), p.l 12, 40(1770), p.222.; Daily Universal Register, 17 N o v 1785, p.2; W.Taplin, O b s e r v a t i o n s on t h e P r e s e n t State of t h e G a m e in E n g l a n d , L o n d o n 1772; S.Purlevent, A Dialogue between a Lawyer and a C o u n t r y G e n t l e m a n upon the S u b j e c t of t h e G a m e Laws, L o n d o n 4th ed. 1775; cf. Munsche (1981). E v e n t h e l e a d i n g l a w y e r of t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y , William Blacks t o n e , o p p o s e d t h e g a m e laws. W.Blackstone, C o m m e n t a r i e s o n t h e L a w s of E n g l a n d , 1765, vol.1 V, p.415f. E.P.Thompson (1971). See a c o n t e m p o r a r y ' s a c c o u n t of t h i s p r o c e s s in anonym, O b s e r v a t i o n s on a L a t e P u b l i c a t i o n intituled Treatise on t h e Police of t h e M e t r o p o l i s , L o n d o n 1800, p.29f. See for an e x a m p l e : R.Bushaway (1981). Fielding, E n q u i r y , p. 110. See t h e R e p o r t f r o m t h e Select C o m m i t t e e o n C r i m i n a l L a w s 1819 (British Parliamentary Papers, C r i m i n a l Law, D u b l i n 1971, vol.1, p.9f.); Colquhoun, Treatise, p.l4f. R.Paley (1983, p.77f). Wyatt, C a s e N o . 122-125. Norris, 15 S e p t e m b e r 1732. 28
(49)
(50) (51) (52) (53) (54)
(55) (56) (57) (58) (59) (60)
(61)
(62)
(63) (64) (65)
(66) (67) (68)
(69) (70) (71) (72) (73)
(74) (15) (76) (77) (78) (79) (80) (81) (82) (83) (84) (85)
(86) (87) (88) (89)
RWyatt, C a s e No.262-264. See for t h e i n f o r m a l use of r e c o g n i z a n c e s Shoemaker (1985), p.128. Hunt, C a s e N o . 2 8 3 . Hunt, C a s e No.299. In cases of s u m m a r y c r i m e s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , he applied formal s a n c t i o n s m u c h m o r e often. T h i s could b e e x p l a i n e d b y t h e fact that t h e s e s a n c t i o n s - m a i n l y a fine of 2-5 s h i l l i n g - w e r e relatively h a r m less a n d he himself c o u l d c o n t r o l t h e o u t c o m e of t h e cases. See B.Lenman a n d G.Parker (1980); Wrightson (1980); cf. for t h e U S A : L.Rosen (1987). See J.A.Sharpe (1983a). R e p o r t from t h e Select C o m m i t t e e on C r i m i n a l Laws, p. 10 (P.Colquhoun). Beanie (1986, p.428). Beanie (1986, p. 18). P.King (1984a, pp.261 ff). E . R . O . Q / S B b / 2 7 0 , house of correction calendar. G.R.L.O. M J / C C / R / 3 9 , Clerkenwell house of correction calendar, O c t o b e r 1752. See N.Landau (1984, p.2f.); L.Stone a n d J.C.F.Stone (1984, p.412f.); E.P.Thompson (1976, p p . l 3 7 f f ) . Gentleman's Magazine 8(1737), p . 5 1 3 . D.Hay (1975b, p.39). See e.g. Gentleman's Magazine, 2(1732), p.910. T h i s w a s a l r e a d y t r u e in t h e sixteenth c e n t u r y . See W.Lombard, E i r e n a r c h a or t h e Office of t h e Justice of t h e P e a c e , L o n d o n (4th ed.) 1599, p. 10. J.Davis (1984, pp.309-335). J.Langhorne, T h e C o u n t r y J u s t i c e . A P o e m , L o n d o n 1774, P a r t 2, p.ll. T.Gisborne, A n E n q u i r y i n t o t h e D u t i e s o f t h e M e n i n t h e H i g h e r a n d M i d d l e Classes of Society, L o n d o n 1795, p.418. T h i s h a s been c h a n g e d i n r e c e n t y e a r s t h a n k s t o t h e w o r k d o n e b y Peter King a n d o t h e r s . Cf. also C.B.Herrup (1987).
Bibliography
Beanie, J.M. (1986), C r i m e a n d t h e C o u r t s in E n g l a n d 1660-1800, O x f o r d . Beier, A.L. (1985), M a s t e r l e s s M a n : T h e Vagrancy P r o b l e m in E n g l a n d , 1560-1640, L o n d o n . Billinge, E. (1985), R u r a l C r i m e a n d P r o t e s t in Wiltshire, 1 8 3 0 - 1 8 7 5 , P h D Kent (Canterbury). 29
