Moesica et christiana

studies in honour of Professor alexandru Barnea

Edited by Adriana Panaite, Romeo Cîrjan and Carol Căpiţă

muzeul brăilei “carol i” editura istros

brăila 2016
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Omagiu. Barnea, Alexandru

Moesica et Christiana : studies in honour of professor Alexandru Barnea / ed.: Adriana Panaite,
Romeo Cîrjan, Carol Căpiţă. - Brăila : Editura Istros a Muzeului Brăilei “Carol I”, 2016

ISBN 978-606-654-181-7

I. Panaite, Adriana (ed.)

II. Cîrjan, Romeo (ed.)
III. Căpiţă, Carol (ed.)

082.2

Copyright © 2016 by Muzeul Brăilei “Carol I” - Editura Istros and authors.

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Professor Alexandru Barnea
 contents
Foreword
13

Publications list of Prof. Alexandru Barnea

15

Tabula gratulatoria
23

General abbreviations
25

Ad multos annos!
alexandru suceveanu †
27

I. VARIA EPIGRAPHICA ET ARCHAEOLOGIcA

1. MOESICA

Divinités attestées dans l’épigraphie du territoire tomitain (Ier-IIIe siècles après -J. C.)
Maria Bărbulescu · Livia Buzoianu
33
Three epigraphic monuments from Durostorum
Peti Donevski · radu ardevan
47
On the funerary altar of Valerius Firmus, veteran of legio V Macedonica, in Troesmis (ISM V, 196)
cristina-Georgeta alexandrescu
57
Diplômes militaires - carrières équestres : le cas de Flavius Flavianus
Lucreţiu Mihailescu-Bîrliba · iulia Dumitrache
67
Considerations concerning child’s place in the Roman society between the Danube and the Black Sea
Dan aparaschivei
75
About the Roman Frontier on the Lower Danube under Trajan
ovidiu Ţentea
85
Image of the castrum of the I Italica on the Column of Trajan: fiction or archaeological reality?
Piotr Dyczek
95
The Knidian ware from Bulgaria
Gergana Kabakchieva
111
Graves in Moesia Inferior with strigils as grave-goods
Liana oţa
125
 The Terrritory of Callatis
nicolae alexandru
139
Obiecte din fier descoperite la Edificiul cu mozaic din Tomis
(Iron objects discovered at the mosaic floored building from Tomis)
irina nastasi
153
Tropaeum Traiani from civitias the municipium, a hypothesis
adriana Panaite
163
Despre cercetările arheologice din cartierul romano-bizantin (sector sud-C1) de la Tropaeum Traiani
(About the archaeological research from the Roman-Byzantine district (sector South-C1)
from Tropaeum Traiani)
Gabriel talmaţchi · constantin Şova
173
An Early Byzantine Building Next to the Main Gate at Capidava
ioan c. opriş · alexandru raţiu
193
Roman amphorae discovered at Niculiţel
Dorel Paraschiv
219
The deposition of statues from Tomis: Relic of a religious war or sacred abandonment?
silviu anghel
233
Apollodoro di Damasco ideatore del piano architettonico del monumento di Tropaeum Traiani?
Ipotesi interpretative
anca cezarina Fulger
247
Revisiting the Late Antique countryside
alina Muşat streinu
253
The roof tiles found at Açik Suhat - Caraburun (Baia, Tulcea County, Romania). Preliminary results
alexandra Dolea
259
Munera in Moesia Inferior
Marius-cristian streinu
265
Despre valurile transdobrogene
(About the Transdobroudjan valla)
Gheorghe Papuc
271
Sur les traces de Pamfil Polonic à Mangalia
robert constantin
277
 The municipal law of Troesmis: preliminary remarks
romeo cîrjan
289
Les commencements de la flotte mesique
octavian Bounegru
301
Further considerations on the votive reliefs of the Thracian Horseman
Diliana Boteva
309
Regăsirea antichităţii pe frontul din Cadrialter:
cu Vasile Pârvan pe şantierul arheologic de la Disi-Puda
iulian stelian Boţoghină
321

