KARACHI: It is when the numbers stop meaning anything that Karachi starts to panic.

The numerical numbness does not, however, exhaust our hankering for some explanation, any explanation, for the killings. The next best thing we can offer ourselves is the acknowledgement of a trend: The violence has been at its worst when the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has been in power. The statistics are incontrovertible proof. This year the number is 1,100. The only other time it was this high was in 1995 during Benazir Bhuttos second tenure. But in our desperation to extrapolate, we must not frivolously affix blame. Then and now Afzal Shigri was the inspector general of the Sindh police force between the years 1993 and 1995. He describes his experience of being at the helm of affairs of the law-enforcement agency at that time as the most difficult time of my life. By the end of his tenure, the number for Karachi hit 1,742 double from year before with 813. This was when the PPP didnt have any coalition partners in the Sindh government.

Many of my men were killed during those two years, Shigri recalls, adding that one of the main challenges he faced was keeping the morale of his forces intact. There were no-go areas in the city where the police acted as a buffer between two parties who were battling it out with heavy arms in the streets. This much was the overwhelming memory of analyst Zahid Hussain, who was a reporter for the monthly Newsline in the nineties. He also says that back then the battle lines had been drawn between the PPP government and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM). There were also gun battles between the MQM and Haqiqi groups. In reaction, the authorities launched an operation against the militant wings of political parties. But what former IG Shigri doesnt recall, however, was that the law-enforcement agencies were also accused of carrying out extra-judicial killings. Nawaz Sharif initiated a crackdown the brunt of which the MQM came to face. But it was after Bhutto came to power for a second time (Oct 1993) that it gained force under the command of former army general Naseerullah Baber who became notorious for backing the off-the-record murders. Thousands of activists belonging to the MQM and its student wing the APMSO were arrested. Many of them were killed in encounters with the police, Rangers and the then pro-establishment party, the Mohajir Qaumi Movement-Haqiqi. According to Shigri, the difference between the killings then and now is that in the 90s there were clashes where political supporters in one neighbourhood would open fire on their rivals in the next neighborhood for days on end. Now we have target killings in which the murderers sneak past the law-enforcers and kill people within minutes and then disappear. Analyst Zahid Hussain agrees to this extent that target killings have increased in these times. But remember that it happened in 1994 and 1995 also and there were many cases of young men being found in gunny bags with gunshot wounds. Shigri adds that the mess Karachi is in today is the worst of the violence and has its roots in the 1990s. Today, apart from politically motivated killings, we have sectarian murders and also the Taliban-backed militants who are [acting up] in Karachi. For Hussain, the turf war today is now more complex given that there has been a rapid change in the ethnic composition of the city. For example, the Pakhtun-supported Awami National Party didnt enjoy a power base as it does today as a result of the influx of families from the northern areas. Pressures Police officials say that whenever they round up suspects with political backing involved in target killings, there is tremendous pressure to release them. A former capital city police officer, who wishes to stay anonymous, says, the problem is that many criminals have taken refuge in political parties. Also, each of these parties has a militant wing.

He says that even when the police apprehend the murderers involved in target killings, the political parties backing them ensure that they are taken care of and bail them out one way or the way. Although the former CCPO refuses to admit that he had to release such people during his tenure, he says if they dont, they get their people released through the courts. Shigri says the pressure is not only from political parties. In fact, all influential segments of society, including business groups, also apply pressure. Operation A senior police official of the Anti-Violent Crime Cell says that his experience shows that violence in the city comes under control following a concerted crackdown. He gives the example of the era of the early 1990s that was a period of political killings. But when asked if the same formula would work in comparison today, he answers by saying that his force is facing a complicated situation in which ethnic, political and sectarian groups are all involved in the bloodletting, and in many ways overlap with each other. The question really is, he says, whether we can launch an operation against all of these groups at the same time. I dont think that anyone is in a position to do something like that. Published in The Express Tribune, October 24th, 2010.