Blasius, D. (1988), K r i m i n o l o g i e u n d G e s c h i c h t s w i s s e n s c h a f t . Bilanz u n d P e r s p e k t i v e n i n t e r d i s z i p l i n r e r F o r s c h u n g , in: G e s c h i c h t e u n d Gesellschaft 14, p p . 136-149. Brewer, J. a n d Styles, J. (ed.) (1980), An U n g o v e r n a b l e P e o p l e . T h e English a n d T h e i r Law in t h e S e v e n t e e n t h a n d E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r i e s , London. Broad, J. (1988), W h i g s a n d Deer-Stealers in O t h e r G u i s e s : A R e t u r n to t h e O r i g i n of t h e Black Act, in: Past a n d P r e s e n t 119, p p . 5 6 - 7 2 . Bushaway, R. (1981), G r o v e r l y , G r o v e r l y , G r o v e r l y a n d all G r o v e r l y : Cus t u m , C r i m e a n d Conflict in t h e English W o o d l a n d , in: H i s t o r y Today 31, pp.37-43. Bushaway, B. (1983), ' F r o m C u s t o m to C r i m e ' : W o o d - G a t h e r i n g in Eighte e n t h a n d Early N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y E n g l a n d : A F o c u s for Conflict in H a m p s h i r e , Wiltshire a n d t h e S o u t h , in: Rule,J. (ed.), O u t s i d e t h e L a w . S t u d i e s i n C r i m e a n d O r d e r 1650-1850 (Exeter P a p e r s i n E c o n o m i c History 15), Exeter, p p . 6 5 - 1 0 1 . Carter, J. (1980), P e a s a n t s a n d P o a c h e r s : A Study of R u r a l D i s o r d e r in Norfolk, Woodbridge. Chapman, T. (1980), Crime in Eighteenth Century England: E . P . T h o m p s o n a n d t h e Conflict T h e o r y o f C r i m e , in: C r i m i n a l Justice H i s t o r y 1, p p . 139-157. Christie, LR. (1984), Stress a n d Stability in Late E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y . Reflections on t h e Brititsh A v o i d a n c e of R e v o l u t i o n , O x f o r d . Cockburn, J.S. a n d Green, T.A. (ed.) (1988), Twelve M e n G o o d a n d True: t h e C r i m i n a l Trial J u r y in E n g l a n d , 1200-1800, P r i n c e t o n . Cruickshanks, E. a n d Erskine-HilL H. (1985), T h e W a l t h a m Black Act a n d J a c o b i t i s m , in: J o u r n a l of British Studies 24, p p . 3 5 8 - 3 6 5 . Davis, J. (1984), A P o o r M a n ' s System of Justice: T h e L o n d o n Police C o u r t s in t h e Second Half of t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y , in: Historical J o u r n a l 27, p p . 3 0 9 - 3 3 5 . DeLacy, M. (1986), P r i s o n R e f o r m in L a n c a s h i r e 1700-1850. A S t u d y in Local A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( C h e t h a m Society, 3rd Series, 23), M a n c h e s t e r . Dobson, CR. (1980), M a s t e r s a n d J o u r n e y m e n . A P r e - H i s t o r y of Industrial R e l a t i o n s , 1711-1800, L o n d o n . Eastwood, D.S. (1985), G o v e r n i n g R u r a l E n g l a n d : A u t h o r i t y a n d Social O r d e r i n O x f o r d s h i r e , 1780-1840, P h D O x f o r d . Ekirch, R. (1988), B o u n d for A m e r i c a : C o n v i c t T r a n s p o r t a t i o n , C r i m e a n d Society in t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y , O x f o r d . Emsley, C. (1986), Detection a n d P r e v e n t i o n : T h e Old English Police a n d t h e N e w (1750-1900), in: Historical Social R e s e a r c h / H i s t o r i s c h e Sozialf o r s c h u n g No.37, p p . 6 9 - 8 8 . Emsley, C. (1987), C r i m e a n d Society in E n g l a n d 1750-1900, L o n d o n . Green, T.A. (1985), Verdict A c c o r d i n g to C o n s c i e n c e - Perspectives on t h e English C r i m i n a l Trial J u r y 1200-1800, C h i c a g o / L o n d o n . 30