2. DACICA

Immortality, pagan and christian

Zoe Petre
331
Un Dace dans une inscription de Narbonnaise
c. c. Petolescu
339
Manus Dei in the Dacian milieu?
silviu sanie
341
Römische Lampen als Votivgaben in Dakien. Mit besonderem Hinblick auf Tibiscum
Doina Benea
355
A ceramic mould from Romula
Bondoc-Popilian
367
Supply and consumption of terra sigillata in Roman Dacia during the Severan dynasty
Viorica rusu-Bolindeț
379

3. CHRISTIANA

À propos de martyrium de St. Loup de Novae (Svichtov)

Georgi atanasov
413
Basilica no. 1 from Novae
M. Čičikova
421
 The early christian mosaics in the episcopal basilica of Odessos (late 4th-early 7th c. AD)
alexander Minchev
431
Piese creştine descoperite în Dobrogea
cristina talmaţchi · Gabriel custurea
445
Vase de tip ploscă descoperite recent în Dobrogea (sec. VI p. Chr.)
Florin topoleanu
455
Decretul Ekthesis al împăratului Heraclius (638):
contextul emiterii, traducere, comentariu şi receptare
remus Feraru
463

4. VARIA

Aspects de la plastique de la culture Gumelniţa:

pièces de mobilier et d’autres éléments de ritual
Mirela Vintilă · Marian neagu
481
Marginalien zu griechisch beschrifteten Schleudergeschossen (III)
alexandru avram
489
The Peutinger map, the Antonine Itinerary and the Roman road
from Singidunum to Viminacium
Florin Gheorghe Fodorean
495
Ungewöhnliche Grabungsbefunde
im Umfeld des spätrömischen Kaiserpalastes Romuliana-Gamzigrad (Ostserbien)
Gerda von Bülow
505
Alexander the Great in the Persian legends: from Alexander of Macedon to Sikandar.
The circulation of mythical topoi between the Greek Alexander romance and Firdousi’s Shah-Nameh
Dan tudor ionescu
523

II. STUDIA HISTORICA

Despre vultur ca prevestitor și însoțitor al deminității de împărat în Imperiul roman și cel bizantin
tudor teoteoi
537
Considerations regarding the Venetian chronicle
ascribed to Marco and its copy from the 16th century
Șerban Marin
545
 Tiran şi tiranie la cumpăna secolelor XVI şi XVII
Tyrant and tyranny at the turn of the centuries XVI and XVII
cristian antim Bobicescu
559
Statul medieval balcanic: model pentru statul modern în literatura politică
a secolului al XIX-lea. Cazul bulgar
elena siupiur
571
Autour des palais de la Banque Nationale de la Roumanie:
l’histoire d’une partie de Bucarest
sabina Mariţiu
581
Stat şi armată în sud-estul european: România şi Bulgaria la 1914
Daniel cain
601
Unirea Transilvaniei şi ecourile sale în presa din România
cristina Gudin
613
File din istoria românilor din Albania în anii 1925-1926
constantin iordan
623
A chronology of Romania's relations with Western countries 1971–1980
constantin Moraru
633

III. NUMISMATICS

Discovered treasures, lost treasures, regained treasures...

Virgil Mihailescu Bîrliba
643
The Gold Coins with the Effigy of King Ferdinand I
Dan ilie
649
Eine unbekannte Bergwerksmarke
erwin schaeffer
655

IV. MISCELLANEA

To cause “to make divine” through smoke: ancient Egyptian incense and perfume.
An inter- and transdisciplinary re-evaluation
of aromatic biotic materials used by the ancient Egyptians
renata tatomir
665
 Miscellanea pentru o nouă ediţie a memorialelor lui Vasile Pârvan
Liviu Franga
679
Three Monuments of Roman Art Illustrated on Romanian Postage Stamps
cristian andrei scăiceanu
693
Social perceptions on history and archaeology in Romanian society - an exploratory study
alexandra Zbuchea · Monica Bira
713

List of contributors
737
 MOESICA ET CHRISTIANA | Studies in Honour of Professor Alexandru Barnea
Edited by Adriana Panaite, Romeo Cîrjan and Carol Căpiţă
Muzeul Brăilei “Carol I” - Editura Istros | Brăila | 2016 | pp. 265-270
ISBN 978-606-654-181-7

