Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
1983
TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME IX 1963
Title Issue
The Fourteenth Amendment 1
Free China_! 2
Kefauver Medicine 3
Urban Renewal And A Soviet America
Part I 4
Urban Renewal And A Soviet America
Part II 5
How To Lose Friends 6
Alliance For Progress - - Part I 7
Alliance For Progress - - Part II 8
Deficit Financing Part I 9
Deficit Financing Part II 10
Kennedy's Tax Plan 11
Repeal The T ax And Stop The Plunder 12
United Nations 13
The Tragedy Of U. S. Membership
In The United Nations 14
United Nations In Africa 15
Wheat Referendum, 1963 16
The Story Of Laos 17
Date Page
Jan. 7 1
Jan. 14 9
Jan. 21 17
Jan. 28 25
Feb. 4 33
Feb. 11 41
Feb. 18 49
Feb. 25 57
Mar. 4 65
Mar. 11 73
Mar. 18 81
Mar. 25 89
Apr. 1 97
Apr. 8 105
Apr. 15 113
Apr. 22 121
Apr. 29 129
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Issue Date Page
Disar:a:ent Part I 18 May 6 137
Disar:a:ent Part II 19 May 13 145
Dis a r:a: ent Part III 20 May 20 153
First Roll Calls, 1963 21 May 27 161
Planned Dictatorship 22 Jun. 3 169
Truth Will Out 23 Jun. 10 177
Political Action For 1964 24 Jun. 17 185
Washington: The Model City 25 Jun. 24 193
Ci vii Rights Act Of 1963 26 Jui. 1 201
The A:erican Tragedy 27 Jui. 8 209
More Equal Than Equal 28 Jui. 15 217
The Edifice Of Liberty 29 Jui. 22 225
Confiscating The Land 30 Jui. 29 233
The Test Ban Treaty
31 Aug. 5 241
The Power Grid Sche:e
32 Aug. 12 249
A New Attack On The C onnall y
Reservation
33 Aug. 19 257
Second Roll Calls, 1963 34 Aug. 26 265
Stop Withholding
35 Sept. 2 273
Third Roll Calls. 1963 36 Sept. 9 281
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Issue Date Page
Darkness Is Descending On The Land 37 Sept. 16 289
Reorganizing For Stalemate 38 Sept. 23 297
McNamara's Commissars 39 Sept. 30 305
Whistling Past The Graveyard Of
Experience 40 Oct. 7 313
Trading With The Enemy 41 Oct. 14 321
Foreign Aid Is Killing America 42 Oct. 21 329
Lawless Government 43 Oct. 28 337
Mr. Stevenson Goes To Dallas 44 Nov. 4 345
Does The U. S. Oppose Communist
World Conquest? 45 Nov. 11 353
How Did Socialism Grow In The U. S. ? 46 Nov. 18 361
Socializing America 47 Nov. 25 369
The Assassination 48 Dec. 2 377
A Stranger In Their Midst 49 Dec. 9 385
The Hope Of The World
50 Dec. 16 393
The Idle Wind
51 Dec. 23 401
Fourth Roll Calls 52 Dec. 30 409
THE
III Smoot /epo,t
Vol. 9, No. 1 ( Broadcast 386)
January 7, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT
he Fourteenth Amendment( l l to the Constitution of the United States ( proclaimed
ratifed in 1 8 6 8 ) was never legally adopted. Yet, this illegal appendage to our organic law
is the basis for contemporary court decisions and governmental practices which are shatter
ing the foundations of our free society.
Congress should resubmit the Fourteenth Amendment for legal ratifcation, or rejection.
I do not think we can restore the American constitutional Republic until the people compel
their Congress to take such action. Hence, in this Report, I ofer a brief review of the
incredible history of the Fourteenth Amendment, with examples of dangerous doctrines
and practices which have resulted.
Uut frst, one needs to understand the legal methods of amending the Constitution.
These methods are clearly specifed in Article V of our original Constitution, as adopted in
1 78 9. (
2
) The President and the federal courts have no role in the amendment process.
Congress has only a ministerial role. Congress may propose an Amendment on its own
initiative ( two-thirds of both houses desiring) . Congress must call a convention for pro
posing Amendments if two-thirds of all states demand such action. And Congress may
select one of two constitutionally prescribed methods by which the people in the individual
states can act on a proposed constitutional Amendment : Congress can require that the
people act through their state legislatures ; or Congress can require that the people act through
constitutional conventions. But Congress has no other authority in the Amendment process.
The power to amend the Constitution resides, exclusively, in the people of states in the
union who have an absolute right to reject, or accept, a proposed amendment, without
any kind of coercion from any branch or agency of the federal government.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every wek by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1. 00; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 1
It is important to keep these facts in mind
while reviewing the history of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
History of the 14th
hroughout the War Between the States
( 1 8 6 1 - 1 8 6 5 ) , President Lincoln maintained
that the American union was indivisible ; that
the war was being fought, not to abolish slav
ery, but to suppress rebellion which threatened
to dismember the union; and that, once the
rebellion was suppressed, the union of all states
would exist exactly as before the hostilities.
On December 8 , 1 8. 6 3 , Lincoln formally
emphasized this doctrine by issuing a procla
mation, promising amnesty ( forgiveness ) to
people in the confederate states who would
swear an oath of allegiance to the Constitu
tion and to the union, and promise to obey
laws and proclamations abolishing slavery. At
that time, Charles Sumner of Massachusetts
( radical leader in the Senate) and Thaddeus
Stevens of Pennsylvania ( radical leader in the
House) wanted Lincoln to consider the south
ern states as territories or alien lands outside
the union, so that they could be treated as
conq uered provinces if the north won the
war. (3 )
Lincoln carefully refused to do this. Inas
much as the north won the war, Lincoln's
point was proven: the southern states never did
secede from the union: they merely tried to.
The day hostilities ended, therefore, the
southern states were constitutionally entitled
to their full representations and rights in the
national Congress. The federal government
could not legally lay down conditions for
"readmitting" the southern states, because,
according to the doctrine of Lincoln and the
decision of war, they had never left the union.
Ln January 3 1 , 1 8 6 5 , Congress submitted,
for approval of the states, a resolution propos
ing the 1 3 th Amendment to abolish slavery.
The proposal was submitted to four confed
erate states which already had post-war gov-
ernments recognized by Lincoln: Arkansas,
Virginia, Tennessee, and Louisiana.
On March 4, 1 8 6 5 , Congress adjourned
without having recognized the Lincoln
approved government of Louisiana.
On April 9, 1 8 6 5 , General Robert E. Lee
surrendered at Appomattox. President Lincoln
expressed gratitude that the "rebellion" had
come to an end at a time when Congress was
not in session to cause trouble, and said:
((If we are wise and discreet
,
we shall
reanimate the states and get their govern
ments in successful operation with order pre
vailing and the Union reestablished before
Congress comes together in December.
,
,
( 3)
Ln April 14, 1 8 6 5 , Lincoln was assassi
nated ; but, on May 2 9 , his successor
Andrew Johnson -issued a proclamation of
amnesty patterned on Lincoln's proclamation
of December, 1 8 6 3 . On the same day, Johnson
also issued a proclamation to carry out Lin
coln's plan of reconstruction. Johnson's proc
lamation set up a provisional government for
North Carolina, appointing a governor to call
a convention chosen by the people of the state
for the purpose of establishing a permanent
state government. The persons qualifed to
vote for delegates to this convention were those
who had been qualifed to vote prior to the
Civil War -and who had taken the required
oath of amnesty. (3)
By July 1 3 , 1 8 6 5 , President Johnson had
applied this "Lincoln formula" for reconstruc
tion to all remaining states in the confederacy.
Before Congress convened in December, 1 8 6 5 ,
all confederate states ( except Texas, which
delayed until the spring of 1 8 66) had thus
established legitimate governments. And, as
states, all ( except Mississippi and Texas ) had
ratified the 1 3 th Amendment, abolishing
slavery. (4)
When Congress convened in December,
1 8 6 5 , the radicals in control refused, however,
to seat Representatives and Senators from the
confederate states.
Thus, the Congress which convened in
Page 2
1
December, 1 8 6 5 , was an illegal Congress,
because it denied representation from states
constitutionally entitled to representation.
Ln April 9, 1 8 66, the illegal Congress
enacted the Civil Rights Bill ( over President
Johnson's veto) . To place this measure beyond
the danger of overthrow by the courts, or by
a subsequent, legal Congress, the radical Con
gress incorporated the essential provisions of
the Civil Rights Bill in a Resolution proposing
the Fourteenth Amendment. ( 5 )
The Resolution proposing the Fourteenth
Amendmen t passed the Senate on June 8 , 1 8 66,
by a vote of 3 3 to 1 1 , with 5 Senators not
voting. On June 1 3 , 1 8 66, the House took a
fnal vote on the Resolution: 1 2 0 representa
tives for the proposal, 3 2 opposed, and 3 2 not
voting.
This vote in the House did not meet the
constitutional requirement that a Resolution
proposing a constitutional amendment must
be approved by two-thirds of both Houses.
There were 1 8 4 Representatives in the illegal
Congress on June 1 3 , 1 8 66. (6) Two-thirds of
that number would have been 1 2 3 . Only 1 2 0
voted for the Resolution proposing the Four
teenth Amendment.
Nonetheless, the leadership of Congress
arbitrarily declared the Resolution enacted.
Congress submitted the Fourteenth Amend
ment proposal to all states for ratifcation
including the confederate states which had
been denied representation.
ennessee was the only confederate state
which voluntarily rati fied the Fourteenth
Amendment
.
The other ten confederate states
( Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Loui
siana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Caro
lina, Texas, and Virginia ) rejected it. Four
states outside the old confederacy also rejected
the Amendment : California, Delaware, Ken
tucky, and Maryland. Iowa did not ratify the
Fourteenth Amendment until April 3 , 1 8 68 ;
and Massachusetts did not ratify until March
2 0, 1 8 67.
Thus, by the frst of March, 1 8 67, only 2 1
of the then 3 7 states said to be in the union
had ratifed the proposed Fourteenth Amend
ment. (7) At least 2 8 states had to ratify, to meet
the constitutional requirement that amend
ments must be approved by three-fourths of
all states.
5o, on March 2 , 1 8 67, Congress passed the
Reconstruction Act, abolishing the govern
ments in the ten confederate states which had
rejected the Fourteenth Amendment. The Act
placed these ten states under military dictator
ship, requiring the commanding generals to
prepare the rolls of voters for conventions to
formulate governments acceptable to Congress.
Everyone who had served in the confederate
armed forces was denied the right to vote or
hold ofce -despite the presidential procla
mation of amnesty. Virtually the only persons
permitted to vote or to hold ofce were negroes,
southern scalawags, and carpetbaggers from
the north and from foreign countries. (3,4,
6) The
Reconstruction Act provided that when the
legislatures of these "reconstruction" govern
ments ratifed the Fourteenth Amendment,
the states would be admitted to the union
although the Constitution clearly provides
that only states already in the union can act on
Amendments, and gives Congress no authority
to coerce action on Amendments.
(
2
)
Iongress denied the southern states any
j udicial relief, by intimidating the Supreme
Court into silence -threatening to abolish
the Court's appellate jurisdiction, or to abolish
the Court itself, by constitutional amendment.
When Mississippi attempted to secure a
court injunction to prevent the President from
enforcing the unconstitutional Reconstruction
Act ( and when Georgia asked for an injunc
tion to keep Army ofcers from enforcing the
Act ) the Supreme Court refused to hear the
cases. Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase said that
even if the Court heard the cases and granted
the i nj unctions, it could not enforce its
decrees. (8)
Page 3
resident Johnson called the Reconstruc
tion Act a bill of attainder against nine mil
lion people at once. ,,(8)
During debates in the Senate, over passage
of the Act, Senator Doolittle of Wisconsin,
condemning the radicals for what they were
doing, said:
HThe people of the South have rejected the
constitutional amendment [the 14th] , and
therefore we will march upon them and force
them to adopt it at the point of the bayonet,
and establish military power over them until
they do adopt it.
,,
(
8)
That is precisely what. happened: Army
bayonets escorted illiterate negroes and white
carpetbaggers to the polls, keeping most south
ern whites away. In Louisiana, an Army gen
eral even presided over the state legislature
which ratifed" the Fourteenth Amendment.
Uy July 20, 1 8 68 , Iowa and Massachusetts
had completed their ratifcations of the Four
teenth Amendment, and the legislatures of 6
"reconstructed" confederate states ( Alabama,
Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, North Carolina,
South Carolina) had ratifed. These 8 new rati
fcations, plus the 2 1 which had been com
pleted before March, 1 8 67, made a total of 29
state ratifcations by July 20, 1 8 68 . But legis
lators of 2 northern states had changed their
minds.
Their sense of decency outraged by the
whole monstrous procedure, the legislators of
New Jersey ( on March 24, 1 8 6 8 ) and of Ohio
( on January 1 5 , 1 8 68 ) withdrew their for
mer ratifcations, and rejected the Fourteenth
Amendment.
Hence, there were still not enough ratifca
tions to adopt the Amendment. There had to
be 2 8 . There were only 27.
Ln July 20, 1 8 68 , Secretary of State Wil
liam H. Seward proclaimed that three-fourths
of the s tates had rati fied the Fourteenth
Amendment if the legislatures which rati
fed in the six confederate states were authen
tically organized, and if New Jersey and Ohio
were not allowed to rej ect the Amendment.
The radical Congress did not like Secretary
Seward's equivocation about legality.
On July 2 1 , 1 8 68 , Congress passed a j oint
resolution declaring the Fourteenth Amend
ment a valid part of the Constitution and
directing Seward to proclaim it as such. On
J ul y 2 8 , 1 8 68 , Secretary Seward certifed,
without reservation, that the Amendment was
a part of the Constitution. (3,5)
Stretchi ng the Amendment
reeuom of the slave race was, ostensibly,
the exclusive purpose of the framers of the
Fourteenth Amendment. Yet, as soon as the
Amendment was declared adopted, eforts were
made to use it as a weapon to destroy states
rights. Groups and individuals, who did not
like certain local or state laws, brought cases
into the federal courts, claiming that the Four
teenth Amendment gave the federal govern
ment authority to supervise the activities of
state and local governments.
In 1 8 7 3 , the Supreme Court heard the frst
case testing this doctrine, and held that the
Fourteenth Amendment did not authorize
federal intervention in state and local afairs.
The Court said that the real purpose of those
who made a claim of such federal authority
under the Fourteenth Amendment, "was to
centralize in the hands of the federal govern
ment powers hitherto exercised by the states. "
o foster s uch intentions , the Court
declared, would be
(\ 6 6 to constitute this Court a perpetual
censor upon all legislation of the States B q
with authority to nullify such as it did not
approve &
((The efect of so great a departure from
the structure and spirit of our institutions is
to fetter and degrade the State governments
by subjecting them to the control of Con
gress, in the exercise of powers, heretofore
universally conceded to them, of the most
ordinary and fundamental character.
HWe are convinced that no such results
'ere intended by the Congress, nor by the
legislatures which ratifed this Fourteenth
Amendment.
,,
( 5)
Page 4
hose who wanted to transform our fed
eral system into a centralized system ( by trans
ferring all rights of the states to the. central
government in Washington) kept badgering
the Supreme Court for a decision that the
Fourteenth Amendment did authorize the
federal government to regulate and supervise
state laws. The position of the Court on this
point began to weaken at the turn of the cen
tury; and, by the 1 9 3 0's, the Court had begun
to assume j urisdiction, under the Fourteenth
Amendment, to act as "censor upon . . . legis
lation of the states.
,
,(9)
But it was not until after Eisenhower
appointed Earl Warren Chief Justice, that the
Court began to assume power, under the Four
teenth Amendment, to do anything desired by
a majority of the nine justices.
1n the school segregation decision (Brown
versus Board of Education) which the \Varren
Court handed down on May 1 7, 1 9 5 4, Chief
Justice Warren said the Court had tried to
determine what the nation's legislators had in
mind in 1 8 6 6- 1 8 6 8 when the Fourteenth
Amendment was proposed and decl ared
rati fied -but had found the evidence
inconelusive.
Warren explained why the Court was on
uncertain ground in using the Fourteenth
Amendment as authority for a decision con
cerning public schools
.
He said:
((An additional reason for the inconclusive
nature of the Amendment's history, with
respect to segregated schools
,
is the status of
public education at that time. In the South,
the movement toward free common schools,
supported by general taxation, had not yet
taken hold . . . .
( (Even in the North
,
the conditions of pub
lic education did not approximate those exist
ing today . . . . compulsory school attendance
was virtually unknown.
HAs a consequence, it is not surprising that
there should be so little in the history of
the Fourteenth Amendment relating to its
intended efect on public education.
,,
(
1
O
)
In other words, the Fourteenth Amendment
did not have, and was not intended to have,
anything whatever to do with the question of
public schools.
his means -if we have constitutional
government-that neither the Supreme Court
nor any other agency of the federal govern
ment has a legal right to do anything about
public schools. The meaning of constitutional
government is that the government must be
bound by the contract -the Constitution
which created the government. If Supreme
Court j ustices ( or any other public ofcials ) ,
who are sworn to uphold the Constitution, can
change it at will by adding to its meaning, or
by reinterpretation, then we have no Consti
tution at all.
It does not matter that the ofcials may have
a good purpose in mind. It does not matter,
even if an overwhelming majority of the peo
ple may approve of what the ofcials are trying
to accomplish by changing the Constitution.
The Constitution is meaningless if the agents
who are hired to implement it and who are
solemnly bound to uphold, and stay within the
limits of, all its provisions, can change it to
suit themselves.
If the people want the agents of government
to do something which the contract of govern
ment does not authorize, then the people
should change the contract ( amend the Con
stitution by due process) in order to give of
cialdom the additional power and responsibility
which the people want it to have.
To let ofcialdom change the contract, is to
open the foodgates to unrestrained, unconsti
tutional, tyrannical government.
he Warren Court refused, however, to
be bound by the Constitution. Chief Justice
Warren said:
ttIn approaching this problem, we cannot
turn the clock back to 1868 [when the Four
teenth Amendment was proclaimed ratifed] .
. . . We must consider public education in the
light of its full development and its pres
ent place in American life throughout the
Nation. "
Warren concluded that segregation of white
and colored children in public schools has a
Page 5
detrimental efect upon the colored children,
saying the conclusion "is amply supported by
modern authority.
,
,
(
1
0)
In a footnote, Warren cited the modern
authorities whom he was relying on. He did
not cite any authorities on the Constitution,
or legal experts, or court decisions, or j udicial
precedents. He cited books written by racial
agitators : ( 1 ) K. B. Clark, a negro who was
hired by the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People and whose
evidence in the segregation cases was subse
quently proven false; ( 2 ) Theodore Brameld,
whose record in the House Committee on
Un-American Activities shows membership in
at least 1 0 communist organizations ; ( 3 ) E.
Franklin Frazier, who has 1 8 citations for con
nection with communist causes ; ( 4) Gunnar
Myrdal, a Swedish socialist who has served the
communist cause for many years and who ( in
the very book that Warren cited) has expressed
utter contempt for the Constitution of the
United States.
( l l )
o the old, false doctrine that the Four
teenth Amendment authorized the federal
courts to interfere with state and local laws,
the Supreme Court, in the Brown versus Board
of Education decision, added the doctrine that
the Fourteenth Amendment empowered the
Supreme Court to revise the Constitution itself
-for any purpose and on any authority which
the Court itself may proclaim.
Admitting that the Fourteenth Amendment
originally had no efect on the operation of
public schools, and citing pro-communist agi
tators as "authority" for concluding that the
Amendment should now be interpreted to have
such efect, Chief Justice Warren decided that
segregation in public schools violates the
"equal protection" clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
Wrong Breeds Wrong
he Court began immediately to use the
Brown versus Board of Education decision as
a precedent for other similar decisions. Upon
the illegal decision of May 1 7, 1 9 5 4, the Court
has erected an edifce of illegal decisions
an edifce which has become a legal Tower of
Babel. The "law of the land" has become what
ever a capricious Court claims it to be. We are
at the mercy of a j udicial oligarchy which,
today, can say that the Constitution and the
laws mean one thing, but tomorrow can
reverse itself and decide that they mean some
thing else.
Recent Court decisions ( if permitted to
stand) will shatter the foundations of our free
society.
Lonsider, for example, the James Monroe
Case. James Monroe, a negro, claimed that
Chicago police had violated his rights by
searching his home without a warrant. Illinois
law provides individuals with adequate oppor
tunity for relief if their rights are so abused.
But Monroe did not bring suit against Chicago
police in state courts. He brought action
directly in federal court.
On February 20, 1 9 6 1 , the Supreme Court,
in the Monroe Case, held that the Fourteenth
Amendment does give individuals the right
thus to by-pass state laws and state courts. It
was an 8 -to- 1 decision. The dissenter was J us
tice Frankfurter, who said the efect of the
Monroe Decision was to convert the United
States Constitution into a,
((law to regulate the quotidian [daily] busi
ness of every trafc policeman
,
every regis
trar of elections, every city inspector or inves
tigator, every clerk in every municipal licens
ing bureau in this country.
,,
(
12
)
1n Baker versus Carr ( March 26, 1 96 2 ) ,
the Supreme Court decided, in efect, that the
Fourteenth Amendment gives federal courts
j urisdiction to supervise the actions of state
legislatures in the apportionment and district
ing of states for purposes of state and local
elections. The Baker versus Carr decision
involved the apportionment and districting
laws of the State of Tennessee; but approxi
mately 2 6 other states were involved in similar
suits, or expected to be shortly. (
1
3
)
The Constitution makes no grant of power
to any branch of the federal government to
Page 6
interfere in any way with such matters. When
the federal government can make decisions
governing the composition and representation
of state legislatures, state governments become
branches and tools of the central authority.
The American system -a constitutional fed
eration of separate states -is destroyed.
Ln June 2 5 , 1 962, the Supreme Court
handed down the New York School Prayer
Case decision (Engel versus Vitale) , holding
that classroom recitation of an ofcial prayer
violated the "establishment clause" of the First
Amendment, as "reinforced by provisions of
the Fourteenth Amendment. "
In efect, the Court used the Fourteenth
Amendment to reverse the meaning of the
First Amendment. Whereas, the First Amend
ment prohibits the federal government from
interfering with the free exercise of religion,
the Supreme Court used the First Amendment
( as reinforced by the Fourteenth) as authority
to outlaw the free exercise of religion.
(
1
4)
What Can We Do?
he destructive efect of these Supreme
Court decisions ( and of other similar decisions
handed down since May 1 7, 1 9 5 4) will grow
and multiply.
The Constitution ( Article 3 , Section 2,
Clause 2) gives Congress complete authority
to limit, regulate, or even abolish the appellate
j urisdiction of the Supreme Court. (14) Congress
could, therefore, prohibit the Court from
accepting appeals in cases involving matters
which, by the clear terms of our Constitution,
are beyond federal j urisdiction.
(
15
)
The public should strive to elect a Congress
with the courage to take such action. But even
if this were done, we would still have the legal
chaos which illegal Supreme Court decisions
have already caused.
Eisenhower's invasion of Arkansas with
military force in 1 9 5 7, and Kennedy's occupa
tion of the city of Oxford, Mississippi, are
fruits of the Supreme Court's decision of May
1 7, 1 9 5 4. A frightful number of public school
systems in the United States have already elim-
inated all recognition of God in the classrooms,
as a result of the Supreme Court's New York
Prayer Case Decision.
The most fundamental of states rights
the right of representative government free of
outside interference and domination -has
already been abrogated in Tennessee by the
1 962 Baker versus Carr decision, and is threat
ened in 2 6 other states.
%i si nterpret a ti on of the Fourteenth
Amendment ( which is not a valid part of our
Constitution) has caused such legal confusion
as to render our system of constitutional law
almost meaningless -even if the courts were
restrained from further misinterpretations.
(
1
6
)
Obviously, we need to eliminate the Four
teenth Amendment and all the fruits of it : get
rid of the Amendment and nullify all court
decisions, executive actions, administrative
regulations, and laws based on it.
How? Technically, Congress, by simple leg
islative enactment, could proclaim the Amend
ment invalid and could declare null and void
all ofcial acts and decisions based on it. But
this would be dangerous procedure. It could
set a precedent which Congress might try to
use in eliminating a valid amendment to the
Constitution -thus creating even greater
confusion.
Moreover, spurious constitutional doctrine,
which the Fourteenth Amendment has already
inspired, renders infeasible the remedy of sim
ple legislative enactment. There is no possibil
ity that the present Supreme Court -basing
its usurpations of power on the Fourteenth
Amendment -would uphold a congressional
act abolishing the Amendment.
Congress could enact a Resolution proposing
repeal of the Fourteenth Amendment ; but this
would be tacit recognition that the Amend
ment is now legal.
The only proper and feasible remedy appears
to be a Resolution by Congress re-sub11itling
the Fourteenth Amendment to all state legis
latures for proper ratifcation or rejection.
In other words, this vital question should
be resolved not by some branch or agency of
Page 7
government, but by the people themselves,
acting through their state legislatures by due
constitutional process. If the people want the
Fourteenth Amendment and all that it has pro
duced, they could persuade three-fourths of
the state legislatures to ratify it legally.
I believe, however, that the people would
tell their state legislators to reject it. Large
numbers of Americans are coming to realize
that, unless the Fourteenth Amendment and
all its progeny are abolished, we will not ( no
matter what else we may do) restore constitu
tional government in the United States.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Here is the full text of the Fourteenth Amendment:
SECTION 1. All persons born or naturalized In the United
States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the
United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immu
nities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any
person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of
the laws.
( 2 )
( 3 )
(4)
( 5 )
( 6)
( 7)
( 8)
( 9)
and bounties for services i n suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall
not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall
assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred i n aid of insurrection
Or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or
emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims
shall be held iIlegal and void.
SECTION 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by appro
pnate legislation, the provisions of this article.
Here is the current full text of Article V of the Constitution:
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shalI deem it
necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution or on the
Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the seerai States
shaIl call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in eithe:
Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Con
stitution, when ratifed by the Legislatures of three fourths of the
several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one
or the other Mode of Ratifcation may be proposed by the Congress;
ProVIded that [, "- *] no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived
of it's Sufrage in the Senate.
The Encyclopaedia Britamlica, Fourteenth Edition, Vol. 22, pp. 8 1 0 H.
Andrelll lohmoll: A Study II Courage, by Lloyd Paul Stryker, The
MacMillan Company, New York, 1 929, Chapter XXVI
The COllstitution of the United States of America: Analysis and
Interpretation: AmlotatiollS of Cases Decided By The Supreme Court
Of The Ulited States To jutle 30, 1952, Legislative Reference Service
of the Library of Congress, Senate Document No. 1 70 Government
Printing Ofce, 1 95 3 , pp. 61 4- 5,749-59,966-78
'
A Brochure 01 The 14th Amelldment, written and published by John
B. Mason, 3 57 East Wood, Raymondville, Texas, 1 95 6
The Fourteellth AmCldmellt To The COllstitutioll Of The U11ited
States, A Study, written and published by Walter E. Long, P. O. Box
1, Austin, Texas, 1 960
"The Dubious Origin Of The Fourteenth Amendment," by Walter J.
Suthon, Jr., Tulalle Law ReView, Vol. XVIII New Orleans Louisiana
December, 1 953, pp. 22-44
'
, ,
See Senate Document No. 1 70, cited in Note 5 , especialIy Pages 5 65
and 75 7. For brief history of the "constitutional revolution" which
has occurred in this century, see this Report, tt$upreme Court's
Prayer Decision," Parts I, II, III, and IV, especialIy Part III, dated
July 3 0, 1 962.
SECTION 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the
several States according to their respective numbers, counting the
whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed.
But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors
for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives
in Congress, the Executive and Judicial ofcers of a State, or the mem
bers of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabit
ants of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the
United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in
rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be
reduced i n the proportion which the number of such male citizens
shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of
age in such State.
( 1 0 ) Segregatiol1 In The Public Schools: OpiniOll Of The Supreme Court
Of The Ulited States, Senate Document No. 1 25 , Government Print
ing Ofce, 1 95 4
SECTION 3 . No person shall be a Senator or Representative in
Congress, or elector of President and Vice-President, Or hold any ofce,
civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who,
having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an
ofcer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature,
or as an executive or judicial ofcer of any State, to support the
Constitution of tht United States, shall have engaged in insurrection
or rebeIlion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies
t hereof. But Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House,
remove such disability.
SECTION 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States,
authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions
( 1 1 )
( 1 2 )
( 1 3 )
( 1 4)
(15)
( 1 6 )
WHO I S DAN
Senator James O. Eastland (Democrat, Mississippi ) , Chairman of
Senate Judiciary Committee and Internal Security Subcommittee,
speeches in COl/gressiollal Record, May 26, 1 95 5 , and September
26, 1 962
Editorial in The Durham Morllillg Herald, February 23, 1 961
COllgressiollal Quarterly Weekly Report, March 3 0, 1 962, pp. 496-9
For a detailed discussion of the New York Prayer Case decision and
of constitutional questions involved, see the four issues of this Report
mentioned in Footnote 9.
David Lawrence, "How to Reverse Court's Segregation Decision,"
San Francisco Call-Bulletill, September 1 9, 1 95 7
See also David Lawrence Editorials, U.S. NellS i World Report,
"Which 'Constitution'?", September 13, 1957, p. 128; "There Is No
'Fourteenth Amendment'!", September 27, 1 95 7, pp. 1 39- 1 40; "Ille
gality Breeds Illegality," October 4, 1 95 7, pp. 1 43-4; "Illegality
Breeds Illegality," October 8, 1962, pp. 1 23 -4; "Lawlessness," October
22, 1 962, pp. 107- 8
S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to
J
. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write on
the side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan
Smoot Report.
Page 8
/
M
1(1 Smoot le,or'
Vol. 9, No. 2 Broadcast 388 January 1 4, 1963 Dallas
,
Texas
DAN SMOOT
FREE CHINA!
Ln October 1 6, 1 962, a Chinese communist invasion force of at least 1 0 0, 000 soldiers
struck at India's northeastern frontier. The Indians revealed themselves totally unprepared,
despite the fact that the communists had been concentrating troops and making border raids
in the high Himalayans for more than three years. Indian military equipment was old,
inadequate, and in short supply; and troop morale seemed non-existent. The communists met
virtually no resistance as they poured through mountain passes along a 1 400 mile front,
conquering thousands of square miles of Indian territory, moving,into position to threaten
the heartland of Indian agricultural, mineral, and industrial production.
On October 2 6, 1 9 62, Nehru proclaimed a state of national emergency and asked for
help. Nehru, an old friend of Khrushchev and an admirer of the Soviet Union, expected help
from that quarter ; but the Soviet Union announced that it lines up on the side of Red
China. ,,
(
l) The United States, however -whom Nehru has consistently criticized and
opposed on major international issues -responded immediately to Nehru's plea.
Ln December 9, 1 962 , W. Averell Harriman ( Assistant Secretary of State) said ( on
an ABC television program -Issues and Answers") that the Chinese invasion of India
is intensifying a growing split between communist Russia and communist China. When
asked whether the United States could do anything in the Indian afair to widen the split
Harriman said:
((I don't think we're clever enough to do that sort of thing."
And Harriman added that the United States would be foolish to say or do anything at this
point, which might tend to drive Moscow and Peking closer together. ( 2)
On December 1 0, 1 9 62, an Associated Press story from Washington(3 ) said the United
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every wek by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 9
States had already rushed 1 5 million dollars
in emergency aid to India and was contemplat
ing
.
a one-billion-dollar military aid program,
whIch could last for years.
Si nister Paral l el s
hy are we giving this military aid to
India ? Because India is a friend? No. Ever
since India became a nation in 1 947, her gov
ernment has been far friendlier to the Soviet
Union than to us -despite our continuous,
massive economic aid to India.
Because we feel that our aid will widen the
alleged split between Soviet communists and
Chinese communists ? Obviously not. Harri
man's admission that the Kennedy Adminis
tration is not clever enough for that kind of
maneuver indicates that this is not the pur
pos e. Moreover , "the Sovi et Uni on ha s
announced that it lines up on the side of Red
China" in the Indian afair. ( 1 ) Will not our aid
to India, therefore, tend to close the alleged
rift between the Soviet and Chinese commu
nists ? How can we square this with the warn
ing of Harriman, and other top ofcials, that
the United States must not do or say anything
which might tend to close the rift?
Are we giving military aid to India, because
we really think this is an efective way to fght
communism in Asia? If our aid to India is based
on the expectation that India will make an
efective efort against communism, the expec
tation is quite ludicrous, as the whole history
of the Indian nation proves.
In a letter formally notifying the Indian
Ambassador in Washington of our willingness
to help, the State Department said that the
United States "is prepared to furnish assistance
to the Government of India for the purpose
of defense against the outright Chinese aggres
sion directed from Pekin
g
.
,,
(4)
here, then, is the purpose of our military
aid to India. Earlier in 1 962 , we forced the
pro-western government of Laos to surrender
to communism. Now we rush aid to help the
pro-communist government of India defend
itself against communism.
There is something odd here -and a great
deal that is disturbingly reminiscent of the
Korean si tua tion in 1 9 5 O.
^either India nor any other Asian nation
can be defended against communism, unless
the source and center of communist power in
Asia is destroyed, in China.
In the Korean war, American bombing of
enemy supply dumps and troop-concentration
centers across the Yalu River would have de
stroyed communist military power in Korea,
with little or no loss in American lives. Our
government would not permit our men thus
to defend themselves ; (5) but it was willing to
sacrifce the lives of some 5 3 , 000 Americans
to fght communists in Korea. (6)
With regard to India, our government
appears to have the same attitude. The State
Department's formal announcement of aid to
India makes it clear that the Kennedy Admin
istration entertains no thought of supporting
any efort against the heart of the octopus,
but will support inefective eforts against ten
tacles of the octopus. We will do nothing
against the center of communist power in
China; but we will help India defend itself
against "outright Chinese aggression, " in India.
This will give the Chinese communists fur
ther training and experience in combatting
American equipment and tactics, j ust as Korea
di d. And when we f ai l to achi eve our
announced objective in India -as we failed
in Korea -the Chinese communists can again
boast -as they did at the conclusion of the
Korean tragedy -that America is a paper
tiger which can roar but cannot fght.
Another sinister parallel is the Administra
tion's apparent attitude toward Chiang Kai
shek -who is, and has been for years, the key
to destroying communist power in Asia. There
Page 10
is abundant evidence that Chiang is willing,
ready, and able to end the communist threat
to all of Asia -by launching an invasion of
the mainl and and touching of shattering
revolt against the communists. But the Ameri
can government will not permit him to do
so. It was the same in Korea.
The Tragi c Story
he tragic story of China in the postwar
period, 1 94 5 -49, has been documented and
told many times. (7) Step by step, the American
State Department ( forcing Chiang Kai-shek
to stop fghting for "negotiations" when he
had communists on the run) helped negotiate
Chiang Kai-shek of the continent of Asia, and
into retreat and disgrace at Formosa.
Yet, even in the darkest hours, during the
frst year on Formosa, Chiang remained a seri
ous menace to the communists. Occupying
Formosa and all the ofshore islands between
Formosa and the mainland, Chiang practically
controlled shipping in the Formosa Strait.
Moreover, his presence on Formosa -just
ninety miles from the mainland -kept vast
numbers of communist soldiers tied down on
the coast, awaiting a dreadfully-feared inva
SIon.
Leneral James A. Van Fleet tells a story
about old Syngman Rhee, standing at the docks
weeping as he watched the frst boatload of
American boys land in South Korea, in 1 9 5 0.
He said America should not send her sons to
die in Asia's war. All that Syngman Rhee
wanted was material help from America -to
ofset what the communists were getting from
the Soviets. ( 5 )
Chiang Kai-shek also felt that Asians should
fght Asia's war. Chiang had the best-trained
and most experienced fghting force in Asia,
and he volunteered to send it to help South
Korea -either by fghting in Korea or by
striking at the heart of the trouble on the
Chinese mainland.
Truman refused Chiang's ofer of troops.
He also sent the American Seventh Fleet into
Chinese waters to neutralize Formosa -to
keep Chiang Kai-shek from trying to invade
the Chinese mainland while the war was going
on in Korea. (5) Of course, Truman also ordered
the Seventh Fleet to keep the communists from
invading Formosa ; but that was meaningless,
because the reds had no navy. Chiang Kai-shek
did have a navy of sorts -the one that got
him to Formosa in the frst place.
ithin a matter of weeks after our Sev
enth Fleet had thus neutralized the Formosa
Strait, the communists pulled some 2 5 0, 000
of their best soldiers out of defensive positions
on the China coast and sent them into battle
against Americans in Korea.
In doing so, however, the communists were
not daring to challenge American military
might. Through their espionage coverage in
the United Nations and in western capitals,
the communists had been assured that the
United Nations would not permit the United
States to strike back at communist China.
Our senior military commanders in Korea
-Generals MacArthur, Clark, Stratemeyer,
Van Fleet, Almond, Admiral Joy -have testi
fed that we could have won the Korean war
and destroyed communist power in Asia, with
out precipitating a general war and with fewer
casualties than it cost us to lose. (5 ) The com
munists won, however, with the same weapon
of "negotiation" which they had used against
Chiang in China.
Time and again in Korea, when American
forces had sustained heavy losses to beat back
a communist ofensive and have the reds at the
point of annihilation, we would stop our men
in order to have truce talks -just as George
Marshall had forced Chiang to do in China
fve years before. Each time, the communists
would use the truce talks as a cover for bring
ing up fresh forces and supplies for a surpnse
ofensive.
Page 1 1
bepublican politicians in the campaign of
1 9 5 2 promised to stop this betrayal of Ameri
can fghting men and to conclude the Korean
war honorably. As it turned out, the Eisen
hower Republican's notion of honor was to
accept armistice terms dictated by the com
munists, ( 5 ) who have been openly violating
their own armistice agreements since the day
they were signed -in mid July, 1 9 5 3 .
The Korean war infated Chinese communist
prestige throughout the world, and enabled
the communists to give their armies combat
training and build them into a menacing mili
tary force.
1n the winter of 1 9 5 4, the reds opened a
heavy artillery ofensive against Chiang's of
shore islands -threatening to take Formosa,
the Pescadores ( a group of islands near For
mosa) and all other nationalist-held islands
between Formosa and the mainland.
In January, 1 9 5 5 , President Eisenhower,
supported by a congressional resolution, prom
ised to use armed force if necessary to defend
Formosa; but, at the same time, he put pressure
on Chiang to abandon the Tachens group of
ofshore islands. There was abundant indica
tion in 1 9 5 5 that the Eisenhower Administra
tion was willing to make a deal with the com
munists -to let them have Chiang's impor
tant islands of Matsu and Quemoy, in return
for a communist promise to leave Formosa
and the Pescadores alone. (8) No such deal was
consummated, however, and the Formosan
crisis simmered and disappeared from world
notice -with the communists havipg gained
a few ofshore islands in the T achens group,
but Chiang still holding the key islands.
In the late summer of 1 9 5 8 , the crisis fared
again. Communists heavily shelled the ofshore
islands and threatened to take Quemoy and
Matsu Isl ands. This ti me, the Eisenhower
Administration was openly eager for Chiang
to abandon all ofshore islands, in return for a
communist promise to leave Formosa and the
Pescadores alone. Chiang fatly refused. The
communists were unable to accomplish any
thing by their own means ; and so, the For
mosan crisis of 1 9 5 8 simmered down and
trailed of again.
The Strong and the Weak
he communists' inability to keep their
boast about taking Quemoy and Matsu; and
the calm, gallant stand of Chiang's armed
forces and people were a severe blow to the
prestige and morale of the 'communists, a tre
mendous boost for free China.