Hammond, J.L. a n d Hammond, B. (1911), T h e Village L a b o u r e r . A S t u d y in t h e G o v e r n m e n t of E n g l a n d before t h e R e f o r m Bill, L o n d o n ( R e p r i n t G l o u c e s t e r 1987). Hay, D. (1975a), P r o p e r t y , A u t h o r i t y a n d C r i m i n a l Law, in: H a y , D . / L i n e b a u g h , P . / T h o m p s o n , E . P . (ed.), A l b i o n s Fatal Tree, L o n d o n 1975, pp.1763. Hay, D. (1975b), P o a c h i n g a n d t h e G a m e L a w s on C a n n o c k C h a s e , in: H a y , D . / L i n e b a u g h , P . / T h o m p s o n , E . P . (ed.), A l b i o n s Fatal Tree. C r i m e a n d Society i n E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , Harmondsworth, p p . 189-254. Hay, D. (1982), War, D e a r t h a n d Theft in t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y : T h e R e c o r d of t h e English C o u r t s , in: Past a n d P r e s e n t 95, p p . 1 1 7 - 1 6 0 . Hay, D. a n d Linebaugh, P. (ed.) (1975), A l b i o n ' s Fatal Tree: C r i m e a n d Society i n E i g h t e e n t h - C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , H a r m o n d s w o r t h . Hay, D. a n d Snyder, F. (ed) (1989), P o l i c i n g a n d P r o s e c u t i o n in Britain 1750-1850, O x f o r d Herrup, C.B. (1987), T h e C o m m o n Peace: P a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d t h e C r i m i n a l Law in S e v e n t e e n t h - C e n t u r y E n g l a n d ( C a m b r i d g e Studies in E a r l y Mod e r n British H i s t o r y ) , C a m b r i d g e . Hobsbawm, E.J. (1972), Social C r i m i n a l i t y , in: Bulletin of t h e Society for t h e S t u d y of L a b o u r H i s t o r y 25. Innes, J. (1987), P r i s o n s for t h e P o o r : English Bridewells, 1555-1800, in: F . S n y d e r / D . H a y (ed.), L a b o u r , Law a n d C r i m e . A n Historical Perspective, L o n d o n / N e w York, p p . 4 2 - 1 2 2 . Innes, J. a n d Styles, J. (1986), T h e C r i m e W a v e : R e c e n t Waitings on C r i m e a n d C r i m i n a l Justice i n E i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E n g l a n d , in: J o u r n a l o f British S t u d i e s 28, p p . 3 8 0 - 4 3 5 . Jenkins, P. (1986), F r o m G a l l o w to P r i s o n ? T h e E x e c u t i o n R a t e in E a r l y M o d e r n E n g l a n d , in: C r i m i n a l Justice H i s t o r y 7 , p p . 5 1 - 7 2 . Kent, J.R. (1986), T h e English Village C o n s t a b l e 1580-1642. A Social a n d A d m i n i s t r a t i v e History, O x f o r d . King, P.J.R. (1984a), C r i m e , Law a n d Society in Essex, 1740-1820, ( P h D ) Cambridge. King, P.J.R. (1984b), D e c i s i o n - M a k e r s a n d D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g in t h e English C r i m i n a l Law, 1750-1800, in: H i s t o r i c a l J o u r n a l 27, p p . 2 5 - 5 8 . Landau, N. (1984), T h e Justices of t h e Peace, 1679-1760, Berkely. Langbein, J.H. (1983), A l b i o n ' s Fatal F l a w s , in: Past a n d P r e s e n t 98, pp.96-120. Macfarlane, A. (1981), T h e Justice a n d t h e M a r e ' s Ale: Law a n d D i s o r d e r in Seventeenth Century England, Oxford. McMullan, J.C. (1987), C r i m e , Law a n d O r d e r in Early M o d e r n E n g l a n d , in: British J o u r n a l of C r i m i n o l o g y 27, p p . 2 5 2 - 2 7 4 . Moir, E. (1969), Local G o v e r n m e n t in G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e , 1775-1800. A Study of t h e Justice of t h e P e a c e ( P u b l i c a t i o n of t h e Bristol & G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e A r c h a e o l o g i c a l Society, R e c o r d s Section 8), Bristol. 31