MUNERA IN MOESIA INFERIOR

Marius-Cristian STREINU

Beginning with the reign of Augustus gladiator fights become a type of institutionalized
spectacles1. ey were regulated by the emperor in the year 22 BC so that all public celebrations
became the responsibility of the praetors, who received financial aid from the Roman state. Moreover,
regarding the gladiators’ games in particular, the munera, the praetors were only allowed to organize
them aer obtaining the official approval of the Senate2.
In the eastern provinces, including Moesia Inferior, the situation differed from the rest of the
Empire. According to epigraphical evidence discovered, particularly in major cities such as Tomis,
Odessos and Nicopolis ad Istrum, gladiator fights were organized by the priests of the imperial cult.
In Tomis three such inscriptions were discovered, mentioning the role of the pontarchs. e first
was written on a pedestal for a monument build by the local Council and the people of the metropolis
in honor of Aurelius Priscinus Isidorus dated in 212-235 AD3. e honored was a local magistrate and
a high priest who organized gladiator and animal fights for six consecutive days while in office4. A
second inscription, also a honorary one, is dated to the same period5. Again, the local Council and the
people honor Aurelius Priscius Annianus, who was also a pontarch, a high priest and organized gladiator
and animal fights6. e third inscription was carved on the tombstone of yet another pontarch from
Tomis whose name was not preserved, but who was originally from Neapolis, in Syria, and also
organized fights7. e inscription was dated to 101-200 AD and according to V. Bottez this pontarch
owned a familia gladiatoria who ordered and paid the tombstone8. is hypothesis is one perfectly
acceptable if we are to recall the fact that many high priests owned such a familia9. Gladiator games,
munera, were customary in all ceremonies for the imperial cult, which is why high priests who owned
gladiators made organizing them much easier from an economic standpoint and at the same time dealt
with the problem of finding available gladiators for a specific time and date. e familia gladiatoria
could also be sold by priests at the end of their career to those just starting to exercise the office10.
In another city, Odessos, four marble pieces of the same inscription, dated in 227 AD, were
discovered and the text was conceived as an advertisement and invitation for gladiator fights and
hunts organized by the high priest and bouleutes. e event was dedicated to the emperor Severus
Alexander, Julia Mamaea and to the province’s governor, Lucius Mantennius11.

As in the two other cities mentioned above, gladiator fights, munera, were organized in
Nicopolis ad Istrum by high priests of the imperial cult. A marble plaque from the time of the
governor Appius Claudius Martialis (161-163 AD) was discovered here and conceived as an

1 7
Bouley 1994, 33; Futrell 2006, 29. ISM II, 188.
2 8
Cassius Dio 54, 2; Bouley 1994, 33; Foutrell 2006, 30. Stoian 1962, 162; Bottez 2009, 119.
3 9
ISM II, 96. Carter 2004, 43-44.
4 10
Bottez 2009, 118. Carter 2004, 44; Foutrell 2006, 149.
5 11
ISM II, 97. Mirtschew 1968, 181; Bouley 1994, 35-36.
6
Bottez 2009, 118.
266 MARIUS-CRISTIAN STREINU