In a speech to the National Assembly of the
Republic of China, on February 20, 1 9 60 ,
Chiang Kai-shek said:
We have in our hands the assurance of
victory. Once the hour strikes B and once
our armed forces and revolutionary uprisings'
on the mainland come together in a giant
pincer movement, we shall be able to win as
naturally as flood waters fowing down hill
form a big stream B B
HThe Chinese communists B are acting not
only as the jackal of Soviet Russia in bringing
harm to our people on the mainland, but
are also the root of all troubles of the world
today . . . . It has become clearer than ever that
only after we have recovered the Chinese
mainland . . . can communist totalitarianism
be uprooted in the East. And only thus can
world peace and the freedom . . . of mankind
be re-established B
However, we c annot ask any of the
friendly countries i n the free world to pro
vide us with military forces in our efort to
recover our own territory B B B I have always
been of the view that the defeat of the Chinese
communists and the deliverance of our main
land compatriots are a responsibility which
we alone should assume B B B
HThe hatred of people on the mainland
for the communists, the factional struggle
within the communist party, the severity of
the . . . purges . . . . all these facts indicate that
the Chinese communist regime has been shaken
to its very foundation and is heading toward
a total collapse . . . .
Page 12
((In terms of population and size of terri
tory, our task of national recovery would
seem to be that of the few against the many.
But . . . in terms of the loyalty of the people
and the morale of the armed forces, it is a case
of the strong against the weak. "(9)
Lhiang also warned the free world against
policies of fear and appeasement, saying:
((Some of the [ free-worl d] nations B B B
regard our holy mission of recovering the
mainland . . . as an act that will touch of
another world war. Their fear of the com
munists and their appeasing policy will even
tually plunge . . . mankind into the abyss of
a disastrous war. Herein lies the greatest dan
ger for the free world today.
,,
(9)
Present Situation
he November 1 9, 1 962, issue of U. S.
News & World Report published an article
entitled With Mao Attacking India -Time
to Unleash Chiang? " The article says Chiang
Kai-shek feels that the time has come ; and he
has his invasion force ready; but the United
States is dead set against his attacking the
mainland.
n a column published by The Wanderer,
on November 29, 1 9 62 , Dr. Robert Morris
speculated that communist China's attack on
India had an immediate two-fold purpose : ( 1 )
to dispel the growing image of red China as
a power about to collapse because of internal
economic troubles ; and ( 2 ) by this show of
force, to manipulate the United States into
a deal comparable to the one Kennedy made
with Khrushchev concerning Cuba : that is,
American acceptance of, and guarantee of
protection for, communist conquests already
made, in return for communist promises not
to be aggressive any more.
Dr. Morris recommended unleashing Chiang
Kai-shek at once. He said:
((We should allow Chiang Kai-shek to com
mence preparations to return to his homeland.
This would . . . . be making an army of fve
hundred thousand well-equipped troops, with
an air force, available to help India almost
immediately. It would take years to build up
such an outside force. And this force would
be operating behind the lines of battle on the
mainland and amidst the very vulnerable
Chinese communists B B 0 It would tend to nar
row the conflict by pitting Chinese against
Chinese.
HIt is hard to believe the reasoning that
aiding Indians will not run the risk of (esca
lating' the world struggle whereas aiding Free
Chinese ( with a claim of sovereignty to
China) will. There is a good possibility that
the Chinese people will welcome Chiang,
whereas they could, only with difculty, wel
come Nehru and the Indians. "
Lhao Fu, a security ofcer in the Chinese
communist Embassy at Stockholm, defected
and sought American political asylum. He was
brought to the United States in early Novem
ber, 1 9 62. On November 29, 1 962, Chao Fu
testifed ( through an interpreter) before the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Chao
Fu told of a recent document, issued by com
munist China's Foreign Minister, revealing that
the Chinese communists fear an invasion by
Chiang Kai-shek's forces. Chao Fu, a 27 -year
old former peasant from northeastern China,
said:
((Outstanding in my memory was the fear
expressed that if Chiang Kai-shek's troops
a ttacked at the same time as other enemies
like India, the Chinese communists would be
in a very critical situation . . . .
((I have left behind a wife and child who
may be tortured and killed as a result of my
escape. I have done this in the hope that I
may be able to help my people by telling the
world of the suferings they endure under
the communists.
((In my part of China, we seldom sufered
famine or disaster. We were poor peasants,
but were never hungry. Now, for 1 0 years,
my family has not been able to kill a single
pig. Conditions are even worse elsewhere. In
the desolate areas, there are great labor camps,
some of them with 1 5 0
,
000 prisoners in one
camp alone, where the people live worse than
animals. "( l O)
Page 13
n a new year's day speech ( January 1 ,
1 9 6 3 ) , Chiang Kai-shek told the free Chinese
to be "ready for actual combat duty at any
moment. " He urged the communist-enslaved
Chinese on the mainland,
tt . . . to give cover to underground move
ments, to support uprisings, to take the lead
in staging strikes on the farms, in factories
and in classrooms, to wreck communist com
munications lines, to set fre to communist
military stockpiles, and to respond to any mili
tary action against the communists whether
it is in the air, at sea, or on the ground. "
Warning the free world against the false
hope that there is a split between communist
Russia and communist China, Chiang said the
confict between Khrushchev and Mao T se
tung is merely a personal struggle for power :
ttIt does not portend any schism between
the Soviet Union and the Peiping regime, nor
does it represent a split between the two
Marxist-Leninist partners, who are still like
Siamese twins.
ttThis life-and-death struggle between
Khrushchev and Mao will surely end in Mao's
liquidation and surrender, for this is the
jungle law of communism . . . . Khrushchev.
. . . then will be able to & B use one quarter of
the world's population as his unlimited capital
to launch a global war. If the free world
should regard the personal conflict between
the two as a split in the communist bloc, and
take comfort in the hope that it may weaken
. . . international communism in its attempt
to communize the world . . . this will be the
most dangerous wishful thinking there is."
Chiang explained that the Chinese commu
nis t invasion of India is evidence not of
s trength but of weaknes s -of "i nt ernal
crises" goading the communists into "external
aggression. " He said:
ttThe Chinese communist regime . . . is the
most ferocious and bellicose [of all communist
regimes] B & a foe that the free world must
destroy. Tactically, however, it is . . . rotten
from the inside, the most isolated and the
weakest."
To all the people of China, free and com
munist enslaved, Chiang Kai-shek said, on the
frst day of 1 96 3 :
t tWe cannot aford to let such a fateful
opportunity slip from our grip . . . . Today Mao
Tse-tung and his gang, beset with internal
and external troubles, are doomed. Our people
as a whole, soldiers and civilians alike, includ
ing the ready-to-defect communist soldiers
and cadres, already have moved into positions
ready to close in on the communists from all
sides. Now is the time for all of us to efect
national recovery
. .
.
.
,,
( 1 1 )
The Ti me Is Now
uring the Korean war, we had a sturdy
ally in Syngman Rhee's South Korea. Rhee is
gone now -to the obvious delight of appeas
ers in the American State" Department ; and
now, though South Korea is still living on
American aid, it is doubtful whether that
country would be an asset to us, if we should
get ourselves involved in another far eastern
war with communism.
Chiang Kai-shek is the only strong anti
communist leader left in Asia. He has fought
communists longer than any other man alive.
Those who know him well say he is a devout
Christian and a great leader -his life dedi
cated to one purpose : rescuing his homeland
from the communists. He was 7 5 , on October
3 1 , 1 9 62. Although he is still vigorous, it is
obvious that his time is running out. If he is
held in check until it is too late for him to
accomplish his great purpose, it may then be
too late for China and all the rest of Asia.
he free Chinese on Formosa have been
living and building on the hope that they
will be permitted to move against the mainland
when the time is ripe. It is inconceivable that
the time will ever be riper than now. Since
Chiang retreated to Formosa, our aid to his
government has averaged about 270 million
dollars a year : 1 0 0 million in economic aid
( chiefy in the form of surplus agricultural
commodities ) ; and 1 70 million in military aid
( much of it equipment which United States
Defense Department ofcials consider obsoles
cent ) .
(12)
Page 1 4
Does it make sense for us to go on support
ing the free Chinese as American wards, while
prohibiting them from fghting the enemy we
are protecting them against? Ultimately, inev
itably, total war or total surrender will be the
outcome of such a policy.
5ome military authorities say that Formosa
is vital to our defenses. This is true if, by our
defenses, we mean the defense of Asia. If we
are going to continue shouldering the respon
sibility of defending Asia, fghting her wars
with our soldiers, we must anticipate that Asia
will become a limitless graveyard for our sons.
If that is the policy which we are determined
to continue, we should hold on to every base
and every piece of real estate we have anywhere
in the Pacifc, and acquIre some more -at
whatever the cost.
But why must we continue that policy?
Neither the military security nor the economic
prosperity of the American nation requires us
to defend any part of Asia ; and our govern
ment has no right to spend our money or the
lives of our sons for such purpose. Bankruptcy
and death await us if we do not disengage our-
W
selves from involvement in the political and
military afairs of the rest of the world, and
look to our own national defense.
Yet, our involvement with regard to China
has been sealed by the blood of 5 3 , 000 Ameri
cans who died at the hands of communists in
Korea, and by the demands of our national
honor. It is, at least, doubtful that China would
ever have been enslaved by communism, or
that the Korean war would ever have occurred,
if it had not been for communist-appeasement
policies which the American State Department
has followed since Roosevelt's frst wartime
conference with Stalin.
The current afair in India gives us an excel
lent -and, possibly our last -opportunity
to disengage ourselves in Asia, with honor.
f we would gather the military stores and
civilian supplies which we are now scattering
all over the far east ( to nations which will
never use them to fght communism) and
divert these supplies to Chiang Kai-shek, giv
ing him our blessing to move with his own
men in his own way to do the best he can to
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rescue his homeland, we most probably would
start an explosive disintegration of communist
power in Asia.
What if Chiang failed?
One thing we can be sure of: if there are
not enough Asians willing and able to fght for
their own freedom, with us giving the where
withal to fght, then Asia cannot be saved.
We had better fnd that out now, before we
blunder into another war that our sons will
have to fght.
he one remaining strong, determined
anti-communist leader in Asia says he wants
to fght. Why not let him?
Or is our post-war program of "strengthen
ing the free world to resist communism" a
frightful lie, intended only to hobble America,
and to destroy anti-communist countries like
Katanga ?
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FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) U.S. News ( Yorld Report, November 1 2 , 1 962, p. 62
(2) UPI Column by Stewart Hensley, Dallas Ti1les Herald, December
1 0, 1 962
( 3 ) Dallas Times Herald, December- 1 0, 1 962
( 4) State Department Press Release No. 679, November 1 4, 1 962
( 5 ) The Koreall War alld Related Matters, Report, Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee, Government Printing Ofce, 1 9 5 5
( 6 ) Statistics on American casualties i n Korea are widely disputed. Even
ofcial U.S. Government fgures are contradictory. The fgure of
53 ,000 American deaths in Korea was supplied by the late Alfred
Kohlberg.
( 7) America's Retreat from Victory, Joseph R. McCarthy, Devin-Adair
Company, New York, 1 9 5 1 ; The Cbilla Story, Freda Utley, Henry
Regnery Company, Chicago, 1 95 1 ; 'edemeyer Reports!, General
Albert C. Wedemeyer, Henry Holt & Company, New York, 1 9 5 8 ,
pp. 2 48 I.
(8) Speeches of Senators Joseph R. McCarthy and William E. Jenner,
United States Senate, May 9, 1 95 5
( 9) Chinese News Service press release, February 20, 1 960
( 1 0) "Red China Said to Fear Invasion, Revolt," Chicago Tribulle Press
Service story, Dallas Momill8 Nells, November 30, 1 962
( 1 1 ) Chinese News Service press release, January 1, 1 963
( 1 2 ) Article by Charles J. Murphy, Life, October 6, 1 961
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy i n the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and a
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Ddlas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own i ndependent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write on
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Page 16
M
1t1 Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 3 ( Broadcast 387 ) January 21 , 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
KE FAUVE R ME DI CI NE
he June 4, 1 962, issue of this Report -"King-Anderson Medicine" -reviewed the
plan to socialize the practice of medicine in the United States. This issue reviews the plan to
socialize the drug industry.
Background
Ln June 3 0, 1 9 0 6, President Theodore Roosevelt signed into law the Pure Food and Drug
Act -intended not to give the federal government authority to set standards for, and
exercise control over the drug industry, but merely to eliminate from interstate commerce
unwholesome foods and drugs. The Act established federal controls over the manufacture
of foods and drugs, only in federal territories and districts. ( I ) In short, the men who wrote and
sponsored the Pure Food and Drug Act of 1 90 6 recognized the constitutional limitations on
the powers of the federal government.
The socialist upheaval symbolized by Franklin D. Roosevelt brought a diferent breed of
men to the Congress of the United States.
In 1 9 3 3 ( the frst year of F. D. Roosevelt's Administration) , Senator Royal S. Copeland
( Democrat, New York) introduced a Bill which ignored constitutional restraints and
proposed to give an administrative agency of the federal government unconstitutional
authority to establish and enforce standards of identity and quality for foods, drugs, and
cosmetics produced anywhere in the United States. Congress rej ected the Copeland Bill
in 1 9 3 3 .
(
1
)
Within fve years, however, New Deal socialists had gained control of Congress. On
June 2 5 , 1 9 3 8 , Franklin D. Roosevelt signed into law the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic
Act -which was virtually identical with the Copeland Bill rejected by Congress in 1 9 3 3 .
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
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No reproductions permitted.
Page 17
Kefauver's I nvesti gation
Ln November 1 7, 1 9 5 8 , the American
Druggist ( a reputable professional j ournal )
warned that "a full scale inquiry into pricing
practices of the pharmaceutical industry is
planned in 1 9 5 9 by the Senate Antitrust Sub
committee. "
In the September 5 , 1 9 5 9, issue of Saturday
Review, John Lear ( Science Editor of the
Review) demanded a congressional investiga
tion of drug marketing, alleging that "rich and
powerful corporations" are "suddenly pos
sessed of the results of new scientifc research
discoveries but inexperienced in the delicate
ethics of physician-patient relationships. " Mr.
Lear recommended Medical Letter (a publica
tion for doctors ) as a competent authority in
the feld of drug marketing. At that time ( Sep
tember, 1 9 5 9 ) Arthur Kallett ( identifed as
a communist in 1 944 by the Special Com
mittee on Un-American Activities( 2 was
Managing Director of Medical Letter.
Ln December 7, 1 9 5 9, The Senate Judi
ciary Antitrust and Monopoly Subcommittee
( under the Chairmanship of Estes Kefauver -
Democrat, Tennessee) began public hearings
into the United States drug industry.
When the Kefauver subcommittee hearings
were televised ( December, 1 9 5 9 ) , the subcom
mittee presented Dr. Louis Lasagna as a major
witness against the drug industry. Dr. Lasagna
was a member of the Advisory Board of the
Medical Letter ( of which Arthur Kallett was
Managing Director) . In 1 942, Dr. Lasagna
served as Special Medical Advisor for Con
sumers Union, a communist front ( until
1 9 5 4 ( 3 founded by Arthur Kallett.
Dr. John M. Blair acted as chief economist
of the Kefauver subcommittee staf. Dr. Blair
is the author of Seeds of Destruction, a book
published in 1 9 3 8 , which claimed that private
capitalism is doomed, because it contains fun
damental weaknesses which are the seeds of
its own destruction. (4)
On February 8 , 1 960, Senator John Marshall
Butler ( Republican, Maryland) said:
( ( In reviewing all of the hearings and
reports by the Kefauver] Subcommittee, I
fail to fnd one iota of evidence that it has
made any serious attempt to perfect the anti
trust laws. Instead, its direction has been dom
inated by the economic theories of its chief
economist, Dr. John M. Blair.
,
) (
4)
Senator Butler quoted Dr. J. D. Glover ( of
Harvard University) as saying that Dr. Blair's
discussions were marked by pettifoggery and
eforts not to analyze the facts, but to handle
the data in such a way as to <make a case'
against big business.
,,
(
4)
The Drug I ndustry Act
Ln April 1 2, 1 9 6 1 , Senator Kefauver
introduced Senate Bill 1 5 5 2 which, he said,
was designed to efect lower drug prices by
infusing competition into the monopolistic"
drug industry. The Bill :
-Required federal licensing of all drug
manufacturers by the Secretary of Health,
Education, and Welfare; to get a license, a
company must show that its pl ant meets
standards established by the Secretary;
-Required the Secretary of HEW to
establish generic names for new drugs, and
to change, at will, generic names of existing
drugs ;
-Required that the generic name of a
drug be as prominently displayed as the trade
name, in labeling and advertising;
-Empowered HEW' s Food and Drug
Administration to check drugs for efcacy as
well as safety;
-Amended the patent laws to provide that
only during the frst three years of a 17 -year
patent would the patent holder have exclu
sive rights to manufacture and sell its dis
covery. During the remaining 14 years, the
patent holder would be required to sell its
patented discovery to other licensed drug
frms ;
-Amended the patent laws to provide that
drug modifcations would be patented only
Page 18
if HEW determined the change signifcantly
enhanced the therapeutic efect;
-Made illegal the alloting and restricting
of patents by private agreement among pri
vate frms. ( 5)
Ln July 5 , 1 9 6 1 , Dr. Hugh H. Hussey,
Jr. , of the American Medical Association, said
that the medical and pharmaceutical profes
sions were better qualifed than government
employees to determine generic names and
efectiveness of drugs.
On December 7, 1 9 6 1 , Mr. Eugene N. Bees
ley, Chairman of the Board of the Pharma
ceutical Manufacturers Association; said the
Kefauver Bill would virtually destroy the
patent system, with respect to medicine.
On December 8 , 1 9 6 1 , Dr. Vannevar Bush,
Chairman of the Board of Merck and Com
pany, Inc. , said the patent provisions would
cause a reduction of drug research.
Dr. Theodore Klumpp, President of Win
throp Laboratories, said the Bill would cause
drug companies to eliminate expensive original
research, by encouraging them simply to copy
the products of other frms.
Ln April 1 0, 1 962, President Kennedy
urged favorable Senate action on the Kefauver
Bill. (6)
On July 1 9, 1 962, the Senate Judiciary
Committee reported the Kefauver Bill favor
ably, having reduced its scope in only one
maj or area: the Judi ci ary Committee had
removed provisions to amend the patent laws. (6)
he timing of the bureaucracy is often
brilliant. Note that the general, stated purpose
of the Kefauver Bill, when it was introduced
in April, 1 9 6 1 , was to protect the pocketbooks
of the people, not their health. But, in the
summer of 1 96 2 -about the time the Senate
Judiciary Committee reported the Kefauver
Bill -the nation's newspapers and magazines
were featuring stories about thalidomide, a
German-made tranquilizing drug which alleg
edly had caused malformation of many Euro
pean babies.
The case of a pregnant Arizona woman,
who had taken thalidomide which her hus
band had bought in London, made front-page
headlines for several days.
On August 1 , 1 9 62, President Kennedy, at
his press conference, announced that, because
of the thalidomide disaster, " he was recom
mending a 2 5 percent increase in the Food and
Drug Administration staf. The President said :
HIt is clear that to prevent even more ser
ious disasters from occurring in this country
in the future, additional legislative safeguards
are necessary.
,,
(7)
For a pregnant woman to discover that she
is bearing a malformed baby is, unquestion
ably, regrettable ; but for the President of the
United States to allude to it as a national dis
aster is a bit extreme. Moreover, since the drug
which caused the sad afair was made in Ger
many and sold in England, it is difcult to see
how an increase in the American bureaucracy
can do anything about the situation.
Ln August 2 3 , 1 9 62, the Senate unani
mousl y ( by a roll-call vote of 78 to 0 ) passed
Kefauver's Drug Industry Act. (8)
On September 27, 1 962, the House passed
a version of the same Bill. Diferences between
Senate Bill and House Bill were resolved in
conference ; and, on October 1 0, 1 962, Presi
dent Kennedy signed the Act into law. (9)
Consequences
here is no grant of power in our Con
stitution for the federal government to license
drug manufacturers, to set standards of pro
duction, or to dictate the naming of drugs.
Yet
,
the Drug Industry Act gives the Secretary
of Health, Education, and Welfare almost lim
itless power to control the drug industry in
Page 19
the United States. Under this law, the Secre
tary and his agents can:
-Invade the privacy of individuals and
business frms, to seize and examine papers,
records, and procedures, without warrants
or any other due process of law -in violation
of provisions of the Fourth Amendment ;
-Write their own laws ( that is, promul
gate regulations which have the force of law)
without even consulting or notifying the
elected members of Congress who, under the
Constitution, have the exclusive power to
make federal laws ;
-Administer and enforce their own laws,
investigate alleged violations, and prescribe
punish men t;
-Destroy any drug-manufacturing busi
ness frm that the Secretary does not like
( under the pretense that the frm is not meet
ing the standards which the Secretary sets ) ;
-Reward private frms that the Secretary
likes ( by giving their products the blessings of
the Department) ;
-Name new drugs, and re- name ol d
ones.
(9)
All of this was done for the purpose of
reducing drug prices. In the rigged and slanted
Kefauver Drug Industry Hearings, and in all
the propaganda which followed, there was no
proof of any specifc instance of harm to the
health of the people resulting from the absence
of the kind of governmental controls which
the Drug Industry Act provides.
Except for the President's ridiculous refer
ence to the thalidomide disaster" in his
August 1 press conference, there was little
efort to make a case for the Drug Industry
Act as being necessary to protect the public
from harmful drugs. The case for the Act
rested on Kefauver's claim that the law was
necessary to protect the public from high prices
charged by the "monopolistic" drug industry.
But note the following paragraph from an
article entitled The Truth About Drug
Prices, " i n the March 2 1 , 1 960, issue of U. S.
News & World Report:
The Kefauver Subcommittee made head
lines, early in its investigation by noting that
there were price markups of as much as 7
,
000
per cent between the cost of some drugs and
the price the buyer paid at the retail store.
These fgures, however, were based on the
cost of the raw materials and did not take
into account the normal business expense of
developing, manufacturing or marketing the
products . . . . wholesale prices of drugs as
measured by the Bureau of Labor Statistics
advanced 3 per cent between 1 948 and 1 9 5 8
at a time when wholesale prices of all indus
trial products went up 22 per cent. "
Jhere is truth in Kefauver's contention
that drug companies could charge less and still
make a reasonable proft. But only competition
in a free market -producers trying to sell,
and consumers making free choice about what
product they will buy -can sensibly set prices
and profts. When government gets a monopo
listic stranglehold on the drug industry, prices
are more likely to go up than down. Quality
and progress will inevitably decline.
When a governmental agency can make or
break a company ( by giving or withholding
its blessing) we will have drug companies
directing their primary efort not toward
research and development intended to outpace
competitors, but toward currying favor with
the all-powerful bureaucracy. We will have
in the drug industry, the same situation we
now have in the agricultural industry: waste,
stupidity, graft, corruption -a vast breeding
ground for promoters like Billie Sol Estes.
Indeed, the behavior of some leaders in the
drug industry in 1 9 62 indicate that they may
have been anticipating deals with the ruling
bureaucracy.
How else can you account for the fact that
many leaders of the drug industry in 1 9 62
kept a stony silence about the Drug Industry
Act while it was being debated in Congress
as if indiferent, or afraid to speak a word in
defense of their own?
Kefauver said he wanted to "infuse" com
petition into the drug industry; but Kefauver's
Page 20
Bill can eliminate most of the meaningful com
petition that did exist. When the full efect
of the Kefauver law is felt, the drug industry
in the United States will be in the hands of
a few maj or favorites of the Washington
bureaucracy. None will be struggling to out
pace the others, in research or in price-reduc
tion -because all will be operating exactly
alike, under "standards" set by the Secretary
of HEW.
Kefauver is right in saying that advertis
ing gives most of the drug business to the big
frms, because only large frms can aford the
expensive nationwide advertising and promo
tion programs which create mass sales ; but
there is nothing illegal or unethical or harmful
about this condition.
The national advertising by drug companies
no doubt creates more market than it cap
tures : that is, while advertising does make mas
sive sales for drugs of specifc brand names, it
also creates wider demand for products of the
same general type -thus bringing a gratui
tous beneft to small producers who cannot
advertise their own brands nationally.
The fact that small companies do not sell
as much as large companies, does not mean that
the small companies are oppressed or illegally
handicapped, or even damaged. Small com
panies, in competition with a score of big com
panies who get most of the national business,
are much better of than they would be if all
big drug companies were broken up into
a multitude of little ones, because then there
would be no big ones to pioneer in expensive
research or to conduct great advertising pro
grams which stimulate sales for products of
the whole industry.
Kefauver is right in saying that the expen
sive advertising of the drug industry is added
to the cost of drugs and is, thus, charged to
consumers. That is true of all advertising. But
Kefauver reveals profound ignorance of Amer
ican business when he implies that advertising
unnecessarily inflates the cost of consumer
goods.
Communists and socialists generally regard
advertising as a parasitic and wasteful activity
which increases the cost of consumer goods
without giving consumers commensurate bene
fts. The fact is that advertising is one of the
major reasons for the miracle of American
production: by creating mass markets for a
product, it makes the economy of mass pro
duction possible, thus drastically reducing the
cost of consumer goods.
If, for example, there were no mass market
for drugs ( which advertising has created) , all
drugs would be made in shops too small to
use the money-saving techniques of mass pro
duction. And the price of all drugs ( though
not "burdened" with advertising costs ) would
be much higher than now.
The Drug Industry Act requires drug com
panies, in advertising and labeling, to feature
prominently the generic name of drugs.
For example, Miltown ( produced by Wal
lace Laboratories ) and Equanil ( Wyety Lab
oratories ) are the trade names of a tranquil
izing drug whose generic name is meprobamate.
There could be smal l companies making
meproba mate under a t rade name qui te
unknown to the general public.
A general intent of the law is to encourage
doctors to use the generic name instead of the
trade name in prescribing such drugs. This
would help small companies making drugs
under little known trade names. But the end
result could be considerable damage to the
industry at large, and to the public.
A company could spend millions of dollars
on research to produce a new drug; but, when
it is ready to market, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare could assign
the new drug a generic name which all com
panies could use. If all doctors used the generic
name in writing prescriptions, pharmacists
could buy the new drug from the company
Page 2 1
ofering the best price. This could very well
be a company which had no research costs at
all in the drug. Thus, the company develop
ing the new drug could sufer -and be dis
couraged from investing in further costly
research.
Mass I mmunization
Ln January 1 1 , 1 962,
the President, in his
State of the Union Message, said:
To take advantage of modern vaccination
achievements, I am proposing a mass immuni
zation program, aimed at the virtual elimina
tion of such ancient enemies of our children
as polio, diphtheria, whooping cough and
tetanus.
,,
(
l O
)
Congress obliged with an Act ( HR 1 0 5 4 1 ,
signed into law on October 2 3 , 1 96 2 ) , pro
viding 3 6 million tax dollars for the U. S. Sur
geon General to use in a massive program of
vaccinating Americans ( with government
purchased serums ) . The Constitution does not
authorize agents of the federal government to
practice medicine on the people.
Admi ni strative Law and
Hea I th Foods
Ln June 1 9, 1 962, the Department of
Health, Education, and Welfare made one
more dangerous addition to the unconstitu
tional body of "administrative laws" -fed
eral regulations which are not enacted as laws
by our elected representatives but are merely
proclaimed as laws by appointed bureaucrats.
In essence, this HEW regulation prohibits
the makers of products generally known as
"health foods, " "vitamins, " and "dietary sup
plements" from putting on their labels any
nutrients not "recognized by competent
authorities as essential and of signifcant die
tary-supplement value in human nutrition. "
The regulation lists 1 2 vitamins and min
erals which the "competent authorities" con
sider essential.
( 1 1 )
The "competent authorities" are, of course,
bureaucrats in the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare.
The science of nutri tion is sti ll in i ts
infancy. New discoveries may at any time
expand the number of vitamins and nutrients
considered necessary to good health. But, under
this ukase of the Department of Health, Edu
cation, and Welfare, no progress in the devel
opment of heal t h foods and vi t ami ns i s
encouraged, except as authorized by the fed
eral bureaucrats. In fact, the new regulation
is so vague and broad that the clerks in Wash
ington could outlaw many health food prod
ucts already on the market.
Energetic enforcement of this regulation
would halt progress in this feld. There simply
can be no progress when the creative and pro
ductive eforts of men are controlled by
bureaucrats whose decisions can be infuenced
by politics, by personal laziness, and by per
sonal inclination to stay perpetually in well
worn ruts that are safe and easy.
F'reedom versus Soci al ism
T here must be controls on an industry
which vitally afects the health and welfare of
the whole people; but when government con
trols, it makes matters worse, because it gives
the power of decision to politicians and bureau
crats who cannot have as keen a sense of per
sonal responsibility as industry leaders must
have.
If the head of a drug frm makes a wrong
decision about the production, labeling, or
marketing of a drug, he could incur lawsuits,
and loss of reputation that might bankrupt his
frm and destroy something that he spent a
lifetime in building. If a Washington bureau
crat makes the same mistake, there is a good
possibility that the whole bureaucracy will, in
the interest of protecting itself, congeal and
conspire to hide the error. If the mistake can-
Page 22
not be hidden, the most that usually happens
to the bureaucrat is an ofcial reprimand which
may delay his next pay raise. In extreme cases,
he may be fred.
The only safe and efective control over
industry is the control of rigorous competition
in an economic system free of governmental
harassment and regulations. Competition for
the dollars of the .buying public compels pri
vate industry to strive relentlessly for better
products and lower prices. Bureaucratic and
political controls stife initiative and remove
incentive for progress -resulting, inevitably,
in shoddy products and higher prices.
Look at the record. Because it has been freer
than the drug industry anywhere else in the
world ( despite confscatory taxation and the
restrictions of the unconstitutional Federal
Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act of 1 9 3 8 ) the
American drug industry has produced more
new drugs than the drug industries of all other
countries of the world put together.
( 1 2)
In the Soviet Union, the drug industry is in
precisely the status that liberals are preparing
for the American industry: it is totally con
trolled by government. And the drug industry
in the Soviet Union has not developed one new
drug product of consequence in 43 years of
total governmental control.
( 1 2)
Approximately two-thirds of all new drugs
prescribed by British doctors, since socialized
medicine came to England, were developed
by American drug companies. Prior to the
"nationalization" of medical care in England,
the English made outstanding contributions
in the felds of biochemistry and physiology,
generally, and in the development of "miracle
drugs" particularly ( penicillin, for example) .
Drug Control and Fl uoridation
Lne danger of the drug-control laws is
related to the senseless drive for fluoridation
of public water systems.
Mental - control drugs have already been
developed -drugs which increase the suscep
tibility of the mind to suggestions ; drugs which
pacify and make human beings tractable and
amenable to discipline. ( 1 3)
If power-hungry men who rule the nation
politically have the power to determine what
drugs the people should have, how those drugs
shall be named and labeled, and how they shall
be distributed and administered; and can even
have certain drugs administered to the whole
population by force, through use of public
water systems as a medium -who can fail to
foresee the potential consequences ? A party or
a clique could keep the public docile and main
tain themselves in power perpetually -by
ordering the right kind of dosage of the right
kind of drugs.
Drugs and Dishonesty
^ews accounts of the Cuban prisoner
exchange deal at Chri s t mas t ime, 1 9 6 2 ,
revealed that it was Robert F. Kennedy, Attor
ney General, who "persuaded" American drug
companies to contribute the drugs, which con
stituted a substantial portion of the 5 3 million
dollars in ransom to Castro for release of pris
oners whom President Kennedy had betrayed
into Castro's hands at the Bay of Pigs in 1 9 6 1
( Robert Kennedy referred to this betrayal as
a "mistake" which his brother had made. ) .
(
1 4)
Robert Kennedy's persuasion included assur
ance that the drug companies would get tax
deductions for the drugs they contributed to
the cause of communism -deductions big
enough, in many cases, to pay much of the cost
of the drugs contributed.
( 1 5)
Yet, President Kennedy and Robert F. Ken
nedy emphatically deny that the U. S. govern
ment had anything to do with the Cuban
exchange deal.
Page 23
What to Do
The Pure Food and Drug Act of 1 9 06 went
as far as the federal government can legally go
to regulate Commerce" in the food and drug
industries ; and that Act is all that is necessary:
it gives the public as much efective legal pro
tection as possible against the movement of
unwholesome food and drugs in interstate
commerce.
The public should put enough pressure on
Congress to repeal the unconstitutional and
harmful laws in this feld -specifcally the
Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act of
1 9 3 8 ; the Drug Industry Act of 1 962 ; and
the 1 9 62 law authorizing" the President's
Mass Immunization Program.
But the only way to prevent such legisla
tion from being enacted again, is to repeal the
income tax amendment and thus deny Wash
ington plunderers the unlimited tax revenues
which fnance the drive to socialize every seg
ment of our economy.
T he quickest way for the public to efect
repeal of the income tax is to support legisla-
tion ( like HR 1 1 492, introduced last year by
U. S. Representative Bruce Alger) to eliminate
the withholding tax.
Once withholding is eliminated, the Ameri
can people will come to an abrupt realization
of the crushing tax burden they are carrying.
The income tax would be repealed shortly
thereafter.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) The Encyclopedia America11a, Vol. XI, 1 96 1 , p. 82
( 2 ) House Re.ort 13 I I , Special Committee on UnAmerican Activities,
United States House of Representatives, Government Printing Ofce,
March 29, 1 944, p. 1 5 3
( 3 ) Consumers Union was cited as a communist front i n 1 944 (see
Fotnote 2 ) . This communist front citation was removed in 1 95 4
by the House Committee on Un-American Activities after reorgan
ization of Consumers Union; see Annual Report for 1 95 3 , House
Committee on Un-American Activities, Government Printing Ofce,
1 954.
( 4) U.S.A., April 8, 1 960, pp. 1 I.
( 5 ) , Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1 961 , p. 291
(6) Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, Jul y 27, 1 962, pp. 1 25 7 i.
( 7) Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, August 3 , 1 962, p. 1 3 1 0
( 8 ) Congressiollal Qnarterl" \eekly Report, August 24, 1 962, p. 1 395
(9) Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, October 1 2 , 1 962, pp.
1 899 f.
( 1 0 ) Congressional Quarterly WeeMy Report, January 1 2 , 1 962, p. 5 5
( 1 1 ) Federal Register, June 20, 1 962, p. 5 8 1 7
( 1 2) "Prescription Drug Industry Story," boklet, Baxter Laboratories,
Inc. , 1 961
( 1 3 ) "Scientist Finds Drug To Alter Substances Controlling Emotions;
Swede Suggests Chemical Could be Used in Mental Illness Or to
Control Minds of Men," article, Wall Street Joumal, 1 960
( 1 4) The Dallas MOTl/ing News, December 2 5 , 1 962, p. 1
( 1 5 ) U.S. News & World Report, December 3 1 , 1 962, p. 3 2
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and a
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write on
the side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan
Smoot Report.
Page 24
M
I(I Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 4 ( Broadcast 389) January 28, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
URBAN RENEWAL AND A SOVI ET AMERI CA
PART I
1n 1 93 2, Toward Soviet America was published. { l ) It was written by William Z. Foster,
then national chairman of the communist party in the United States. In the book, Foster says :
CCNaturally, American Socialist industry will be operated upon the basis of a planned
economy q q q
c CA Socialist society without a planned economy is unthinkable, even as it is unthinkable
that a capitalist society should work on the basis of scientifc planning B B
cCThe [American] Soviet government will initiate at once a vast housing program. All
houses and other buildings will be socialized . . . . A great drive will be made to demolish
the present collection of miserable shacks and tenements and build homes ft for the
workers to live in. "(2)
Since this book was written in 1 9 3 2, the federal government has instituted many pro
grams which are completing Foster's schemes for a Soviet America. Federally fnanced
urban renewal is among the most vicious of these programs.
Authority for Urban Renewal
Uasic authority" for the federal government to fnance urban renewal is in Title I of
the Housing Act of 1 949 ( approved July 1 5 , 1 949 ) , which provides for federal aid in
slum clearance and redevelopment. The Housing Act of 1 9 5 4 ( approved August 2 , 1 9 5 4)
broadened the provisions of Title I, to include not only slum clearance but slum prevention.
The 1 9 5 4 Housing Act authorized federal aid for the rehabilitation of blighted and dete
riorating areas, the apparent purpose being to rejuvenate deteriorating areas before they
become slums.
All federal housing laws and all federal laws providing federal fnancing for housing
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 25
( including the FHA) are, of course, unconsti
tutional, because our Constitution makes no
grant of power for the federal government to
engage in such activity.
Even under the unconstitutional Housing
Act, however, the urban renewal program, as
we now know it, was not possible, because
urban renewal involves not only activities of
the federal government, but also elimination
of private property rights, at state and local
levels, in violation of the most ancient and
important concepts of human freedom.
About three months after the Housing Act
of 1 9 5 4 became law, a Supreme Court decision
opened the way for such elimination of private
property rights -which was necessary before
the urban renewal program could really get
under way. The decision involved an urban
renewal case in Washington, D. C.
Supreme Court Di ctum
\nder a 1 9 45 law providing for housing
and redevelopment in the District of Colum
bia, federal housing agencies selected an area
of Southwest Washington for urban renewal.
Some property in the area was run -down and
over-crowded. Some consisted of small business
establishments and modest, but respectable,
homes. The federal agencies condemned all
property, however, because even the clean and
respectable places were not as pretty as the
government ofcials wanted.
Owners of a small department store brought
suit in federal court to enjoin the condemna.
tion of their property. They contended that
their property was not a slum and that it was
not residential ; that their property was not
being taken for public use but was being
seized for resale to private purchasers for pri
vate development; and that the Fifth Amend
ment protected them from such seizure.
he case went to a three-judge Federal Dis
trict Court, which said:
HWe have the problem of the area which is
not a slum but which is out-of-date, called by
the Government blighted or deteriorated . . . .
t tWe are of opinion that the Congress, in
legislating for the District of Columbia, has
no power to authorize the seizure by eminent
domain of property for the sole purpose of
redeveloping the area according to its, or its
agents', judgment of what a well-developed,
well-balanced neighborhood would be . . . .
((The Government says that it has deter
mined that project area B in the case at bar is
an appropriate area for redevelopment, that
slums exist in that area, and that therefore it
may seize the title to all the land in the area
and, having replanned it, sell it to private per
sons for the building of row houses, apartment
houses, commercial establishments, etc. In
essence the claim is that if slums exist the
Government may seize, redevelop, and sell all
the property in any area it may select . . . . This
amounts to a claim on the part of the author
ities for unreviewable power to seize and sell
whole sections of the city.
HIt [project area B] covers about ffteen
square city blocks. It lies within a census tract
in which slum conditions are said to exist B
Its western boundary is an irregular line
which runs around lots, encompasses some
establishments along a street and excludes
others on the same side of the same street . . . . It
excludes certain properties, and under it, cer
tain other properties would be sold back to the
presen t owners or be retained by them. The
key to the [urban renewal] plan . . . is the
opinion of the Government authorities that
residential neighborhoods should be (well
balanced. ' . . .
HIn sum the purpose of the plan . . . is to
create a pleasant neighborhood . . . . The Gov
ernment is to determine what conditions are
pleasant . . . .
HOf course, the plan as pictured in the pro
spectus is attractive & & & It would be difcult
to think of a village, town or city in the United
States which a group of artists, architects and
builders could not improve vastly if they could
tear down the whole community and rebuild
the whole of it. But as yet the courts have not
come to call such pleasant accomplishments a
public purpose which validates Government
seizure of private property. The claim of
Government power for such purposes runs
squarely into the right of the individual to
own property and to use it as he pleases. Absent
impingement upon rights of others, and absent
public use of compelling public necessity for
the property, the individual's right is superior
to all rights of the Government and is impreg-
Page 26
nable to the eforts of Government to seize it.