KARACHI: The Sindh chapter of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) Tuesday expressed grave concerns over deteriorating law and order in Karachi, particularly the rising trend of target killings. Statistics compiled by the HRCP Karachi chapter shows that a total of 1138 people have been killed in the city during the first half of 2011, with 490 of them falling prey to targeted killings on different grounds including political, sectarian and ethnic basis. Karachi has been under the influence of political parties for the past several months and continuous surge in killings in the city reflects the governments inefficiency to cope with the mounting threat of insecurity, said Zohra Yusuf, Chairperson HRCP while sharing statistics during the press briefing at their office. For appeasing the ruling coalition partners, she noted, the government had failed to take any decisive action against culprits causing unrest in the city. Of the 490 victims of target killings, 150 were killed apparently for their association with various political, religious and or nationalist parties, 56 for their ethnic background and eight on sectarian grounds. According to the HRCP report, as many as 65 women were killed during first six months of this year 24 of them were killed by relatives, 26 by unidentified culprits, four were set on fire, three killed on railway tracks, 2 each killed by robbers and Lyari gangsters, three on the pretext of

Karo-Kari, while one woman was killed by police. Meanwhile 37 men lost their lives in the ongoing Lyari gang war this year. The report listed 56 ethnic killings which were reported this year. Of those targeted, 51 of the victims were male, while one female and four children were killed. The figure shows that 250 people with no political affiliation were also killed in Karachi this year while 139 killings were reported during the corresponding period of last year. This indicated a rise of 179% in the killings this year. The report detailed names of parties (political, religious, nationalist and banned organizations) or groups and the number of their activists assassinated during the first six months of 2011. It said 77 target killing victims belonged to Muttahida Qaumi Movement; 26 to Pakistan People`s Party; 29 to Awami National Party; 16 to Mohajir Qaumi Movement-Haqiqi; 7 to Sunni Tehreek; 9 to Jamaat-e-Ahl-e-Sunnat; two to Jamiat-e-Ulema Islam; one to Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N); one to Jamaat-i-Islami (JI); one each to PML-Functional, Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz, and Punjabi-Pakhtun Ittehad and four to Sipah-e-Sahaba (banned). During the first six months of 2010, the figures were comparatively low as MQM-H had their 34 activists killed; MQM 22; PPP 11; PPP-S 2; Punjabi Front 1; ANP 16; Sunni Tehreek 4; PML-N 1; PML-Quaid-i-Azam 1; PML-F 1; JI 3; Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam 2; JSQM 2; PPI 1; Sipah-iSahaba (banned) 3; and Tehreek-i-Taliban (banned) 1. According to HRCP data, 113 people were killed on personal enmity last year while this year the figure mounted to 123. Forty-one policemen were killed during the first six months this year, while 32 policemen had been gunned down last year. In bomb blasts, 41 men were killed this year and 27 people between January and June 2010. Stray bullets claimed 8 lives this year as compared to 19 last year. Thirty-four people were killed in police encounters this year, three men died in jails, while four men were bumped off by police this year. Four persons died in jails between January and June 2011 while nine prisoners had died last year. Total 30 children were killed in different incidents this year so far. Thirty-two bodies were found, with three of them identified as drug addicts. Zohra identified Lyari and Orangi as the worst affected areas in Karachi and said police officials seemed helpless in reducing the crime ratio.

She raised doubts over statements given by Interior Minister Rehman Malik wherein he had claimed the menace of killings in Karachi would soon come to a halt. It is an unrealistic claim in the present circumstances, she opined.

A return to the past?