invitation to the fights, munera and venationes, organized by two high priests, father and daughter,
Minicius [O...] and Minicia Firmina12. Another inscription dated to the first half of the second
century-beginning of the third century mentions a high priest named Titus Aelius Oclantius who
organized munera and venationes here13.
e epigraphic materials mentioned above confirm the generally accepted hypothesis that
gladiator combats, munera, as well as venationes, were closely related to the practices of the imperial
cult14. e members of the aristocracy ascending to the rank of high priest, the peak of their municipal
career, strived to offer the best spectacles of all sorts because the success of such events would have
attested their devotion to the emperor15.
Aer establishing who were the people organizing the gladiator fights - the high priests of the
imperial cult - it leaves us to deal with promoting the spectacles, invitatio ad munera. e person who
was organizing the spectacle, the editor, employed the services of a scribe to draw the announcement,
as was observed in Pompei, or inscribe it on a rough material such as stone or marble. e
announcement consisted of information regarding the reason why the fights were organized, the name
of the editor, the place where the fights would take place, and number of combatant pairs and other
types of entertainment such as venationes, music, public executions or other aspects concerning the
accommodation of the spectators16. In Moesia Inferior, two such type of invitations were found, first
in Odessos and the second in Nicopolis ad Istrum, both cities already mentioned above. We must,
however, return to the relief inscription found in Odessos because it depicts a bull and three gladiators
with their names preserved. Two of the gladiators were secutores, named ΤΕΥΚΡΟΣ and ΛΥΑΙΟΣ
and the third one was a retiarius, named ΠΑΡΔΟΣ17.
It is a known fact that capturing wild animals for the arena was done by troops from the legions
camped in the province where the animals lived free. Proof of this practice is the discovery of an altar
in Montana. e monument was dedicated to the goddess Diana by the tribune of the cohors I Cilicum,
Tiberius Claudius Ulpian, who participated in a successful hunt organized by the governor Claudius
Saturninus with the purpose of capturing bears and bisons for an imperial venatio. In the hunt also
participated soldiers from legio I italica, legio XI Claudia and a detachment from classis Flavia Moesica.
It is almost certain that the animal captured were used for the great ludi of Antoninus Pius in 148 AD
celebrating 900 years since Rome was founded18.
Such grand events took place in a special edifice – the amphitheater. is impressive structure,
even on a smaller scale, at the center of the imperial cult, projected the structure of the Roman society
and served as a constant remembrance of the empire’s supremacy19. In the province we are interested
in, only two such structures were discovered, in Marcianopolis and Tomis, but unfortunately only the
first one was published.
e amphitheater in Marcianopolis was intensely researched, but stratigraphic observations are
missing. It was build at the beginning of the third century inside the fortified area, in the Western
quarter. It has a modest scale, its exterior surroundings measure 70x60 meters, while the interior
measures 46x40 meters, allowing for 4,000 spectators sitting and 5,000 people standing20. It was rebuilt
aer suffering damages during the Goth’s invasion and continued to be used up to the fourth century
when it was abandoned. During the reign of Justinian a basilica was built over the arena using
materials from the amphitheater21.
e second amphitheater was discovered in Tomis. At the end of the 1980s, during the
construction of the present day Ibis hotel, more precisely in the perimeter of the Mircea cel Bătrân,

12 17
IGB II, 660; Bouley 1994, 36; Bottez 2009, 194. Mirtschew 1968, 181; Minčev 1974, 93; Bouley 1994, 35.
13 18
Ivanov 1987, 291; Bottez 2009, 194. Velkov, Alexandrov 1988, 272-273; Bouley 1994, 38; Bottez
14
Robert 1940, 270; Bouley 1994, 36; Bowersock 2000, 46; 2009, 193.
19
Bottez 2009, 187-189. Futrell 2006, 52.
15 20
Ville 1981, 208. Gerov 1980, 292-293; Golvin 1988, 193; Vagalinski 2002, 279.
16 21
Futrell 2006, 85. Gerov 1980, 292-293; Vagalinski 2002, 280.
MUNERA IN MOESIA INFERIOR 267