. . . One man's land cannot be seized by the
Government and sold to another man merely
in order that the purchaser may build upon it
a better house or a house which better meets
the government's idea of what is appropriate
or well-designed. "(3)
The Supreme Court heard the case on
appeal ; and, on November 22, 1 9 5 4, the Court
( William O. Douglas writing the opinion)
said, in essence, that Congress, in the District
of Columbia, has unlimited authority to deter
mine what the public good is and unlimited
power to use any means whatever to achieve
that good. The Court said that state legislatures
have the same power over all communities in
their states. ( 3)
Urban renewal , as mass madness on a
national scale, was about ready to begin -but
not entirely ready.
Zoni ng Laws
Lity governments, before they can get tax
money from the federal treasury for urban
renewal projects, need zoning laws(4) "with
teeth in them" -that is, laws which give city
ofcials power to control the use of private real
estate : to determine which neighborhoods shall
be residential, what kind of houses are permit
ted, how they must be located on lots, how the
yards may be fenced; which neighborhoods
may have churches and apartment houses,
which ones may not ; which neighborhoods may
have business establishments, and what kind.
Unless city governments have zoning laws
giving them such power over private property
owners, they cannot design a "Workable Pro
gram" for an urban renewal project. "W ork
able Program" is a phrase of the Washington
bureaucracy. It means, an urban renewal proj
ect pleasing to federal housing ofcials.
Lven such powerful zoning laws do not,
however, give city governments all the power
they need for participation in urban renewal,
because, as stated before, urban renewal
involves elimination of private rights in real
estate. With zoning laws, city governments
can limit a man's freedom to use his property,
but they cannot take his property away from
him.
State Urban Renewal Laws
The November 2 2 , 1 9 5 4, Supreme Court
decision said that state legislatures could seize
private property at will, for any purpose which
the legislators claimed to be good. So, another
step was necessary in the removal of roadblocks
to a really massive, national urban renewal
program: state governments must pass on to
city governments limitless power to confscate
private property. That is, each state legislature
must pass an urban renewal law, "authorizing"
city governments to seize private real estate in
areas designated for urban renewal projects.
Emi nent Domai n
In any civilized society, there will arise
occasions when an individual owns property
that government needs for a public use that is
necessary to the welfare of the whole people.
Eminent Domain is the power of government
to force individuals, on such occasions, to sell
the property, at a fair price, to the govern
ment, for the necessary public use.
This is not a constitutionally granted power,
but is, rather, a power implicit in the formation
of government. In the American system, emi
nent domain should be exercised only by state
and local governments, except in time of
actual, congressionally -declared war.
It is in the nature of human beings that men
in governing positions try to govern: they try
to use their power to make the governed people
do what is considered good for them. When
schemes for promoting general welfare fail to
accomplish all that was promised, governing
ofcials instinctively say the failure resulted
from too little power in their hands : their pro
grams would have succeeded if they had had
Page 27
more power. So, they reach for the power they
say they need for the successful promotion of
general welfare.
There always has been this confict between
government and the people who are governed
-no matter what kind of government it is :
all governments are always reaching for more
power so that they can do to and for the people
what government thinks good for the people.
In a nation where people love freedom;
where they know the truth, that all govern
ments will become tyrannical if permitted;
where they consider the rights of individuals
as sacred; and where they have the character
to fght for the freedom they cherish -people
will habitually resist every act of government
that is an encroachment upon the sacred rights
of individuals. They will resist so consistently
and noisily that, in every instance, government
will have to prove its case before violating citi
zens' rights : government will have to prove
that the public need" is so great and self-evi
dent that all reasonable men concede the neces
sity, in this one instance, of sacrifcing indi
vidual rights for the good of the whole people.
hen government reaches for more power
in order to do things for the public good, "
there are always special interests and individu
als who stand to proft from the proposed gov
ernmental activity. These j oin the politicians
in propagandizing the urgent public need"
that is to be served. Their propaganda is rein
forced by legions of dreamers who imagine that
political and economic power concentrated in
the hands of governmental ofcials can wipe
out all human ugliness and create heaven on
earth. This combination of forces is frequently
powerful enough to make any individual resist
ance of illegitimate governmental power look
like the action of a crackpot or scoundrel.
Since the beginning of our national life,
therefore, there have been abuses of eminent
domain. But, for many years, each abuse was
an isolated case, which could not be used as a
precedent, or authority, " for other abuses.
Indeed, public resistance to governmental
action which encroached upon individual
rights was, for a long time, so wholesomely
habitual in the United States that state and
local governments generally had extreme dif
culty in exercising eminent domain even when
the public use to be served seemed obviously
necessary.
In short, America was a nation where the
awesome power of eminent domain was held
in reasonable check by a people who knew that
the right to be secure in the ownership and use
of private property is essential to the life of a
free man; who knew that, without the right
to own and use property, a man has no means
of providing the necessities of life, except as
the governing power permits him -who knew
that a government which can take your prop
erty can take your life.
The Bi g Job to Do
or urban renewal, a city government
seizes one man's property; uses tax money to
enhance its value; and then sells it to another
man, for considerably less than was given to
the man from whom it was confscated. The
buyer can then get tax money to develop the
property for his own private, proftable use,
provided only that he build something the of
cial planners like.
The man from whom the property was
seized may be grievously hurt ; the man who
bought it a reduced price, to redevelop, with
tax money, for his own use, profts greatly;
and his profts are made possible, in part, by
taxes imposed on the man forced to sell in the
frst place. But no matter ; and no matter
whether the fnished project pleases the people
who live and work in it -and whose taxes
help pay for it : this is urban renewal.
If it was traditionally difcult for city gov
ernments to seize an occasional piece of private
property for necessary public use, even when
the public need was obvious and urgent, how
could Americans ever be led to accept urban
renewal ? Urban renewal requires seizures of
all private property in large areas ( at whatever
the cost in tax money) and causes the uproot-
Page 28
ing of entire commulltles of families and
established businesses ( at whatever the cost in
heart break and fi nanci al l os s for thos e
uprooted) for no public need at all -unless
one considers it a public need to tear down and
rebuild whole sections of a city in order to
please public planning ofcials !
How could Americans be persuaded to toler
ate such a program, and pay for it with their
tax money?
I t took a lot of doing. This was a propa
ganda bombardment j ob which required the
heaviest artillery. And that is what was used.
The invisible government did the job with
professional thoroughness.
The I nvisi bl e Government
he invisible government i s a group of
powerful, widely respected, and, for the most
part, very wealthy individuals who support,
work through, and control a bewildering net
wor k of tax -exempt organiza tions. The primary
sources of revenue for all the organizations
are the big tax-exempt foundations -mainly
Rockefeller, Carnegie, and Ford -though all
are also fnanced, to some degree, by business
frms which proft from the governmental pol
icies which the network fosters.
The controlling center of this network is the
Council on Foreign Relations, whose key mem
bers hold memberships in related and subsidiary
organizations, and occupy influential positions
in government, in foundations, in educational
institutions, in the communications industry,
in fnance.
These individuals form an elite group who
set the policies of the federal government ; and,
through a vast, interlocking combine of edu
cational and opinion-forming agencies, they
infuence or control the propaganda which per
suades Congress and the public to accept the
policies.
his is the team which undertook the job
of bombarding the nation with enough propa
ganda to sell" urban renewal.
In the summer of 1 9 5 4, Congress enacted
the necessary law ( Housing Act of 1 9 5 4 ) to
provide tax money for urban renewal out of
the national treasury. In November, 1 9 5 4, the
Supreme Court handed down a decision which
would give all urban renewal laws and direc
tives the odor of legal sanctity.
The invisible government assumed the j ob
of selling urban renewal to local and state gov
ernments, and to the people.
Lity governments without strong zoning
laws had to be persuaded to adopt them. This
was relatively easy. A group of tax-exempt
organizations had already been working on the
zoning-law problem for a long time. The
American Committee for International Munic
ipal Cooperation; the American Municipal
Association; the American Society for Public
Administration; the American Society of Plan
ning Ofcials ; the International City Managers'
Association; the Municipal Finance Ofcers
Association; the National Association of Hous
ing and Redevelopment Ofcials ; the Public
Administration Service -all these organiza
tions are housed at 1 3 1 3 East 60th Street,
Chicago, in a Chicago University building
fnanced with Rockefeller Foundation money.
Most of them have the same sources of income
that the Council on Foreign Relations has.
Many of them have, among their boards of
directors and trustees, men who occupy similar
positions in the CFR or in related organizations.
There are few city governments in the land
which are not under strong infuence from one
or more of these organizations -virtually all
of which are sympathetic to the idea that mod
ern cities must have strong zoning laws.
5tate legislatures had to be persuaded to
pass urban renewal laws, authorizing cities to
seize private property for urban renewal proj
ects. This could be done largely as a by-product
of the big efort needed to convince the people
that urban renewal is not only good and proper,
but also necessary and inevitable.
In May, 1 9 5 7, the Committee for Eco
nomic Development ( one of the most influen-
Page 29
tial tax-exempt organizations in the Council
on Foreign Relations network) set up its Area
Redevelopment Committee -which quickly
became both a fountainhead and control center
for a mammoth nationwide propaganda drive
for urban renewal.
In 1 9 5 7, the CED had programs "to improve
the teaching of economics in the public schools
. . . operating in 3 9 states. " The CED's College
Community Research Centers had "projects in
progress" in 3 3 institutions of higher learning.
Twenty institutions of higher learning were
participating in the CED's "College Program, "
to develop training i n economics for prospec
ti ve teachers. The CED was operat i ng
"summer workshops" t o provide training in
economics for thousands of school teachers
throughout the nation. The CED was operat
ing high school community projects in the
teaching and understanding of modern eco
nomics ; and it was operating a "Cooperating
School Program, " to demonstrate the teaching
of economics, in 20 public school systems from
California to Rhode Island.
The Committee for Economic Development
set up "CED Associates" -groups of young
businessmen, under the guidance of college
professors and of key CED or CFR members
-in cities throughout the nation. The "CED
Associates" were supposed to bring to their
communities a better understanding of mod
ern economics. They, like the school and col
lege programs of CED, were excellent vehicles
for the dissemination of "area redevelop
ment" ( that is, urban renewal ) propaganda.
Information in press handouts and pam
phlets issued by the CED's Information Divi
sion customarily reach ( according to CED's
ofcial boast) more than 1 9 million people.
These are j ust a few of the organized activ
ities of one of the multitude of "private" agen-
cies which went into high gear to sell urban
renewal to the public in 1 9 5 7.
ACTION -American Council to Improve
Our Neighborhoods -was also set up, with
national headquarters in New York City. This
group sponsors neighborhood meetings where
city planning experts tell local CItIzens how
they can take Action to prevent their cities
from deteriorating and their neighborhoods
from becoming slums ; and the organization
distributes well-prepared pamphlets showing
how Action has been, and can be, taken. The
Action insistently emphasized is, of course,
federally fnanced urban renewal.
Of the 6 6 persons on the ACTION Board
of Directors, a controlling majority are :
known members of the Council on Foreign
Relations -such as Philip L. Graham and
Stanley Marcus ;
known members of important CFR afli
ates -such as, Sidney Weinberg of the Busi
ness Council ;
union bosses like Harry C. Bates, Ben
Fischer, Joseph D. Keenan, Jacob S. Potofsky,
Walter Reuther;
bureaucrats in charge of various ((Housing
Authorities," including Dr. Robert Weaver,
Kennedy's present Housing Administrator
whose appointment was challenged in the Sen
ate because of Dr. Weaver's alleged commu
nist front record;
((liberal" politicians dedicated to the total
socialist revolution -such as, Joseph S. Clark,
Jr., U. S. Senator from Pennsylvania;
ofcials of construction and real estate frms
which can make mammoth profts on urban
renewal projects and who are also ((liberal" in
their support of all governmental controls and
subsidies, the tools for converting capitalism
into socialism -such as, William Zeckendorf;
representatives of organizations also ((lib
eral" in the sense indicated above -such as,
Philip M. Klutznick of B'nai B'rith, and Mrs.
Kathryn H. Stone of the League of Women
Voters.
The Advertising Council, another tax
exempt organization in the invisible govern
ment network, features free "public service"
announcements on radio and television net
works, touting the work of ACTIONY)
Mere i s a partial list of business organiza
tions particularly active in supporting urban
renewal :
Allegheny Conference on Community
Development ( Pittsburgh)
Allied Stores Corp.
Aluminum Co. of America
Page 30
Atlantic & Pacifc Tea Co.
Bessemer Securities Corp.
Cabot, Cabot & Forbes ( Boston)
Connecticut Bank & Trust Co.
Crown Zellerbach Corp.
Draper & Kramer, Inc. ( Chicago)
General Electric Co.
Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce
Hartford National Bank
Hecht Department Store
( Washington, D. C. )
Henry J. Kaiser Co.
Hilton Hotels, Inc.
Holiday Inns
Hotel Corp. of America
James W. Rouse & Co.
J. C. Penney & Co.
John Hancock Mutual Life Insurance Co.
Julius Garfnckel Department Store
(Washington, D. C. )
Macy's Department Store
Marriott Motor Hotels
Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.
Mutual Beneft Life Insurance Co.
National Gypsum Co.
N ew York Life Insurance Co.
Phoenix Mutual Life Insurance Co.
Portland Cement Association ( Chicago)
Prudential Insurance Co. of America
Public Service Electric & Gas Co. ( Newark)
Raymoud Rebsamen ( Little Rock)
Republic Steel Corp.
Reynolds Aluminum
Safeway Stores, Inc.
Sears, Roebuck & Co.
Sheraton Corp. of America
Sou thern New England Telephone Co.
Time, Inc.
Travelers Insurance Cos.
Turner Construction Co. ( New York)
Woodward & Lothrop Department Store
( Washington, D. C. )
(
6
)
And Then the Moon?
In May, 1 9 5 7, when the invisible govern
ment's Committee for Economic Development
created the Area Redevelopment Committee,
urban renewal was in its infancy.
By the end of the Eisenhower Administra
tion, urban renewal had become a major
national movement which was engaged in
wholesale destructi on of pri vate property
rights, and opening rich veins of public money
for graft, corruption, and political vote-buy
ing. Houston, Texas, appeared to be the only
major city left in the United States without
zoning laws ; and only fve states in the union
-Idaho, Louisiana, South Carolina, Utah,
and Wyoming -had refused to pass the nec
essary laws "authorizing" confscation of pri
vate property for private use in urban renewal
projects. (7)
Yet, in his frst "housing" message to Con
gress ( March 9, 1 9 6 1 ) , President Kennedy said
the urban renewal program must be expanded.
The Housing Act of 1 9 6 1 did expand
urban renewal activities in the United States ;
and the Foreign Assistance Act of 1 9 6 1
expanded them abroad. United States taxpay
ers are now paying for urban renewal in for
eign lands ; and ambitious schemes are afoot to
provide urban renewal for the world.
Toward Sovi et Ameri ca
To promote urban renewal from a state of
infancy in 1 9 5 7, to what it is now, took, as I
said earlier, a lot of doing. All the credit for
this accomplishment cannot be given to the
tax-exempt organizations and business frms
and labor unions, interlocked with or manipu
lated by the Council on Foreign Relations.
Agencies of the federal government have
also been busy, with tax money, pouring out
tons of propaganda to sell urban renewal.
One of the most attractive selling pieces
for urban renewal was published in March,
1 9 5 8 , by the Housing and Home Finance
Agency in Washington. It is an expensive
looking 1 2-page pamphlet entitled "Aids to
Your Community -Programs of the Hous
ing and Home Finance Agency. "
The pamphlet is an advertising brochure,
simply worded and simply illustrated ( for the
unsophisticated ofcials in provincial cities, no
doubt ) , telling city fathers exactly how to
go about getting federal money for urban
Page 3 1
renewal -from the initial cost of making sur
veys to decide that a project is needed, to the
fnal costs of providing public housing for per
sons evicted from the project area and of lend
ing money to the private real estate dealers
who "develop" the area ( for their own proft ) .
F rom the pamphlet :
Through its regional ofces, the Housing
and Home Finance Agency provides a sort of
one-stop service station for communities to use
these aids B B
When city fathers work up to the state
of transforming a rundown, blighted area
through the process of urban renewal, a
helping hand is available from the federal
governmen t."
^otice how much more efectively Ameri
can bureaucrats can sell the socialist idea than
communists can manage to do.
Communist William Z. Foster demands, in
harsh and bitter tone, that the building indus
try be socialized so that the miserable shacks"
of capitalism can be torn down and replaced
with public housing ft for workers. , , (
2
)
The Housing bureaucrats talk afectionately
and gently about city fathers transforming
blighted areas. Yet communist Foster and the
Housing bureaucrats are talking about the
same thing: socializing the building industry
in the United States, as one step toward the
ultimate goal of a socialist America ( Foster
called it a Soviet America, which means the
same) .
Part I I
^ext week, I will present more about the
plans for worldwide urban renewal, and look
further into the rationale and activities of
urban renewal in the United States.
FOOTNOTES
(
1
) Republished i n 1
96
1
, with a Foreword by the Chairman of the House
Committee on Un-American Activities, and with chapter notes by
Maurice Ries: Elgin Publications, Box 1 Z. Balboa Island, California,
price $4. 75
(2) Toward Soviet America, William Z. Foster (see Footnote
1
for details ) ,
pp.
2
90,
2
8
1
( 3 ) Congressional Record, March
1
7,
1
95 9, pp. 3 907 I.
( 4) "HHFA Aids to Communities In Area Redevelopment," boklet by
the Housing and Home Finance Agency, Washington
2
5 , D.C., August,
1
962, p. 7
(
5 ) For further details regarding the activities of the CED, ACTION, and
other groups afliated with the Council On Foreign Relations, see the
book Invisible Government by Dan Smoot.
( 6) Congressional Record, October 3, 1 96
2
, pp.
2
089
1
i.
(7) Congressiollal Record, October 5,
1
962, p.
2 1 2
3
2
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joine the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow i n English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write On
the side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan
Smoot Report.
Page 32
M
1
11 Smoot Report ..
Vol. 9, No. 5 ( Broadcast 390) February 4, 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
URBAN RENEWAL AND A SOVI ET AMERI CA
PART I I
\rban renewal is a federally fnanced program of city planning which requires city
governments to seize homes and other private property ( not just slums, but all property in
whole sections ) . After the property is cleared of all buildings ( at taxpayers' expense) it is
resold ( at below the cost of acquisition) to private interests for developments that the city
planners consider desirable.
The whole program is, of course, unconstitutional, because the Tenth Amendment clearly
prohibits the federal government from engaging in activities not authorized by the Con
stitution. Nothing in the Constitution authorizes the federal government to engage in
housing activities, money-lending, slum clearance, or city planning.
An American's home is supposed to be his castle. A substantial portion of the Constitu
tion is devoted to the specifc aim of protecting citizens in their right to own property and
to be secure in the ownership and use of it.
Urban Renewal ignores all of those constitutional protections. If you happen to live in a
pleasant, well-kept residential neighborhood, which city planners think should be wiped
out and rebuilt, the city government can condemn the whole neighborhood and convert
it into a public park, or sell it to some out-of-town developer who promises to put up
buildings which the ofcial planners will like.
How Urban Renewal Works
hen city planners decide that they would like to tear down everything in a whole
section of the city and redesign it to suit their taste, they can get tax money out of the federal
treasury for the scheme, but they must observe certain formalities.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every wek by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 12303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates ; $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $l.00; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 33
First of all, the planners must present the
federal Urban Renewal Administration plans
for a Workable Program. This is a phrase of
the Washington bureaucracy, meaning an
urban renewal project which meets all specif
cations of the federal agencies, and is pleasing
in the sight of the agency ofcials.
This could be a big hurdle. How can lesser
planners in back-country cities draw up some
thing to satisfy the Great Planners in Wash
ington? Where will they get the money for
working out their plans ? The Urban Renewal
Administration will advance funds to pay for
surveys and planning work necessary to draw
up the Workable Program. Some of the federal
advances for this initial survey-and-planning
job run into hundreds of thousands of dollars.
The advance is part of the gross amount that
the city fathers can get for their proj ect.
After the Workable Program has been pre
sented to Washington ofcials and approved,
the city government gets tax money from the
federal treasury to buy all property in the
project area. If any citizens refuse to sell, the
city government condemns their property and
forces them to sell.
The wholesale evictions of people from an
urban renewal area often leave many families
without a place to live, and business frms with
out a place of business. The city government
can get, from the federal treasury, $ 1 00. 00 to
pay the moving expenses of each displaced
person, and $ 2 5 00. 00 for the moving expenses
of each displaced business frm.
If there is no housing available for persons
evicted from an urban renewal area, the city
can get tax money from the national treasury
to build "low-rent" public housing. It is called
"low-rent, " because the persons living in it do
not pay much rent. The federal government
provides an annual subsidy to operate low
rent" public housing projects. The projects
could accurately be called very high rent"
housing, if the rent which tenants pay were
added to the rent" which all taxpayers pay on
each public housing proj ect -in the form of
federal subsidies to meet the cost of operation.
A business frm evicted from an urban
renewal project can usually get loans through
some federal agency to acquire new quarters
elsewhere.
Once human beings are removed from an
urban renewal proj ect, the city uses U. S. tax
money to demolish and remove everything else
-leaving the project area naked and ready for
a fresh start.
The city sells the entire project area to pri
vate developers who promise to build in com
pliance with specifcations of the Workable
Program. Often, the area is sold in one piece to
one buyer. This generally means that only big
real estate operators or syndicates can buy. It
follows that many ( if not most) major urban
renewal projects are developed by big frms or
syndicates which specialize in buying and
developing "urban renewed" land.
T he private frms which buy the cleared
urban renewal project land can get U. S. tax
money, from federal lending agencies, to do
the developing. But the land and the develop
ments are theirs to be used for their private
proft, under certain provisos. Here are con
trols imposed on private developers of urban
renewal proj ects :
( 1 ) They must build something that con
forms with the planners' dreams as revealed
in the Workable Programs.
( 2 ) They must abide by whatever federal
requirements may be made under the terms
of Section 1 06 ( c) ( 7 ) of the Housing Act of
1 949, as Amended, which provides that the
Urban Renewal Administrator: C C notwith
standing the provisions of any other law, may
. . . include in any contract or instrument
made pursuant to this title such other cove
nants, conditions, or provisions . . . as he may
deem necessary."
( 3 ) They must comply with Section 1 09
( a) of the federal housing law, which con
tains the Davis-Bacon Act provision that the
Secretary of Labor has absolute power to set
wage scales for all work connected with a fed
erally-fnanced urban renewal project. This
is a law which union bosses lobbied through
Congress. Its purpose is to force private con
tractors ( when using federal tax money) to
Page 34
hire union labor, or, at least, to pay whatever
wages union bosses want paid -regardless of
local conditions and wage-scales.
( 4) Pri vate devel opers of federal l y
fnanced urban renewal projects must comply
with President Kennedy's ukase about Hno
racial discrimination. "
(
l )
Apart from these political restrictions, the
private developers who buy land confscated
from other private owners in an urban renewal
area, and develop the land with federal tax
money, enjoy ownership of the development.
Urban Renewal Land Deal s
The major burden to taxpayers, i n an urban
renewal proj ect, is the net cost of acquiring and
clearing the land.
Urban renewal generally involves land close
to downtown, where congestion and commer
cial and industrial development have pushed
real estate prices to great heights. The cost of
acquiring such land -and of removing the
structures on it -is said to be too great for
private developers. This means that the proj ect
is economically unsound, and must be subsi
dized by taxpayers. The federal government,
therefore, bears most of the net cost of land
acquisition and clearance ( usually, two-thirds ;
bu often more ) .
Net cost is the amount the city government
loses on urban renewal real estate deals. The
city buys real estate at high prices ; spends a
great deal to have the land cleared ; and then
sells the land to private developers for a low
pnce.
A few statistics will serve to indicate just
how heavy a burden this urban renewal net
cost" is, on taxpayers :
In Baltimore, land for urban renewal was
acquired for $ 1 ,444, 1 5 5 . 00. After it was
cleared and ready for re-development, it was
sold to private developers for $ 3 00, 000. 00 -
a net loss to U. S. taxpayers of $ 1 , 1 44, 1 5 5 . 00.
In Jersey City, land acquired for urban
renewal cost $ 3 ,966, 78 5 . 00. After it was
cleared, it was sold for $ 8 5 0, 000. 00 -a net
loss to U. S. taxpayers of $ 3 , 1 1 6, 78 5 . 00.
In New York City, land for 1 0 urban
renewal projects, which cost $ 8 2 , 1 99,479. 00,
was sold to private buyers for $ 2 5 , 6 5 2, 1 07. 00
-a net loss to U. S. taxpayers of $ 5 6, 547, -
3 72. 00.
In Philadelphia, land for 2 urban renewal
projects cost $ 1 , 5 1 4, 994. 00, but was resold
for $ 2 76, 074. 00-a net loss of $ 1 , 23 8, 920. 00.
he net loss to taxpayers on urban renewal
land deals in these particular projects, in four
cities, was 62 million, 47 thousand, 2 3 2 dol
lars ( $ 62, 047, 2 3 2. 0 0 ) .
These statistics do not, by any means, reveal
the total net loss to taxpayers on the land deals
involved. The statistics do not include the
enormous cost of clearing the land, before it
was resold for redevelopment -or the cost of
legal fees involved in condemnation proceed
ings ; and so on.
The statistics cited above are from a letter
which the Urban Renewal Administration
wrote to United States Representative Bruce
Alger on May 1 , 1 9 5 6 ; hence, they reflect
urban renewal activities during the infancy of
the urban renewal program.
Just the Begi nni ng
\rban renewal with federal tax money
was p.ovided for in the National Housing Act
of 1 949, and enlarged in scope by the Housing
Act of 1 9 5 4. It was sanctioned by a Supreme
Court decision in 1 9 5 4 ; but it did not become
a vigorously promoted nationwide program
until 1 9 5 7, when the invisible government
network initiated an all-out propaganda drive
to sell the urban renewal idea to the nation -
as discussed in this Report, last week.
Uy the time President Eisenhower left ofce,
urban renewal had become a major national
movement. But President Kennedy said the
program had to be expanded. In his frst hous
ing message, March 9 , 1 9 6 1 , President Kennedy
said:
ttUrban renewal programs to date have
been too narrow to cope efectively with the
basic problems facing older cities. We must
do more than concern ourselves with bad
housing -we must reshape our cities into
Page 35
efective nerve centers for expanding metro
politan areas. Our urban renewal eforts must
be substantially reoriented from slum clear
ance and slum prevention into positive pro
grams for economic and social regeneration . . . .
This program, if it is to be truly efective,
must help local communities go beyond the
project-by-project approach. I have instructed
the Administrator of the Housing and Home
Finance Agency to work with the local ofcials
in every area to foster this broader approach,
in which individual projects will be developed
within the framework of an over-all com
munity program, a program which clearly
identifes the city's long term renewal needs
and opportunities and the changing shape of
the city . . . .
HLocal communities must be able to count
on adequate and continuing support through
a long-term Federal commitment. I therefore
recommend to the Congress that new authori
zations totaling $ 2 , 5 00, 000, 000. 00 over a
4-year period be made available for urban
renewal programs . . . . , , (
2
)
Congress gave the President more than he
asked. The Housing Act of 1 9 6 1 ( signed into
law on June 3 0, 1 96 1 ) will cost U. S. taxpay
ers more than 9 billion dollars. (3
)
Urban Renewal for the Worl d
The 9-billion-dollar housing and urban
renewal programs authorized in the Housing
Act of 1 9 6 1 were for the United States only.
In the Foreign Assistance Act of 1 9 6 1 , Con
gress expanded our urban renewal and housing
for foreign countries -to be paid for by
United States taxpayers.
But even bigger programs are being planned.
On February 2 5 , 1 962, The New York Times
reported:
An international group of housing experts
has advised governments to set up federal
agencies for housing and urban afairs . . . .
The ten [United Nations] specialists, who
have spent the last two weeks appraising
world housing needs proposed that in each
country a central ministry should help formu
late urban development.
It was suggested that such an agency con
cern itself with such problems as transporta
tion, location of industry, water supply, land
use, health, and recreation. Appropriate local
machinery also was recommended.
The group said further that one way of
aiding housing developments would be to
establish a United Nations fund or pool of
equipment and technical services. Member
states under a General Assembly resolution
would be invited to supply funds, equipment,
materials and services for pilot projects in low
cost housing.
Another indirect help would be to have
the United Nations increase the supply of
international funds for housing and urban
development. This would be done through a
fund providing mortgage insurance for invest
men t in housing in developing countries of
Asia, Africa and Latin America.
By 1 96 5 , it was estimated, 24, 000, 000
dwellings will be needed annually to house the
rising population in the developing area . . . .
The United Nations assesses the United
States for almost one-third of all UN admin
istrative costs. But UN aid programs ( such as
the proposed housing and urban renewal pro
grams ) are fnanced by voluntary contribu
tions from member nations. Most of the volun
tary contributions come from the United
States. Most other UN members which con
tribute to UN aid programs get more than
enough direct aid from the United States to
ofset their UN contributions. So, whatever
the UN may do, in the way of urban renewal
and housing for the world, will be paid for, in
large part, by U. S. taxpayers.
The United States is also planning enlarged
foreign urban renewal and housing programs,
on its own. On October 4, 1 962, Senator John
J. Sparkman ( Democrat, Al abama ) tol d
Congress :
HI wan t to bring to the a tten tion of the
Senate plans that the subcommittee . . . has to
study our Government's programs of assisting
foreign underdeveloped countries in housing
and urban development activities. Although
we already have several programs started, I
feel there is a great deal more that can be
don'e . . . .
In order to explore this more fully, during
the recess period, papers will be solicited from
specialists in the feld of international housing
and planning on a variety of subjects such as
Page 36
urban planning, development of new con
struction materials, improved building tech
niques, home fnancing, self-help housing
techniques, cooperative housing, slum clear
ance, and savings and loan and other thrift
systems. , , (4)
Metropol itan Government
In his housing message to Congress, on
March 9, 1 9 6 1 , President Kennedy complained
that urban renewal programs had been too nar
row. He meant narrow, not only in volume,
but in purpose. The President said:
((The city and its suburbs are interdepend
en t parts of a single community, bound
together by the web of transportation and
other public facilities and by common eco
nomic interests. Bold programs in individual
jurisdictions are no longer enough. Increas
ingly, community development must be a
cooperative venture toward the common goals
of the metropolitan region as a whole.
((This requires the establishment of an
efective and comprehensive planning process
in each metropolitan area embracing all major
activities, both public and private, which
shape the community . . . . I recommend there
fore the enactment of an extended and
improved program of Federal aid to urban
and metropolitan planning. "( 2
)
he President's dialectics are an argument
for the necessity of metropolitan government
which would destroy the whole fabric of gov
ernment and social organization in the United
States.
The planners have a vision of a new kind of
America. The old federation of states, held
together in union by a federal government of
carefully limited powers, will be gradually
changed into a nation governed by a central
ized absolutism in Washington.
For administrative purposes, this new Amer
ica will be divided, geographically, into urban
rural ( or metropolitan) areas, which sprawl
across forgotten and meaningless state bound
ary lines. Each metropolitan area will be man
aged by an appointed expert.
In this new America, there will no longer be
troublesome resistance to local taxes for local
improvements, because there will not be any
such taxation. All taxes will be levied by the
central government in Washington, and then
distributed to the metropolitan managers.
This method of taxation will give additional
strength to the central government, because it
will make the metropolitan governing bodies
answerable, not to the local people governed,
but to the s upreme pol i t i cal power i n
Washington.
ederally fnanced urban renewal is an
important ( perhaps the most important ) part
of an overall drive for such metropolitan gov
ernment in America. The Metropolitan Amer
ica thus emerging is strikingly similar to the
Soviet America which communist William Z.
Foster predicted and demanded, i n his book,
Toward Soviet America, published in 1 9 3 2 .
Communist Mani festo
ederally fnanced urban renewal is also
helping to fulfll the demands of another com
munist far more important than William Z.
Foster. In 1 8 48 , Karl Marx wrote The Com
munist Manifesto. He outlined a 1 0 -point
program for eliminating capitalism and estab
lishing communism. Here is Point 9 in the
Manifesto:
( (Combination of agriculture with manu
facturing industries ; gradual abolition of the
distinction between town and country, by a
more equable distribution of population over
the country.
, ,
( 5 )
Iompare this point in The Communist
Manifesto with a proposal formally made by
former United States Representative Thomas
F. Johnson ( new frontier Democrat from
Maryland, now under indictment for conspir
acy and conflict of interest ) . Mr. Johnson is
so enamored of urban renewal that he wants
the federal government to undertake a pro
gram of rural renewal. Here is how the Tulsa
Tribune described a Bill, introduced by Rep
resentative Johnson, to create a federal rural
renewal commission:
Page 37
((This commission would be charged with
( 1) encouraging an (orderly diminution' in
the number of farmers ; ( 2 ) halting the exo
dus of rural folks to the already-overcrowded
cities ; ( 3 ) repairing, rebuilding or replacing
homes, business buildings and other property
which have deteriorated because of depressed
rural conditions.
((Additionally, the commission would con
sider requiring part of each defense contract
to be undertaken in rural areas, so our defense
plants wouldn't all be wiped out in a nuclear
attack.
, ,
(6)
Cri me and Del i nquency
%any Americans think of urban renewal
as slum clearance. They believe that govern
ment can eliminate slums, and that elimination
of slums will virtually abolish crime and j uve
nile delinquency.
Although most of them do not realize it,
Americans who have this viewpoint have
accepted a central proposition in the dialectical
materialism of communism: namely, that peo
ple are animals, shaped and controlled by their
material environment.
The truth is that siums do not breed crime
and j uvenile delinquency. It is the other way
around. People make slums. Slums do not make
people. If you tore down all old houses in
America ; replaced them with luxury homes
and apartments; gave those luxury dwellings
to criminals, j uvenile delinquents, bums, and
improvident, lazy ne'er-do-wells ; and provided
the occupants with l avish pensions -the
places would soon be slums.
Billions of tax dollars have been spent on
public housing and federal urban renewal in
America. In support of every one of the thou
sands of such projects, the same argument was
used: eliminate the slums and you will elimi
nate the causes of crime and juvenile delin
quency. Put up something that looks good and
the people will be good.
Uut the public housing projects of America
have not eliminated any crime or j uvenile
delinquency. On the contrary, many have
become concentration centers for criminals
and j uvenile delinquents.
The March 2 0, 1 9 5 4, issue of The Provi
dence C R. 1. ) Journal, quoted Judge Francis
J. McCabe of the Rhode Island Juvenile Court
as saymg:
((Slums don't make delinquency. Delin
quent people make slums. Public housing
projects don't wipe out juvenile and adult
delinquency by eliminating slums. Delin
quents are more plentiful in the projects,
because they move into the projects from
scattered areas and thereby become more
concentrated."
n recent years, magazines and newspapers
have featured many well-documented stories
about expensive publ i c- housing projects
quickly becoming smelly tenements, with gar
bage and human ofal littering the grounds and
hallways, and the ravages of vandalism and
bestial behavior visible in broken windows,
defaced walls, sagging stair rails, damaged
fxtures.
Government can make slum dwellers move
elsewhere, but government cannot remake peo
ple. Hence, no matter how much power it
usurps or how much tax money it spends, gov
ernment cannot eliminate slums.
Legal Action Agai nst
II
Sl umsll
\nder the guise of slum-clearance, our tax
money is fnancing a frightful amount of snob
bery which injures many people. I have person
ally known low-income neighborhoods which
were charming living areas. I knew one in par
ticular that was occupied by colored people.
Practically everyone in the neighborhood
owned his own home. They were small,
wooden-frame houses ; but they were clean and
attractive. Their principal virtue was that the
people who owned them and lived in them and
cared for them, loved them.
The people were proud of their neighbor
hood, which produced relatively little crime
or delinquency; and they were astonished and
hurt when the City Planning Commission, sup
ported by federal housing authorities, declared
their area blighted. " Their homes and busi-
Page 38
nesses were confscated, and the neighborhood
became a public housing proj ect. The original
home owners were not project-dwellers by
nature. They went elsewhere. The project flled
with tenants who quickly converted it into an
eyesore and a concentration center for human
flotsam and jetsam.
Lity governments have adequate, legal
power to do something efective about a slum,
if, by slum, one means inhabited buildings
which sanitation experts can prove to be inju
rious to public health; or which capable engi
neers can prove to be dangerous to the general
public.
The city can order owners to make mini
mum improvements necessary to public safety.
If owners refuse, the city can have the work
done and add the cost to the owners' tax bills.
If the owners will not pay, the city can sell the
places at public auction.
One astonishing argument made for tax
fnanced slum clearance and urban renewal is
that wealthy people own much of the slum
property; that they pay a very low tax on the
property; and that city services which their
slum properties require ( police and fre protec
tion, principally) are much greater than the
services required on good properties in good
neighborhoods, where tax rates must be higher
in order to make up for the low tax on slums.
DAN SMOOT,
P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station
Dallas 14, Texas
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If all of this is so, why give the owners of
slum property the special privilege of low
taxes ? If they get more city services than other
property owners, why not make them pay more
taxes ? People could not then aford to own rent
property which is dangerous to the public.
They would either improve the property to
make it comply with minimum requirements
of public safety, or they would sell it -to
escape the high taxes.
These legal procedures would not eliminate
all buildings that liberal planners-of-other
people's-lives do not like ; but they would elim
inate most places that are a menace to public
safety; and they would leave Americans secure
in their God-given right to own property.
Greed and Cyni cism
Lreed and cynicism have helped urban
renewal to become a national disgrace.
Many individuals support federally-fnanced
urban renewal, knowing it is unconstitutional
and wrong, because they think there is no way
to stop it :
If you cannot whiP them, join them. We
cannot stop urban renewal, so why deny our
city its share of federal money? Taxpayers in
our city are helping pay for urban renewal in
rival cities. Let's get some federal urban renewal
money ourselves, so that taxpayers in those
D Renewal D New Subscription
years ) < months ) to THE DAN
PRINT NAME
STREET ADDRESS
CIT, ZONE AND STATE
Page 39
other cities will have to help pay f01' somethi11 g
we are getting. This is one way to get some of
our federal tax money back.
It Can Be Stopped
%any Americans are, however, resIstmg
urban renewal ; and, in some communities they
have managed to stop it. Their basic technique
is simple : they use whatever means they can
fnd to educate others in the real meaning and
implications of urban renewal.
I am pleased to say that this Report has
played a part in successful fghts against urban
renewal. Individuals and organizations distrib
ute, as widely as possible in their community,
issues of the Report ( and of other publica
tions ) dealing with urban renewal. They run
newspaper ads and sponsor meetings and broad
casts. In communities where this kind of edu
cational job is adequately done, the people can
stop federally-fnanced urban renewal .
In some communities, such educated public
interest has forced city governments, before
requesting federal urban renewal funds, to put
the question to voters, in a referendum. Among
the cities where urban renewal has been
defeated by referendum vote are E1 Dorado,
Arkansas ; Fontana, Fresno, San Bernardino,
San Luis Obispo, Soledad, and Stockton in
California ; Indianapolis, Indiana ; Des Moines,
Iowa ; Kalamazoo, Michigan ; Cape Girardeau,
Missouri ; Amarillo and San Antonio in Texas.
In some commulltIes, an aroused public
interest causes city ofcials to stop plans for
federal urban renewal projects without sub
mitting the issue to voters. In Dallas, for exam
ple, public opposition to urban renewal caused
the city government to abandon plans for a
project, after a federal grant for the initial
survey had already been authorized.