Monkkonnen, E. (1985), Z u r V e r w e n d u n g q u a n t i t a t i v e r M e t h o d e n bei d e r h i s t o r i s c h e n A n a l y s e v o n K r i m i n a l i t t u n d Strafrechtspflege, in: Kill i a s , M . / R e h b i n d e r , M . (ed.), R e c h t s g e s c h i c h t e u n d Rechtssoziologie. Z u m V e r h l t n i s v o n R e c h t , K r i m i n a l i t t u n d Gesellschaft i n historis c h e r P e r s p e k t i v e , Berlin, p p . 169-194. Munsche, P.B. (1981), G e n t l e m e n a n d P o a c h e r s : t h e English G a m e Laws 1671-1831, Cambridge. Orth, J.C. (1987a), C o m b i n a t i o n Acts of t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y , in: Law a n d H i s t o r y R e v i e w 5, p p . 148-166. Orth, J.C. (1987b), T h e English C o m b i n a t i o n Laws R e c o n s i d e r e d , in: F . S n y d e r / D . H a y (ed.), L a b o u r , L a w a n d C r i m e . A n Historical Perspective, L o n d o n / N e w York, p p . 123-149. Paley, R. (1983), T h e M i d d l e s e x Justice Act of 1792: Its O r i g i n s a n d Effects, P h D R e a d i n g . Palmer, S.H. (1988), Police a n d Protest in E n g l a n d a n d Ireland, 1780-1850, N e w York. Philips, D. (1980), A N e w E n g i n e of P o w e r a n d A u t h o r i t y : T h e Instit u t i o n a l i s a t i o n of L a w - E n f o r c e m e n t in E n g l a n d 1780-1830, in: V . A . C . G a t r e l l ; B . L e n m a n ; G . P a r k e r (ed.), C r i m e a n d t h e Law: T h e Social H i s t o r y of C r i m e in Western E u r o p e Since 1500, L o n d o n , p p . 155-189. Radzinowicz, L. (1948-1986), A H i s t o r y of E n g l i s h C r i m i n a l Law a n d its A d m i n i s t r a t i o n F r o m 1750, 5 vol., L o n d o n . Roberts, M.J.D. (1988), P u b l i c a n d P r i v a t e in E a r l y N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y L o n d o n : t h e Vagrant Act of 1822 a n d its E n f o r c e m e n t , in: Social H i s t o r y 13, p p . 2 7 3 - 2 9 4 . Rosen, L. (1987), A l t e r n a t i v e C o u r t s a n d t h e C o n c e p t of C o m m u n i t y . A R e v i e w Article, in: C o m p a r a t i v e S t u d i e s in Sociology a n d H i s t o r y 25, pp.558-565. Rule, J.G. (1979), Social C r i m e in t h e R u r a l S o u t h in t h e E i g h t e e n t h a n d E a r l y N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r i e s , in: S o u t h e r n H i s t o r y 1, p p . 1 3 5 - 1 5 3 . Rule, J.G. (1981), T h e E x p e r i e n c e of L a b o u r in E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y Engl a n d 1700-1800, L o n d o n . Sharpe, J. A. (1980), E n f o r c i n g t h e Law in t h e S e v e n t e e n t h C e n t u r y English Village, in: G a t r e l l , V . A . C ; L e n m a n , B ; P a r k e r , G . (ed.), C r i m e a n d t h e L a w . T h e Social H i s t o r y of C r i m e in W e s t e r n E u r o p e since 1500, London, pp.97-119. Sharpe, J. A. (1983a), *Such D i s a g r e e m e n t b e t w y x N e i g h b o u r s ' : Litigation a n d H u m a n R e l a t i o n s in E a r l y M o d e r n E n g l a n d , in: Bossy, J. (ed.), Disp u t e s a n d S e t t l e m e n t s : L a w a n d H u m a n R e l a t i o n s i n t h e West (Past a n d Present Publications), Cambridge, pp. 167-187. Sharpe, J. A. (1983b), T h e H i s t o r y of C r i m e in Late M e d i e v a l a n d Early M o d e r n E n g l a n d : a R e v i e w on t h e Field, in: Social History 8, pp.187203. 32
Sharpe, J. A. (1985), T h e P e o p l e a n d t h e Law, in: Reay, B. (ed.), P o p u l a r C u l t u r e in Seventeenth Century England, London/Sidney, pp.244-270. Shoemaker, R.B. (1985), C r i m e , C o u r t s , a n d C o m m u n i t y : T h e P r o s e c u t i o n o f M i s d e m e a n o u r s i n M i d d l e s e x C o u t y , 1663-1723, P h D S t a n f o r d . Slack, P. (1988), P o v e r t y a n d Policy in T u d o r a n d Stuart E n g l a n d , L o n d o n . Snell, K.D.M. (1985), A n n a l s of t h e L a b o u r i n g P o o r : Social C h a n g e a n d A g r a r i a n E n g l a n d , 1660-1900, C a m b r i g e . Snyder, F. a n d Hay, D. (ed.) (1987), L a b o u r , Law a n d C r i m e . A Historical Perspective, L o n d o n / N e w York. Spierenburg, P. (1984), T