Ecaterina Varga, Negru Vodă and Dragoş Vodă streets22. On top of the structure a basilica was build,
just as in Marcianopolis23. e ellipse-shaped wall indicates an arena with a large diameter of 55-60
meters and a small diameter of 30-35 meters, oriented north-south and located in the northern side
of the ancient city. Among the finds there is a bench which preserved an inscription, though
fragmentary, with a partial name of the author: EXPY24. e existence of this amphitheater is also
attested by three local inscriptions mentioning a stadion25. As for the reason why a Christian basilica
was built on the site of an amphitheater, it is probably due to the fact that most of the first Christian
martyrs were killed in the arenas. e theory is supported by the mention of the Marcianopolis
amphitheater in the account of the lives of the martyrs Maximus, eodotus and Ascleopiodata26.
Gladiator combats did not only take place in amphitheaters, but also in other appropriate spaces
such as theaters. But not all theaters were equipped to handle such events. ey would have to be able
to accommodate a large number of spectators, a large enough orchestra, which would also, have to
allow for alterations to ensure the safety of those attending the spectacles27. Such an example is the
theater from Odessos where for a century and a half this kind of combats was the main attraction28.
ere are scholars who believe that gladiator combats were also set in the odeon in Nicopolis ad
Istrum29, but is not likely because of its rather small orchestra and its reduced capacity of 400 seats30.
We must keep in mind that these spectacles were very popular, thus they attracted a very large
audience. Even small amphitheaters could accommodate more than 1000 people. Keeping this in
mind and considering the extent of the city and the density of population, we must conclude that the
odeon was simply too small for this kind of event31. Bulgarian scholar L.Vagalinsky, familiar with the
evolution of these fights on the territory of Bulgaria, states that Nicopolis ad Istrum must have had
an amphitheater that is yet to be discovered somewhere in a 100 meters area West of the city32.
Reaching the topic of the spectacle itself, a munus had three parts. In the morning the venationes
took place, at midday there were the damnatio ad bestias and in the aernoon there was the main
event, the gladiator fights33. e fight was set between two gladiators wearing different armors, and
duelling with different techniques34. In the case of Moesia Inferior, sixth types of armature were
identified: venatores, secutor, retiarius, provocator, murmillo and scissor.
e information about armatures and the character who the gladiator became when wearing
them, comes from the invitatio ad munera, like the one from Odessos. e most widespread pair was
retiarius-secutor. In Moesia Inferior four retiarius gladiators are attested and six secutor. Except these,
there are also mentions of a provocator, a venatores, a scissor35 and three more unidentified.
Funerary stelae are another source of information regarding the armature and weaponry, but
also offer information about those behind the armor. e knowledge we draw from these
monuments is unique to each one, as it focuses on the life, experience and death of a single gladiator.
anks to such a stele, discovered in Tomis, we found out about the gladiator Skirtos Dakesis, a
retiarius who had six victories in the arena, but the most important information is that he was a free
man36. I believe that he was not the only free man fighting in Moesia Inferior. Another funerary
inscription was found in Palazu, near the ancient Tomis, mentioning a venatores named Attalos,
killed by a wild buffalo37. Usually, venatores were selected among free men38 and the relief on the

22 30
I am greatfull to prof. Alexandru Barnea for the information Vagalinski 2002, 284.
31
regarding this discovery. Floca, Vasiliev 1968, 136; Ivanov, Ivanov 1994, 161-162;
23
Rădulescu 1991, 35. Vagalinski 2002, 281.
24 32
Rădulescu 1991, 35; Bottez 2009, 200; Buzoianu, Bărbulescu Vagalinski 2002, 284.
33
2012, 71. Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 17; Futrell 2006, 84.
25 34
Stoian 1962, 162-163. Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 17; Futrell 2006, 94.
26 35
Gerov 1980, 292-293; Vagalinski 2002, 280. Teyssier, Lopez 2005, 66-67.
27 36
Bottez 2009, 197-198. Robert 1940, 105; Stoian 1962, 199; Conrad 2004, 166.
28 37
Minčev 2011, 34. ISM II, 340.
29 38
Bottez 2009, 199. Stoian 1962, 201, footnote 5.
268 MARIUS-CRISTIAN STREINU