On October 5 , 1 962, United States Repre
sentative Bruce Alger ( Republican, Texas )
inserted a thirty-eight page document in the
Congressional Record, l isting some of the cities
where urban renewal has been defeated, and
telling how the defeats were accomplished.
ederally-fnanced urban renewal can be
defeated at the local level, by hard-working
citizens who care. But the only way to end the
whole program ( and to make similar opera
tions forever impossible ) is to repeal the income
tax amendment.
Take the surplus tax money away from
the Washington plunderers : and most of the
harmful programs of government would cease,
because there would not be enough tax money
to pay for them.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "Executive Order 1 1 063 ; Equal Opportunity In Housing," Federal
Register, November 24, 1 962, p. 1 1 5 27
( 2 ) COllgressiollal Qllarteriy \'Ieekl) Report, March 1 0, 1 961 , p. 403
( 3 ) COllgressiOllal Quarterly \'eekiy Report, June 3 0, 1 96 1 , p. 1 1 60
( 4) COllgressiollal Record, October 4, 1 962, p. 20949
( 5 ) COII/ II/ullist Mallifesto by Karl Marx, Gateway Edition, 1 9 54, p. 37
( 6) Huma" Events, September 29, 1962, p. 73 7
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1 938 and 1 940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the indus:rial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in WashingtOn, as an Admi nistrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write LW
the side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan
Smoot Report.
Page 40
M
1tl Smoot le,o,t
Vol. 9, No. 6 ( Broadcast 391 ) February 1 1 , 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
HOW TO L OS E FRI E NDS
1n a press conference on January 24, 1 96 3 , President Kennedy said:
( (The Communist apparatus controls more than one billion people, and it daily con
fronts Europe and the United States with hundreds of missiles, scores of divisions, and the
purposes of domination. The reality of power is that the resources essential to defense
against this danger are concentrated overwhelmingly in the nations of the Atlantic Alli
ance. In unity, this Alliance has ample strength to hold back the expansion of Com
munism B B B Acting alone, neither the United States nor Europe could be certain of success
and survival."
ess than two weeks later, these stories were making headlines throughout the world:
( (In a world that seems suddenly to be coming unglued, President Kennedy faces the
prospect of having to make some agonizing decisions in the next few weeks . . . . Kennedy
will very likely have to decide soon whether it is necessary to undertake measures of
reprisal because of De Gaulle's open break with the allies over the future economic, polit
ical, and military organization of the Atlantic Alliance" -John M. Hightower, Associated
Press dispatch from Washington, February 4, 1 96 3 ;
((Almost everyone agrees that U. S. intervention in the Canadian nuclear debate not
only created the most serious rift between the two countries in modern times, but vir
tually assured that anti-Americanism would become a prime issue in the next general
election" -Max Harrelson, Associated Press dispatch from Ottawa, February 3 , 1 963 .
(
1 )
Mere, once again, is dramatic proof of the tragic stupidity of American foreign policy.
Since the end of World War II, the political leaders of America have assumed that America
has enough strength to carry the world on her back, but that she does not have enough
strength to stand alone.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person, Add
2% sales tax on al l orders originating i n Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 41
Assuming that we can no longer defend our
own nation, our leaders have spent staggering
sums of tax money to build a "free world alli
ance" which is, and always will be, as weak as
the weakest member in the alliance. The secur
ity of the American nation is dependent on
the whims, ambitions, and greed of foreign
politicians who, far from being answerable to
American taxpayers, increase their own power
by denouncing the United States.
urthermore, our eforts to ai d other
nations and to make them strong members of
our "free world alliance" have caused almost
universal hatred and resentment of America
even among nations which were traditionally
our best and closest friends : witness, Canada.
We alienated the Netherlands by forcing
them to surrender their East Indian posses
sions -which became the pro-communist ( if
not outright communist) nation of Indonesia.
More recently ( 1 9 62 ) , we deepened the inj ury
by our part in forcing the Netherlands to sur
render New Guinea to Indonesia.
Australi a is disturbed and angry at us
because of this New Guinea deal.
Our State Department has primary respon
sibility for converting Cuba from a friendly
nation into an enemy nation. In forcing the
downfall of Truj illo in the Dominican Repub
lic, we eliminated the last strong friend we
had in the Caribbean area.
The alienation of France now seems com
plete ; and, in West Germany, the growing
resentment of American intervention in inter
nal afairs threatens to eliminate that nation
from the ranks of nations "friendly" to the
United States.
Cambodia resents us because of the arms
we give to Thailand; and Thailand resents us
because of arms we give to Cambodia. Pakistan
resents us because of the aid we give to India ;
and India resents us because of the aid we give
to Pakistan.
t is the same all over the world. Foreign
governments accept our military aid, not to
help "defend the free world against commu
nism" but to support their own tyranny over
their own people and to strengthen themselves
against their neighbors, who are also accepting
our military aid as members of our "free world
1 1 '
"
a lance.
Our military aid to foreign nations not only
puts us in the ridiculous position of engaging
in an armaments race with ourselves : it puts all
of our " allies" into an armaments race with
each other, with us fnancing both sides.
e have alienated Portugal by our United
Nations s tand wi th regard to Portuguese
Angola in Africa ; and we have alienated South
Africa by backing the United Nations Reso
lution condemning South African policy on
the race question.
The das t ar dl y Uni ted Nat i ons rape of
Katanga -which we have fnanced and sup
ported without stint -has not only elimi
nated Katanga as a friend of America but must
have caused hatred of us throughout Africa.
United Nations forces bombed hospitals,
homes , i ndus t ri al pl a nt s, a nd s chool s i n
Ka t anga. Uni t ed Na ti ons t roops ( whi c h
included uncivilized Ghurkas from India and
savage tribesmen from Ethiopia) committed
indescribable atrocities against women, chil
dren, missionaries, doctors, and other civilians
in Katanga. Meanwhile, Congolese troops
drawing their pay at the expense of American
taxpayers -roamed the country in lawless,
drunken bands, raping, killing, and pillaging. (
2
)
Lne aspect of our "United Nations policy"
in the Congo, not reported in the American
press, has been revealed by South Afri can
newspapers.
The January 6, 1 9 6 3 , edition of the Johan
nesburg Sunday Times printed an interview
with Mr. E. M. Schollij , a South African who
served for a year in the Katangese military
intelligence before he was captured and later
released by United Nations troops.
Schollij reported that the United Nations
forces in the Congo -ofcers, troops and of
cials -are taking part in large-scale rack
eteering and blackmarketing in everything
from Katangese gold to the four sent over by
UNESCO.
Page 42
Of the 1 , 2 0 0 tons of four sent by UNESCO
fortnightly for the starving Congolese, nearly
all is sold by United Nations ofcials to Indian
traders, Schollij stated; and he added that even
United Nations doctors participated in the
racketeering, selling medical supplies sent from
abroad to combat the wide-spread disease in
the Congo.
At a Goma airfeld ( in the Kivu province) ,
Mr. Schollij saw a cargo of stolen Katangese
gold which was flown in by Air Congo. He
said:
((The new (owners' of the gold were four
Indian ofcers of the United Nations forces, a
captain of the Malayan contingent and his ser
geant-major."
Peru
n Peru, there is hurt and bewilderment on
the part of intelligent, middle-class Peruvians
at our failure to give full recognition to the
new anti-communist dictatorship which has
seized power there. I was in Lima in the middle
of January, 1 96 3 . I talked to prominent Peru
vian professional and businessmen, and others.
Uniformly, they expressed fear about the social
and political conditions there.
The heavy population of indigent and igno
rant indians and mixed-breeds hangs like an
albatross upon the neck of the nation. They
will not work, although there is plenty of work
available. Squatting in slums, in a land richly
endowed with fertile soil and fabulous natural
resources, they seem impervious to education
or even to acceptance of rudimentary infor
mation about sanitation and decent living.
Yet, they have the vote and are easily
inflamed by the agitation of communists and
venal politicians who go among them in elec
tion years denouncing American capitalists
and exploiters, while giving them handouts of
food and drink, often purchased with Ameri
can aid money.
he educated middle-class people I talked
to in Lima welcomed the anti-communist dic
tatorship which put more than 8 00 commu
nist agitators in j ail and suspended the farcical
elections. " They frankly admit that Peru is
not yet ready for the kind of democratic
society we have in the United States. They say
that a strong, benefcent dictatorship is neces
sary for stability and safety in their nation
and will be for many years to come.
They know that we Americans despise dic
tatorships of all kinds. They admire us for
that ; and they envy us because we have already
reached the level of social and political devel
opment which enables us to maintain a free
society; but it bewilders them because we can
not understand that their problems are difer
ent. And our inconsistency hurts them. They
see us give full recognition, and aid, to com
munist dictatorships, and cannot understand
why we scorn their dictatorship which is pro
American and anti-communist.
These people do not really want aid from
us. They want friendship and tolerant under
standing of their eforts to work out their
unique national problems in their own way.
We give the aid, which obviously does more
harm than good; and, with our diplomacy, we
insist on meddling in their dangerously explo
sive domestic afairs.
Argenti na
uring the week of January 24, 1 9 6 3 , the
Foreign Minister of Argentina was in the
United States. Asked to comment on Argen
tina-United States relations, President Ken
nedy, during his January 24 press conference,
said:
( (The relationship has been good . . . . There
is an International Monetary Fund group
down there in Argentina now considering the
Ar gen ti ne' s economi c problems. We are
watching that very closely, and we are ana
lyzing when that study is completed what we
can most usefully do to be of assistance to the
Argentine."
Just fve days before President Kennedy
made that evaluation, I interviewed an ofcial
of the United States Embassy in Buenos Aires.
After letting me know that he would deny
anything I said if I identifed him or quoted
him directly, he said that Argentina is pres-
Page 43
ently making gestures of friendship toward
America "because the Argentines are greedy. "
He said the Argentines will play up to anyone
whom they think they can get something
from; and, at present, they think their best
prospect of getting something for nothing is
by a show of friendship for the United States.
arrived in Buenos Aires by airplane from
Santiago, Chile. Shortly after take-of in San
tiago, we crossed the crest of the mighty
Andes ; and for two hours after that, traveling
at j et speed, I stared down at the magnifcent
Argentine pampas -the vast treeless plains
that stretch from the Andes to the River Plate.
Viewed from an airplane 3 0, 000 feet high,
the pampas look very much like the plains
country of West Texas, New Mexico, and
Arizona. But our plains country is arid, and
the topsoil thin. In the Argentine pampas, the
rich topsoil is eight feet thick, and rainfall is
abundant. And we are giving them aid! Why?
Buenos Aires is at the mouth of the River
Plate. The marvelous delta complex of that
river includes literally thousands of islands,
so rich in alluvial soil, so abundantly watered
by nature, and so bathed with tropical sun
shine that they ( alone -without the great
pampas ) could produce enough food to feed
not only all of Buenos Aires, but all of Argen
tina. And we are giving them aid! Why?
asked the U. S. embassy ofcial in Buenos
Aires why. I asked the same question of resi
dent American businessmen, of American mis
sionaries, of Argentine businessmen, and of
miscellaneous Argentines whom I was able to
interview. From all, I got the same story: the
Argentines do not want to work. They seem
to have no patriotism. They are, for the most
part, a well-educated, sophisticated, very cos
mopolitan people of European ext raction
( mostly Spanish and Italian) who look upon
the Argentine as a splendid place for pleasure
and plunder.
Labor unions -set up by Peron, with spe
cial l aws and governmental favoritism that put
union bosses above the law ( even more dan
gerously than our own federal laws put the
Walter Reuthers and the James Hofas above
the law) -dominate the economy of Argen
tina.
The labor union rationale -that the objec
tive of life is to get the most that you can with
the least amount of efort -seems to have
become the attitude of the nation. And this
attitude keeps the Argentine from getting pre
cisely what it needs -an infux of private,
foreign capital to develop the rich natural
resources.
he Kaiser Corporation does have a tre
mendous industrial operation in Argentina,
made possible by American law designed to
encourage the investment of American capital
in foreign lands -largely at the expense of
American taxpayers and American produc
tivity. And what is the Argentine attitude
toward Kaiser?
Here is a story, distributed by Copley News
Service from Buenos Aires, and published by
The Dallas Morning News on February 4,
1 9 6 3 :
HThe confscation of the Kaiser automobile
factory by vengeful workers has deal t a
crushing setback to Argentina's hopes for
increased private investments from the United
States.
cCThe workers, led by accused communists,
took over the Kaiser plant at Cordoba this
month after the company had announced
plans to close the production line for 1 2 days
because of declining sales. Ten thousand
workers would have been laid of.
cCThe workers took 3 0 0 company ofcials
as hostages, forced them to keep assembly lines
operating, then put them in a paint shed and
threatened to set it afre if Kaiser's top execu
tives did not cancel the shutdown.
cc CWith all those lives at stake, we had to do
what the workers asked,' said a Kaiser execu
tive.
CCSince the seizure, which police made little
efort to block, Kaiser ofcials have been nego
tiating with workers' representatives. An
easing in the workers' demands is reported
and a shutdown may be permitted to give
Kaiser time to sell a backlog of 3 , 000 cars.
cCDespite the talks, the damage has been
done. U. S. frms are alarmed about their 7 5 0-
million-dollar investment here and potential
investors are steering away."
Page 44
Ln my way home from South America,
I traveled part of the way with the represent
ative of another maj or American corporation
which had been doing business in Argentina.
The company had shut down its operations,
closed its warehouses, and ordered key Ameri
can personnel back to the states -because of
the impossibility of doing business in the
Argentine. The corporation's representative
said to me :
cCThere is a great need and a great demand
for our products ; but the Argentines whom
we sell to don't want to pay for what they
get ; and the Argentines whom we hire don't
want to work -even though we provide bet
ter working conditions and give much better
wages than they can get from any Argentine
frm."
5ince 1 946, the United States has given
Argentina approximately 1 billion, 2 7 million,
3 00 thousand dollars in economic, military,
and nonmutual security aid.
(
3)
Brazi l
Mere is an article from the October 1 9,
1 962, issue of The World, a weekly newsmaga
zine published in Washington, D. C. :
c C The Uni ted S tates Embas s y i n Ri o de
Janeiro had hardly announced Brazil's receipt
of more than half a billion dollars in grants
and loans under the Alliance [for Progress]
program than President Kennedy was sub
jected to a hostile blast from communist and
nationalist organs . . . .
c C Since May, 1 9 6 1 , the U.S. Embassy in Rio
noted, $ 6 3 6. 5 million in grants and loans have
been made to Brazil under the Alliance for
Progress program, with another $ 5 8. 3 million
made available by the Inter-American Devel
opment Bank. Among the commi tments
recently was a $43 million wheat agreement.
CCOne of the developments causing unfa
vorable reaction to the Alliance program is the
expropriation of the International Telephone
and Tel egraph Corporat ion pl ant i n Ri o
Grande Do SuI, Brazil. "
eonel Brizola ( the Governor of Rio
Grande Do Sui ) , who seized these American
properties, is openly pro-communist. Many
well-informed persons believe him to be a com
munist. The telephone properties he seized
were valued at eight million dollars ( in an
appraisal made j ointly in 1 9 60 by Brizola him
self and by agents of the company) . When
seizing the properties, Brizola ofered the com
pany an indemnity of four hundred thousand
dollars.
This caused a furore in Washington. Con
gress tacked a rider on the 1 962 foreign aid
bill, prohibiting aid to any country which
expropriates United States property without
j ust and prompt indemnity. This meant that
no more foreign aid money could go to Brazil
until a settlement was made.
In elections held in late 1 962, Brizola's party
was defeated in Rio Grande Do SuI ; and the
federal Brazilian government moved in to set
tle the dispute with IT&T -so that Brazil
could continue to get aid from the United
States.
Ln January 9, 1 963 , the State Department
announced that the United States was making
a special "loan" of 3 0 million dollars to the
government of Brazil. It was obvious that this
"loan" was made so that the Brazilian gov
ernment could settle with IT&T -and have
some left over.
On January 1 9 , 1 963 , the Brazilian Foreign
Ministry in Rio announced the "settlement"
with International Telephone and Telegraph
Company. Under the agreement, the govern
ment bank of Brazil will make a two million,
700 thousand dollar loan to the IT&T manu
facturing subsidiary in Brazil -Standard
Electrica Sociedade Anonima, pending fnal
state court valuation of the seized properties.
When the evaluation is decided, the loan will
become partial, or total, indemnifcation. The
IT&T cannot take the money out of Brazil,
however. Its Brazilian subsidiary must invest
the money in Brazil, for the development of
an electronic industry.
ive days after this deal was announced,
I arrived in Brazil for an eight-day visit. Bra
zilians whom I talked to about it were cyni
cally amused.
Confscation of private American property
in Brazil is now good business, with enormous
Page 45
profts guaranteed. The Brazilian government
can seize American property. The American
government will then give the Brazilian gov
ernment ( the gift disguised as a "loan") more
than three times as much as it needs to make
compensation. When compensation is made,
the American frm cannot bring its money
back to the States, but must reinvest it in
Brazil -where it can be confscated again.
One well-informed Brazilian told me that
Brazilian politicians were deeply disturbed
when the U. S
.
Congress cut of aid to Brazil,
pending settlement of the IT&T deal. I asked
him why. He said :
Brazilian politicians use your Alliance for
Progress money for their own progress.' They
go into the squatters camps and put on big
barbecues and parties with your money, and
then make speeches denouncing the United
States. That's the way they get the votes to
keep themselves in power, so that they can get
more of your money. I know you are happy
to hear how your tax money is being used
in Brazil."
\nited States aid to Brazil since 1 946 totals
approximately 3 billion, 1 9 3 million, 400
thousand dollars. ( 3)
Cuba
n his January 24, 1 96 3 , press conference,
President Kennedy was asked whether there
was "any truth" to the reports of a "Soviet
military buildup in Cuba. "
The President replied:
No, we have been conducting continued
surveillance. The best information we have
is that one ship has arrived since the October
crisis, which may have arms on it . . . . But
there has not been a military buildup B B B
There is no evidence that the ship carried any
ofensive weapons . . . .
There is no influx of military equipment,
other than the ship; and, as I say, our scrutiny
of Cuba is daily."
was in Sao Paulo, Brazil, the day the Pres
ident made that reassuring statement about
Cuba. The next day, my guide -a Brazilian
of Italian extraction, an ebullient, voluble lit
tle man who seemed to like Americans a great
" mg agency.
I reported on this UN grant to Castro in the
May 1 5 , 1 9 6 1 , issue of this Report and in my
book The Invisible Government, which was
published in June, 1 962 although, in both,
I inaccurately called the UN Special Fund
SUNFED.
It was late in 1 962 ( after our "blockade"
of Cuba ) before Castro would let representa
tives of the UN "administering" agency
( FAO) enter Cuba to sign agreements that
were necessary before the aid could be given.
In January, 1 96 3 , United States representa
tives in the United Nations formally objected
to the Special Fund grant to Cuba, pointing
out that 40 50 of it would come from United
States taxpayers. (7)
On February 1 3 , 1 9 6 3 , Paul G. Hofman
announced that the United Nations Special
Fund was going ahead with the gift to Castro,
despite vigorous objections from the United
States. Saying he had been under pressure not
to make the grant to Castro, Hofman said he
would resign before yielding to such pressure.
Hofman promised, however, that the UN
Special Fund would spend no American money
on the Cuban project ! (B) He did not explain
how this miracle would be accomplished, since
40 % of every dollar the Fund spends, any
where for any purpose, is contributed directly
by the United States.
The United Nations Special Fund is by no
means the only UN organization giving our
tax money to communist countries. During
the 1 9 6 1 - 62 fscal year, the United Nations
Expanded Program of Technical Assistance
gave Cuba $44 5 , 8 8 3 for 1 projects. The
United States pays for 40 50 of this UN out
ft's expenditures. (9)
In November, 1 962, the UN Technical
Assistance Committee of the Economic and
Social Council approved 1 1 proj ects for Cuba
for the 1 963 -64 fscal year. Nine of these 1 1
projects will cost $ 1 , 03 3 , 0 8 0. 00. Cost of the
.
b ' d
( 1 0)
other 2 projects has not yet een estImate .
The UN initiated the Volta River project
in communist Ghana. The United States has
promised to pay 5 2 70 of the total cost. This
project alone will take more than 3 60 million
.
d 11
( 1 1 )
Amencan tax 0 ars.
United Nati ons Fish Story
Longress and the American press generally
ignored the UN Special Fund grant to Castro
in 1 96 1 , when the grant was frst approved;
but in 1 96 3 , Cuba was a sore subject. The
thought that money, taken away from Amer
ican taxpayers, was being given to Castro,
rankled.
Urged on by outraged constituents, many
United States Representatives and Senators
began to question the wisdom of our member
ship in United Nations Organizations which
can use our tax money to subsidize our sworn
enemies, in open defance of our protests.
uring February and March, 1 9 6 3 ,
United States Representative Durward G. Hall
( Republican, Missouri ) made a searching
investigation into the costs and operations of
the United Nations Special Fund. In one
speech to the House, Mr. Hall pointed out that,
although the United States pays most of the
Fund's bills, the United States is one country
which never receives a penny from the outft.
Thereupon, various United Nations ofcials
assured Mr. Hall that the United States has
received aid from the United Nations. Mr.
Hall asked for details. He was told that the
UN had sent a Chinese expert to teach Ameri
can rice farmers how to grow fsh in rice
paddies.
The sum of the Chinese expert's advice to
American farmers, as best Mr. Hall could
determine, is the following:
HIn their wild state, they ( the fsh in the
rice paddies ) only spawn when they are
happy. Our problem is how to make them
happy in captivity. We might have to feed
them special vitamins, make sure they get
their calories and even give them hormone
injections to make them more peppy."
Page 99
%r. Hall could not, however, fnd out
where, or when, this UN Special Fund aid
project to the United States was conducted.
The UN Information Center in Washington
told him the rice-fsh project was in Kansas -
which has no rice paddies. The New York
Ofce of the UN Food and Agriculture
Organization told him the project was in
Arkansas. Mr. Hall found in a book written
by Paul G. Hofman a statement that the rice
fsh project was in Louisiana. Mr. Hall wrote
Hofman to fnd out where in Louisiana, and
to get other details. In reply, Mr. Hofman
merely admitted that he had made a "regret
table mistake" in his book. But he did not tell
Mr. Hall what the mistake was, or where the
rice-fsh proj ect was.
From remarks by ofcials of the American
government and from odds and ends of infor
mation supplied by various UN ofcials, Mr.
Hall concluded that some Chinese expert had
come to the United States to tell our rice farm
ers to keep their fsh happy and that the United
States Government had paid for the expert's
services directly; but Mr. Hall never deter
mined when the Chinaman came, where he
went, whom he advised, or how much we paid
h
" ( 1 2)
1m.
UNESCO/s Sovi et Propaganda
Ln February 1 4, 1 96 3 , American news
papers which carried stories about the UN
Special Fund's gift of American tax money to
Castro, also carried stories about a booklet
published by UNESCO ( United Nations Edu
cational, Scientifc, and Cultural Organiza
tion) almost a year before.
The 1 06-page booklet is entitled Equality
of Rights Between Races and Nationalities in
the USSR. It was written by two Soviet
nationals ( 1. P. Tsamarian and S. L. Ronin) .
It was published by UNESCO in March, 1 962.
The book i s pure Soviet propaganda, denounc
ing "race discrimination" in the United States
and "colonialist oppression" in the western
world generally, while praising Soviet "race
relations" as one of the major social triumphs
of the twentieth century. It speaks of the
"immense progress . . . in all economic and cul
tural felds" in communist China, since China
"freed itself from colonial domination, over
threw the reactionary regime, and established
the rule of the people. "
Mere are a few other quotations from the
UNESCO booklet :
HOnly the revolution of October 1 9 1 7,
which . . . instituted the Soviet system, ena
bled the peoples of Russia to achieve genuine
equality of rights and freedom of develop
ment . . . . It was the Communist Party which
showed the peoples of Russia the true way to
free themselves from social and national
oppression . . . .
(( The Soviet Union is a brotherhood of free
and equal peoples
,
comprising 15 sovereign
Soviet Republics in voluntary association on
a footing of complete equality. Under the
Constitution of the U.S.S.R., each of these
Republics retains the right to secede from the
union. Each of them embodies the collective
will of its people and can decide its own
future in entire freedom.
,,
(
1
3
)
he United States paid 3 2. 02 70 of the
total cost of publishing this UNESCO pam
phlet and giving it world-wide distribution
a great deal more than the Soviet Union paid.
The fact that American taxpayers are pay
ing for United Nations publications to dis
tribute such infamous lies in support of world
communism -coming to public attention
simultaneously with facts about the United
Nations giving our tax money to Cuba
aroused considerable ire. Members of Congress
and representatives of the press demanded a
statement from our State Department. An
ofcial of the State Department said that, on
April 2 5 , 1 962, the Department had "pro
tested vigorously" ( with viggah? ) .4)
UN Lies About the Congo
Ln March 2 1 , 1 96 3 , United Nations of
cials in the Congo admitted that the United
Nations had been lying about its operations in
Page 100
the Congo.
While decent people all over the earth were
appalled at the United Nations war to subject
the province of Jatanga to the rule of the
communist-controlled Congolese government,
not very many were aware that other prov
inces of the former Belgian Congo were also
trying to exercise self-determination, in order
to escape domination by the central govern
ment. One such province was South Jasai.
Longolese and United Nations armies used
the same savage tactics to suppress South Jasai
that they used in Jatanga. Mission stations and
hospitals were ransacked and pillaged. Eye
witnesses told of United Nations-supported
Congolese troops pouring gasoline on huts, set
ting them afre, and shooting down all who
tried to escape. Whole villages and towns were
destroyed. More than 1 00, 000 South Jasaians,
who escaped the guns and bayonets of United
Nations and Congolese troops, fed into the
brush, to sufer famine.
(
1 5 )
Thus, United States tax money was used by
the United Nations to suppress rebellion in the
province of South Jasai in the Congo.
For two months, while this frightful opera
tion was afoot, United Nations ofcials denied
that any unusual action was taking place in
South Jasai. Then, on March 2 1 , 1 96 3 , United
Press International dispatched a news story
from Leopoldville, with the following opening
paragraph:
HThe United Nations, after constantly
denying it for two months, fnally admitted
Thursday it had crushed an active rebellion
against the Congolese government in South
Kasai province.
, ,
( 1 5)
Dangers of Our UN Membershi p
he "bad" publicity which the United
Nations received in America during the
months of February and March, 1 9 6 3 , pro
vided no new information for Americans who
have studied UN operations from the begin
ning. These Americans who know and care
have realized since 1 94 5 that American mem-
bership in the United Nations would not only
bring disgrace upon our nation but would
eventually lead to the destruction of our free
and independent Republic.
Our membership in the United Nations
became ofcial on J ul y 2 8 , 1 94 5 , when the
United States Senate ratifed the United
Nations Charter. Only two Senators voted
against ratifcation: William Langer of North
Dakota, and Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota.
Senator Hiram Johnson of California was on
his death bed and could not vote against ratif
cation, but he went on record against it.
anger is now dead; but the American
people should read again the words that he
spoke on July 2 8 , 1 94 5 , when he voted against
ratifcation of the United Nations Charter.
Senator Langer said:
Practically all members of this body have
indicated that they will vote for the charter.
Under my oath . . . and under my conscience,
I cannot so vote. If I did I would feel that I
was betraying the hundreds of thousands who
have died in this war for the United States,
and the hundreds of thousands who have sac
rifced their loved ones and their treasure.
. . . I feel from the bottom of my heart that
the adoption of the charter -and, make sure,
we are going to implement it -will mean
perpetuating war. I feel that it will mean the
enslavement of millions of people from Poland
to India, from Korea to Java, as well as people
in many other places on this earth.
HMr. President, I feel that the adoption of
the charter will be one step more toward com
pulsory and military conscription, and all
that which goes with war.
In my opinion, the charter is not at all
similar to the Constitution of the United
States which was adopted by the Original
Colonies . . . .
I believe it is fraught with danger to
the American people, and to American
in s ti tu tions. . . .
I cannot, I will not, God helping me, vote
for a measure which I believe to be unlawful
under our Constitution, a measure which, in
my opinion, betrays the very people who sent
us to the Senate as their representatives.
, ,
( 16)
Senator Langer spoke broadly about the
dangers of our membership in the United
Page 101
Nations. One specifc danger is that the United
Nations provides the cover of diplomatic
immunity for communist spies, saboteurs, and
secret police agents sent into the United States.
Communist agents, attached to UN delega
tions from communist countries, enter and
leave the United States at will. They serve as
couriers for the communist world-wide espi
onage network. They bring in tons of propa
ganda material. They direct espionage and
sabotage activities in the United States.
he case of 2 1 Russian seamen in 1 9 5 6
proved that the Soviet secret police, under
cover of UN diplomatic representation, actu
ally operate inside the United States, terroriz
ing refugees who have sought asylum here,
contemptuously defying American laws and
American law-enforcement agencies.
A group of Russian seamen who had been
given asylum in America were working and
living in New York and New Jersey. Soviet
secret police, with UN credentials, went into
their homes, beat them into submission, kid
napped them, and forced them to return to
Russia. American law enforcement agencies
knew what was happening. In fact, they stood
by and watched but did nothing, because the
Soviet secret police would not permit them
to do anything -in New York City, mind
you. (
1
7
)
UN Peace Record
5
ince the UN was established to save suc
ceeding generations from the scourge of war,"
and to guarantee self-determination for all
people, one of the bloodiest wars in history has
been fought.
Communists have conquered China, Tibet,
Laos, Cuba, Ghana, British Guiana, and a
whole tier of Eastern European states from the
Baltic to the Adriatic -not to mention Indo
nesia and a score of new African nations con
trolled by communist sympathizers -and
have murdered millions of people in the
process.
The United Nations has not even protested
against these communist conquests.
\N idolators still talk about the Korean
war as a UN police action which stopped the
spread of communism. Actually, the UN
police action in Korea did more for the spread
of communism than anything else has ever
done.
American and South Korean soldiers did
virtually all the fghting, and the United States
bore practically 1 00 % of the cost. The UN
acted merely to hamstring American opera
tions so that our soldiers sent into battle to die,
could not use their best weapons to destroy the
enemy. The Korean war was the worst disaster
in American history: it cost us the lives of over
5 0, 000 American soldiers ; it built Red China
into a menacing military power; it lost us the
respect of all of Asia ; and it ended, on enemy
terms, as the frst war America ever lost
primarily because of the United Nations.
UN
II
ldea I
II
n some quarters, it does no good to recite
the UN's failures. UN supporters will say,
Well, you can't expect perfection. The UN
means well, and we must keep trying. "
As long as we keep trying to do anything in
the United Nations, we are headed for ruin
because the UN is an international socialist
conspiracy whose aim is to produce a socialist
one-world. The best way to prove this is to
examine the United Nations Bill of Rights. "
Ln June 2 1 , 1 946, the Economic and
Social Council of the United Nations estab
lished a UN Commission on Human Rights.
The task of this Commission was to write the
UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights
-to elaborate upon the ideals and objectives
broadly outlined in Chapter IX of the UN
Charter.
Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, America's repre
sentative on the Commission, was the frst
chairman. One of Mrs. Roosevelt's successors
as chairman of the UN Human Rights Com-
Page 102
mission was an internationally famous social
ist
,
Dr. Charles Malik
,
of Lebanon.
Writing later of his experience in the UN
Human Rights Commission
,
Dr. Malik can
didly admitted that the activities of that Com
mission "responded for the most part more to
Soviet than to Western promptings. "
The Human Rights Commission completed
the UN Universal Declaration of Human
Rights in 1 948 ; and on December 1 0, 1 948 ,
the General Assembly of the United Nations
unanimously adopted the Declaration as a
statement of United Nations ideals.
hese same ideals can be found in the Con
stitution of the Soviet Union:
Article 23 of the United Nations Declara
tion of Human Rights: Everyone has the right
to work . . . and to equal pay for equal work.
Article 1 1 8 of the Constitution of the Soviet
Union: Citizens of the USSR have the right to
work . . . and payment for their work in
accordance with its quantity and quality.
Article 23 of the UN Declaration of
Human Rights: Everyone has the right to
form and to join trade unions. Article 1 2 6,
Constitution of the Soviet Union: Citizens of
the USSR are insured the right to unite . . . in
trade unions.
Article 24 of the United Nations Declara
tion of Human Rights: Everyone has the right
to rest and leisure. Article 1 1 9, Constitution
of the Soviet Union: Citizens of the USSR
have the right to rest and leisure.
Article 22 of UN Declaration: Everyone
. . . has the right to social security. Article 1 20
of the Constitution of the USSR has the same
provision.
Article 2 6 of the UN Declaration of
Human Rights: Everyone has the right to
education. Article 1 2 0 of the Soviet Constitu
tion: Citizens of the USSR have the right to
education.
Article 2 5 of the UN Declaration of
Human Rights: Motherhood and childhood
are entitled to special care and assistance. All
children, whether born in or out of wedlock,
shall enjoy the same social protection. Article
1 22 of the Soviet Constitution has a similar
provision.
he United Nations-Soviet ideal ( that all
powerful government should provide rights
and benefts for the people) is the exact oppo-
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Page 103
site of the American ideal that men get their
rights from God, not from government ; that
government can give the people nothing it has
not frst taken away; that man, if he is to be
free, must restrict government to a very lim
ited and negative role.
What To Do
e cannot restore the eternal principles
and ideals of government which made the
United States the envy of the earth, as long as
we stay in the United Nations and subscribe
to its totalitarian principles.
On October 7, 1 9 6 1 , the People's World
( West Coast newspaper of the communist
party) published an editorial entitled Save
the UN, " saying:
((The UN commands a great reservoir of
su pport in our country. This support should
now be made vocal.
((People should write President Kennedy,
telling him -
((Do not withdraw from UN.
((Restore UN to the Grand Design of
Franklin Roosevelt -the design for peaceful
coexistence. "
American withdrawal from the United
Nations would be a severe blow to the world
wide communist movement, and a tremendous
boost to the cause of freedom.
Surely, the events so widely publicized in
February and March, 1 96 3 , will lead the
American people to support the eforts of two
of the best men in the United States Congress :
Representatives Bruce Alger and James B. Utt,
both of whom introduced Bills on January 9,
1 96 3 , to get the United States out of the
United Nations ( Alger Bill, HR 2 63 ; Utt Bill,
HR 427) .
( 1 8)
FOOTNOTES
( I ) Chicago Daily Tribune, October 29, 1 9 5 6, p. 1 - 20
( 2) Letter of Paul G. Halman to Dan Smoot, November 26, 1 962
( 3 ) The Priorities 0/ Progress: The Ulli/ed Natiolls SPecial Fltlld 1 96 1 ,
published b y the United Nations, New York
(4) Statistical tables on costs and operations of the United Nations Special
Fund in the COllgressiollal Record, February 2 1 , 1 963 , pp. 2 5 5 3 I. ;
February 2 8 , 1 96 3 , pp. 3 072 I. ; March 1 9, 1 963 , pp. 43 24 I.
( 5 ) Remarks of U. S. Representative Durward G. Hall ( Republican,
Missouri ) , COllgressiollal Record, February 2 5 , 1 963 , pp. 28 08 I.
( 6 ) "New Helpmate for New Nations," by Albert Q. Maisel, The
Rotariall, November, 1 96 1 , pp. 1 60 I. ; "Israel Builds Friendship in
Africa," by Robert Hewett, Miulleapolis Star, September . 7b
( 7) "U. S. Fights U.N. Grant For Castro," Dallas Times Herald, January
9, 1 963 , p. 1 4-A
( 8 ) "U. S. Protest Fai ls To Deter U. N. Aid Project For Cubans," The
Dallas Morning News, February 14, 1 963 , Section I, p. 2
( 9) Remarks of U.S. Representative Durward G. Hall, COllgressiollal
Record, February 2 1 , 1 963 , pp. 2 5 5 2 I.
( 1 0 ) Remarks of U. S. Representative Durward G. Hall, COllgressiollal
Record, March 6, 1 963 , pp. 3 3 5 7 I.
( I I ) The Dallas Mornillg News, March 9, 1 963 , Section I, p. 6
( 1 2 ) "A United Nations Fish Story," remarks of U. S. Representative
Durward G. Hal l, COllgressiolll1 Record, March 1 8, 1 963 , pp. 4 1 78 I.
( 1 3 ) "Communists Use United Nations To Promote Their Cause," Exten
sion of Remarks of U. S. Representative John M. Ashbrook ( Repub
lican, Ohio) , COlIgressi01lal Record, March 2 1 , 1 963 , p. AI 604
( 1 4) "U. N. Booklet Hails Red 'Brotherhood,' ' ' The Dallas Moming News,
February 1 4, 1 96 3 , Section I, p. 2
( 1 5 ) "U. N. Admits Halting Rebellion In Congo," The Dallas Momill/
News, March 22, 1 963 , Section I, D. 3
( 1 6) Remarks of U.S. Senator William Langer, COllgressiollal Record, July
2 S , 1 9 5 8 , p. 1 3 946
( 1 7) Chicago Daily Trib7llle, May 4, 1 9 5 6, pp. 1 , 1 0
( I S ) Congr.ssiollal Quarterly Weekly Report, March 22, 1 963 , pp. 3 5 9 I.
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the industrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hoover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write on
the side of freedom, you can help immensely by subscribing, and encouraging others to subscribe, to The Dan
Smoot Report.
Page 104
M
Ifi Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 14 ( Broadcast 399 ) April 8, 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
THE TRAGEDY OF u. S. MEMBERSHI P I N THE
UNITED NATI ONS
ell-informed constitutionalist Americans know that the United Nations Charter is a
multi-nation treaty which, if obeyed by all parties to it, would require member nations to
cooperate in socializing their national economies and then to merge into a unifed world-wide
socialist system. (
1
) Creation of a world socialist system is the objective of communism. Thus,
as created, the United Nations and all its specialized agencies are designed to serve the cause
of communism.
In many specifc ways, the United Nations has promoted the interests of the Soviet Union.
The United Nations and its specialized agencies provide diplomatic immunity to, and a
cover for, Soviet secret police, spies, saboteurs, and propagandists to enter, and travel in, the
United States. (
2
)
Uut the UN's primary service to the Soviet Union and its primary disservice to the United
States have resulted from the weakness and folly ( and/or treachery) of our own leaders.
Having been brainwashed with the notion that, in the interests of world peace, all nations
must be controlled by decisions of an international congress, United States ofcialdom has
slavishly subjected itself to the designs of the United Nations, although no other government
in the world does so.
The result is that we, the greatest nation on earth, have no national policy. We try to
handle the foreign afairs of our nation through United Nations agencies whose bills we pay,
but in which we have one lone vote -a vote on a par with that of any little African nation
of semi-savages or of a Soviet puppet state like Outer Mongolia.
Shift in the Bal ance of Power
he United States directly pays 3 2 . 02 % of administrative costs of the United Nations
and of all its specialized agencies. Our share of the cost of United Nations special activities
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
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Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 105
( the UN war in the Congo, for example)
amounts to more than half of the total ; and
our voluntary contributions toward fnancing
te pr
to make it
i mpos s i bl e for any nati on to i gnore i ts
authority.
, ,
(7)
Balewa's speech to a bored House of Repre
sentatives was treated as an unimportant
event ; but, in a way, it was among the most
important public pronouncements made dur
ing the year 1 9 6 1 . The prime minister of one
of the backward African nations which now
control United Nations policies, told our Con
gress that his United Nations should now be
given the power to enforce its decisions on us.