SINDH is once again in turmoil. Lawlessness has increased. The crime graph has jumped up. Police are not able to protect the life and property of the people. No one feels safe. The army had to be called in to control the worsening situation. Does this sound familiar? Its not a reproduction of a news report from last weeks brutal ethnic violence, in which nearly 100 lives were lost in Karachi. Rather, it is the first paragraph from the crime diary published in this newspapers May 30, 1992 edition. Yet nearly two decades down the line, it seems little has changed in Karachi with regard to the spasmodic bouts of violence this blighted city is made to suffer. And if the political posturing by the PPP-led government and the (now in opposition) MQM is anything to go by, Karachi may well see a return to the dangerous 1990s unless the law is enforced and political stakeholders in Sindh eschew confrontation in favour of dialogue and accommodation. Despite being the nations industrial and commercial hub, Karachi has faced major law and order problems since at least the mid-1980s. Following the end of Gen Ziaul Haqs military rule and the restoration of democracy in 1988, calm was often restored by calling in the army and imposing curfew (measures also used during the Zia era). However, as the 1980s gave way to the 1990s, there was no let-up in the mainly Mohajir-Sindhi ethno-political violence in the city. In 1992, Sindhs then inspector general of police said that the province witnessed over 2,000 murders in 1990, while the figure for 1991 was over 1,700. Perhaps the word murder was used as a blanket term as targeted killings had not yet entered our lexicon. While Sindh was in the grip of severe violence, the infamous Operation Clean-up, led by the army, was launched in 1992 during Nawaz Sharifs rule. During this exercise, the MQM was held responsible for much of the violence by the government. The party claimed it was being victimised by the state. However, after initially restoring calm, violence in Sindh resumed; many felt that the moment the army went back to the barracks the province would once more be engulfed by a full-blown wave of violence. Indeed, the violence did not abate, despite the fact that the army operation was ongoing. Along with ethno-political violence the sectarian scourge was at its peak during this period. By 1994, with a PPP government in place, several fronts were open in Karachi. There was a brutal war of attrition under way between the MQM and the breakaway Haqiqi faction, while sectarian battles also raged between supporters of Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and Tehrik Nifaz Fiqh-i-Jafria; the SSP also clashed with the Sunni Tehrik.

Commenting on the MQM-Haqiqi violence, this paper noted in an editorial on Aug 11, 1994: The cycle of provocation and counter-provocation will continue with more and more militants on either side paying a forfeit of their lives and with more and more innocent non-combatants getting killed. Replace the antagonists of 1994 with the current political players and there is a distinct sense of dj-vu. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistans State of Human Rights 1994 report released in 1995, more than 800 people were killed in Karachi in acts of violence. In 2011, we seem to be viewing a repeat performance. According to the HRCP, in the first six months of this year alone Karachi has witnessed nearly 500 targeted killings. Though the city saw relative peace for about a decade during Gen Pervez Musharrafs rule (the events of May 12, 2007 notwithstanding), law and order started deteriorating around 2008. Today, we stand poised at the precipice of a new cycle of open-ended violence, unless better sense and the rule of law prevails. After decades of unrest, people rightly want an end to the violence and a permanent solution to Karachis law and order problems. However the state government after government has been unable to deliver on this count. It doesnt take a social scientist to point out that the root of Karachis problems lies in the fact that it is awash with arms. It is widely believed that all political parties with stakes in the city have well-armed militant wings. It is also known that the paths of political parties and criminal elements often cross. But perhaps the biggest issue fuelling ethnic tensions is that of jobs and economic opportunities. Being the countrys economic capital, Karachi is a magnet for people from across Pakistan. However, with a stagnant economy and shrinking economic opportunities, the competition for jobs in the city has become cut-throat. The constant influx of economic migrants to Karachi has led to encroachments and land grabbing, while new turf wars have erupted. There is a feeling that the MQM, which considers itself the representative of urban Sindhs Urdu speakers, seeks to defend its power and territory in Karachi, which is the main reason for its tussle with the ANP that represents the interests of Pakhtun settlers. Hence with plenty of weapons and the city divided into various ethnic ghettos, the Karachi of today has become a much more dangerous place than it was in the 1990s. And if the PPP-MQM tension is factored in, the situation becomes even more edgy through the lens of Mohajir-Sindhi ethnic rivalry. If there is to be peace in the city political militants have to be disarmed and the practitioners of violence made to face the law. If TV camera crews can capture images of masked gunmen exchanging fire in trouble spots, why cant the states security apparatus track down these individuals and arrest them? The security establishment can put a cap on the violence if it chooses to. The fact that Karachi was allowed to bleed for nearly three days before anything was done supports this observation. Deweaponisation and impartial action against terrorists and criminals is the only solution.