surface of the inscription depicts two people, one male, one female, dressed as ordinary people, dated
to the end of the second –beginning of the third century.
Regardless of its size, a funerary monument entailed spending a lot of money. Gladiators who
had such monuments must have disposed of certain amounts of money or their monuments were
paid by his colleagues or their contractor39. Two monuments found in Tomis attest these practices
and a third was found in Marcianopolis. A retiarius named Argutos, winner of six fights, was buried
on the expenses of a certain Orestes, rather a colleague than his contractor40. Another gladiator,
Amarantos, was buried by Ophellius Longus, while his stele was paid for by Sophon41. Unfortunately,
we are not told what type of gladiator he portrayed. I believe that the Sophon was a fellow gladiator,
while Ophellius Longus was probably his contractor, lanista. e third monument was dedicated to
Smaragdos and ordered and paid for by his wife Julia, aer he was killed during his twelh fight42.
Other funerary monuments point out the qualities of the fighters. From the epitaph of the
provocator Agroicos, discovered at Tomis, we find out that he was le handed43. is was not a trivial
note because in antiquity the le hand was considered the bringer of victory, although this has not
helped Agroicos44. Much more interesting is the story of Marcianus who fought twice as secutores
under the assumed name of Polyneikes and later fought as a murmillo from this inscription we can
also deduce that this passing from one category to another could have been an advancement to a
superior class of fighter45.Other monuments only offer the name of the gladiator and the type of
armature. One example is the stele of Demetrios, a retiarius, found in Dionysopolis46; another poorly
preserved was found in Tomis mentioning only a name: DIO, probably Diodoros47.
ere are three reliefs from Moesia Inferior. Because of their precarious state of preservation it
is impossible to say if they originally were funerary stele. e first relief is of a secutor from
Marcianopolis, but the head, the upper part of the body and the right side of the armor are missing48.
e second relief is of a retiarius, discovered at Cevec, Veliko Târnovo. e face is damaged and the
lower limbs from the knee down are missing49. e third piece, discovered at Tomis, depicts a very
interesting couple of fighters, a retiarius and a scissor, the latter being very rarely attested in the whole
of the Roman Empire50. Another fragmentary epitaph of a supposed gladiator, named Narcissus,
originates from Tomis51 but there is very little evidence to support the claim.
ere is no doubt that gladiator combats were very popular in Moesia Inferior, as well as in the whole
Roman Empire, if we take into consideration another type of iconographic representation: on lamps,
terra sigillata pottery and bronze objects. In Moesia Inferior, lamps decorated with relief gladiators or
fights were discovered in several settlements, such as Barboşi52, Histria53 and Odessos54, while decorated
terra sigillata was found in Novae55. Among the bronze objects we can mention the discovery of a statue
of a retiarius gladiator in Callatis56 and a balsamarius in the shape of a secutor helmet in Odessos57.
It is easy to observe that the monuments of all types related to gladiators were mostly discovered
in Greek cities or in Roman cities that adopted the Greek traditions, following the Greeks footsteps
concerning the organization of public games. Rich citizens in high official positions, mainly that of
high priest of the imperial cult, are responsible for offering this type of entertainment to the people.

39 46
Futrell 2006, 143. Robert 1940, no. 40; IGB I2, 28.
40 47
Robert 1940, 105-106; Stoian 1962, 201. Ştefan 1948, 35; Stoian 1962, 200.
41 48
Stoian 1962, 200. Conrad 2004, 88-89.
42 49
IGB II, 816, 817. Slavčev 1980, 206-210.
43 50
ISM II, 288. Robert 1940, 106; Golvin, Landes 1990, 164.
44 51
Cassius Dio, 73, 19; Robert 1940, 70; Stoian 1962, 199, foot Stoian 1962, 201.
52
note 8. Dragomir 1984, 169.
45 53
SEG XLVI, 901; Angelov, Conrad, Luppe 1996, 137; I Suceveanu 1967, 248.
54
would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Alexandru Minčev 1974, 94.
55
Avram for clearing my doubts regarding this inscription, Milčeva 2000, 57, 62.
56
more precisely the meaning of the verb παραβαίνω which is Irimia 1966, 39.
57
better to be translated as “advancing”. Minčev 1974, 94.
MUNERA IN MOESIA INFERIOR 269

To set this event, special places were required in order to permit the optimal view of the arena where
the fights took place and to accommodate a large number of spectators in the same time. e number
of seats was proportional to the number of city dwellers whose safety during the spectacle was another
issue to be considered when choosing a site. Moreover, it was common in these buildings for the seats
to be inscribed with the name of the officials, influent families or guilds who won the right to those
seats58. As for the main event, even if we don’t know the age of the gladiators or the number of fights,
the participant pairs were definitely professionals. All materials and monuments related to gladiator
combats are dated to the second and third centuries and we can conclude that the survival rate was very
low, suggesting that the audience became more demanding making the missio a very difficult target59.
What finally brought the end of the munera gladiatoria in Moesia Inferior was the spread of
Christianity, the last spectacles organized in the amphitheater in Marcianopolis being dated at the
beginning of the fourth century.

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C. V. georoc, București, 2005.

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