It would not be a welcome or pleasant sight
-but would at least be understandable -if
the underdeveloped nations of Africa played
the toady to us, fawning and wheedling to get
our money and support.
But the incredible fact is that we, the great
est nation in history, play the toady to them.
Any representative from any new African
nation ( whose population may consist of a few
hundred thousand cannibals and stone-age
tribal groups, whose economy has been sup
ported by our aid, and whose culture consists
largely of decorations carved or burned on the
faces of children) can threaten the United
States and make demands on us ; and we fear
fully comply, lest the dark people of the earth
think ill of us.
he liberal leaders of America have become
quite insane about the question of race. They
appear to have a sense of shame about being
white people. At home, they will tear up the
Constitution and undermine the liberties of
the whole nation in order to support some
cause sponsored by a pro-communist negro
organization. Abroad, they will take any
insult, and sacrifce the most vital interests of
their own country, to serve the under
developed colored people. "
The only nation i n Africa which we con
sistently vote against in the United Nations is
the only white Christian nation on that
unhappy continent -the Republic of South
Africa, an outpost of white civilization
hemmed in by about 1 5 million blacks, most
of them living in a state of semi-savagery. We
insult and condemn the white South Africans,
and support the blacks.
Aware of this psychosis -this suicidal
tendency -on the part of our liberal" polit
ical leaders, let's take a look at the present
balance of power in the United Nations.
The United Nations now has 1 1 0 members.
They are listed below in the broad categories
generally used to designate basic political
1 " bl ' "
a Ignment : western oc natIOns ; com-
munist bloc ; " "Afro-Asian bloc ; " "Latin
American bloc. " The year of admission to UN
membership is indicated in parentheses.
Page 107
Western Bloc Nations (2 5 in number)
Australia ( 1945 )
Japan ( 1 95 6 )
Austria ( 1 9 5 5 ) Luxembourg ( 1 945 )
Belgium ( 1945 ) Netherlands ( 1945 )
Canada ( 1945 ) New Zealand ( 1 945 )
China ( Nationalist) ( 1 945 ) Norway ( 1 945)
Denmark ( 1 945 ) Portugal ( 1 9 5 5 )
Finland ( 19 5 5 ) Repu blic of Sou th Africa
France ( 1 945 ) ( 1 945 )
Greece ( 1 945 ) Spain ( 1 9 5 5 )
Iceland ( 1946) Sweden ( 1 946 )
Ireland ( 1 95 5 ) Turkey ( 1 945 )
Israel ( 1 949 ) United Kingdom ( 1945 )
Italy ( 1 9 5 5 ) United States ( 1 945 )
Communist Bloc Nations (1 2 in number)
Albania ( 1 95 5 ) Outer Mongolia ( 1 9 6 1 )
Bulgaria ( 1 9 5 5 ) Poland ( 1 945 )
Byelorussian S.S.R. ( 1 945 ) Romania ( 1 9 5 5 )
Cuba ( 1 945 ) Ukrainian S.S.R. ( 1945 )
Czechoslovakia ( 1 945 ) U.S.S.R. ( 1 945 )
Hungary ( 1 9 5 5 ) Yugoslavia ( 1 945 )
Afro-Asian Bloc Nations ( 52 in number)
Afghanistan ( 1 946)
Algeria ( 1 962)
Burma ( 1 948)
Burundi ( 1 962)
Cambodia ( 1 9 5 5 )
Cameroun ( 1 960)
Central African Republic
( 1 960)
Ceylon ( 1 9 5 5 )
Chad ( 1960)
Congo (Brazzaville)
( 1 960)
Congo (Leopoldville)
( 1 960)
Cyprus ( 1 960)
Dahomey ( 1 960)
Ethiopia ( 1 945 )
Gabon ( 1 960)
Ghana ( 1 95 7)
Guinea ( 1 95 8 )
India ( 1 945 )
Indonesia ( 1 95 0)
Iran ( 1 945 )
Iraq ( 1 945 )
Ivory Coast ( 1 96 0 )
Jordan ( 1 95 5 )
Laos ( 1 9 5 5 )
Lebanon ( 1 945 )
Liberia ( 1 945 )
Libya ( 1 9 5 5 )
Malaya ( 1 95 7)
Mali ( 1 960)
Mauritania ( 1 96 1 )
Morocco ( 1 95 6)
Nepal ( 1 9 5 5 )
Niger l( 1 960)
Nigeria ( 1 960)
Pakistan ( 1 947)
Philippines ( 1 945 )
Republic of Malagasy
( 1 960)
Rwanda ( 1 962)
Saudi Arabia ( 1 945 )
Senegal ( 1 96 0)
Sierra Leone ( 19 6 1 )
Somali Republic ( 196 0 )
Sudan ( 1 95 6 )
Syria ( 1 945 )
Tanganyika ( 1 96 1 )
Thailand ( 1 946)
Togo ( 1 960)
Tunisia ( 195 6)
Uganda ( 1 962)
United Arab Republic
( 1 945 )
Upper Volta ( 1 960)
Yemen ( 1 947 )
Latin American Bloc Nations (21 in number)
Argentina ( 1 945 ) Haiti ( 1 945 )
Bolivia ( 1 945 ) Honduras ( 1 945 )
Brazil ( 1 945 ) Jamaica ( 1 962 )
Chile ( 1 945 ) Mexico ( 1 945 )
Colombia ( 1 945 ) Nicaragua ( 1945 )
Costa Rica ( 1 945 ) Panama ( 1 945 )
Dominican Republic Paraguay ( 1 945 )
( 1 945 ) Peru ( 1 945 )
Ecuador ( 1 945 ) Trinidad-Tobago ( 1 962)
El Salvador ( 1 945 ) Uruguay ( 1 945 )
Guatemala ( 1945 ) Venezuela ( 1 945 )
Lven this broad and inadequate grouping
reveals a disastrous balance of power in the
United Nations :
Afro-Asian Bloc nations
Western Bloc nations
Latin American Bloc
Communist Bloc nations
5 2
2 5
2 1
1 2
The "communist bloc" is truly a "bloc" -
controlled by the Soviet Union ( with an occa
sional straying by Yugoslavia, to keep alive
the fction of Yugoslavian independence and,
thus, to keep American money flowing to this
communist satellite) . The communist bloc
alone can outvote us 1 2 to 1 .
The Afro-Asian Bloc is not so totally con
trolled as the communist bloc; but it sticks
together as a unit on most signifcant issues
and i t generally supports the Soviet Union.
The Afro-Asian nations are seldom, if ever, on
the side of the United States in an issue of
maj or importance -unless the United States
and the Soviet Union are on the same side.
Of the 5 2 nations i the Afro-Asian bloc,
at least 5 can correctly be called communist
nations, since they are controlled by com
munists or by men like Sukarno of Indonesia
who is, for all practical purposes, a communist :
Algeria, Congo ( Leopoldville) , Ghana, Indo
nesia, Laos.
All Afro-Asian nations are, like Burma and
India, socialist nations whose political ideolo
gies are basically inimical to America consti
tutional ideals ; and most of them have revealed
a deep hostility toward the United States.
Of the 2 1 Latin American nations, at least
fve are in the hands of communists or pro
communists : Bolivia, Brazi l, Dominican
Republic, Uruguay, Venezuela. Kennedy's
Alliance for Prqgress program is preparing all
of Latin America for communism.
ook particularly at the 2 5 "western bloc"
nations. These are our "staunch allies" in the
United Nations :
Australia is ofended by our part in forcing
the Netherlands to surrender New Guinea to
Page 108
Indonesia. Belgians are ofended by our part
in forcing them out of the Congo and in con
demning them when they tried to return to
restore order. Canada is ofended by recent
State Department meddling in Canadian
domestic politics. Finland is under the thumb
of the Soviet Union. France is deeply ofended
by our support of communist movements
which have dismembered the French empire.
Greece, for years, has been moving toward
the position of communism in international
disputes, and supports the Soviet Union as
often as she supports the United States in
United Nations decisions. Iceland is pro
communist, strongly anti -United States.
Israel, a socialist nation which has received
vast sums of money from the United States,
is providing training for the armies of the
communist dictator of Ghana. Italy contains
the biggest communist party outside the
Soviet Union and is currently engaged in a
program of nationalizing ( that is, communiz
ing) major industries. The Netherlands has
been grievously hurt by United States stands
in the United Nations, forcing her to give up
East Indian possessions -which became the
pro-communist nation of Indonesia; and by
our part in forcing her to surrender New
Guinea to Indonesia. Portugal is deeply
ofended by our support of communist terror
ist campaigns against Portuguese possessions
in Africa. South Africans are ofended by our
consistent United Nations stand against their
nation.
Lf our 24 "staunch allies" in the "western
bloc" of the United Nations, how many would
support us on any critically dangerous issue?
I doubt that more than three would, and I
would be reluctant to guess which ones might
be among the three. On the other hand, the
communist bloc and the Afro-Asian bloc con
stitute a positive voting majority in the United
Nations. They can, and will, outvote us on any
issue of real importance -if we should take a
position harmful to communism.
UN Racism
he United Nations -a "peace" organi
zation -is propagating race wars and race
hatreds. Its activities are fostering the racist
concept of colored supremacy, infaming prim
itive colored peoples to savage hatred of white
men, encouraging and supporting them in
atrocities which are not merely indescribable,
but loathsome to contemplate.
Communists supply the leadership for hor
rible uprisings and mass carnage in Africa, and
the Soviets support the leaders as native
patriots. The United Nations praises and aids
the butchery under the pretense that it is a
wholesome expression of yearning for national
i ndependence. Uni t ed St a tes ofci al dom
fnances the UN -communist operation with
our money and gives it the moral support of
our nation.
ouching on this condition, United States
Senator John Tower ( Republican, Texas ) in
a speech to the Senate on February 6, 1 96 3 ,
said:
((Nowadays, the Afro-Asian bloc, which
controls the world organization, sufers from
color blindness. The UN, whose prestige is
falling steadily, sees only the things the Afro
Asian bloc wants it to see.
,,
(8)
r. Max Yergan ( prominent American
negro scholar) touched on the same condition
in an article published in The Reader's Digest,
November, 1 9 6 1 . Dr. Yergan said:
((In its anxiety to outbid every communist
show of ( anti-colonial' zeal -as applied to
colonies of other than the communist brand
-the United States has tied itself in a fan
tastic policy knot.
( ( Angola today is in danger of being
engulfed in a chaos worse than the Congo's
with communists even better situated to
exploit such a calamity for their own colonial
purposes. Yet, unwittingly, as if in a sleep
wal ki ng trance, the Uni ted States has
followed-the-Ieader behind the Soviet Union
in promoting the tragedy . . . .
( (That the United States . . . [follows] the
Soviet lead defes ordinary understanding. It
can be regarded only as a thoughtless reflex
action, conditioned by eagerness to prove that
America is as ( anticolonial' as the next nation.
The purpose, our spokesmen explain . . . [is]
to improve the image of America among
'etnerging nations' and -in their friendship.
((Washington cannot even pretend that it
has put principle above expediency; its actions
Page 109
have been too transparently bids for Afro
Asian popularity B B B
As an American and a Negro, my sympa
thies have always been with African aspira
tions for freedom. But I am increasingly
appalled by the kind of demagoguery, largely
manipulated by Moscow and Peiping, that
delivers African populations to chaos and
communi sm in the name of nati onal
sovereign ty.
The United States, in siding almost auto
matically with the extremists, has made itself
the captive of Red propaganda . . . .
America . . . . has avoided pressing for
liberation of captive countries from Soviet
imperialism, while trotting behind Moscow in
demands for instant liberation of Western
holdings in Africa . . . . This strange policy, far
from curbing communist infltration in
Africa, has merely speeded up the opera
tion . . . .
The United States . . . . has aligned itself
with communists, anti-white racists, witch
doctors, and the reversion to cannibalism. "
What To Do
r. Yergan was writing specifcally about
African Angola, where conditions are even
more horrible than in the Congo -worse,
even, than conditions in Kenya a few years
ago during the Mau Mau reign of terror.
In Angola, the United States ( through the
United Nations ) is supporting, with money
and influence, cannibalistic savagery almost
beyond the comprehension of civilized men.
Our honor as a nation has already been so
deeply stained by Kennedy-supported United
Nations policies in Angola that the blot will
remain forever.
Next week, I will give details on this situa
tion. Sufce it here to say that our only hope
for a return to decency with regard to policy
in Africa is by withdrawing the United States
from membership in the United Nations.
Lven if we had an administration in Wash
in
g
ton detennined to pursue a sane and honor
able policy, it would fail. The Afro-Asian and
communist blocs in the United Nations are
infexibly fxed on the present course ; and they
can outvote us 64 to 1 , even while we pay
the bills.
By getting out of the UN and refusing to
pay its bills, we would render a great service
to Africa : neither the communists nor the
Afro-Asian nations would, or could, pay for
the UN operations now dragging Africa
backward to cannibalism, under communist
control.
The Water Moccasi n Bites
Reprinted by permission from The Richmond News Leader
of March 7, 1 963 .
Venom spreads slowly. The Federal Govern
ment should not be surprised at the public's
uneasy reaction to the Army's war games at
Savannah . . . conducted under the code name
of Water Moccasin III. The Administration's
openly cynical manipulation of the Cuban
crisis was but a small prick; the truly frighten
ing efect . . . is a massive loss of confdence in
our national leaders. In the past week, thou
sands of Americans have been half-convinced
of a treacherous betrayal of the citizens of
Georgia.
In a strangely unreported story, many
Southern Congressmen have been swamped
with outraged inquiries about Exercise Water
Moccasin IlL . e . Were UN psychological
warfare specialists and anti-guerrilla troops
really whetting their weapons on American
guinea pigs ?
The facts, it has fnally developed; are these :
U. S. Army graduates of the Ft. Bragg Special
Warfare School are fnishing their training
with a grand maneuver in an eight-county
area near Ft. Stewart, Georgia. The ofcial
version is that the civilians in the area are
being asked to lease land rights to the Army
and to participate in the realism by hiding
guerrillas in their homes, organizing escape
routes, and transporting them past ambush.
Senators Russell, Stennis, and Thurmond, all
of the Armed Services Committee, have been
satisfed that the maneuvers are routine.
Page 1 10
But that having been said, it must also be
admitted that the alarming hypothesis of the
concerned citizens had much to recommend it.
As reports spread like the flu bug, there were
many distortions ; but even the barest picture
was j ustly alarming:
1 ) Georgia's geography. Next to Florida,
Georgia is the closest State to Cuba on the
Atlantic coast. Now, UN Secretary General
U Thant has proposed neutralist control posts
in the Caribbean and in the U. S. to guard
Cuba against American invasion. We have
already proved in the Congo that we will
sacrifce our own interests to maintain the
fction of UN peacemaking; was a secret deal
for a base in Georgia to be the solution of the
Cuban impasse? The stories of Afro-Asian
personnel in Cuban training schools, and the
announcement that "Soviet" troops were leav
ing Cuba were simultaneous with the projected
arrival of student guerrillas in Georgia. Who
was the U. S. training, anyway? Wild thoughts,
these; not wild to those who had seen troops
dig up lawns in Oxford, Mississippi.
2) T he mishandling of the announcement.
The Defense Department allotted only a fort
night or so to explain this complex maneuver
to the public. "Foreigners May Observe War
Maneuvers in March," said a matter-of-fact
announcement in the Savannah Evening Press
of February 1 3 . A couple of days later it was
"foreign Allied nations" participating as stu
dents. Were these the UN troops ? The frst
Army news release said 3 ,0 00 men; later it
was 1 , 000, then 6 0 0 ; similar maneuvers in
June are reported to involve 7, 000. Secretary
McN amara denied that African troops would
participate ; the latest ofcial dispatch lists 1 6
NATO, CENTO, and SEA TO nations,
including Liberia. It also lists the unreassuring
presence of ofcers from Indonesia.
When Army representatives moved into the
area, they did little to quiet the growing storm.
Farmers were accosted with vague permits
granting "the Government the right to enter
as often as desired" during the maneuver
period. The signer also agreed that "the Gov
ernment shall have the right to patrol and
police the lands. " Some residents have sworn
out afdavits that they were threatened into
signing; some who stood fast and did not sign
ha ve erected "No T respassing" signs in fve
languages.
3 ) The past history of rrw
ar games. " When
civilians, as well as their property, are "volun
tarily" comandeered as grist for the training
mill, not all goes according to the announced
plan. Out of the fles come newspaper accounts
of similar maneuvers in which troops decided
to play for keeps when local public ofcials did
not choose to go along with the "mock" war.
Culver City, California, 1 9 5 1 ; Des Moines,
Iowa, 1 9 5 6 ; Lampasas, Texas, 1 9 5 8 ; Danville,
Virginia, 1 9 5 9. Exercise Long Horn, Opera
tion Bilko and such dramatic code names can
( 1 2)
promlse.
On March 3 1 , 1 96 1 , arriving in Washington
from the SEA TO meeting, Secretary of State
Dean Rusk said he was "much encouraged"
by the "free world unity" displayed at the
conference! Mr. Rusk also indicated that the
United States would accept an "unofcial
cease-fre" in Laos, as evidence of good faith
by the Kremlin. We had previously demanded
a formal truce agreement as a necessary con
dition to our consent to an international con
ference on Laos. ( 1 3)
Ln April 1 6, 1 96 1 , Rusk said the Soviets
wanted to start negotiations on Laos before
fghting stopped, but that the United States
rejected such timing as a communist device
for stalling. ( 1 4)
On April 2 1 , 1 96 1 , the Soviet Union and
Great Britain completed their agreement to
call a cease-fre in Laos. The agreement did
not specify that the Laos truce must be veri
fed before an international conference would
be called. ( 1 5 )
On April 29, 1 96 1 , President Kennedy and
his top advisers met in a crisis session to decide
whether to ask for military intervention in
Laos, because the communists had refused to
stop fghting. The President said the time for
appeals and warnings to the communists had
run out -that the time for action to back
up the warnings had come; but that America
must not act alone. ( 1
6
)
On May 1 6, 1 9 6 1 , the International Con
ference on Laos ( arranged by the Soviets and
the British) began at Geneva. It was boycotted
by the pro-Western government of Laos
because communist rebel factions were given
a seat at the conference on an equal basis with
the legal government. ( 1 7)
The United States government had repeat
edly asserted it would not go to the Geneva
conference while fghting was still going on
in Laos ; but it went, and stayed there for
months, while the communists kept fghting
and gaining ground.
Jhe principal communist demand at the
Geneva conference was for a coalition gov
ernment in Laos. The anti-communist Boun
Oum government of Laos would not discuss
the demand, because Boun Oum knew ( as
everyone else knows ) that a coalition govern
ment with communists means a communist
controlled government.
On May 27, 1 96 1 , an Associated Press dis
patch from Geneva said:
HThe United States today accused the com
munist-led Pathet Lao rebels of repeatedly
and wilfully violating the cease-fre in Laos,
and demanded a halt B &
The U. S. delegation is not prepared to
sit in Geneva indefnitely while Pathet Lao
artillery and rebel infantry units whittle
away at territory held by the pro-Western
Royal Laotian government.
,,
( 18)
But there our delegates sat, at a conference
which we had vowed never to attend unless
fghting had frst stopped; and as we sat and
negotiated, the communists continued their
conquests in Laos.
Uy the end of 1 96 1 , the Kennedy Admin
istration had decided to force the anti-com
munist government of Laos to accept "peace"
on communist terms.
On January 2, 1 962, Winthrop G. Brown,
United States Ambassador to Laos, "virtually
had to force an audience" with representatives
of the anti-communist Boun Oum government
in Vientiane to present Washington's point
of view. " Washington's viewpoint was that
Boun Oum mus t accept t he communi s t
demand for a coalition government. ( 19)
To enforce its vi ewpoi nt , Was hi ngton
threa tened to stop all aid to Boun Oum.
Despite his total dependence on American aid,
Boun Oum refused to surrender to the Ameri
can-backed communist demand. ( 19)
We stopped our aid to Laos on January 3 ,
1 962 ; (20) but restored it on January 1 2, 1 962 ,
after Prince Boun Oum had fnally promised
Page 132
to go to Geneva for a conference with com
munists.
(
2
1 )
In February, 1 962, we again stopped aid to
Laos because Boun Oum had not yet accepted
a coal i t i on government on communi s t
terms.
(
22
)
Ln March 2 5 , 1 962, W. Averell Harriman
( then Assistant Secretary of State for Far East
Afairs ) warned "right-wing" Laotian leaders
in Vientiane that they would lose all American
aid if they did not accept the communi s t
demand for a coalition government . This
threat brought the anti-communists into dis
cussions with communists and "neutralists. ,
,
(
2
3
)
On May 2, 1 9 62, W. Averell Harriman, in
a discussion of Laos, before a small American
a udience, said, among other things :
It doesn't matter much to us, one way or
the other, what happens in Laos.
,,
(24)
Ln May 5 , 1 962, Ameri can mi l i t ary
a ut hori ti es i n Laos confrmed rumors that
communist Chinese had i nvaded nor thern
Laos. ( 25)
On May 6, 1 962, pro-communist forces in
Laos, supported by communist troops from
China, launched a major attack on Nam Tha,
capital city of a northwestern province of
Laos.
Washington ofcialdom criticized the anti
communist forces for "provoking" the attack.
Washington regarded the attack and conquest
of new territory for communists as no major
catastrophe," saying that it "could not be
interpreted as a sign of bad faith by the
pro-Communists ; and that it should not jeop
ardize negotiations" to cr eat e a coal i t i on
government.
(
26
)
On May 1 1 , 1 962, Max Frankel, in a special
report to The New York Times from Wash
ington, said pro-communists had routed the
anti-communist army in northwestern Laos ;
that the Kennedy Administration had written
of the anti-communist army as useless ; and
that Kennedy would threaten to "disavow"
all "right-wing" political leaders unless they
accepted a coalition government. Frankel said
Kennedy would make a "show of strength"
by sending American troops into the area near
Laos.
(
2
7)
On May 1 6, 1 962, Kennedy's "show of
strength" started when 5 , 000 American troops
landed in Thailand. In Washington, Secretary
of State Dean Rusk and the Soviet Ambassador
had a conference and agreed to cal l for a
"cease-fre" in Laos.
(28)
On May 1 8 , 1 962, W. Averell Harriman
spoke to the Laotian Ambassador in Washing
ton, sharply rebuking "right-wing" political
leaders in Laos for resisting the coalition gov
ernment. Harriman, in efect, blamed the anti
communists for the communist invasion and
conquest of the northwes tern province of
Laos. (29)
Ln June 1 1 , 1 962, the three rival princes
in Laos met and agreed on a coalition govern
ment. The three : Souvanna Phouma, pro
communist "neutralist"; Prince Souphanou
vong, communi s t ; and Prince Boun Oum,
anti-communist. It was agreed that pro-com
munist Phouma would be premier ; that com
munist Souphanouvong woul d be deputy
premier ; and that Boun Oum, the anti-com
munist, would retire. (30)
The person who eventually replaced Boun
Oum as "rightist" deputy premier in the coali
tion government was Phoumi Nosavana -a
man with no known record of fghting com
munIsm.
On June 1 3 , 1 962, Pres i dent Kennedy
echoed Khrushchev i n welcoming Laos' new
1 ( 31) coa ItIOn government.
The coalition government was formally
installed on June 2 3 , 1 962. The next day, Pre
mier Phouma left the country for a visit in
Europe, leaving the reins of government in
the hands of his communist hal f- brother,
Souphanouvong. The frst ofcial act of the
coalition government, under Souphanouvong,
on June 24, 1 962, was a bitter denunciation
of the United States for havi ng troops in
Thailand. (32)
Page 133
Ln July 2 3 , 1 962, the 1 4 nations meeting
at Geneva signed documents guaranteeing the
neutrality and territorial integrity of Laos.
(33)
The Geneva agreement gave the three
na tion con t r 0 I commission ( Canada, India,
communist Poland) the task of supervising
the functioning of the coalition government
in Laos. The United States agreed to pay
1 7. 6% of the annual cos t of the cont rol
commission.
(34
)
The Geneva agreement was never submitted
to the U. S. Senate for advice and consent as
a treaty. Questioned about this, W. Averell
Harriman, in August, 1 962, said:
((The Geneva agreements were concluded
by the United States as an executive agree
ment. The Ptesident has adequate authority
under the Constitution, by virtue of his power
to conduct the foreign relations of the United
States and as Commander-in-Chief, to enter
into an executive agreement of this kind. "( 35 )
Uy October 1 , 1 962, the United States had
moved its "show of strength" troops out of
Thailand and was rapidly removing military
advisers from Laos ; but only 1 5 of communist
North Vietnam's 1 0 , 0 0 0 troops had l eft
Laos. (3
6
)
The Geneva agreement requi red the
removal of all foreign troops by October 7,
1 962. The United States complied with this
requirement ; the communists never even made
a gesture toward compliance. Nonetheless, the
three-nation control commi s s i on formally
reported "no-evidence" of foreign communist
troops in Laos. (37)
On January 2 1 , 1 96 3 , U. S. aid to Laos
suspended for nearly a year -was resumed. (38)
And Now
aving eliminated anti-communist mili
tary forces and political leaders, and having
efected the withdrawal of all United States
forces , communi s t s in Laos turned their
attacks on the "neutralists" with whom they
were in coali tion. "
By mid-April, 1 9 6 3 , the American press
was headlining stories about how the neutral
ists were retreating before the communi s t
forces ; about President Kennedy's "deep con
cern, " and about his "frm intent" not to let
the communists take over Laos.
On April 22, 1 9 6 3 , United Press Interna
tional reported from Washington that Presi
dent Kennedy was about to make another
"show of strength" in Southeast Asia -that
the U. S. 7th Fleet was steaming into waters
near Laos and that the President was contem
plating sending troops back into Thailand.
And W. Averell Harriman was again dash
ing around the world, holding hugger-mugger
conferences to arrange something or other for
Laos. (39)
here, in bare outline, is the story of Laos.
Placed against this backdrop, Kennedy's cur
rent show of concern is obviously hypocritical ;
but why is he doing it ? Is he merely trying to
draw attention away from Cuba ? It is impos
sible to know.
What Should We Do?
t was a mistake in 1 9 5 4 when Eisenhower
( hoping to restore prestige lost by communist
conquests elsewhere in Asia) pledged never
to permit communist conquest in Laos. We
could not prevent communist harassment of
Laos without involving ourselves in a land
war in the jungles of that primitive land.
If we made the mistake of getting into such
a war, we could bleed ourselves white in a
conflict which would actually help the Soviets.
A war between communi s t - cont rol l ed
Asians and the United States in Laos would
provide, as Korea did, valuable training for
communist troops. The communists would be
killing Americans, but we would not be kill
ing Soviet soldiers. We would be killing Asians,
thus intensifying Asian hatred for us and sup
porting the communist fction that the Soviet
Union is the friend of Asia ; America, the
enemy.
Page 134
If we did not permit ourselves to be goaded
into such a war, we would lose face through
out the world.
5o, by our actions and our proclamations
with regard to Laos, we set up a situation in
which the Soviets were bound to win and we
were bound to lose. If we went to war to keep
our pledge, the consequences for us would be
disastrous even if we achieved military victory.
If we did not go to war, we would be disgraced.
In e i ther event , t he Sovi et s would proft
mightily.
As it turns out, we have actually helped
the communists conquer Laos, pretending all
the time that we would never permit com
munist conquest.
What Shoul d We Do Now?
e should get out of all the far corners
of the earth where we now s t and as s el f
appointed -and, gener al l y, unwelcome
guardians, and uplifters, and moralizers, and
subsidizers of people who would rather be left
alone.
The government of the United States has
no constitutional right to use the resources of
the American peopl e to s upport forei gn
nations. Moreover, i t is i m pos s i bl e for t he
United States ( containing 6 per cent of the
world's population) to support and defend
the remaining 94 per cent of the people on
earth.
e spent mi l l i ons of dol l ars to help
Chinese nationalists resist communism; but in
the end, it was the operation of our policies -
the giving and withholding of aid at critical
j unctures to enforce pol i t i cal and military
decisions on the nationalists -that helped the
communists capture China. And when they
captured China, they captured American mili
tary and civilian goods which they used in
other parts of Asia.
We spent 5 3 , 000 American lives to resist
communist conquest in Korea ; but the Korean
war made the communists a menacmg force
in Asia.
We gave the French millions of dollars to
resist communism in Indochina ; but, in the
end, communi s ts destroyed French power,
took over a key portion of Indochina, and cap
tured a new s upply of American mi l i t ary
equipment for continued warfare against the
remainder of Southeast Asia.
Lould Laos and other such nations defend
themselves against communism if we got out
and withdrew all aid? It seems obvious that
they could do at least as well without our help
as they have done with it, since our eforts
monotonously result, at last, in helping com
munists. It also seems obvious that military
and industrial equipment which we give to
small nations increase their attractiveness as
prizes for communist conquest. Communists
might not extend themselves to take primitive
countries like Laos, if it were not for the lure
of American goods to be captured.
If we stopped all foreign aid and reversed
the foreign policy of the United States
letting the world see that, henceforward, the
incalculable strength of the United States will
be used to defend the American homeland -
we would gain such strength and prestige that
we woul d no l onger need t o fear war or
national bankruptcy.
Congress could and should stop all foreign
aid and foreign meddling, and spend American
tax money for defense of the American nation.
A majority of Senators and Representatives
would take such a stand if what they heard
from their constituents convinced them that
they could never be re-elected unless they did.
The Deta i led Story
n 1 962, we devoted two issues of this
Report to Laos (Laos -Part I, " and Laos
-Part II," April 9 and 1 6, 1 9 62 ) .
Most of the background material in this
present Report is taken from the two 1 96 2
Reports; but those who want a detailed, step-
Page 135
by-step account of the Laotian story should
read the two Reports of last year, in connec
tion with this present one.
Reprints of "Laos -Part I" and "Laos -
Part II, " published in April, 1 962, are still
available. They may be ordered separately at
our regular reprint prices, or in a set of three
with the present Report -ffty cents for all
three.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Statistics on American casualties in Korea are widely disputed.
Even ofcial U.S. Government fgures are contradictory. The fgure
of 5 3 ,000 American deaths in Korea was supplied by the late
Alfred Kohlberg.
( 2) Statement by Peter Kalischer, CBS Far East Correspondent, The
Dallas Morning News, January 3, 1 96 1 ; AP dispatch from Vientiane,
Laos, The Dallas Morning News, March 24, 1 96 1 ; AP article from
Vientiane, Laos, by Roy Essoyan, The Dallas Times Herald, February
1 5 , 1 961
( 3 ) U.S. Aid Operations i n Laos, Seventh Report by The Committee on
Government Operations, U.S. House of Representatives, June 1 5 , 1 9 5 9
( 4) "Is Laos Lost? Communists Deal From Strength," AP dispatch, The
Dallas Morning News, May 1 4, 1 961
( 5 ) Chronology of Kong Le's coup and formation of the new govern
ment is from "Statement on Laos," State Department Press Release
No. 9, January 7, 1 9 6 1
( 6 ) "U.S. Will SuppOrt New Laos Regime," The Dallas Morning News,
December 1 6, 1 960
(7) "With Red Defeat, U.S. Resumes Aid to Laos," AP dispatch, The
Dallas Times Herald, December 20, 1 960
. ( S ) AP dispatch from London, The New York Times, December 24,
1 960, p. 3
( 9) Washington Report, by Rear Admiral Chester Ward, American
Security Council, March 27, 1 961
( 1 0) AP dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Times Herald, March
26, 1 961
( 1 1 ) AP dispatch from Bangkok, Thailand, Shreveport Journal, March
29, 1 96 1
( 1 2) "Laos Situation Reaches Crisis," by Editorial Research Reports,
The Dallas Mornitlg Ne1s, March 2S, 1 9 6 1
( 1 3 ) UPI dispatch from Washington, The Dallas MOflillg News, April
1 , 1 961
( 1 4) AP dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Times Herald, April 1 7,
1 961
( 1 5 ) UPI dispatch from Moscow, The Dallas MOTing News, April 22,
1 961
( 1 6) UPI dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Times Herald, April 29,
1 961
( 1 7) AP dispatch from Geneva, Shreveport JOlmlal, May 1 6, 1 961
( I S ) AP dispatch from Geneva, Shreveport Times, May 2S, 1 961
( 1 9) Special to the Times from Vientiane, Laos, The New York Times,
January 3 , 1 962, pp. 1 , 2
( 20) "Pressure on Laos by U.S. Reported," by Jacques Nevard, The New
York Times, January 5 , 1 962, pp. 1 , 2
( 2 1 ) AP dispatch from Vientiane, Laos, The Dallas Morning News,
January 1 3 , 1 962
( 22) AP dispatch from Vientiane, Laos, The Dallas Moming News, March
5, 1 962
( 2 3 ) UPI dispatch from Vientiane, Laos, The New York Times, March
26, 1 962, p. S
(24) "Capital Circus," by Ted Lewis, New York Daily News, May 1 5 ,
1 962 ; and "For Your Information -Doesn't It Matter ?", by Alice
Widener, Shreveport Journal, May 2 1 , 1 962
( 2 5 ) AP dispatch from Vientiane, Laos, The Dallas Morning News, May
6, 1 962, p. S
( 26) Special to the Times from Vientiane, Laos, The New York Times,
May 7, 1 962, pp. 1 , 1 3 ; and Special to the Times by Max Frankel,
The New York Times, May 7, 1 962, p. 1 3
( 27) The New York Times, May 1 2 , 1 962, p . 1
( 2S ) UPI story by Eugene McLaughlin, The Dallas Times Herald, May 1 6,
1 962, pp. 1 . S
( 29) Special to the Times, The New York Times, May 2 5 , 1 962, p. 3
( 3 0) AP dispatch from Khang Khay, Laos, The Dallas Morning News,
June 1 2, 1 962, p. 1
( 3 1 ) "President Urges Soviet To Extend Laos Peace Move," by Max
Frankel, The New York Times, June 14, 1 962, pp. 1, 6
( 3 2 ) AP dispatch from Vientiane, Laos, The New York Times, June 2 5 ,
1 962, pp. I , 3
( 3 3 ) "Laos -Milestone in Peace Eforts," Foreign Policy Briefs, State
Department, August 6, 1 962
(34) "Laos," Foreign Policy Briefs, State Department, October I, 1 962
( 3 5 ) Remarks of U. S. Representative Melvin R. Laird (Republcian,
Wisconsin) , Congressional Record, August 1 3 , 1 962, p. 1 5 245
( 36) U.S. News ( \orld Report, October 1 . 1 962, p. 67
( 3 7) UPI dispatch from Washington, Shreveport Times, March 1 7, 1 963
( 3 S ) U. S. News ( Vorld Report, February 4, 1 963 , p. 1 6
( 3 9 ) UPI dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Momillg News, April
2 3 , 1 963 , p. 1
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WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
from that university in 1938 and 1940.
In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow i n English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Dotor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
i n the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and a
half years, he worked exclusively on communist investigations in the i ndustrial midwest. For two years following
that, he was on FBI headquarters staf in Washington, as an Administrative Assistant to J. Edgar Hover.
After nine and a half years in the FBI, Smoot resigned to help start the Facts Forum movement in Dallas.
As the radio and television commentator for Facts Forum, Smoot, for almost four years spoke to a national audience
giving both sides of great controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his own independent program, in order to give only one side -the
side that uses fundamental American principles as a yardstick for measuring all important issues.
If you believe that Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for those who want to think and talk and write on
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Page 1 36
M
1f1 Smoot lepolt
Vol. 9, No. 1 8 ( Broadcast 403 )
May 6, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
DI SARMAME NT - PART I
A Parabl e
Last week, top law enforcement ofcials of Chicago and New York held another meeting
with criminal leaders of those two cities. This was the latest of a lengthy series of such
meetings
,
called
,
in response to pleas made by the criminals, for the purpose of eliminating
the costly struggle between organized society and the criminal underworld.
The criminals have for many years insisted that huge police forces, equipped with
weapons and in command of j ails and other places of detention, have necessitated a cor
responding expenditure of efort and money on their part to protect their own interests.
They have made repeated ofers to disarm every criminal in Chicago and New York and to
disband every criminal organization, if the law enforcement agencies will also disarm and
disband.
The law enforcement ofcials are also eager to eliminate crime and to save the taxpayers
of Chicago and New York the enormous expense of maintaining police forces. They have
ofered to disband the police forces of both cities, except for skeleton crews of unarmed
men to handle trafc problems.
The only point of disagreement involves the question of efective inspection to guarantee
that both sides keep the disarmament agreements. Law enforcement ofcials feel it would
be dangerous to disband police forces and leave Chicago and New York totally helpless
if the criminals should break their promise and launch a sudden, all-out attack on the
citizens of those two cities.
Law enforcement ofcials want a frm agreement which would authorize them to send
neutral inspectors into criminal haunts of Chicago and New York to investigate any report
of criminal activity. The agreement would, similarly, authorize neutral inspectors to
investigate any suspicion or complaint on the part of criminals that the police were rearm
ing and hiring new personnel.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 137
( ( In the more than 1 00 0 previous meetings
with law enforcement ofcials, criminal lead
ers of Chicago and New York have flatly
refused this inspection system demanded by
law enforcement. They accuse law enforce
ment ofcials of bad faith in making such
demands, claiming that the ofcials are merely
trying to set up a stool-pigeon system to spy
on criminals and violate their private rights.
((On the eve of the latest meeting which
began last week, however, spokesmen for law
enforcement ofcials expressed cheerful opti
mism. They claimed that criminal leaders,
displaying a genuine interest in peace, now
seem willing to make signifcant concessions
to law enforcement demands. Although they
gave no details, law enforcement spokesmen
said the criminals have (considerably modi
fed' their previously frm stand against in
spections, and have ofered to permit a limited
number of annual inspections, by neutral
observers, in specifed criminal hangouts in
Chicago and New York."
hat fctional news story has never been
written, and never will be, because no such
ludicrous thing will ever happen.
The story is not nearly so ludicrous, how
ever, as the news stories which were making
headlines throughout the world in April and
May, 1 96 3 -concerning determined and
hopeful eforts of Western leaders to negotiate
a peace-and-disarmament pact with inter
national criminals who control the com
munist slave empire.
Communist I ntent
Lommunists consider anything good"
which promotes the cause of socialism ( that
is, communism) : war, mass murder, the
extermination of whole races through en
forced starvation, torture of human beings,
rape, pillage, betrayal of friends and family,
theft, vandalism -all are good" if they
help communism. On the other hand, any
thing is bad" which hurts communism: love
of God and country, kindness, charity, hon
esty, thrift, hard work -all are bad" if
they in any way interfere with the com
munist drive for world conquest.
World peace," to communists, means
communist conquest of the world. All non
communists are regarded as enemies of com
munism, who will destroy communists if
given a chance. Hence, there can be no peace
on earth until all non-communists are elimi
nated. Until such time arrives, strategy re
quires periods of "peaceful co-existence"
between communists and non-communists.
To a normal mind, peaceful co-existence"
means living side by side, leaving each other
alone. To the communist mind, peaceful
co-existence" means a cessation of all hostility
and opposition on the part of non-com
munists ( and cessation of preparation for
possible hostility) , while communists gather
strength and make plans for renewed assaults
on non-communists.
eapons in the hands of communists
are considered benign tools for achieving
world peace; weapons in the hands of non
communists are considered horrible instru
ments for oppression and conquest.
Communists do dream of a time in the
distant future when they themselves can
be relieved of the burden of producing and
maintaining armaments ; but that is to come
only after communist conquest of the world
is complete. Communists regard it as treason
to their own cause even to think of disarm
ing communists before all non-communists
have been disarmed and destroyed.
Communists have been advocating "total
disarmament in a peaceful world" since 1 9 1 6.
Their program is simple and openly stated
by communist leaders : to disarm all non
communists so that they can be destroyed.