h e Sociogenesis of C o n f i n e m e n t a n d its D e v e l o p m e n t i n E a r l y M o d e r n E u r o p e , in: S p i e r e n b u r g , P . (ed.), T h e E m e r g e n c e of Carceral Institutions: Prisons, Galleys and Lunatic Asylums 1550-1900 ( C e n t r u m v o o r M a a t s c h a p p i j G e s c h i e d e n i s 12), R o t t e r d a m , pp.9-77. Stone, L. a n d Stone, J. (1984), An O p e n Elite? E n g l a n d , 1540-1880, Oxford. Styles, J. (1983a), E m b e z z l e m e n t , I n d u s t r y a n d t h e Law in E n g l a n d , 1500-1800, in: B e r g , M . / H u d s o n , P . / S o n e n s c h e r , M . (ed.), M a n u f a c t u r e in Town a n d C o u n t r y b e f o r e t h e Factory, C a m b r i d g e , p p . 173-210. Styles, J. (1983b), Sir J o h n F i e l d i n g a n d t h e P r o b l e m of C r i m i n a l Investig a t i o n in E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , in: T r a n s a c t i o n s of t h e Royal H i s t o r i c a l Society 5th series 33, p p . 127-149. Styles, J. (1987), T h e E m e r g e n c e of t h e Police: E x p l a i n i n g Police R e f o r m i n E i g h t e e n t h a n d N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , in: British J o u r n a l o f C r i m o n o l o g y 27, p p . 15-22. Styles, J. (1988), C r i m e in E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , in: H i s t o r y Today 38, p p . 3 6 - 4 2 . Thompson, E.P. (1963), T h e M a k i n g of t h e English W o r k i n g Class, Harmondsworth. Thompson, E.P. (1971), T h e M o r a l E c o n o m y of t h e English C r o w d in t h e E i g h t e e n t h C e n t u r y , in: Past a n d P r e s e n t 50, p p . 7 6 - 1 3 6 . Thompson, E.P. (1975), W h i g s a n d H u n t e r s . T h e O r i g i n of t h e Black Act, Harmondsworth. Thompson, E.P. (1976), E i g h t e e n t h - C e n t u r y E n g l i s h Society: C l a s s Struggle w i t h o u t C l a s s ? , in: Social H i s t o r y 1, p p . 133-165. Trimberger, E.K. (1984), E . P . T h o m p s o n : U n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e P r o c e s s of H i s t o r y , in: S k o c p o l , T. (ed.), Vision a n d M e t h o d in Historical Sociology, London, pp.210-243. Vogler, R.K. (1987), T h e D e v e l o p m e n t of S u m m a r y J u r i s d i c t i o n in Engl a n d a n d Wales i n R e l a t i o n t o Civil D i s o r d e r , P h D C a m b r i d g e . Webb, S. a n d Webb, B. (1906), English Local G o v e r n m e n t : t h e P a r i s h a n d the County, London. Wells, R.A.E. (1984), S h e e p R u s t l i n g in Y o r k s h i r e in t h e A g e of t h e Ind u s t r i a l a n d A g r a r i a n R e v o l u t i o n s , in. N o r t h e r n H i s t o r y 20, pp.127145. 33
Wettmann. P. (1987), A r b i t r a t o r u n d A d j u d i c a t o r : Z u r B e d e u t u n g d e r englischen Justices of t h e Peace bei d e r formellen u n d i n f o r m e l l e n Konf l i k t r e g e l u n g in l n d l i c h e n G e m e i n d e n des 1 8 J a h r h u n d e r t s , in:' K r i m i nologisches J o u r n a l , Beiheft 2, p p . 111-130. Whiting. J.R.S. (1975), P r i s o n R e f o r m in G l o u c e s t e r s h i r e 1776-1820. A S t u d y in t h e W o r k of Sir G e o r g e O n e s i p h o r u s P a u l , L o n d o n . Williams, R. (1985), C r i m e a n d R i o t s in B e r k s h i r e in t h e E i g h t e e n t h Century, P h D Reading. Wilson, S.R. (1986), T h e C o u r t of Q u a r t e r Sessions a n d Larcency in Sussex, 1775-1820, in: C r i m i n a l Justice H i s t o r y 7, p p . 7 3 - 9 4 . Wrightson, K. (1980), Two C o n c e p t s of O r d e r : Justices, C o n s t a b l e s a n d J u r y m e n in S e v e n t e e n t h - C e n t u r y E n g l a n d , in: Brewer,J./Styles,J. (ed.), An Ungovernable People, London, pp.21-46.
34