As for long-term solutions, political parties must sort out their differences as per democratic norms. A political culture is needed, one that is founded on tolerance and healthy competition based on ideological solutions. This circle of violence has done no good to life and business in the city

Violence, load shedding destroying Karachi economy

Double-edged sword of violence and load shedding is cutting the jugular vein of Karachi economy, forcing hundreds of thousands of families of daily-wagers to sleep hungry. The menace of load shedding went aggravated after the privatization of Karachi Electricity Supply Company (KESC) and during last couple of years the load shedding in Karachi broke all past records, badly paralyzing the trade, commerce and economy. Many areas in the city witness up to 10 years a day load shedding and people could get proper sleep due to load shedding in night hours. Even load shedding is there on Sundays when markets remain closed and electricity consumption too low. It is blamed that this load shedding is artificial and result of not burning required fuel in KESC power houses, as the private owners care for their own profit margin and not woes of electricity consumers. Many factories are either closed down or shifted outside Karachi due to load shedding issue. Frequent targeted killings, politically and ethnically motivated violence, strike calls and market closures have broken the back of Karachi economy, further raising urban poverty in the city. The worst hit of the load shedding are daily wagers and small traders. Recently Karachi traders under the umbrella of All Karachi Tajir Ittehad (KTI) held a protest rally against load shedding of the KESC from the M A Jinnah Road to the Chief Minister House and demanded zero-load shedding in the city. They said any compromise in this regard would be tantamount to playing with the future of this city and its citizens. They requested all stakeholders to raise voice against load shedding in the larger interests of the city and nation. KTI president Atiq Mir alleged that the KESC administration was not considering the problems faced by citizens and was busy in achieving its own interests. He said the persisting load shedding is seriously affecting small traders and the situation might go out of control if the government failed to rein in the administration of privatized KESC. The announced and unannounced strikes of political parties in Karachi cause the city economy huge loss of about Rs3billion per day. Halting of public transport in Karachi results in hampering mobility of labor and millions of workers could not reach their workplaces causing huge production losses. Politicians also decry growing lawlessness in Karachi. A few days back after four days of brisk target killings in the city that claimed almost 100 lives, Jammat-e-Islami (JI) Karachi had staged a peace rally and harshly criticized the government for its failure to improve Karachi law and order. Veteran politician Prof Ghafoor Ahmed addressing the rally said rulers are responsible for shattering law and order in Karachi and making it a city of terror and bloodshed. He said the rulers have lost their moral ground to rule the country as they have failed to provide security of life and property to citizens.

He said in past Karachi used to be peaceful city and people from all parts of the country used to visit it; however, today people are migrating from this city due to perpetual lawlessness, extortion culture and targeted killings. He said the rulers have left the city at the mercy of terrorists to prolong its rule. It was noted that some shameless outfits with criminal background were indulged in the politics on human bodies in the city, while rulers were patronizing this dirty politics to meet its vested political interests. Joint efforts are needed to oust terror from Karachi and in this regard people should play their vital role and reject the politicians whose hands are stained with the blood of innocent people. The Karachiites demand of the government to take a serious notice of load shedding and violence in Karachi and save the hapless people from this cruel double-edged sword.
Karachi turmoil: the economic cost By Amir Zia Business Weekly: Money Matters The News Monday, July 18, 2011 The deep-rooted problem of politicisation of crime and criminalisation of politics has transformed Karachi into one of the world s most dangerous mega-cities and resulted in the flight of capital A number of key wholesale and retail markets in the commercial hub of Karachi remained shuttered for at least six days in the first two weeks of July as former political allies turned their guns on one another, fighting pitched battles and resorting to targeted killings in various neighbourhoods. Many big, medium and small industries -- already shaken by a crippling energy crisis and protracted law and order problem witnessed a further decline in production during the period as labourers stayed away from work and the supply chain got disrupted. Yes, doing businesses and operating industries is increasingly becoming riskier in this volatile port city, where militants belonging to political and religious parties frequently fight bloody turf wars and run crime mafias to mint money through extortion, kidnappings for ransom, robberies and vehicle snatching. The continued state of lawlessness in Karachi is wrecking businesses and industries, said Muhammad Saeed Shafiq, President of the Karachi Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI). This is hurting the Pakistan economy and tarnishing our image. We are cutting our own feet with an axe. The pain and anguish of business leaders appear understandable as they count the economic cost of turmoil in the city where more than 125 people lost their lives in the latest spate of violence in the first 15 days of July. The rivalry and tussle for supremacy among the armed supporters of the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the Awami National Party (ANP) is seen responsible for most of the bloodletting in the city, which has a long history of ethnic, religious and political violence. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan says that 490 people have been killed in the first six months of 2011 in political, religious and ethnic violence in Karachi. Dozens of others were killed in robberies, kidnappings, gang wars and bomb explosions. The rampant lawlessness and crime emerged as the biggest challenge for Karachi s business and