The objective of every disarmament discus
sion is to disarm non-communist nations
( specifcally, the United States ) while in
creasing the armaments of the Soviet Union.
Jhese facts being known, it is ludicrous
and dangerous for our political leaders even
to discuss disarmament with Soviet leaders.
These facts have been known since 1 9 1 6.
Page 138
Below are a few quotations from com
munist leaders to prove the point. Readers
not familiar with communist dialectics may
need a glossary. In the communist language
quoted below:
proletariat, revolutionary proletariat, peo
ples, forces struggling for socialism, the
working class, the masses -all mean com
munists;
revolutionary wars -means wars fought
in the interest of communism;
proletarian revolution, national liberation
movement, class struggle, struggle for peace,
struggle against imperialism, struggle for
national independence -all mean eforts of
communists to seize power;
imperialists, bourgeoisie-mean, non-com
munists.
In 1 9 1 6, Lenin said:
HOnly after the proletariat has disarmed
the bourgeoisie will it be able
,
without be
traying its world historical mission
,
to throw
all armaments on the scrap heap.
,,
( l )
In 1 9 1 7, Lenin said:
HWe are no pacifsts . . . we have always
declared that it would be stupid if the revo
lutionary proletariat promised not to wage
revolutionary wars which might become
indispensable in the interest of socialism.
,,
( l )
A policy statement adopted at the Sixth
World Congress Of The Communist Inter
national, in 1 92 8
,
says :
((The aim of the Soviet proposals is . . . to
propagate the fundamental Marxian postu
lates that disarmament and the abolition
of war are possible only with the fall of
capitalism.
,,
( l )
In 1 9 5 4, V. Cherpakov ( Representa.tive
of the Soviet Ministry of Defense) said:
HCommunists link the cause of peace with
the cause of victory of the proletarian
revolution.
,,
( l )
An editorial in the February, 1 9 5 5 , issue
of National Afairs Monthly ( ofcial com
munist publication) said :
((The idea that peaceful co-existence must
include the maintenance of the status quo
is imperialist propaganda.
,,
( l )
On October 2 0, 1 960, Khrushchev told
communists of the world about the need
to force" the capitalist countries to come
to an agreement on disarmament.
( 1 )
In December, 1 960, at a Moscow meeting
of representatives from 8 1 communist parties
throughout the world, communist leaders laid
down a directive that an active, determined
struggle" must be waged to force the im
perialists into an agreement on general
disarmament.
, ,
( 1
)
Here are excerpts from a speech which
Khrushchev made on January 6, 1 9 6 1 :
( ( [ Peaceful co-existence] helps . . . the
forces struggling for socialism
,
and in capi
talist countries it facilitates the activities of
Communist parties . . . it helps the national
liberation movement to gain successes. "
(( [Peaceful co-existence] implies intensif
cation of the struggle of the working class
,
of all the Communist parties
,
for the tri
umph of Socialist ideas . . . [It is] a form of
intense economic
,
political
,
and ideological
struggle of the proletariat against the aggres
sive forces of imperialism in the international
arena."
((Peaceful co-existence of states does not
imply renunciation of the class struggle . . .
the co-existence of states with diferent social
systems is a form of class struggle between
socialism and capitalism."
((The policy of peaceful co-existence is
a policy of mobilizing the masses and launch
ing vigorous action against the enemies of
peace."
((The slogan of the struggle for peace
does not contradict the slogan of the struggle
for communism."
((The struggle for disarmament . . . is an
efective struggle against imperialism q q q for
restricting its military potentialities.
,,
( 1 )
In his January 6, 1 9 6 1 speech, Khrushchev
quoted Lenin to the efect that, in promoting
their program of disarming non-communists,
communists must establish " contacts with
those circles of the bourgeoisie who gravitate
toward pacifsm.
, ,
( 1
)
Page 1 39
On July 1 0, 1 962, speaking to the World
Congress on General Disarmament and Peace,
Khrushchev said:
( (The struggle for general disarmament
facilitates the struggle for national inde
pendence. For their part the successes of the
national liberation movements strengthen the
cause of peace, contribute to strengthening
the struggle for disarmament. Disarmament
means disarmament of the forces of war, the
liquidation of militarism."( l )
An editorial in the October, 1 962, issue of
W orid Marxist Review said:
H general disarmament does not mean
disarming the peoples fghting for national
liberation. On the contrary, it would deprive
the imperialists of the means to halt progress
and crush the struggle for independence . . .
disarmed, the imperialists would be power
less to prevent the people from attaining
freedom. Disarmament primarily means dis
mantling the gigantic war machines of the
highly developed countries. "(
l )
In a public statement at Berlin on January
1 6, 1 96 3 , Khrushchev said :
( (The duty of Communists at the helm of
state power is to do everything possible to
insure that our strength will grow.
,,
( l )
Communist Performance
\nless our political leaders profess abys
mal ignorance, they can fnd no excuse for
not knowing the intent of communist dis
armament discussions. How about the per
formance of communists in keeping their
treaty commitments ?
In 1 9 5 5 , when President Eisenhower was
planning a summit meeting with communist
leaders at Geneva, the Senate Internal Secu
rity Subcommittee ( by way of showing
Eisenhower that any kind of negotiation with
Soviet leaders is not only fruitless but dan
gerous ) released to the press a staf study of
the Soviet treaty record. Here are passages
from the foreword to that staf study, later
( 1 9 5 6 ) published as Senate Document No.
1 2 5 :
(\ B the Subcommittee on Internal Secu
rity authorized a staf study of the Soviet
trea ty record from 1 9 1 7, when a handful
of Bolsheviks seized power over 1 5 0 million
non-Communists in Russia, to the present,
when 800 million people on two continents
sufer under Red despotism. The project was
part of the subcommittee's examination of
The Strategy and Tactics of World Commu
nism. It contemplated a scrutiny of treaties
and agreements involving peace, accord and
fraternity, collaboration, friendship and
neutrality, diplomatic recognition, frontier
disputes, nonaggression pacts, conferences of
conciliation, mutual aid, renunciation of
war, and international promises to the
peoples of the entire world -such as the
Atlantic Charter.
( ( The staf studied nearly a thous and
treaties and agreements of the kinds
described above, both bilateral and multi
lateral, which the Soviets have entered into
not only with the United States, but with
countries all over the world. The staf found
that in the 3 8 short years since the Soviet
Union came into existence, its Government
had broken its word to virtually every coun
try to which it ever gave a signed promise.
It signed treaties of nonaggression with
neighboring states and then absorbed those
states. It signed promises to refrain from
revolutionary activity inside the countries
with which it sought (friendship,' and then
cynically broke those promises. It was vio
lating the frst agreement it ever signed with
the United States at the very moment the
Soviet envoy, Litvinov, was putting his sig
nature to that agreement, and it is still
violating the same agreement in 1 9 5 5 & It
keeps no international promises at all unless
doing so is clearly advantageous to the Soviet
Union.
I
((I seriously doubt whether during the
whole history of civilization any great nation
has ever made as perfdious a record as this
in so short a time.
((On the basis of the record, this question
inevitably arises : Is the Soviet record merely
a series of individual and unrelated misdeeds,
or has treaty breaking been an instrument
of national policy since the U.S.S.R. itself
came into existence? ;
,
(2)
Page 140
Communist Techni ques
he staf of the Internal Security Sub
committee concluded that treaty breaking is,
provably, an instrument of Soviet national
policy.
When the Soviets engage United States
leaders in negotiation for some agreement,
they make proposals which could not, in
sanity, be accepted; but their propaganda
machines in the United Nations, in Moscow,
and in Soviet embassies throughout the world
( aided and abetted by the pro-communist
and communist-following liberal forces in the
United States ) attempt to conceal the fact
that the Soviets have made unreasonable
demands. The propaganda berates the United
States for being unyielding, accusing us of
acting in bad faith because we will not truly
engage in the "give and take" necessary in
such negotiations.
Most thoughtful people see through the
Soviet propaganda and say so; but the Soviets,
caring not a fg for "world opinion, " keep
hammering away. Large numbers of fools,
fatheads, pacifsts, and brainwashed liberals
are, however, deceived. They j oin the com
munist chorus, criticizing the United States
for refusing to "negotiate in good faith. "
American leaders ( sensitive, to the point
of nausea, to "world opinion") begin to wince
and apologize -and to make concessions.
After milking all possible propaganda
beneft out of the situation, the Soviets may
decide to enter into an agreement. If so, they
generally capture whatever is to be gained
from the approval of world opinion" by
making some meaningless concession which
our own ofcials help to puf up as something
important, in order to convince American
voters that our leaders have "driven a hard
bargain" with communists.
Once the U. S. -U. S. S. R. agreement is made
( either through formal treaty process, or by
the informal means of verbal acknowledge-
ment as in the case of the three-year ban
on nuclear testing which began in October,
1 9 5 8 ) , we are, of course, bound by the terms
of it. The Soviets do not consider themselves
bound at all.
As a matter of policy, they violate the
terms of the agreement they have made
sometimes openly, to show arrogant contempt
for us, as in their immediate and continuous
violations of the Korean armistice agreement
made in July, 1 9 5 3 ; sometimes surrepti
tiously, as in their violations of the nuclear
test ban agreement of October, 1 9 5 8 .
Lven if we should, eventually, repudiate
the agreement because of Soviet violations,
we have been ( during the period of our com
pliance) hobbled by it, while the Soviets feel
free to do whatever the agreement was in
tended to keep them from doing.
The Soviet technique of negotiating and
propagandizing United States leaders into sur
rendering the vital interests of our country
have been particularly harmful in the area
of disarmament. Indeed, the record proves
that unless the American people can some
how manage, through their Congress, to
reverse present, settled trends, we are headed
toward total surrender of the United States
to a communist-controlled world super-state
system.
A Brief Chronology
In December, 1 94 5 , the foreign mlmster
of Great Britain and the U. S. Secretary of
State met with the Soviet foreign minister in
Moscow to discuss disarmament. They agreed
to sponsor, at the frst session of the UN
General Assembly, a resolution creating an
international Atomic Energy Commission. (3)
The resolution was introduced -and was
adopted by the frst session of the UN General
Assembly, meeting in London, on January 24,
1 946. The Atomic Energy Commission was
empowered to make proposals concerning the
Page 141
elimination, or control, of atomic weapons
-and to make recommendations concerning
international exchange of scientifc informa
tion. Bernard M. Baruch was the frst United
States Representative on the international
Atomic Energy Commission. (3)
On March 2 8 , 1 946, Dean G. Acheson and
David Lilienthal submitted a report, out
lining United States proposals for the interna
tional control and sharing of atomic energy
knowledge and materials. Baruch was given
some leeway to revise the proposals before
formally submitting them, on behalf of the
United States government, to the United
Nations.
Ln June 1 4, 1 946, Baruch submitted to
the Atomic Energy Commission the United
States proposals -which came to be known
as the Baruch Plan" and the Baruch-Lilien
thal Plan. "
The Baruch plan proposed the creation of
a new International Atomic Development
Authority, which, operating under the broad
control of the United Nations General As
sembly, would have absolute "control, or
ownership, of all atomic-energy activities
potentially dangerous to world security" ; and
would have the "power to control, inspect,
and license all other atomic activities. " The
new Authority could seize and dispose of all
existing atomic bombs, prohibit further man
ufacture of bombs, and prescribe "serious"
penalties against any nation for violating
regulations issued by the Authority.
The Baruch plan also suggested total dis
armament ( elimination not only of atomic
weapons, but of all conventional weapons and
military forces ) - to be achieved in stages. ( 3 )
On July 1 9, 1 946, Andrei A. Gromyko
presented the proposal of the Soviet Union.
The Soviet plan ignored the Baruch proposal
for total disarmament ; but, insofar as it con
cerned atomic disarmament, the Soviet plan
was virtually identical with the Baruch plan.
There was, however, one essential diference
in approach. Whereas the Baruch plan called
for a new International Atomic Energy Au
thority to operate under the control of the
UN General Assembly, the Soviets wanted
the old Atomic Energy Commission to handle
atomic energy afairs, under control of the
UN Security Council. (4)
he Soviets were short sighted. They
wanted a UN agency which could strip the
United States of its atomic weapons, since
they were years behind us at that time and
knew that the agency would not limit their
own plans for research and development.
They did not foresee, however, the day ( now
arrived) when they and their "neutralist"
friends could control the UN General As
sembly. They wanted control of atomic
energy centered in the UN Security Council
where they had a veto, fearing that the UN
General Assembly might make a decision they
did not like.
It seems more than likely that the United
States would have modifed the Baruch plan
enough to meet all objections ofered by the
Soviets. This was never done, however, largely
because Congress ( despite the large and pow
erful , peace claque of liberals which it con
tained) refected the deeper instincts of the
nation: namely that the Baruch plan, modi
fed or not, was a blueprint for the surrender
of our national independence.
A. time marched on, the Soviets became
less interested in the Baruch plan, because
they had begun to catch up with us in atomic
research and development -thanks to our
voluntary de-emphasis of activity in this
feld; to the atom spies who delivered our
maj or secrets to the Soviets ; and to German
scientists whom we had permitted the Soviets
to kidnap and take to Russia.
On January 1 1 , 1 9 5 2, the UN General
Assembly, at the urging of the United States,
created a Disarmament Commission to study
and supervise the problem of general dis
armament ; but the propaganda for inter-
Page 142
national control" of atomic energy subtly
changed. There was less and less emphasis on
controlling atomic energy, more emphasis on
the "have" nations sharing their atomic
energy knowledge and materials with the
h "
.
(4)
ave-not natIOns.
By the middle of President Eisenhower's
frst year in ofce ( 1 9 5 3 , , "diversion of
nuclear materials from military use to peace
ful purposes" had become the cardinal theme
of nuclear disarmament propaganda. Com
munists emphasized this theme, of course,
because, in communist dialectics, it meant
giving United States' nuclear materials away
abroad so that the United States could not
use them for military purposes, while the
Soviets could concentrate on military use for
their nuclear materials.
In December, 1 9 5 3 , President Eisenhower
( with his atoms for peace" plan) gave a
great boost to this "diversion of nuclear ma
terials" scheme.
In an "Atoms For Peace" speech to the
United Nations General Assembly on Decem
ber 8 , 1 9 5 3 , President Eisenhower recom
mended that the UN create an International
Atomic Energy Agency, to which all govern
ments producing atomic energy could make
contributions of normal uranium and fssion
able materials.
The UN agency would store the materials
and allocate them around the world ( to na
tions not producing such materials ) for
f I (4
)
peace u uses.
Almost three years later -on October 2 3 ,
1 9 5 6 -the General Assembly of the UN
approved a charter for the atomic energy
agency which Eisenhower had recommended.
Three days later -October 2 6, 1 9 5 6, before
any nation had had opportunity to ratify the
charter -President Eisenhower pledged the
United States to give the new agency, im
mediately, 5 , 000 kilograms ( 1 1 , 000 pounds )
of Uranium 2 3 5 ; and, after that, to match
combined contributions of all other nations
on earth.
At the time, the estimated production cost
of 1 1 , 000 pounds of uranium 2 3 5 was 1 1 0
million dollars. ( 5 ) Without consulting Con
gress ( indeed, before the International
Atomic Energy Agency charter had even been
submitted to the Senate for approval of
American membership) President Eisenhower
promised to start the international atom bank
of with a gift of 1 1 0 million dollars worth of
Uranium 2 3 5 , and promised that United
States' gifts would stay at least that far ahead
of the gifts of all other nations put together.
he late Senator Joseph McCarthy fought
hard against Senate ratifcation of the IAEA
charter, predicting that communists would
take the thing over and use it against us.
The Senate Atomic Energy committee held
hearings -receiving abundant and repeated
assurances from the State Department and
from the Atomic Energy Commission that
there was no possibility of communists taking
over the new agency. The parade of witnesses
from the executive branch of government
virtually guaranteed that the International
Atomic Energy Agency, being an American
idea, would always be run the way the United
States wanted.
Internationalist supporters of the IAEA
were scornful of McCarthyites for suggesting
that the President and the State Department
and the Atomic Energy Commission would
recommend anything dangerous for America.
The Senate ratifed the IAEA charter on
June 1 8 , 1 9 5 7, by a vote of 67 to 1 9. The
agency came into being on July 29, 1 9 5 7,
when 1 8 nations had ratifed the charter. By
the end of October, 1 9 5 7, communist-bloc
nations had gained control of the Interna
tional Atomic Energy Agency, and the
United States State Department was profess-
.
b '
"
d' " d " b d , ,(6) mg to e m Ignant an pertur e .
Almost simultaneously with the capture
of the International Atomic Energy Agency,
the Soviets ( October, 1 9 5 7, , launched the
Page 143
frst man-made earth satellite, thus dazzling
the world with their achievements in nuclear,
and related, research.
Since then, frightful events have taken the
United States to the very brink of national
surrender. We are on that brink now. The
Kennedy Administration, under the guise of
promoting world peace, has already planned
the surrender.
Administration spokesmen insist that no
international agreement concerning disarma
ment will be made without specifc approval
of the United States Senate. But past be
havior, developed plans, and known attitude
of the Kennedy Administration indicate
otherwise.
The machinery is already established for
Kennedy ( if and when he fnds just the right
crisis") to surrender the armed forces ( and,
therefore, the national independence) of the
United States to a communist-dominated
world organization.
^ext week: details.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) The Test Ba,,: AlI Americall Strategy 0/ Gradual Self-Mutilation,
by Stefan T. Possony, Congressiollal Record, March 2 1 , 1 963 , pp.
4 3 5 8-70
(2 ) "Foreword," by U. S. Senator James O. Eastland (Demorat, Missis
sippi) , to Soviet Political Agreemellts and Results, a Staf Study,
Internal Security Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee,
May 2 1 , 1 95 6, p. VIII
( 3 ) The United States and the United Notiom: Report by the President
to the Congress for the Year 1 946. Department of State publication
No. 273 5 , February 5, 1 947, pp. 44- 5 3 ; 1 69-94
( 4) Review of the United Nations Charter, A Coliection of Documents,
Subcommittee on the United Nations Charter of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee, January 7, 1 954, pp. 43 6-42 ; 45 0- 5 9 ; 474- 80
( 5 ) U.S. News 1 World Report, December 3 , 1 9 54
( 6) "Reds Grab Key Jobs In World Atom Agency," by Robert S. Allen,
Tbe Tablet, Brooklyn, New York, November 2, 1 95 7
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Dan Smoot was born in Missouri. Reared in Texas, he attended SMU in Dallas, taking BA and MA degrees
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In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy in the feld of American Civilization.
In 1942, he took leave of absence from Harvard in order to join the FBI. At the close of the war, he stayed
in the FBI, rather than return to Harvard.
He worked as an FBI Agent in all parts of the nation, handling all kinds of assignments. But for three and a
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Page 144
M
Itl Smoot Report
Vol. 9
,
No. 19 ( Broadcast 404) May 1 3
,
1963 Dallas
,
Texas
DAN SMOOT
DI SARMAME NT - PART I I
If the United States had an efective defense against enemy missiles
,
communists could
not blackmail us with threats of nuclear destruction. We would not need to engage in an
armaments race, or bankrupt ourselves with defense expenditures. We could maintain a
small professional establishment of conventionally armed military forces -as was once
American tradition -and thus defend our nation without converting it into a police
state, through taxation and controls, and compulsory peacetime conscription.
But an efective anti-missile missile -the most desperately needed weapon in this century
-is the weapon we do not have. Ofcialdom says American prospects of developing such
a weapon are virtually non-existent -but admits that the Soviets may be on the point of
developing one, if they do not already have it. ( 1 )
Our Sui cide Strategy
here is evidence that American ofcialdom does not want the United States to have an
efective defense against missiles. Such evidence can be found in the State Department
disarmament plan ( presented to the United Nations in September, 1 96 1 ) which stresses
the outlawing of anti-missile weapons, and the outlawing of research and testing intended
to produce such weapons. ( 2
)
In a treatise entitled The Test Ban: An American Strategy of Gradual 5elf-Mutilation,
Dr. Stefan T. Possony ( of the Hoover Institute ) also presented evidence that American
ofcialdom does not want this nation to possess an adequate defense against missiles.
Dr. Possony said:
Mr. [William C. ] Foster's statement . . . discloses the true attitude of the administration
to antimissile defense: they just don't want it."( 3 )
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every wek by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
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No reproductions permitted.
Page 145
Foster ( a member of the Council on For
eign Relations ) is head of the Disarmament
Agency.
In a broadcast on The Manion Forum,
United States Senator Strom Thurmond said
the Defense Department has already made a
decision:
HT 0 postpone the production and deploy
ment of an anti-missile defense system until
1 970 or later, if, indeed, we are ever per
mitted to deploy an anti-missile system.
,,
(
4)
LKtensive testing of nuclear weapons
especially in the atmosphere -is necessary
for research to develop a defense against
missiles. ( 3)
Yet, in the interest of negotiating with the
Soviets, the Eisenhower and Kennedy Admin
istrations forfeited the security interests of
their own country and, for more than four
years, gave the Soviets unchallenged monop
oly in the feld of nuclear testing.
his was done with full knowledge that
there is no possibility of developing an inspec
tion system to detect and identify "illegal"
tes ti ng of nucl ear weapons , even i f t he
Soviets should agree t o outlaw testing and
should accept an international inspection
system which we specifed. ( 3)
Suppose that a ban" on nuclear testing
were in efect, with an international inspec
tion system operating; and suppose the system
detected a major high-altitude nuclear explo
sion somewhere above the Pacifc Ocean. At
best, it would take several days for the system
to correlate all data and determine the exact
latitude and longitude of the explosion. By
the time international inspectors reached the
scene, what would they fnd? Nothing! Sub
marines which fred the tests would be gone.
Communist propaganda would accuse the
United States of making the shot. Our ofcials
would make denials. There would be charges
and counter-charges in the United Nations.
The wrangle would be protracted for weeks,
while the Soviets prepared for another sneak
shot somewhere over the Atlantic Ocean.
A ware of all this -and aware also of the
unassailable proof that it is folly to negotiate
with the Soviets at all, because treaty-break
ing is a matter of policy and strategy with
them(5) -Eisenhower and Kennedy, during
a critical period, prohibited the nuclear test
ing which might have developed a defensive
weapon to save this country.
The only ofcial reason for the prohibition
was that we must show ttgood faith" during
negotiations with the Soviets !
The Ei senhower Record
Ln March 3 1 , 1 9 5 8 , Andrei Gromyko,
Soviet Foreign Minister, announced that the
Soviet Union was halting all testing of nuclear
weapons ; and he called upon other nations,
possessing such weapons, also to stop testing,
in the interest of "peace and security for all
peoples.
, ,
(
6
) Why? The Soviets had j ust fnished
a series of tests ; it would take them a year or
more to correlate and evaluate all information
thus produced; and in the interim they could
not proftably do any more testing. Gromyko's
announcement, in other words, was a trick
designed either to stop United States nuclear
testing or to give the Soviets some propaganda
fodder against us if we did not stop.
Ofcials of the Eisenhower State Depart
ment correctly called the Soviet plea a fraud,
but challenged the Soviets to approach the
subj ect in "an orderly way," through negoti
ations to work out a supervised suspension of
nuclear testing.
(7)
or years , t he communi s t peace"
ofensive had prepared for this situation.
Organizations of nuclear scientists, controlled
by communist fronters ; and "peace" organi
zations composed of preachers, teacherst and
professional liberals of all kinds, ha been
drenching the American public with horror
stories about the dangers of fall-out from
nuclear testing.
Gromyko's announcement on March 3 1,
1 9 5 8 , put the peace" organizations into high
Page 146
gear. For seven months, leftwing thunder for
"banning the bomb" was deafening -until
October 3 1 , 1 9 5 8 , when the United States
and the Soviet Union met for "test ban talks, "
and agreed to suspend all testing of nuclear
weapons, without inspections, while the talks
cont i nued. Ei s enhower ordered a ha l t to
United States testing, accepting Khrushchev's
uns upported promi s e t ha t he woul d do
likewise. (8)
Week after week, month after month, year
after year, the test ban talks" continued,
fruitlessly. The Soviets, busy assimilating
information already produced by tests, did
not need to make any nuclear shots in the
atmosphere; but -as the whole world was
aware -they went right ahead with under
ground shots and any other testing they
pleased, ignoring their agreement to halt all
tests for the duration of the negotiations.
Eisenhower kept the agreement, however,
permitting no more American testing during
the remainder of his administration.
Dreary communiques from Geneva about
another non-productive session of the ((test
ban talks" often seemed timed, with sardonic
humor, to coincide with other events which
underscored the absurdity of the talks. For
example, on August 3 , 1 9 5 9, a report from
Geneva revealed that the 1 1 8 th "test ban"
meeting between representatives of the United
States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain
was deadlocked. On that same day, the White
Hous e announced t hat Ei s enhower ha d
agreed to a personal exchange of visits with
Khrushchev. (9)
hrushchev was in the United States on
September 1 7, 1 9 5 9, when Sel wyn Lloyd,
British Foreign Secretary, spoke to the UN
General Assembly urging total disarmament
in three stages :
( 1 ) an international agreement fxing a
date for disarmament and size and quality
of national forces that would be left after
disarmament, and deciding on the quantity
and kind of -eapons for an international
army; ( 2 ) progressive steps in disarming
nations and in arming the international army;
( 3 ) fnal national disarmament, with re
arming outlawed, and a fully established
international army to enforce the peace, con
trol national military budgets, space explo
ration, and so on.
(
1
0
)
Selwyn Lloyd demanded efective inspec
tion to insure compliance" at every stage in
the plan; yet he proposed that inspection con
trol would be established after disarmament.
So, in efect, Selwyn Lloyd recommended
total disarmament without inspection.
(
1
0
)
The next day -September 1 8 , 1 9 5 9 -
Khruschev also spoke to the UN General
Assembly, and recommended total disarma
ment without inspection.
(
1 1)
One month later -October 1 8 , 1 9 5 9 -
Francis O. Wilcox, Assistant Secretary of
State for International Organization Afairs
( and member of the Council on Foreign
Relations ) , speaking to the Greater Miami
Association for the United Nations, said that
the problem of determining which should
come frst, disarmament or controls, is as baf
fing as the old riddle about which came frst,
the chicken or the egg.
(12)
Ln March 1 5 , 1 960, fve Western powers
and fve Soviet bloc powers met at Geneva
for general disarmament talks. These were in
addition to the "nuclear test ban talks" which
had been going on at Geneva since October,
1 9 5 8 .
(
1
3
)
On May 1 2, 1 960, United States Senator
Thomas J. Dodd ( Democrat, Connecticut)
made a speech to the United States Senate
saymg:
((Before it is too late, we must call of the
[nuclear test] ban. At stake is the preserva
tion of peace and the survival of our nation
and of freedom on this earth. Our guileless
approach to the moratorium places us in
mortal peril, for it rests on blind trust in
the honesty of the Kremlin, a dictatorship
with a shocking record of violations of its
pledges.
( tSome American experts are convinced
that the Soviets are already testing secretly.
No one can seriously doubt that they will
do so whenever it suits them.
,,
(
14)
In June, 1 96 0, the Soviets walked out of
Page 147
the Geneva "test ban talks, " and stayed away
for several months.
( 1
3 )
On September 22, 1 960, in a speech to the
UN General Assembly, President Eisenhower
gently reproved the Soviets for not entering
into disarmament agreements, and rebuked
them for walking out of the "test ban talks, "
pleading with them to come back for more.
( 1
3)
Eisenhower's plea set the stage for the
Soviets who, the next day ( September 2 3 ,
1 960 ) , presented to the U ni ted Nations their
plan for total, world-wide disarmament ( the
same plan which Khrushchev had presented to
the UN a year before) .
( 1
3)
The Kennedy Record
ennedy, inaugurated President in 1 9 6 1 ,
continued the ban on American nuclear test
ing ; and he appointed Paul Nitze to be
Assistant Secretary of Defense, and Walt W.
Rostow to be Deputy Special Assistant to the
President for National Security Afairs. It
later became known that these two high
ofcials of the Kennedy Administration
( together with others from the Council on
Foreign Relations, whose members occupy
key positions in the Kennedy Administration)
had lectured, almost a year before, to a
National Strategy Seminar at Asilomar Con
ference Grounds on the Monterey Peninsula,
in California.
The general argument of lectures which
Rostow and Nitze, and the others, gave at
the Strategy Seminar was that the United
States cannot win a nuclear war; that con
tinued attempts to produce nuclear superi
ority will spur the Soviets to do likewise and
thus increase the danger of a holocaust ; that
we should, therefore, de-emphasize nuclear
weapons on the theory that the Soviets will
follow our lead ; that we should build up our
convent i onal mi l i t ary power in order t o
increase our capacity to fght in limited wars ;
and that we should work toward some form
of world government strong enough to elimi-
1 h
( 1
5
)
nate wars a toget er.
aul Nitze told the Strategy Seminar that
the United States should begin disarmament
wi t hout requi ri ng dis a rmament of ot her
nations, i n the hope that our action would
"produce reciprocal action on the part of our
allies and also on the part of our enemies. "
Nitze said we should stop all eforts to build
a Class A nuclear capability, which could
strike frst or take ofensive action: and that
we should build purely retaliatory defense
systems, and then surrender command of those
systems to international authority. He pro
posed that we make this surrender by giving
NATO command of our Strategic Air Com
mand, and by notifying the United Nations
that NATO will turn over to the UN the
ultimate power of decision on the use of
A l '
( 1
5
)
mencan reta la tory systems.
After Nitze became Kennedy's Assistant
Secretary of Defense, and the public found
out what his real "defense policy" is, alarmed
c i ti zens wr ot e Wa s hi ngt o n ofci al dom
demanding explanation. Ofcial explanations
from Washington included :
( 1 ) flat denials that Nitze had ever made
such a proposal ; ( 2 ) assertions that Nitze
did not really mean that he wanted SAC to
be made a NATO command; ( 3 ) explana
tions that in making such a proposal, Nitze
was really suggesting that such a thing
should not be done -that he was merely
throwing it out as a ugrand fallacy"; ( 4)
explanations that Nitze's proposal had no
ofcial standing, because Nitze was not a
member of the Administration when the pro
posal was made.
Dr. Lawrence G. Osborne, Santa Barbara,
California, got replies from two Washington
ofcials : one from Timothy W. Stanley
( Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary
of Defense for International Security Afairs )
saying that a proposal to turn SAC over to
NATO was not under consideration by the
Kennedy Administration; another from Vice
President Lyndon B. Johnson, saying:
The proposal that the Strategic Air Com
mand be placed under the over-all adminis
tration and command of NATO is one which
is being given a great deal of thought and
deliberation. "
Page 148
L.March 2 3 , 1 9 6 1 , a "briefng" session
on disarmament was held at the State Depart
ment. About 7 5 persons attended, represent
ing such organizations as the United World
Federalists, Americans for Democratic Action,
Women' s International League for Peace,
American Association for the United Nations,
Federation of American Scientists, Twentieth
Century Fund, UAW-CIO, and the General
Federation of Women's Groups.
Mr. E. A. Gullion, Deputy Director of the
Disarmament Administration ( and a member
of the Council on Foreign Relations ) presided.
He urged the groups to propagandize for the
establishment of a permanent Disarmament
Agency under the control of the State Depart
ment, and not answerable to Congress. An
agency free of congressional controls would
have more latitude for doing what it felt
necessary in the feld of disarmament, Mr.
Gullion explained, pointing out that it is
"difcult to work under the 1 8th century
Constitution. "
.
On March 2 8 , 1 9 6 1 , President Kennedy
sent to Congress a defense message modeled
on a confdential memorandum submitted to
hi m by hi s Deput y As s i s t ant , Wa l t W.
Rostow, who had had a private meeting in
Moscow with Vasily V. Kuznetsov. Rostow
told President Kennedy that the Soviets do
not think Americans really want disarma
ment, because we continue to build a "frst
strike" capability against the Soviet Union.
Rostow recommended that we allay Soviet
suspicions by de-emphasizing ofensive weap
ons and by emphasizing defensive weapons.
On March 3 0, 1 9 6 1 , the Chicago Sun-Times
published a story headlined: Inside Story Of
A Big Switch: Kennedy's Defense Strategy
Tailored To Ease Red Fears. The story was
written in Washington by Thomas B. Ross,
who commented on the relationship between
Kennedy's defense program and the Rostow
memorandum, saying:
HThe similarities in the statements of Ros
tow and Mr. Kennedy were no coincidence.
It is known that large sections of the Presi
dent's defense message were written explicitly
for the consumption of top Russian ofcials.
Moreover
,
on the recommendation of
Charles E. Bohlen
,
the State Department's
leading expert on Russia
,
certain communist
phraseology was inserted in the message . . . .
HThat much of the defense message was
directed to the Soviet leaders is evident in
the fact that Llewellyn E. Thompson
,
Jr.
,
Ambassador to Russia
,
was given a special
briefng on it B B B The message will now be
forwarded to him in Moscow so he can reas
sure Soviet ofcials that the United States
is taking care not to produce a frst-strike
capability. '
Emphasis on a second-strike' capability
ran through all the White House meetings
on the message. Most of the sessions were
directed by Mr. Kennedy's chief aide
,
Theo
dore Sorensen
,
who repeatedly made it clear
that the President wanted to avoid provoc
ative
,
ofensive weapons. "
Lharles Bohlen, who recommended com
munist phraseology" in Kennedy's defense
message, is a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations. Another key fgure in Kennedy's
defense-disarmament planning is Dr. Jerome
Bert Wiesner, also a member of the Council
on Foreign Relations. Here is information
about Wiesner, from The New York Times
Magazine:
Dr. Jerome Bert Wiesner
,
a former pro
fes s or at the Mas s achus etts Ins ti tute of
Technology . . . . is the top planner
,
arbitrator
and counselor of scientifc policy within the
Government
,
and
,
thus
,
throughout the
scientifc community at l arge . . . . Wiesner
oversees the operations of all scientifcally
oriented agencies
,
such as the Defense Depart
ment
,
Atomi c Energy Commi ssi on and
National Science Foundation . . . .
H[He] operates behind a wall of White
House secrecy
,
somewhat to the dismay of
Congress which would like to be privy to his
scientifc policy advice . . . .
(Before joining the Administration
,
Wiesner
made no secret of his belief that the United
States at times had been almost as much to
blame as the Soviet Union for blocking agree
ment on arms-control measures . . . .
One of the principal obstacles standing
in the way of disarmament
,
in Wiesner's
opinion
,
is a communications block' between
the two sides . . . .
Page 149
It was largely because of his desire to
break down the (communications block' that
Wiesner last fall took the potentially impolitic
step of going to Moscow to attend a non
governmental conference of East-West scien
tists on disarmament.
,,
( 16
)
Ln May 2 5 , 1 9 6 1 , President Kennedy, in
a special message to Congress, asked for estab
lishment of a disarmament agency. ( 17) This
was the frst formal step toward the agency
which the March 2 3 , 1 96 1 , State Department
"briefng" of leftwing leaders had prepared
the propaganda campaign for.
On June 2 3 , 1 9 6 1 , John J. McCloy, Special
Adviser to the President on Disarmament
( and a member of the Council on Foreign
Relations ) , sent to the President a draft of
a bill to create the new agency. In his letter
of transmittal to the President, McCloy
revealed that the fundamental purpose of the
Disarmament Agency is to work for world
government. (17)
On June 29, 1 9 6 1 , President Kennedy sent
McCloy's proposed Bill to the Congress. In his
letter of transmittal, the President also revealed
that the purpose of the Bill was not only to
work toward elimination of national arma
ments, but to "strengthen international insti
tutions" into world government. ( 17)
On August 1 5 , 1 9 6 1 , four former high
ofcials in the Eisenhower Administration
Christian A. Herter, Thomas S. Gates, Gen
eral Alfred M. Gruenther, and Henry Cabot
Lodge ( all members of the Council on Foreign
Relations ) -testifed before a Senate Foreign
Relations Subcommittee in support of Presi
dent Kennedy's Disarmament Agency. Lodge
urged that the Western powers also set up a
"unifed diplomatic command" so that our
"decision- making machinery" will not be
cumbersome. ( 1
8
)
Former President Eisenhower wrote a letter
strongly endorsing the proposed agency. ( 1
8
)
Ln August 3 0, 1 9 6 1 , the Soviet Union
abruptly announced that it would resume
massive testing of nuclear weapons. ( 1 7
)
The
moratorium which the Soviets had asked for
in 1 9 5 8 was at last to end: they had com
pleted their analyses of the 1 9 5 8 tests and
were ready for another series.
One i nteres ti ng as pect of the Sovi et
announcement is that i t came on the eve of a
meeting of 24 "neutral" nations at Belgrade,
Yugoslavia. Ostensibly, a major purpose of
the meeting was to underscore the neutral
nations' oft-repeated plea for major powers
to stop testing nuclear weapons. The oddly
timed Soviet announcement looked like a
deliberate afront. The liberal press of Amer
ica predicted that this arrogant act would
outrage the neutralist leaders gathering at
Belgrade and would, thus, backfre on the
Soviets.
But when the neutralist leaders gathered,
they expressed sympathy for the Soviet Union,
and blamed the United States for causing the
Soviets to resume nuclear testing. ( 19)
The 24 neutral nations, whose leaders took
this action, had all received ( and are still
receiving) great quantities of aid from the
United States , little or nothing from the
Soviet Union. (19)
he announced Soviet plan to resume
nuclear testing did not slow down the Amer
ican drive for disarmament. On September
2 3 , 1 9 6 1 , the House of Representatives
authorized a fnal version of The Arms Con
trol and Disarmament Act of 1 9 6 1 ( HR
9 1 1 8 , Public Law 8 7- 297) , to establish an
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency.
Just as E. A. Gullion had demanded at the
State Department briefng six months before,
the Agency was set up free of congressional
controls.
The Arms Control and Disarmament Act
of 1 9 6 1 confers upon the Director of the new
Disarmament Agency broad authority ( under
the general supervision of the President and
the Secretary of State) to do j ust about any
thing the Director may claim to be in the
interest of peace and arms control. The Direc
tor can formulate United States disarmament
policies, conduct negotiations with foreign
powers and international organizations, com-
Page 1 50
mand the services of other federal agencies,
obtain restricted information from the Atomic
Energy Commission-and enjoy specifc ex
emptions from laws written by Congress. For
example, Section 43 of Title IV of the Act
says :
The President may, in advance, exempt
actions of the Director from the provisions
of law relating to contracts or expenditures
of Government funds whenever he determines
that such action is essential in the interest of
United States arms control and disarmament
and security policy."
Only in Section 3 3 of Title III of Public
Law 87-297 did Congress insert a provision
indicating an intent to retain, in Congress,
some control over policies and programs de
vised by the Director of the Disarmament
Agency. A clause in Section 3 3 provides :
That no action shall be taken under this
or any other law that will obligate the United
States to disarm or to reduce or to limit the
Armed Forces or armaments of the United
States, except pursuant to the treaty making
power of the President under the Constitu
tion, or unless authorized by further afrm
ative legislation by the Congress of the United
States."
This provision is meaningless, because mod
ern ( and incorrect) Supreme Court interpre
tations of the Constitution hold that the
treaty making power of the President"
includes the power to enter into executive
agreements with foreign nations -without
the advice and consent
,
or even the knowl
edge, of the United States Senate.
(
20)
Ln September 2 5 , 1 9 6 1 -two days after
the Arms Control and Disarmament Act of
1 9 6 1 was passed in the House -Adlai Ste
venson presented, to the 1 6th General Assem
bly of the United Nations, the American plan
for total world-wide disarmament. This Amer
ican plan ( almost identical with the plan
which the Soviet Union had submitted to the
UN on September 2 3 , 1 9 6 0 )
(
2
1 )
would
transfer control of United States nuclear
weapons to the United Nations, restrict the
American military esablishment to the size
and kind needed for control of the American
population, and prohibit us from possessing or
even trying to develop a defense against weap
ons of mass destruction.