hsr1990 229

Încărcat de

Informații document

Titlu original

Drepturi de autor

Formate disponibile

Partajați acest document

Partajați sau inserați document

Opțiuni de partajare

Vi se pare util acest document?

Este necorespunzător acest conținut?

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

hsr1990 229

Încărcat de

Drepturi de autor:

Formate disponibile

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No.

C r i m e and Authority in Eighteenth Century England

1. The English History of Crime: A Review on the Field

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

II. The Work of the Justices of the Peace

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

informal settlement 4.8 733 24,1 6,8* 74,8

binding over 4,8

summary conviction 4,8 6,7 0,9 8,5 u

total 100,1 100,0 100,0 100,1 100,1

1,4 10,2 2,1

11,0 8,5 8,4

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

c o m m i t t e d m a i n l y by t h e l a b o u r i n g p o o r , t h e y inflicted p e n a l t i e s o n l y in a p a r t of all cases, t h e r e b y g i v i n g an e x a m p l e of t h e i r b e n e v o l e n c e a n d at t h e same time enhancing their authority.

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

pital c r i m e b u t a m i s d e m e a n o u r as a wood theft or an assault, a n d he did n o t e n c o u n t e r t h e c r i m i n a l justice system i n t h e c o u r t - r o o m b u t i n t h e h o u s e of t h e j u s t i c e of t h e peace.

III. The Paternalist Concept of Authority

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

(3) (4) (5)

(8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13)

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

(14) (15) (16) (17)

Thompson (1975). Cf. t h e Hill (1985); J.Broad (1988).

(18) (19) (20)

(32) (33) (34)

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

(50) (51) (52) (53) (54)

(55) (56) (57) (58) (59) (60)

(63) (64) (65)

(66) (67) (68)

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

(69) (70) (71) (72) (73)

(86) (87) (88) (89)

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

Historical Social Research, Vol. 15 1990 No. 2, 3-34

S-ar putea să vă placă și