industrial communities, which blame leading political parties for the crisis. In April, traders and shopkeepers staged an unprecedented strike against politically-connected extortionists and criminals, specially operating in the city s old parts, where major wholesale and retail markets are located. The strike resulted in the disbanding of the controversial Peoples Amn Committee of Lyari, which pledged allegiance to the PPP. However, the extortion racket continues to flourish as shopkeepers, small and big businesses and industrialists remain easy targets of criminals operating under the garb of this or that political party. The deep-rooted problem of politicisation of crime and criminalisation of politics has transformed Karachi into one of the world s most dangerous mega-cities and resulted in the flight of capital. A report prepared by KCCI s research cell says that billions of rupees worth of investment has been shifted to Bangladesh, Egypt and Malaysia in the last couple of years due to the poor law and order situation. Investors prefer peaceful countries for investment, the report said. Background interviews with business leaders' show that jittery local investors have been scaling down their investments. The negative sentiment and spectre of uncertainty hurt most major businesses and industries and the KCCI report claims that 15,000 industrial units have been performing below their capacity. Shafiq said that not just major political parties, but even those which cannot win a single seat in elections, posses the muscle power to partially affect business life in Karachi. Whenever a member of any political or religious group gets killed, armed bands of youngsters fan out in different localities, forcing shops and businesses to close. Such partial and area-specific shutter downs have become a norm in the city. In most cases, police and paramilitary rangers never interfere and allow political activists-cum-criminals to have their way. Zubair Motiwala, an advisor to Sindh Chief Minister and a leading businessman, said that Karachi s violence directly impacts the country s economy. "Karachi contributes almost 68 percent to the federal revenues," he said. Our calculations say that the government loses on an average 3.3 billion rupees a day in revenues if the city is shuttered due to a strike, protest or violence. But the drop in revenues is not the only tangible loss to the national exchequer. Business leaders estimate that the economy takes a hit of an additional seven to eight billion rupees a day in lost production, wasted work hours and drop in sales. The purchasing power of working class and low income groups erodes further as daily wage earners and people engaged in small enterprises remain unable to earn when the wheel of business and industry halts. This is a bad tiding for the Pakistan economy, which has been caught in the vortex of low growth and high inflation for the last three years against the backdrop of the war against terrorism and rising global food and oil prices. The frequent bouts of violence in Karachi have indeed become another dampening factor for the business and investment environment. Motiwala said that the long-term impact of violence and terrorism on the economy remains incalculable. It erodes Pakistan s image. International buyers are reluctant to deal with Pakistani exporters as they remain unsure whether we will meet commitments. They prefer buying the same product, at higher rates, from countries where there is security and stability, he said. Violence often disrupts cargo supplies. If a shipping date is missed, you have to send goods by air which is 10 times costlier. Shafiq of the KCCI echoed the sentiment.

We have to give extra concessions to foreign buyers, who for the last few years have stopped visiting Pakistan because of terrorism and violence. They doubt our ability to meet their orders. Khalid Tawab, Vice President of the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry, said Pakistan s credibility and image remains the foremost casualties. It is ironic that a senior minister of the ruling party is responsible for the latest bout of violence. The economy is already in doldrums. Politicians have to think twice before they speak. Senior PPP leader Zulfikar Mirza heaped scorn on the MQM, its leader Altaf Hussain as well as the Urduspeaking people who migrated from India during Partition in 1947. The statement led to the killing of at least 15 people and paralysed normal life in Karachi on July 14. However, violence can be ignited in Karachi under any pretext -- from raising party flags to the collection of hides of sacrificial animals to collecting extortion money. The ethnic, political and religious fault lines, the presence of heavily armed crime mafias and political parties in the city coupled with weak and corrupt state institutions provide a setting for a perfect storm. Major political parties, including the ones in Sindh s ruling coalition instead of working for the rule of law and peace, themselves have become part of the problem due to their illegal financial stakes in the city. No wonder, the city drifts from one bloody cycle of violence to another, weakening and haemorrhaging the country s economic jugular vein as the government looks the other way.