(
2.2
1 )
Senator Strom Thurmond ( Democrat,
South Carolina) made several speeches i n the
latter part of 1 9 6 1 , sharply criticizing the
State Department plan to surrender American
nuclear weapons to the UN. Although the
plan had been formally presented to the UN
and the text published in an ofcial State
Department pamphlet, Washington ofcials,
when receiving inquiries from the public,
fatly denied that the plan existed. Here are
passages from a typical ofcial letter of denial
-this one written by John E. Carland,
Director of Special Activities, Ofce of the
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public
Afairs, to Mrs. W. M. Walters in Spokane,
Washington:
((This is in reference to your recent com
munication relative to reports that the United
States is considering turning over nuclear
weapons or information about such weapons
to the United Nations.
The Department of Defense has received
other similar letters, apparently stemming
from erroneous articles that have appeared
in some newspapers. The Defense Department
has no such plans and we know of no govern
ment proposal which would involve turning
nuclear weapons or information about them
over to the United Nations."
Uy the end of 1 96 1 , plans for disarming
the United States ( and, thus, surrendering
her sovereignty) were formulated and an
nounced. In 1 962, as will be shown in this
Report next week, came further development
of the plans -chiefly in the form of con
cessions to entice Soviet agreement.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Article by Fred Farris, New York Herald Tribune News Service,
dateline Washington, in The San Francisco Examiner, March 1 2, 1 962
( 2 ) The American plan for total disarmament was published in Septem
ber, 1 9 6 1 , by the Government Printing Ofce as State Department
Publication 7277, entitled Freedom From War: The Ulited 'tates
Program for General a1d Complete Disarmament i1l a Peacef"l World.
Here are passages from the ofcial text:
"The Nations of the world . . . set forth as the objectives of a
program of general and complete disarmament . . .
ctThe elimination from national arsenals of all armaments, includ
ing all weapons of mass destruction and the means for their delivery,
other than those required for a United Nations Peace Force and for
maintaining internal order; = . .
Page 1 5 1
"As states relinquish their arms, the United Nations shall be
progressively strengthened . . . .
"STAGE I . . . .
"An International Disarmament Organization (IDO) shall be
established within the framework of the United Nations . . . .
"Strategic nuclear weapons delivery vehicles in specifed categories
and agreed types of weapons designed to counter such vehicles shall
be reduced to agreed levels . . . . The reduction shall be accomplished
. . . by transfers to depots supervised by the IDO . . . .
"Production of agreed categories of strategic nuclear weapons
delivery vehicles and agreed types of weapons designed to counter such
vehicles shall be discontinued or limited.
"Testing of agreed categories of strategic nuclear weapons delivery
vehicles and agreed types of weapons designed to counter such vehicles
shall be limited or halted . . . .
"STAGE II . . . .
"Further reductions in the stocks of strategic nuclear weapons
delivery vehicles and agreed types of weapons designed to counter such
vehicles shall be carried out . . . .
"During Stage II, states shall develop further the peace-keeping
processes of the United Nations, to the end that the United Nations
can efectively in Stage III deter or suppress any threat or use of force
in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations . . . .
The U.N. Peace Force shall be established and progressively strength
ened . . . .
"STAGE III . . . .
"In Stage III, progressive controlled disarmament . . . would pro
ceed to a point where no state would have the military power to
challenge the progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force . . . .
HStates would retain only those forces, non-nuclear armaments,
and establishments required for the purpose of maintaining internal
order; they would also support and provide agreed manpower for
U. N. Peace Force.
"The U.N. Peace Force, equipped with agreed types and quantities
of armaments, would be fully functioning.
"The manufacture of armaments would be prohibited except for
those of agreed types and quantities to be used by the U.N. Peace
Force and those required to maintain internal order . . . . "
( 3 ) The Test Ban: An American Strategy of Gradual Sel/-Mutilation, by
Stefan T. Possony, Congressiollal Record, March 2 1 , 1 963 pp. 4 3 5 8-70
( 4) "Are We Trying To Lose The Cold War?" by U. S. Senator Strom
Thurmond ( Democrat, South Carolina) , Weekly Broadcast No. 447,
The Manion Forum, South Bend, Indiana, April 2 1 , 1 963
( 5 ) Soviet Political Agreemell/s and ReSlts, a Staf Study, Internal
Security Subcommittee of the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee,
May 2 1 , 1 9 5 6
( 6 ) "Text of Gromyko Announcement of the Soviet Decision to Suspend
Nuclear Tests," Reuters dispatch from London, The New York Times,
April 1 , 1 9 5 8 , pp. 1 4- 1 5
(7) "U.S. Statement on the Soviet Decision," AP dispatch from Washing
ton, The New York Times, April 1, 1 9 5 8, p. 1 5
( 8 ) Special to the Times, The New York Times, October 3 1 , 1 9 5 8, p. 1 ;
and Special to the Times from Geneva by Drew Middleton, The New
York Times, November 1 , 1 9 5 8, pp. 1, 3
( 9) "Khrushchev Coming to U.S. Next Month," Special to the Times
from Washington by Felix Belair, Jr., The New York Times, August
4, 1 9 5 9, pp. 1, 3 ; and "Nuclear Talks Proceed: 3 Powers Reiterate
Stands on Controls in Geneva," Special to the Times from Geneva,
The New York Times, August 4, 1 95 9, p. 3
( 1 0 ) "Lloyd Remarks," Special to the Times from the UN, The New York
Times, September 1 8, 1 95 9, pp. 4-5
( 1 1 ) "Text of Premier Khrushchev's Address to the United Nations General
Assembly," and "Text of Soviet Government Declaration Proposing
Complete Disarmament," The New York Times, September 1 9, 1 95 9,
pp. 8-9, 1 2
( 1 2 ) "U.S. Said Willing To Equal Soviet Disarmament Steps," UPI dispatch
from Miami Beach, Dnrham (North Carolilla) Morning Herald,
October 1 9, 1 959
( 1 3 ) Docnmellts on Disarmamellt, 1 960, State Department Publication
No. 7 1 72, July, 1 961 , pp. xii, 66, 1 3 1 , 2 2 5-9, 229-48
( 1 4) "The Summit and the Test Ban Fallacy," speech by U.S. Senator
Thomas J. Dodd (Democrat, Connecticut) , Congressional Record,
May 1 2, 1 960, pp. 941 2- 23
( 1 5 ) Proceedings of the Asilomar National St"J/egy Semillar, prepared by
Stanford Research Institute, sponsored by Sixth U.S. Army, Western
Sea Frontier, Fourth Air Force, April, 1 960; and "Idea Promoted:
Defeatism Big Danger," by Edith Kermit Rosevelt, The Dallas
MOYlling News, September 17, 1 961
( 1 6) "Top Scientist On The New Frontier," by John W. Finney, The
New York Times MagaZine, September 3 , 1 961 , pp. 8 H.
( 1 7) Docummts On Disarmament, 1 961 , United States Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency Publication No. 5 , August, 1 962, pp. 1 5 1 -61 ,
1 96-9, 2 1 4-27, 3 1 7- 5 0
( 1 8 ) Letter, U.S. Representative Walter Rogers (Democrat, Texas) in
support of Disarmament Agency, February 2, 1 963
( 1 9) "Text of the Declaration of Belgrade," The New York Times, Septem
ber 7, 1 961 , p. 8 ; "When 'Neutrals' get Together," U.S. News <
World Report, September I I , 1 96 1 , pp. 74 f.
( 20) Discussion of the Executive Agreement and its binding powers,
various Supreme Court decisions, contained in The COI/Untion 0/
the United States 0/ America, Allalysis alld Interpretali(, prepared
by the Legislative Reference Service, Library of Congress, Edward S.
Corwin, Editor, U.S. Senate Document No. 1 70, 82d Congress, 2d
Session, 1 95 3 , pp. 434-45
( 2 1 ) "This Time, Russians Really Did It First," Ama.rillo (Texas) Daily
New" February 1 6, 1 963 , p. 4 - setting out, side by side, the Soviet
disarmament proposals of September 23 , 1 960; and the American
disarmament proposals of September 2 5 , 1 961
THE DAN SMOOT TELEVISION BROADCASTS ARE PRODUCED ON
FILM. HENCE, WE HAVE 1 6 M SOUND FILM RECORDINGS COVERING
ALL SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THIS REPORT. THE FILM IS NOW
AVAILABLE TO THE PUBLIC. WRITE FOR FREE FILM CATALOGUE.
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profits from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 152
.
M
111 Smoot le,ort
Vol. 9, No. 20 ( Broadcast 405 ) May 20, 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
D I SARMAME NT - PART I I I
As early as 1 9 1 7, international communists began to use world-wide disarmament
propaganda as a means of attack against non-communist nations, particularly the United
States. To communists, world-wide disarmament does not mean elimination from the world
of all weapons of war. It means taking all weapons away from non-communists so that
they can ofer no resistance to communism.
Lenin said, and Khrushchev has repeated, that communists are contemptuous of pacifsm,
but can efectively use pacifsts in non-communist nations.
Pacifsts believe that war is horrible ; and every decent and sane person on earth agrees
with them. Pacifsts, however, are not willing to accept reality. Reality is that wars are
inevitable until human beings are better than they have ever been since Adam and Eve
were expelled from the Garden of Eden.
Human beings cannot be improved through legislation or disarmament pacts. They
certainly cannot be improved by having their weapons taken away from them.
Suppose non-communist nations could mlke an agreement with communist dictators
which resulted in the actual world-wide elimination of all modern weapons of war. What
would then prevent the hordes of Asia and Africa from overrunning the civilized world
with butcher knives ?
To avoid such a catastrophe, why not disarm all nations, but at the same time arm
an international authority to keep the peace? This would be worse than total disarmament
without an armed authority to enforce order. Any agency with enough authority to
police the world, and with a monopoly of weapons, will enslave and oppress the world.
That fact also derives from the nature of man. Civilized people stripped of weapons
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 1 53
would, at least, have a better chance to defend
themselves against lawless and ravaging hordes
than to defend themselves against an inter
national authority armed with modern weap
ons, and in control of the world.
Men will become good" enough to refrain
from warring on each other only when, and
if, all men accept for themselves the saving
grace that God ofers. Meanwhile, it behooves
all nations ( most especially civilized Western
nations whose culture is founded on faith in
God) to maintain whatever weaponry is nec
essary to protect their civilization against all
threats, within or without.
U
efore the councils of the world, there
are, at present, two basic proposals for so-called
world-wide disarmament : the Soviet. govern
ment's proposal and the American govern
ment's proposal.
The Soviet government pretends to want
world-wide disarmament without a strong
international authority to keep the peace. Even
if the communist proposal were honest ( which
it most certainly is not) , it would eventuate
in the catastrophe of a defenseless civilized
world being overrun by hordes of barbarians.
The American government wants total dis
armament of all nations, with an international
authority armed and empowered to enforce
the peace -a plan which would eventuate in
a universal, all -powerful dictatorship even
more horrible than anarchy.
Mow we arrived at the point where the
nations of the world are seriously considering
these two alternatives for disaster is an amaz
ing story -parts of which are sketched in the
two previous issues of this Report.
A Review
he testing of nuclear explosions -in the
air, under ground, under water, and in
space -is necessary for research to develop
nuclear weapons, particularly defensive weap
ons : anti-missile missiles, for example. Each
nuclear explosion produces a mass of new
information which is useless until it has been
studied, evaluated, and correlated with other
technical information.
Yet, the time and cost of preparing for a
nuclear shot make one-shot nuclear testing
impractical. The practical way is to arrange
a series of nuclear explosions, and then to sus
pend all testing until the whole mass of infor
mation produced has been assimilated. The
work of assimilation may take years. During
that time, it is not sensible to do any major
testing.
In the spring of 1 9 5 8 , the Soviets, hav
ing concluded a maj or series of nuclear tests,
asked for a moratorium on testing. Peace
propagandists raised a clamor in support of
the Soviet proposal. On October 3 1 , 1 9 5 8 ,
Eisenhower halted all plans for American
nuclear testing, accepting Khrushchev's un
supported promise that he would do likewise.
Kennedy continued the ban on American
testing, though it was universally known that
the Soviets had never kept their word. The
men whom Kennedy placed in charge of
defense and disarmament policies were on rec
ord as wanting American disarmament, with
or wi thout Soviet disarmament ; they devised
a defense program admittedly intended to
please the Soviets ; they rammed through Con-
A DO A
( 1 )
gress an ct creatmg a Isarmament gency
with a Director empowered to do anything
( including violations of federal law) which
he might claim to be in the interest of peace
and disarmament ; and they submitted to the
UN a proposed treaty which would disarm the
United States and surrender her nuclear
weapons.
By the end of 1 9 6 1 , military men were
expressing grave fear that the Kennedy defense
and disarmament programs would leave the
United States virtually helpless against the
Soviets.
(2)
Page 1 54
1962
Ln March 2, 1 96 2 , President Kennedy said
the Soviets, in their nuclear tests, were pressing
hard toward the goal of developing the most
desperately needed weapon of our time -a
means of destroying attacking enemy rockets
before they explode on target. The President
said the Soviet tests of 1 9 6 1 "reflected . . . the
trial of novel designs and techniques, and some
substantial gains in weaponry. " Mentioning
the powerful "nuclear attack and defense
capability" which the Soviets are developing,
the President warned that further Soviet tests
would put the free world in grave danger. He
said that the United States "cannot make sim
ilar strides without testing in the atmosphere as
well as underground, " and that in many areas
of nuclear weapons research we have reached
the point where our progress is stifled without
. . .
,
,
(3 ) expenments I n every enVIronment.
Concerning the possibility of negotiating
some efective ban on Soviet testing, the Presi
dent said:
The basic lesson of some 3 years and 3 5 3
negotiating sessions at Geneva is this -that
the Soviets will not agree to an efective ban
B as long . . . as B B a new uninspected mora
torium or a new agreement without controls,
would enable them once again to prevent the
West from testing while they prepare in
secret. " (
3)
On March 1 1 , 1 962, Robert S. McNamara,
Secretary of Defense, said the United States
has no reasonable prospect" of developing a
successful defense against missiles. At the same
time, American ofcialdom generally was
reflecting the expressed conviction of the Presi
dent that the Soviets may be on the point of
developing such a defensive weapon.
In view of all this, it was reasonable to
assume that the President would order imme
diate preparations for massive American test
ing of nuclear weapons. He did not. He
ordered a new series of atmospheric tests to be
held in the Pacifc beginning in late April,
1 962 -but promised that the tests would not
be conducted if the Soviets would SIgn a
nuclear test ban by mid April. (4)
Ln March 1 4, 1 962, when the Eighteen
nation Disarmament Committee began an
other series of disarmament conferences at
Geneva, the United States and Great Britain
proposed the outl awing of underground
nuclear tests, s uggesting an international
inspection system to detect and investigate
suspicious earth tremors -that is , earth
tremors which seismic instruments could not
positively identify as earthquakes. The Soviets
held out for an unpoliced moratorium on
underground tests, pending the development
of a control system for general and complete
disarmament. (4)
On April 9, 1 962, President Kennedy and
Prime Minister MacMillan personally appealed
to Khrushchev to reconsider the Soviet posi
tion, pointing out that scientifc instrumenta
tion is not fully capable of distinguishing earth
quakes from underground explosions. (5 )
On April 1 2
,
1 962, Khrushchev replied by
saying Kennedy and MacMillan wanted inspec
tion as a means of "choosing the moment to
attack the Soviet Union.
,
,
(
5
)
On April 1 2, 1 962, various members of the
1 8 -nation Committee appealed to the Soviet
Union and the United States to enter another
unpoliced moratorium on testing for the dura
tion of the Conference. The Soviet Union
agreed to this proposal. (4)
On April 1 6, 1 962, eight small-nation mem
bers of the Eighteen-nation Disarmament
Committee suggested a compromise solution,
which was, in efect, that existing national con
trol and detection systems be used instead of
the international inspection system demanded
by the United States. An impartial Interna
tional Commission would process data pro
duced by the various national detection sys
tems. If the International Commission noticed
data which might indicate an illegal nuclear
test somewhere, it would notify the nation on
whose territory that event occurred. The sus-
Page 155
pected nation would then co-operate with the
Inte
M
1tl Smoot Repo,t
Vol. 9, No. 2 1 ( Broadcast 406) May 27, 1963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
FI RST ROL L CAL L S, V d
boll call tabulations in this Report are unique in that we try to select only those
votes which reflect a stand for or against constitutional principles.
We consider a 1 -billion-dollar foreign aid program as bad in principle as a 4-billion
dollar foreign aid program; a 1 -billion-dollar urban renewal program, as unconstitutional
as a 1 O-billion-dollar urban renewal program. We are not interested in economy-minded"
legislators. If they vote to spend any tax money at all on programs which are not clearly
authorized by some grant of power in the Constitution, they are voting liberal, which
means against constitutional principles. We do not believe in reducing unconstitutional
We never select for tabulation a roll call vote after frst looking to see which legislators
voted which way. We are not concerned with building a record" for or against any Sena
tor or Representative. Letting the chips fall where they may, we are, however, eager to
see a growing number of legislators build for themselves a record of voting consistently for
constitutional principles.
All of this being understood, it will encourage constitutional conservatives to notice
that, on the basis of roll calls tabulated in this Report, the 8 8 th Congress is, so far, the
best Congress we have had in a very long time.
In the roll calls tabulated below, 2 3 United States Senators made constitutionalist ratings
of 8 0% or better -8 of them making 1 0 0% ratings. The House looks even better. In the
tabulations below, 1 2 0 United States Representatives made constitutionalist ratings of
8 0% or better - 5 0 of them making 1 00% ratings.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12.50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1. 00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 -each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 161
For detailed comparison between the voting
of the 8 7th Congress in 1 962 and of the 8 8 th
Congress to the middle of May, 1 9 6 3 , exam
ine the votes tabulated below, and then refer
to this Report dated October 1 , 1 9 62, entitled
Voting Records, 1 9 62. "
On May 1 7, 1 96 3 - 1 8 weeks after the
8 8 th Congress convened -Congres had
approved only 1 of 2 5 maj or pieces of legis
lation desired by President Kennedy: the Feed
Grains Bill .
his congressional resistance to the Ken
nedy program in 1 9 6 3 refects the dedicated,
yet often frustrating, eforts of American
constitutional conservatives who keep Con
gress informed on how they feel.
A surprising number of constitutional con
servatives, in all parts of the country, spend a
great deal of time, energy, and money in sup
port of constitutional principles. They write
their elected representatives ; and they distrib
ute conservative materials to friends, urging
them to write. Many eventually write me,
in tones of despair, saying their eforts do no
good, because Congress ignores their view
point. The roll call votes tabulated below
show otherwise.
By the end of March, 1 96 3 , it was widely
reported that Robert F. Kennedy, Attorney
General, had prepared a list of conservative
Democrats whom the Kennedy Administration
plans to purge" from Congress in 1 9 64,
because of their opposition to Kennedy pro
grams. Robert F. Kennedy has denied the
reports. But The Washington Star has pub
l ished details on meetings hel d by COPE
( political action arm of the AF-CIO) at
which the purge" program was dlscusse
.
d
meetings attended by ofcials of the natIOnal
Democrat Party. The people should meet
this challenge head -on: they should purge
liberals from Congress in 1 9 64.
Fi l i buster
tn February 7, 1 9 6 3 , the Senate, by a
stand of 5 6 to 44, rejected Administration
attempts to limit debate in the Senate. The
vote is shown below in Column 1 under
Senate -C indicating a vote to continue the
ancient principle of unlimited debate.
Urban Mass Transportation
Ln April 4, 1 9 6 3 , by a stand of 5 4 to
4 5 , the Senate passed the Mass Transportation
Act of 1 9 6 3 ( S 6 ) . The vote is shown below
in Column 2 under Senate -C indicating a
vote against. The bill has cleared committees
in the House but has not yet been voted on.
The Bill would provide 3 7 5 million federal
tax dollars as matching grants to states and
cities for buying out private public trans
portation frms, or improving existing facili
ties, either under private or public ownership.
This program is, as Senator Frank J. Lausche
( Democrat, Ohio ) s ays , a "vote-buying
device" which would cost taxpayers billions
of dollars. Existing subsidy programs ( to air
lines and railroads ) already have us on the road
toward nationalization ( government owner
ship) of al l transportation facilities. The
Urban Mass Transportation Bill would be
another giant stride down that road.
Wi l derness Bi l l
Ln April 9 , 1 9 6 3 , the Senate, by a stand
of 8 5 to 1 5 , passed the National Wilderness
Preservation System Act ( S 4) . The vote is
shown below in Column 3 under Senate
C indicating a vote against. Hearings on this
Bill have not yet been scheduled in the House.
This Bill would place 6 5 . 4 million acres of
land in a Wilderness System, " under tight
control of presidential appointees who could
permit or prohibit commercial activity; who
could prohibit private capital from develop
ing hydro-electric power facilities, but permit
government-owned power facilities ; who
could permit or prohibit the grazing of live
stock; who could permit or prohibit the
building of roads ; who could permit or pro
hibit mining and prospecting -all in accord
ance with the wishes of the President.
Page 162
Youth Conservation Corps
Ln April 1 0, 1 96 3 , the Senate, by a stand
of 5 7 to 42, passed the Youth Employment
Act of 1 96 3 ( S 1 ) e The vote is shown below in
Column 4 under Senate C indicating a
vote against. The measure has cleared com
mittees in the House but has not yet come to
a vote. The Bill could create an American
counter-part of government youth organiza
tions which are essential tools of dictatorship
in all communist countries, as they were in
nazi Germany and in fascist Italy before
W orId War II.
Accel erated Publ ic Works
In 1 962, Congress passed the Public Works
Acceleration Act, authorizing 900 million
dollars for public works projects ( which are
vote-buying spending programs generally
placed in key districts where politicians wish
to reward political supporters ) . Congress
appropriated 400 million for the program in
1 962. On April 1 0, 1 96 3 , the House, by a
stand of 2 3 3 to 1 8 9, authorized another 4 5 0
million dollar appropriation: see Column 3
below under House -C indicating a vote
against the new 4 5 0 million dollar appropria
tion. On May 1 , 1 96 3 , the Senate, by a stand
of 6 8 to 3 0, approved the House action: see
Column 5 below under Senate.
I ncome Tax Enforcers
Ln November 2 8 , 1 962, Mortimer M.
Caplin, Commissioner of the U. S. Internal
Revenue Service, announced:
( (President Kennedy approved Public Law
8 7- 8 6 3 , which authorizes Special Agents,
Intelligence, and Internal Security Investi
gators to execute and serve search and arrest
warrants, to seize property, to serve subpoenas
and summonses, and to make arrests without
warrants under certain circumstances. "
On May 8, 1 96 3 , the Senate, by a stand
of 60 to 3 0, refused to grant 20 million, 8 00
thousand dollars to add 1 1 8 4 more enforce
ment agents to the current IRS staf of
2 5 , 6 1 8 enforcers, who exercise powers pro-
hibited by the American Bill of Rights. This
Senate vote is shown below in Column 6
under Senate C indicating a vote against
the additional funds. The House never con
sidered this efort to hire more IRS enforcers.
Rul es Committee
Ln January 9, 1 9 6 3 , the House, by a
stand of 2 3 5 to 1 9 6, approved permanent
enlargement of the House Rules Committee.
The sole purpose was to give totalitarian lib
erals a majority, thus handicapping conserva
tive opposition to Administration proposals.
This vote is shown below in Column 1 under
House -C indicating a vote against enlarge
ment of the Rules Committee.
Commodity Credi t Corporation
Ln February 27, 1 9 6 3 , the House, by a
stand of 2 5 8 to 1 5 8 , authorized a supple
mental appropriation of 5 0 8 million, 1 72
thousand dollars ( $ 5 0 8 , 1 72, 000 ) to the Com
modity Credit Corporation for the remainder
of fscal 1 9 6 3 ( through June 3 0 ) . The vote
is shown below in Column 2 under House
C indicating a vote against. The Senate
approved the supplemental appropriation by
voice vote on March 4. The Commodity Credit
Corporation -which dispenses tax money for
the government's farm price support programs
-has cost taxpayers 2 0 billion dollars since
1 9 3 4 ; and, with that money, has fnanced
corruption ( like the Billie Sol Estes operation)
and is driving small farmers of their land,
which is being taken over by big syndicates
and promoters.
Si lver Legisl ation
Ln April 1 0, 1 96 3 , the House, by a
stand of 2 5 2 to 1 2 3 , passed a Bill ( HR 5 3 8 9 )
which, among other things, eliminates the
silver backing for I -dollar bills, replacing
them with Federal Reserve notes which are
supposed to have fractional gold backing.
But the national gold reserve for monetary
backing is already more than totally mort
gaged to foreigners. This Bill to demonetize
Page 163
silver certifcates would create greater drain
on our gold reserve, and speed arrival of the
day when foreigners may decide to wreck our
entire economy by foreclosing on the gold in
our monetary reserve. The House vote on this
Silver Bill" is shown below in Column 4
under House C indicating a vote against.
Hearings on the Bill have not yet been sched
uled in the Senate.
Federal ized Medical Trai ni ng
Ln April 24, 1 96 3 , the House, by a
stand of 292 to 1 2 6, passed the Heal th Pro
fessions Educational Assistance Act of 1 9 6 3 ,
authorizing 1 75 million dollars in aid to all
kinds of medical schools, and thirty million,
700 thousand dollars ( $ 3 0, 700, 000 ) for loans
to all kinds of medical students. Hearings on
this Bill have not yet been scheduled in the
Senate. The House vote is shown below in
Column 5 under House C indicating a
vote against.
Feed Grai ns, 1 963
Ln April 2 5 , 1 9 6 3 , the House, by a stand
of 2 1 9 to 206, passed HR 4997, a Bill to
extend Kennedy's Feed Grains program for
two more years. The vote is shown below
in Column 6 under House C indicating a
vote against. This program gives the govern
ment control of the feed grains industry, and
is a backdoor approach to government control
of the livestock industry. The Bill passed the
Senate on May 1 6, 1 9 6 3 . The Senate roll call
will be recorded in a subsequent Report.
I nternational Peace Corps
n October, 1 9 62, representatives from
various nations met in San Juan, Puerto Rico
and decided that, in addition to the American
Peace Corps, there ought to be an Interna
ional Peace Corps. Kennedy's representative
promised $ 1 5 0, 000 to fnance the new inter
national outft during the trial period. "
Congress was told nothing about this com
mitment to spend tax money. In May, 1 9 6 3 ,
the House ( which is supposed to initiate all
money bills ) was asked to approve a Senate
Amendment to the Supplemental Appropria
tions Bill authorizing $ 6 5 , 000 as the American
contribution to the International Peace Corps.
By a stand of 2 1 9 to 202, on May 8 , the House
refused. See Column 7 below under House
C indicating a vote against the appropriation.
WHAT TO DO
Lonservatives should congratulate Repre
sentatives and Senators who ( as shown in the
following tabulations ) have decent constitu
tionalist voting records -many of them, for
the frst time since they have been in
Congress.
* * * * *
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941 , he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
i nvestigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Repo1t and broadcasts.
Page 164
R O L L C A L L V O T E S
/ ' ' L' 1nd1cateS a cOnSeT\at1\e Stand. /n ' ' i' ' 1nd1cateS a 1UeTa1 Stand. /n 'L' ' 1nd1cateS tDat tDe 1ey1S1atOT d1d nOt taKe a DuU11c Stand.
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Page 165
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H O US E
Column # 1 - - Permanent enlargement of Rules Committee , H Res 5; #2 - Supplemental Appropriations for Commodity Credit Corporation,
H J Res 284; #3 " - Supplemental Appropriations for 1 963, accelerated public works funds , HR 551 7; #4 - Repeal of 1 934 Silver Purchase Act
and Silver-backed Dollars , HR 5389; #5 Health Professions Educational As sistance Act of 1 963, HR 1 2; #6 - Feed Grains Act, HR 4997;
#7 - - Supplemental Appropriations for 1 963, International Peace Corps Secretariate Funds , HR 55 1 7
ALABAMA
Andrews, George W. (D)
Elliott. Carl (D)
Grant, George M. (D)
Huddleston, George , Jr. (D)
Jone s , Robert E. (D)
Rains, Albert (D)
Roberts, Kenneth A. (D)
Selden, Armistead . . Jr. (D)
ALASKA
Rivers, Ralph J. (D)
ARIZONA
Rhodes , John J. (R)
Senner, George F. , Jr. (D)
Udall, Morris K. (D)
ARKANSAS
Gathings , E. C. (D)
Harris , Oren (D)
Mills , Wilbur O. (0)
Trimbl e, James W. (D)
CALIFORNIA
Baldwin, John F. , Jr . (R)
Bell, Alphonzo E . Jr . (R)
Brown, George E. , Jr . (D)
Burkhalt er, Everett G. (D)
Cameron, Ronald B. (0)
Clausen, Don H. (R)
C ohelan, Jeffery (0)
Corman, James C. (D)
Edwards , W. Donlon (D)
Gubs er, Charles S. (R)
Hagen, Harlan (D)
Hanna, Richard T. (D)
Hawkins . Augustus F. (D)
Holifield, Chet (D)
Hosmer, Craig (R)
Johnson, Harold T. (D)
King, Cecil R. (0)
Leggett, Robert L. (D)
Lipscomb, Glenard P. (R)
Mailliard, William S. (R)
Martin, Minor C. (R)
McFall, John J . (0)
Miller, George P. (D)
Mos s , John E. (D)
Roosevelt, James (0)
Roybal, Edward R. (D)
Shelley, John F, (D)
Sheppard, Harry R. (D)
Sisk, B. !. (D)
Smith, H. Allen (R)
Talcott, Burt L. (R)
Teague. Charles M. (R)
Utt, James B. (R)
Van Deerlin, Lionel (D)
Wilson, Bob (R)
Wilson. Charles H. (D)
Younger, J. Arthur (R)
COLORADO
Aspinall, Wayne N. (D)
Brotzman, Donald G. (R)
Chenoweth. J. Edgar (R)
Rogers , Byron G. (D)
CONNECTICUT
Daddario, Emilio Q. (D)
Giaimo, Robert N. (D)
Grabowski, Bernard P. (D)
Monagan, John S. (D)
St . Onge. William (D)
Sibal, Abner W. (R)
DELAWARE
McDowell, Harris B. , Jr. (D)
FLORIDA
BennetL, CUo:es E. (D)
Cramer. William C . (R)
Fascell. Dante B. (D)
Fuqua. Don (D)
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FLORIDA (cont'd)
Gibbons , Sam M. (D)
Gurney, Edward J. (R)
Haley, James A. (D)
Herlong, A. Sydney, Jr. (D)
Matthews . D. R. (D)
Pepper, Claude (D)
Roger s , Paul G. (D)
Sike s , Robert L. F. (D)
GEORGIA
Davis , John W. (D)
Flynt, John J . , Jr. (D)
Forrester, E. L. (D)
Hagan, G. Elliott (D)
Landrum, Phil M. (D)
Pilcher, J. L. (D)
Stephens , Robert G. , Jr. (D)
Tuten, J. Russ ell (D)
Vinson, Carl (D)
Weltner, Charles L. (D)
HAWAII
-- Thomas P. (D)
Matsunaga, Spark M. (D)
IDAHO
ding, Ralph R. (D)
White, Compton . . Jr . (D)
ILLINOIS
Anderson, John B. (R)
Arends , Leslie C . (R)
Colli er, Harold R. (R)
Dawson, William L. (D)
Derwinski, Edward J . (R)
Findley, Paul (R)
Finnegan, Edward R. (D)
Gray, Kenneth J. (D)
Hoffman, Elmer J. (R)
Kluczynski, John C . (D)
Libonati. Roland V. (D)
McClory, Robert (R)
McLoskey, Robert T. (R)
Michel. Robert H. (R)
Murphy, William T. (D)
O' Brien, Thomas J. (D)
O' Hara, Barratt (D)
Price, Melvin (D)
Pucinski, Roman C . (D)
Reid, Charlotte (R)
Rostenkowski, Daniel (D)
Rumsfeld, Donald (R)
Shipley, George E. (D)
Springer, William L. (R)
INDIANA
Adai r, E. Ross (R)
Brademas , John (D)
Bray, William G. (R)
Bruce , Donald C. (R)
Denton, Winfield K. (D)
Halleck, Charles A. (R)
Harvey, Ralph (R)
Madden, Ray J. (D)
Roudebush, Richard L. (R)
Roush, J . Edward (D)
Wilson, Earl (R)
IOWA
omwell, James E . (R)
Gros s , H. R. (R)
Hoeven, Charles B. (R)
Jens en, Ben !. (R)
Kyl, John H. (R)
Schwengel, Fred (R)
Smith, Neal (D)
KANSAS
Avery, Wi lliam H. (R)
!cI e, Po (R)
Ellsworth, Robert F. (R)
Shriver , Garner E. (R)
Skubitz, Joe (R)
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KENTUCKY
Chelf, Frank (D)
Natcher, William H. (D)
Perkins , Carl D. (D)
Siler, Eugene (R)
Snyder , M. G. (R)
Stubbl efi el d, Frank A. (D)
Watt s, John C . (D)
LOUISIANA
Boggs, Hale (D)
Hebert, . Edward (D)
Long, Gillis W. (D)
Morrison, James H. (D)
Passman, Otto E. (D)
Thompson, T. Ashton (D)
Waggonner, Joe D. , Jr. (D)
Willis , Edwin E. (D)
MAINE
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SOUTH CAROLINA (cont ' d)
Rivers, L. Mendel (D)
Watson, Albert W. (D)
SOUTH DAKOTA
Berry, E . Y . (R)
Reifel, Ben (R)
TENNESSEE
Baker, Howard H. (R)
Bas s , Ros s (D)
Brock, William E. , III (R)
Davi s, Clifford (D)
Everett, Robert A. (D)
Evins, Joe L. (D)
Fulton, Richard (D)
Murray, Tom (D)
Quillen, James H. (R)
TEXAS
r, Bruce (R)
Beckworth, Lindley (D)
Brooks , Jack (D)
Burleson, Omar (D)
Casey, Bob (D)
Dowdy, John (0)
Fisher, O. Clark (D)
Foreman, Ed (R)
Gonzalez, Henry B. (D)
Kilgore , Joe M. (D)
Mahon, George H. (D)
Patman, Wright (D)
Poage, William R. (0)
Pool , Joe (D)
Purcell, Graham (0)
Roberts , Ray (D)
Rogers , Walter (D)
Teague, Olin E. (D)
Thomas, Albert (D)
Thompson, Clark W. (D)
Thornberry, Homer (0)
Wright, James C . (D)
Young, John (0)
UTAH
rton, Laurence J . (R)
Lloyd, Sherman P. (R)
VERMONT
S tafford, Robert T. (R)
VIRGINIA
Abbitt, Watkins M. (D)
Broyhill, Joei T . (R)
Downing, Thomas N. (D)
Gary, J. Vaughan (D)
Hardy, Porter, Jr. (0)
Jennings , W. Pat (D)
Marsh, John 0. , Jr. (0)
Poff, Richard H. (R)
Smith, Howard W. (D)
Tuck, William M. (D)
WASHINGTON
Hans en, Julia B. (D)
Horan, Walt (R)
May, Catherine (R)
Pelly, Thomas M. (R)
Stinson, K. William (R)
Tollefson, Thor C. (R)
YCSt1aDd, Jac1 (R)
WEST VIRGINIA
Hechler, Ken (0)
Kee, Elizabeth (D)
Moore, Arch A. , Jr. (R)
Slack, John M. , Jr. (D)
Staggers , Harley O. (D)
WISCONSIN
Byrnes , John W. (R)
Johnson, Lester R. (D)
Kastenmeier, Robert W. (D)
Laird, Melvin R. (R)
O' Konski, Alvin E. (R)
Reus s , Henry S. ( D)
Schadeberg, Henry C. (R)
Thomson, Vernon W. (R)
Van Pelt, William K. (R)
aU1OcI, LIetxent J. (D)
WYOMING
Harrison, William Henry (R)
Page 168
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M
III Smoot lepo,t
Vol. 9, No. 22 ( Broadcast 407 ) June 3, 1 963 Dallas, Texa
DAN SMOOT
PL ANNE D DI CTATORS HI P
"The way to have good and safe government is not to trust it all to one; bt to divide it among the many, dis
tributing to every one exactly the functions he is competent to. Let the National government be entrusted with the
defense of the nation, and its foreign and federal relations; the State government with the civil rights, laws, police
and administration of what concerns the State generally; the counties with the local concerns of the counties and each
ward direct the interests within itself. It is by dividing and subdividing these republics, from the great national one down
through all its subordinations, until it ends in the administration of every man's farm and afairs by himself; . . . that
all will be done for the best. What has destroyed liberty and the rigbts of man in every government which has ever
existed under the sun? The generalizing and concentrating all cares and poers into one body, W matter whether of
the autocrats of Russia or France or of the aristocrats of a Venetian Senate."
-Thomas Jeferson
In June, 1 9 5 5 , the Federal Civil Defense Administration staged Operation Alert,
a nation-wide rehearsal of what civil defense would do in the event of a nuclear
bombing raid on the United States which killed around 1 0 million people. Operation
Alert revealed that sudden disaster could cause drastic confusion in the civil defense
system. It also revealed that absolute dictatorship would emerge before the casualties
could be counted.
After receiving reports of the mock casualties in the mock nuclear air raid, in con
nection with Operation Alert, President Eisenhower, on June 1 6, 1 9 5 5 ( without wait
ing for reports to see whether normal civil authorities could maintain order) used his
Executive Power to issue a mock declaration of martial law for the whole nation.
Comments in the press and in Congress were, generally, unfavorable. To some, it
was chilling to see how readily a President of the United States would proclaim a
military dictatorship in time of emergency and disaster. To others, Eisenhower's haste
to issue a mock declaration of martial law revealed only that the Administration had no
adequate plan of action -that Eisenhower reached for the weapon of martial law
because he did not know what else to do. ( 1 )
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 169
Hence, the Operation Alert exercise of
1 9 5 5 helped create demand for a better plan
of national action to be followed if the United
States were suddenly struck a devastating
blow.
n 1 9 5 8 , President Eisenhower reorganized
the civil defense system. He merged the
Civil Defense Administration with the old
Ofce of Defense Mobilization, creating
a new agency called the Ofce of Civil and
Defense Mobilization.
President Kennedy scrapped the Eisen
hower system and established something
entirely new. Kennedy says that civil defense
should not be handled by a separate agency of
government, but that the multiple activities
of civil defense should be handled by the reg
ular departments and agencies of government
-all of their activities to be planned and co
ordinated by a small presidential staf.
Kennedy/s Executive Orders
Ln July 2 0, 1 96 1 , Kennedy ( by Execu
tive Order No. 1 09 5 2 ) abolished the Ofce
of Civil and Defense Mobilization, immedi
ately transferring most civil defense func
tions to the Department of Defense. On
August 1 , 1 96 1 , Secretary of Defense McNa
mara put Adam Yarmolinsky temporarily in
charge of all civil defense activities in the
Department of Defense. Yarmolinsky ( whose
parents are notorious communist-fronters )
has a record of participating in communist
activities since his undergraduate days at
Harvard. ( 2) Since the Kennedy Administra
tion apparently considers Yarmolinsky indis
pensable for other duties in the Defense
Department, Yarmolinsky was soon replaced
as head of civil defense activities. The present
Assistant Secretary of Defense for Civil
Defense is Steuart L. Pittman.
On August 1 4, 1 96 1 , Kennedy issued
Executive Order No. 1 09 5 8 , giving the Sec
retary of Health, Education, and Welfare the
civil defense responsibility of stockpiling
medical supplies ; giving to the Secretary of
Agriculture the civil defense responsibility
of stockpiling food.
On February 1 6, 1 962, Kennedy issued
ten Executive Orders ( 1 099 5 and 1 0997
through 1 1 0 0 5 ) delegating other civil defense
responsibilities to heads of other departments
and agencies -Interior Department, Com
merce Department, Labor Department, Post
Ofce Department, Federal Aviation Agency,
Housing and Home Finance Agency, Inter
state Commerce Commission, and so on.
he small presidential staf, which has the
responsibility of planning and co-ordinating
the civil defense activities of the regular
agencies and departments of government, is
called the Ofce of Emergency Planning.
Oddly enough, President Kennedy did not
issue an Executive Order "creating" the Ofce
of Emergency Planning and outlining its
duties until September, 1 962 -more than a
year after the OEP had been actively in
existence.
On September 27, 1 962, Kennedy issued
Executive Order 1 1 0 5 1 , "Prescribing Respon
sibilities of the Ofce of Emergency Planning
in the Executive Ofce of the President. "
The most notable thing about this Executive
Order, however, is that it amended 1 5 pre
vious Executive Orders ( 5 issued by Truman;
8 , by Eisenhower ; 2, by Kennedy himself) by
deleting references to "Civil and Defense
Mobilization" and replacing those references
with "Ofce of Emergency Planning. "
The signifcance of this change i n language
is subtle. In November, 1 962, the Eighth
NATO Parliamentarians' Conference met in
Paris, attended by delegates from the parlia
ments of the 1 5 countries belonging to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Thir
teen United States Senators ( under the chair
manship of J. William Fulbright, extreme
leftwing Democrat from Arkansas ) ; and
eight United States Representatives ( under
Page 170
the chairmanship of Wayne L. Hays, extreme
leftwing Democrat from Ohio) made up the
delegation from the American "parliament"
to the Eighth NATO Parliamentarians' Con
ference.
Senator Fulbright's ofcial report to the
Senate on the Eighth NATO Parliamentar
ians' Conference contains a brief section on
Civil Defense, from which the following is
quoted :
((Civil emergency planning is much wider
in its implications than civil defense.
((Whereas civil defense can be considered
as a purely national responsibility, civil
emergency planning requires close coopera
tion between the NATO Allies . . . .
((Although civil emergency planning does
not directly encroach on the responsibilities
of national authorities, nevertheless on a
number of points the organization of the
latter will have to take account of the
former's planning and preparations.
,,
(3 )
Here appears to be a reason for changing
"civil defense" and "defense mobilization"
to "emergency planning. " It takes our civil
defense preparations out of the "purely
national" realm, and makes them part of an
over-all international plan.
On February 26, 1 96 3 , President Kennedy
issued nine more Executive Orders ( 1 1 0 87
through 1 1 0 9 5 ) del egat i ng "emergency
planning" activities to heads of governmental
agencies not mentioned in previous Executive
Orders on the subj ect : Federal Communica
tions Commission, Civil Service Commission,
Atomic Energy Commission, General Services
Administration, Federal Reserve System,
Tennessee Valley Authority, Federal Power
Commission, National Science Foundation,
and so on.
In all, Kennedy has issued 2 3 Executive
Orders, dealing with emergency planning,
which prescribe the lines of authority for a
total dictatorship to be controlled and co
ordinated at the top by a small group of
emergency planners in the executive ofce of
the President.
The national police state thus planned
would be a tighter, more complete dictator
ship than any which has ever existed in
modern times, in communist countries or
elsewhere. Kennedy's executive orders outline
a plan, not for protecting the American
people from sufering and death in the event
of disaster, but for seizing absolute control
of every aspect of human life in the United
States.
The Executive Orders, which formally pro
claimed the plan, have been published in the
Federal Register. This is the modern way of
giving executive proclamations the force of
law. In the formulation of such "executive
law," Congress does not deliberate and legis
late, in response to the desires of the people
and in conformity with grants of power in
the Constitution. Indeed, Congress has no role
at all. The President proclaims a law, then
gives it statutory force by merely publishing
it in the Federal Register.
Thus, President Kennedy, by Executive
Orders which bypass Congress, has already
created a body of "laws" to transform our
Republic into a dictatorship -at the dis
cretion of the President. The extraordinary
principle ( that the President can do anything
he pleases in time of dire emergency, and
that the President alone can determine what is
a dire emergency) was proclaimed by Frank
lin D. Roosevelt in November, 1 9 3 3 , and
reafrmed by the Attorney General -and
has never been challenged by the Courts or
the Congress of the United States. (4)
Can We Trust Our Leaders?
It is a dangerous delusion to feel that we
can trust our President to tell us the truth;
trust him not to exercise auhority unneces
sarily; trust him to act only in the best
interest of the American nation.
Page 171
Let us not forget what happened on Octo
ber 29, 1 962. On that day, Arthur Sylvester
( Kennedy's Assistant Secretary of Defense
for Public Afairs ) admitted that the Ken
nedy Administration was giving the public
false information about Cuba. Sylvester
defended ofcial falsifcation of the news as
" d " 1 " proper management an contro , say-
ing that the "generation of news" by ofcial
dom is "part of the weaponry that a President
has" in the "solution of political prob
lems" -and that the end of creating, in
the minds of the people, the correct attitude
about governmental programs, justifes the
means. ( 5)
et us remember also President Kennedy's
statement on May 1 2 , 1 96 3 , concerning the
dispatch of Federal troops to Alabama. The
President said:
UThis Government will do whatever must
be done to B B uphold the law of the land . . . .
The Birmingham agreement was and is a
fair and just accord . . . . The Federal Govern
ment will not permit it to be sabotaged by a
few extremists on either side who think they
can defy both the law and the wishes of
responsible citizens by inciting or inviting
violence.
, ,
(6)
Unless there is obvious and signifcant
violation of legitimate federal authority, the
President ( under the Constitution) has no
right to send troops into a state to maintain
order, except on invitation of the government
of that state. In Alabama, the Governor had
asked the President not to send troops. No
federal authority was being violated. The
"law of the land" which the President men
tioned was a fgment of his own mind
because no federal law, or even federal court
order, was involved. The Birmingham agree
ment" which the President said he would
enforce with federal troops, was a private
agreement between whites and negroes, deal
ing, primarily, with the question of job
opportunities for negroes.
As to "inciting or inviting violence" in
Alabama, the President himself was guilty of
that, by continual agitation of the delicate
situation, specifcally by calling Mrs. Martin
Luther King to express concern when her
husband ( a professional agitator, with a com
munist front and j ail record) was behind bars
for inciting civil disturbance.
As to the need for federal troops to sup
press violence : the total of human sufering
which the race riots have caused in Birming
ham is hardly worthy of notice in comparison
with the continual savage depradations upon
white people, by negro hoodlums, in the city
of Washington, D. C.
In the Alabama afair, the President proves
that he does misrepresent facts to the people
and does use illegal and unnecessary power to
serve his own political ends.
As to whether the President can be trusted
to act only in the best interests of the nation
-note two cases which indicate otherwise:
El Chamizal and Panama.
EL CHAMIZAL -The Treaty of Guada
lupe, February 2, 1 8 48 , established the Rio
Grande River as the boundary between Texas
and Mexico. Between 1 8 64 and 1 8 6 8 , the
Rio Grande eroded a large portion of the high
Mexican south bank and formed an alluvial
deposit ( about 6 3 0 acres in size) on the
United States side of the river. This occurred
j ust south of El Paso, then a small border
town. As El Paso grew, it took in the great
alluvial deposit which came to be called El
Chamizal. In 1 8 9 5 , the Mexican government
made a formal claim to El Chamizal. The
American government maintained, in efect,
that the middle of the River was the boun
dary line, and that all soil north of that
boundary line was American soil, regardless
of how it got there.
On June 24, 1 9 1 0, the Mexican and United
States governments agreed to let an Arbitra
tion Commission ( composed of one Mexican,
Page 172
one American, one Canadian) decide whether
EI Chamizal belonged to the United States
or to Mexico. The Arbitration Commission
refused to decide the question. Instead, the
Commission decided, on June 1 5 , 1 9 1 1 , that
EI Chamizal should be divided between Mex
ico and the United States. The United States
government would not accept that decision,
which the Arbitration Commission had not
been empowered to make.
The issue became dormant for more than
ffty years, except for an occasional political
speech by some Mexican demagogue who
whipped up hatred for the United States and
gathered votes for himself by denouncing
the EI Chamizal "land grab. "
President Kennedy reopened the old EI
Chamizal sore. Trying to win Mexican sup
port for his Alliance for Progress, Kennedy
quietly opened negotiations with the Mexican
government, to work out a means of giving
Mexico the 6 3 0 acres of United States ter
ritory, which, meanwhile, had become part of
the downtown section of modern El Paso.
Kennedy got support from the city govern
ment of El Paso and from certain business
interests there, by promising tremendous out
lays of taxpayers' money to "compensate"
the city for the loss of territory. (7)
An article in The Dallas Morning News,
May 2 8 , 1 96 3 , reported information, from
"authoritative sources, " that the United
States and Mexico would announce within the
next few days a settlement of the El Chamizal
dispute.
PANAMA Many events and circum
stances ( too numerous to review at this time)
indicate that Kennedy is also planning to
surrender American control of the Panama
Canal, either to the government of Panama
or to a United Nations agency. Following the
example set by Eisenhower, Kennedy has
already weakened the American position by
perIitting the fying of the PanaIa fag
alongside the Stars and Stripes in the Canal
Zone, thus showing a Panamanian "titular"
sovereignty over our territory.
As to the question ( if there be a question)
of whether the Kennedy Administration
wants a socialist dictatorship in the United
States -we need only to read one publica
tion of the U. S. Arms Control and Disarma
ment Agency.
United Nations ofcials -realizing that
the massive outpouring of American tax dol
lars ( in the United States and abroad) is
rapidly building a one-world socialist system;
realizing that most of that spending is done
under the guise of arming to resist com
munism; and realizing that the Kennedy
Administration is determined to disarm the
United States -grew concerned about the
reduction of American governmental spend
ing which disarmament might bring.
On September 2 2 , 1 9 6 1 , the UN Secre
tariat requested that the United States furnish
information on "the economic and social con
sequences of disarmament in the U. S. " Ken
nedy's U. S. Arms Control and Disarmament
Agency prepared a report to reassure the
United Nations ofcials. The report, published
in July, 1 962, says, in essence, that disarma
ment will not substantially reduce the spend
ing of American tax dollars, but will deflect
those dollars into such programs as social
security, federal aid to education, urban re
newal, fnancing mass transit systems, expand
ing public health and mental health activities,
and increasing foreign aid channelled through
United Nations agencies. (8)
On Iy An Emergency Is Needed
Any thoughtful person who has watched
the arrogant and lawless behavior of the Ken
ned y Administration; its studied eforts to
deceive the people and the Congress ; its habit
of appeasing foreign powers ( particularly
comIunist and pro-coIIunist powers ) b
y
sacrifcing American national interests ; and
Page 173
its relentless drive toward the total socialist
state -reasonably fears that Kennedy might
take advantage of some emergency to make
himself a dictator, in accordance with the
plan which his Executive Orders have already
outlined.
The May, 1 9 6 3 , Wheat Referendum ( when
farmers repudiated Kennedy's farm program,
in the face of Kennedy's threats and promises )
is only one of many indications of a growing
political revolt against the Kennedy Adminis
tration. Kennedy has enough cunning to see
this. If his prestige and influence continue to
sink, what will he do in 1 964 if he feels he
cannot win re-election? Will he accept the
verdict of elections and surrender the power
so dear to him? Or will he make himself a
dictator, by creating an emergency"?
hat kind of emergency could he create?
Since the temperament and disposition of
the President became apparent, in the frst
months of his Administration, there has been
anxiety that he might arrange a war for the
United States in 1 964, if he felt that neces
sary for his own re-election. This anxiety is
by no means unfounded. It deepened in late
1 962 when Kennedy made war-like gestures
about Cuba for the purpose of getting New
Frontier supporters elected to Congress.
There is another possible emergency
already building up under the senseless and
ceaseless prodding of the President and his
brother, the Attorney General : an emergency
involving racial confict in the United States.
Note this grim paragraph from the May,
1 963 , issue of H. du B. Reports, a newsletter
written in Paris, France, by the extremely
well-informed Hilaire du Berrier :
HThe governments of Western Europe are
receiving alarming reports which touch on
America's internal stability. Their inform
ants put it bluntly: A development has taken
place within the past few weeks which can
shake America, and a crisis in America can
endanger the West. The NAACP has con-
sistently expressed embarrassment at the
violence and anti-White declarations of
another group, the Black Muslims, who
preach a distorted mohammedanism under
the leadership of a former factory hand,
Elijah Poole
,
now known as Elijah Muham
mad. The NAACP's moderate leaders have
acquired both sympathy and support by
repudiating Black Muslim advocacy of ter
rorism and black supremacy. However, ac
cording to reliable reports reaching govern
ments around the world ( though not the
American public) , the NAACP and Elijah
Muhammad's followers have formed a com
mon front, which means that the more vio
lent leaders have assumed direction. The
focal points for a sudden, brutal outbreak
are now New York, Detroit and Chicago,
Black Muslim strongholds where for fve
years Elijah Muhammad's lieutenants have
been organizing an elite militia and stock
ing arms."
he Black Muslims want negro suprem
acy, and openly advocate murder of white
people until all whites in the United States
are either exterminated or reduced to bond
age. The NAACP has made an elaborate pre
tense of repudiating" the Black Muslims
movement, but there are many indications
that the NAACP and the Black Muslims are
working hand-in-glove : the NAACP warn
ing that if their particular brand of violence
is not fully supported, the bloodier violence
of the Black Muslims is inevitable.
United States Representative Adam Clay
ton Powell ( Democrat, New York) , negro
Chairman of the House Education and Labor
Committee, is a life-member of the NAACP.
Yet he has openly associated himself with the
Black Muslims movement. He recently spoke
gloatingly on a national television program
about how the negro "has the white man
.
d
, , (9)
runnIng scare .
The head of the NAACP in Washington,
D. C. ( where negro criminal violence against
white people is creating something akin to
a reign of terror ) said, L1 a national tele
vision program in early May, 1 9 6 3 , that negro
Page 174
violence is coming and that the NAACP will
promote the violence if whites do not immedi
ately give the negro what he demands.
What does he demand? Absolute legal
equality with whites ? Not at all ! The most
explosive racial situation in America is not
in the South, but in New York City -where
the white man's right to own and dispose of
private property and his right to choose his
own associates have been violated to grant
negroes so-called "anti-discrimination" laws.
In New York, negroes have no trouble exer
cising their voting rights. There are no legal
barriers to school integration. Housing laws
make it illegal for private realtors to refuse
rental or sale on racial grounds. And "fair
employment" laws make it illegal for private
employers to refuse employment to negroes
because of race.
Yet, the negroes of New York City, prod-
ded by Black Muslim and NAACP leaders
and by men like Adam Clayton Powell, are
more restless than ever before. Now they are
demanding enforced social and economic
equality with white people -which means
nothing less than confscation of the property
and earnings of white people ( whose superior
abilities give them superior earning power) in
order to give negroes what they lack innate
ability to earn.
n New Rochelle, New York; in Berkeley,
California ; in Englewood, New Jersey; in
Nashville, Tennessee ; in Baltimore, Maryland ;
in Birmingham, Alabama ; in Detroit, Michi
gan; in Greenwood, Mississippi ; in Chicago,
Illinois ; in Washington, D. C. -all across
the land, racial tensions are growing every
day. Everywhere, they are being prodded by
the whole pack of liberal politicians, both
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WHAT YOU CAN DO
Washington ofcialdom uses your taxes for programs that are creating vast cesspools of waste and corruption
-and dragging our Republic into the quicksands of socialism. But what can you do about it?
You can help educate and arouse the people who elect men responsible for harmful programs of government.
When enough other Americans know and care as you do, political action to restore our Republic will come.
If The Dan Smoot Report was instrumental in bringing you to the point of asking what you can do about
saving the country from mushrooming big government, here is a checklist for you: Have you urged others to
subscribe to the Report? Have you sent them reprints of a particular issue of the Report? Have you shown them a
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Page 175
NAME (Please Print)
STREET ADDRESS
CITY ZONE STATE
( Add 2% Sales Tax in Texas )
Republican and Democrat, who are j ockey
ing for the organized negro vote in 1 9 64.
This situation could become the "emer
gency" which projects John F. Kennedy into
absolute dictatorship.
What To Do
t may very well be that President Ken
nedy will never try to make himself a dic
tator, or involve the nation in war j ust to get
himself re-elected. Despite the blueprint for
dictatorship already prepared by Kennedy's
Executive Orders j and despite abundant indi
cations that Kennedy is capable of creating
a pretext for seizing power if he fears defeat
at the polls in 1 964, it is quite likely that
none of this will happen. But the very
possibility -however remote -should be
removed. Congress could remove it, and
probably would, if there were sufcient public
demand.
Congress should abolish ( by withholding
funds, if necessary) the whole federal civil
defense, and "emergency planning, " setup. In
time of emergency or disaster, individuals and
communities would be infnitely better of in
looking after themselves, than in waiting for
direction and dictation from federal bureau
crats.
Beyond that, Congress should submit an
amendment to repeal the income tax amend-
ment. The corrupt, oppressive income tax
system feeds all the plans for socialist dictator
ship in the United States. Cut of the excess
tax money, and the evil plans will wither and
die.
The public could demand that Congress
enact a law providing that all appropriations
will be withheld from any agency of govern
ment trying to initiate any program which
has not been authorized by Congress through
formal, constitutional, legislative process.
A Congress which would do that would
go further, and reverse the settled trend
toward dictatorship in the United States.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) The Powers 0/ the President as Commander il Chief 0/ the Army and
Navy of the United Slates, House Doument No. 443, 84th Congress,
June 1 4, 1 9 5 6, pp. 1 4, 1 37-45
(2) Military Cold War Education and SPeech Review Policies, Hearings
before the Special Preparedness Subcommittee of the Senate Armed
Services Committee, 1 962, Part IV, pp. 1 491 -2
( 3 ) Eighth NATO ParliamCltaria1lS' COllferellce, Report to the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations, April 8, 1 963 , p. 23
( 4) "Between the Lines -Emergency Planners," by Edith Kermit Rose
vele, The Shreveport Journal, November 1 7, 1 962, p. 2
( 5 ) "Free Press Maintains Confdence of Public," AP story by J. M.
Roberts, The Dallas MOTlling News, November 1 , 1 962, Section 1 ,
p. 8
( 6) COllgressiol1al Q1Iarterly Weekly Report, May 1 7, 1 963 , p. 78 3
( 7) "Mexico Seems Sure t o Win 'Chamizal'," by Walter B. Moore, The
Dallas MOTllil1g NelliS, March 9, 1 963 , Section 4, p. 2 ; " 3 5 Million
Indemnity For 'Chamizal' Seen, " UPI dispatch from EI Paso, Texas,
The Dallas Times Herald, July 1 8 , 1 962, p. A-6 ; COl1gressional Record,
January 29, 1 963, pp. 1 243 I. ; UPI dispatch from Laredo. Texas.
The Dallas MOTi1lg News, February 24. 1 963 . Section , p. 1 6
( 8 ) The EC0110'lic and Social COl1sequel1ces of Disarmamel1t. U.S. Arms
Concrol and Disarmament Agency Publication No. 6. July. 1 962;
"Would Disarmament Mean a Depression"? by Emile Benoit. The New
York Times Magazitle. April 28 . 1 963 . pp. 1 6 I.
( 9) "Two Ways: Black Muslim and N.A.A.C.P . ..
.
by Gertrude Samuels.
The New York Tim!'s Magazil1e. May 1 2 . 1 963. pp. 26 I.
* * * * *
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If YOIl think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 176
`
.
M
111 Imootle,o"
Vol. 9, No. 23 ( Broadcast 408 ) June 1 0, 1963 Dallas
,
Texas
DAN SMOOT
TRUTH WI L L OUT
"Am I therefore become your enemy, because I tell Y01 the truth?" Galatians 4: 1 6
Ln May 2, 1 96 3 , Senator Thomas H. Kuchel ( Republican, California) spoke in the
Senate about "fright peddlers, " or "right-wing extremists," who, according to Kuchel, are
doing much more harm than communists are doing. In one of the coherent paragraphs of
his speech, Senator Kuchel rather well identifes the people he is condemning. They are
Americans who, as the Senator phrases it, want to:
C C Get the United States out of the U.N. Stop all foreign aid. Repeal the income tax.
Abandon NATO and bring our troops home from Europe."
Senator Kuchel estimates that he gets 6, 000 letters a month from people advocating such
policies. Since American constitutionalists advocate these policies, it seems to me that Senator
Kuchel is not getting as much mail as he shoul d; but the volume he does get troubles him.
He complains about the intemperate and abusive language which the "right-wing extremists"
put in their letters to him, congratulating himself on his calm and reasoned replies. The quality
of Senator Kuchel's calm and reason can be found in his speech. He calls "right-wing
extremists" crackpots for paranoia and proft, self-appointed saviors, apostles of hate and
fear, racists, swindlers, dupes, simpletons, liars, paranoiacs, witch-hunters, evil, loony,
unpatriotic, un-American, lunatic, wretched, hysterical, idiotic. Senator Kuchel feels that
the policies of government should be debated by "reasonable, rational and realistic people" ;
but "right-wing extremists" who disagree with the policies apparently have no right to
participate in this debate. Saying he has noth ing but seething contempt for right-wing ex
tremists who criticize him, Senator Kuchel brands their arguments as queer and puzzling
dogmas, contemptible slime, irrational frenzy, frantic, unadulterated venom, infantile,
ugly, zany claims, outright falsehoods.
All of this in one rather short speech by a Senator expressing outrage at the intemperate
language in letters from his constituents !
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( Ofce Address
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 177
5enator Kuchel is upset because some of
his constituents do not believe everything he
tells them. For example, Senator Kuchel says
he has told his frightened constituents that the
Arms Control and Disarmament Agency has
no authority to do anything except conduct
research and report to the President ; but his
constituents will not believe him. If Senator
Kuchel could read and understand the Arms
Control and Disarmament Act of 1 9 6 1 ( which
he supports with all his vehement calm and
sputtering reason) , he might see why his con
stituents cannot accept his every word as Gos
pel truth. The Arms Control and Disarmament
Act of 1 9 6 1 confers upon the Director of the
Disarmament Agency broad authority to do
j ust about anything the Director may claim
to be in the interest of peace and arms control.
The Director can formulate United States dis
armament policies, conduct negotiations with
foreign powers and international organiza
tions, command the services of other federal
agencies, obtain restricted information from
the Atomic Energy Commission -and enjoy
specifc exemptions from laws enacted by
Congress.
On May 2, 1 96 3 , Senator Kuchel com
plained that his frightened constituents will
not believe him when he tells them that no
responsible public ofcial believes in unilateral
disarmament or disarmament without an
efective means of inspection. " On May 27,
1 9 6 3 , the Associated Press, i n a story with a
Washington dateline, reported that 3 4 United
States Senators endorsed a resolution demand
ing an agreement to end all underwater and
atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons, and
demanding that the United States unilaterally
end its own testing, if it cannot reach an agree
ment with the Soviets. Senator Kuchel was not,
incidentally, one of the 3 4 Senators.
It may be that if Senator Kuchel knew as
much about what is going on as his constituents
know, he would be frightened too. Many of
Mr. Kuchel's frightened constituents know
that Paul Nitze ( Assistant Secretary of De-
fense) and Walt W. Rostow ( head of the
Policy Planning Council in the State Depart
ment ) have been on record for years as believ
ing that America should unilaterally disarm
herself of nuclear weapons which make the
Soviets nervous -in the hope that once we are
thus disarmed, the Soviets, able to relax, will
follow our example. Many of Mr. Kuchel's
frightened constituents also know that Presi
dent Kennedy's frst Defense message to Con
gress ( March 2 8 , 1 9 6 1 ) , based on Rostow's
-
recommendation, was written to please and
appease the Soviets and that it initiated a
formal policy of limited, unilateral American
disarmament -that is, de-emphasizing all nu
clear weapons which the Soviets do not want
us to have.
Ln May 6, 1 96 3 , The San Francisco
Chronicle had a lead editorial which began:
((Senator Kuchel's magnifcently strong
speech in the Senate last week denouncing
and exposing the (fright peddlers' of the
extreme right should be remembered in the
history of our country as one of the alarm
bells of American liberty. "
That was the general reaction, across the
land in the leftwing press, to Kuchel's speech.
Oddly enough, one of the most sensible
commentaries on Kuchel's May 2 speech also
appeared in The San Francisco Chronicle -in
Lucius Beebe's This Wild West" column,
May 1 3 , 1 9 6 3 . Mr. Beebe said:
((The Senator's strategy of denunciation is
one long recognized and approved by profes
sional demagogues from Moscow to Macon
and from Leningrad to Little Compton. He
merges all the opposition with its least repu
table elements . . . .
((It's all right and a hallmark of civic
responsibility to write your Senator or Rep
resentative in Washington so long as your
sentiments are those of radiant approval of
his statesmanship and high moral caliber,
but negative sentiments constitute (fright
1ail
,
and doubts of his chances of re-election
emanate, of course, from people to be chattily
described as (slime. '
Page 178
Mr. Kuchel makes no mention of the vast
volume of calculated and often identical and
subsidized mail from pressure groups such as
the AFL-CIO and the maggot bin of the
American Civil Liberties Union. These in
spired bli zzards of coercion and, often
enough, explicit subversion do not, in the
Senator's book, rank as queer and puzzling
dogmas. ' "
t is easy to laugh at, or ignore, Kuchel ; but
his silly tirade of May 2 initiated an attack on
American constitutionalists which, by the end
of May, was being couched in tones that were
sinister. During the last week of May, Vice
President Lyndon B. Johnson, speaking to a
group of New Frontier lawyers in Washing
ton, accused right-wingers of irresponsibility,
saymg:
w e cannot aford paralysis, and paralysis
is what this irresponsibility will bring if it
is not checked.
I do not accept the counsel of those who
continue to say that irresponsibility should be
left to run its own course. By defnition, ir
responsibility has no self-limiting capacity.
There is no point at which irresponsibility
will voluntarily stop and responsibility assess
the consequences of its course.
,,
( 1 )
Johnson's threat to silence critics of govern
mental policies is obvious, even if non-specifc.
We Tol d You So
^ot long ago, Lyndon Johnson's line was
that American constitutionalists were super
patriotic nuts, who, although annoying, were
unworthy of much attention. Now Johnson
is grim. What has happened? The relentless
march of events is proving that the "super
patriots" have been telling the truth for years,
and that liberal ofcialdom has been answering
that truth with falsehood or evasion.
Note some recent examples.
In 1 9 5 3 , Senator Joseph McCarthy alleged
that large numbers of American soldiers were
prisoners of Chinese communists and that the
Eisenhower Administration was doing nothing
about it. Spokesmen for the Eisenhower Ad
ministration denied the allegations, denounced
McCarthy for rabble-rousing dishonesty, and
released statistics to show that practically all
Americans captured by communists in Korea
were either known to be dead or had been
released.
On May 1 4, 1 96 3 , Senator Everett McKin
ley Dirksen ( Republican, Illinois ) presented to
the Senate information of considerable weight,
indicating that 3 8 9 Americans are still alive
in communist j ails.
Senator McCarthy met his Waterloo while
investigating subversion and espionage in the
Army.
McCarthy learned that 3 5 people had been
fred at Ft. Monmouth for communist activi
ties. Thirty-three of these were reinstated and
given back pay, when their cases reached the
Army Loyalty review board in the Pentagon.
McCarthy wanted the names of the 2 0 civilians
who were on that review board.
Later, McCarthy began demandmg the
names of ofcials who promoted Maj or Irving
Peress -who was promoted in the Army
despite evidence already in his fle that he was
a communist, and was given an honorable dis
charge after McCarthy had begun to question
Army ofcials about him.
If McCarthy had been able to trace the lines
of authority all the way to the top -to fnd
persons in the Department of Defense with
enough authority to promote and protect
known communists -McCarthy might have
exposed treachery in very high places : an
exposure possibly more signifcant than the
exposure of Alger Hiss.
When McCarthy got on the line of question
ing which ultimately would have led him to
such key personnel, the enormous power and
prestige of the Eisenhower Administration was
suddenly concentrated on the objective of dis
crediting McCarthy and stopping his investi-
Page 179
gation. The Army-McCarthy hearings in 1 9 5 4
put an end to McCarthy's efective fght
against communism. And the subject of com
munists in the Army was generally dismissed
as another McCarthy witch-hunt, grounded in
falsehood.
In May, 1 9 6 3 , information, which the De
fense Department had suppressed in 1 9 5 4, was
fnally made public : information to the
efect that at least one company of American
soldiers had been surrendered to communists
in North Korea -by an American Captain
who had long been suspected of being a com
munist. (
2
)
n this Report dated August 26, 1 9 5 5 , I
reported briefly on the activities of Jay Love
stone, former head of the American communist
party who, after being forced out because of
an intra-party fght, became Executive Secre
tary of the Free Trade Union Committee of
the American Federation of Labor. At the
time of my reporting in 1 9 5 5 , Lovestone was
in Europe, on a mission being fnanced with
American tax money through the Central
Intelligence Agency. The mission was to "fght
communism" by instructing Europeans in the
techniques and philosophy of American trade
unionism. I expressed anxiety that Jay Love
stone might use our tax money to help com
munists rather than hurt them, and I was
severely castigated for suggesting such a thing.
In 1 9 62, it came out that Jay Lovestone,
working among African delegates to the
United Nations ( apparently in league with
the United States State Department) helped
bring the full economic and psychological sup-
port of American organized labor behind pro
communist Ben Bella and his revolution in
Algeria. Ben Bella's success in Algeria was an
opening wedge which led to the United
Nations' rape of Katanga. Out of this, and
the communist-inspired, U. S. promoted chaos
elsewhere in Africa, may come the communist
conquest of the entire Dark Continent. ( 3)
n this Report dated September 3 0, 1 9 5 5
( "UNESCO") , I reviewed UNESCO publica
tions designed to infuence the teaching of
American children. One such publication, urg
ing inculcation of "world-mindedness" instead
of patriotism in children, recommended that
elementary school children should no longer
be taught geography in the conventional way
of frst exposing them to facts about their own
homeland. UNESCO said that children should
be taught about other lands frst, so that they
would not develop an exaggerated idea about
the importance of their own nation.
I was roundly denounced by liberals for
even suggesting that UNESCO ever could or
ever would influence the teaching of American
<hildren, or that there was even a movement
afoot to alter the teaching of geography for
the purpose of de-emphasizing patriotism.
Today, I invite any parent of any child in
the fourth grade of a public school to examine
the geography book his child uses in what is
generally called "social studies. " I estimate
that at least eight out of ten who make this
investigation will fnd that his fourth-grade
child is being exposed to the geography of al
most every nation on earth except the United
States.
n the April 29, 1 9 5 7, issue of this Report
I said :
ttWe have already crossed the line which
marks bankruptcy for the social security sys
tem: the government is already paying out
more in social security benefts than it is tak
ing in -and is quietly, secretly
,
making up
the defcit from the general fund . . . .
t tThe money taken from you and your
employer is earmarked as a contribution to
social security. This is supposed to build up
a trust fund that will provide the benefts
when it comes time for you to collect them.
ttBut this is a fctitious paper operation.
There is no trust fund, really. The govern
ment doesn't lay your money aside so that it
can pay you back later with your own money.
. . . [ but] spends [it] on gifts for communist
Page 180
governments abroad, and so on. The only thing
that goes into the social security trust fund
is the government's IOU . . . .
This bankrupt condition will become
speedily worse in the years immediately ahead
and will, eventually, become apparent to the
public. "
I do not believe I ever wrote anything that
brought me harsher criticism: from United
States Representatives and Senators, from
ofcials of the Social Security Administration,
from everywhere. Liberal ofcialdom generally
denounced me as a liar, claiming that the social
security operation was actuarially sound, sol
vent, and efcient, and in no danger of ever
becoming what I claimed it was.
On May 29, 1 96 3 , United States Represent
ative Wilbur D. Mills ( Democrat, Arkan
sas ) , Chairman of the House Ways and Means
Committee, urged Congress to increase social
security taxes, because social security is paying
out more than it takes in, and the " trust fund"
is " threatened" by "long-range defcits.
, ,
(4)
In the January 7, 1 9 5 7, issue of this Report,
I discussed the signifcant subject of govern
mental censorship by suppression and falsifca
tion of the news, saying:
HBureaucrats . . . . do not give the public
unvarnished facts about the conduct of gov
ernment. They hand out only what they want
the public to have. However disastrous the
policies of our elected and appointed ofcials
may be, we the people can never really come
to grips with the follies, or criminal conduct,
or treasonable behavior of our ofcials, be
cause we can never get the facts about what
happened.
Instead of a clean-up, we get a cover-up .
. . . [This condition] poses the question of
whether we have a republican form of gov
ernment, or whether we have a bureaucratic
oligarchy in which the bureaucrats are
responsible to no one except themselves.
HThis is a question which the public should
thrust before the new Congress [the 8 5 th] -
and demand some specifc answers for. "
Large numbers of "the public" tried, but
they were lashed with slander by Senators,
Representatives, Administration spokesmen,
liberal newspaper editors, and liberal commen
tators -as McCarthyite lunatic-fringers who
did not know what they were doing, or who,
for unsavory reasons, were deliberately trying
to undermine confdence in "our chosen
leaders. "
So, matters grew worse until October 29,
1 962, when an ofcial spokesman for the Ken
nedy Adminstration ( Arthur Sylvester, Assist
ant Secretary of Defense) admitted that the
Administration makes a policy of giving the
public false information in order to create
public support for Administration policies. (5 )
In several issues of this Report i n 1 9 5 6 and
early 1 9 5 7, I discussed the Eisenhower Admin
istration's false show of sympathy for Hun
garian patriots brutally suppressed by the
Soviets in 1 9 5 6. I pointed out that Eisenhower
was irritated with the Hungarian patriots for
causing a disturbance and that what Eisen
hower did, in contrast to what he publicly
said, helped the Soviets rather than the rebel
ling patriots. Anticipating that the American
government would formally recognize, and
give aid to, the new communist regime in
Hungary as soon as American public opinion
would permit, I pointed out, on February 4,
1 9 5 7, that Eisenhower was already sending up
trial balloons to test public reaction.
In May, 1 9 6 3 , the State Department
released a paper which whitewashes the Soviets'
puppet government in Hungary, and lay
.
s the
groundwork for "normalizing" Amencan
Hungarian relations. Senator Frank J. Lausche
( Democrat, Ohio) says this is the result of a
deal between the Soviets and the Kennedy
Administration -the Soviets promising to
vote for U Thant as permanent UN Secretary
General, in return for a Kennedy promise to
close out the old issue of UN resolution con-
.
h S ' b H
(6
) demnmg t e oVlets a out ungary.
Page 181
As early as June, 1 9 5 6, I began warning,
in this Report, that American foreign aid pro
grams were giving foreign bankers and inves
tors claims on the American monetary reserve
which could ultimately destroy our money and :
wreck our entire economy. I continued writing
about the shrinking American gold reserve,
presen ting in 1 960 a series of Re par ts on this
grave problem.
In the September 1 2, 1 960, issue of this
Report, I said:
((Foreign claims against America's mone
tary gold reserve have been growing by bil
lions of dollars a year. If foreigners always
demanded payment in gold from the United
States Treasury, for every American dollar
they acquired, as soon as they acquired it, the
wild spending and wasting and foreign give
away of our federal government would have
stopped years ago, because America would
have run out of gold.
((Up to now, with our money backed by our
government's promise to redeem in gold, most
foreigners have chosen to keep their Ameri
can dollars or invest them in America and
elsewhere rather than cash them in. All of this
has mushroomed into the most dangerous situ
ation that America -or any other great
nation -was ever in. Day by day, America
( with all outward appearance of a strong and
growing economy) is sinking into the posi
tion of being quite at the mercy of foreign
governments and international bankers. "
Between June, 1 9 5 6, and September, 1 96 0,
every time I mentioned our shrinking gold
reserve, there would shortly appear a rash of
statements by high government ofcials ( and
columns by "economists" who consistently
support ofcial policies ) to the efect that all
talk about our gold reserve being in danger
was dishonest nonsense. Shortly after my Sep
tember 1 2 , 1 960, Report on the fight of gold,
however, the gold crisis broke wide open. The
fight of our gold reserve became an issue in
the campaign between Nixon and Kennedy
both promising to make ra tters worse by con
tinuing the policies which caused the flight of
gold.
Ofcialdom released reams of statistics
and soothing statements about the condi
tion of our economy and about efective steps
being taken to correct the balance-of-pay
ments drain on our reserve -until, fnally,
the public seemed to forget about the gold
CrISIS.
But today, seven years after I frst began to
discuss the subject, Treasury ofcials are
admitting exactly what I have been saying all
along. An Associated Press Dispatch from
Washington, published in The Dallas Morning
News, May 3 1 , 1 9 6 3 , reports :
((If all the potential claims against U.S.
gold were suddenly presented for payment
the supply wouldn't go around. Treasury
ofcials Thursday estimated the total of (dol
lar assets' held in countries around the world
at about $ 2 0, 000, 000, 000. The U.S. monetary
gold fund is about $ 1 5 , 800, 000, 000 . . . .
((The heavy holding of dollar assets around
the world is tied in with the balance-of-pay
ments defcit which Daane, Deputy Under
secretary of the Treasury for monetary af
fairs, describes as serious . . . . Last year the
defcit amounted to $ 2, 2 00, 000, 000 and in the
frst quarter of 1 96 3 it was $ 8 2 0, 000, 000. "
Aperennial argument for public housing
and urban renewal is that they eliminate slums,
and that this helps cure crime and j uvenile
delinquency, because slums are "breeding
places" of crime and delinquency. The argu
ment is patently false ; and I have been saying
so in this Report for many years. In a Report
on Urban Renewal, October 6, 1 9 5 8 , I said:
((Slums do not breed crime and juvenile
delinquency. It's the other way around. If
you tore down every slum and old house in
America; replaced them with luxury homes
and apartments ; gave those luxury dwellings
to criminals, juvenile delinquents, bums, and
improvident, lazy ne'er-do-wells ; and pro
vided the occupants with lavish pensions
the places would soon be slums again.
((People nake sluns. Slunts don't nake
people."
Page 182
I contended that public housing projects
often become centers of crime and delin
quency. Events have so abundantly proved the
truth of these statements that Urban Renewal
ofcials are now saying substantially the same
thing. Their suggested remedy, however, is to
have more public housing and Urban Renewal
-and then to follow up with more social
workers and bigger welfare programs to handle
the resulting increase in crime and delin
quency. (7)
n the May 1 8 , 1 9 5 9, issue of this Report,
I pointed out that Castro was building a com
munist dictatorship in Cuba. Washington
ofcialdom continued to deny the obvious for
many months. On January 3 , 1 9 6 1 , the Eisen
hower Administration fnally admitted what
the world had known for years -and severed
diplomatic relations with Castro's government.
Aprimary argument for Kennedy's Trade
Expansion Act ( approved by Congress in
September, 1 96 2 ) was that, by giving the
President authority to negotiate across-the
board reductions in American tarifs ( instead
of item-by-item reductions which the old
Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act required) ,
the law would enable the President to get
better tarif concessions from foreign coun
tries.
In various issues of this Report throughout
1 962 I warned that the limitless authority con
ferred on the President to make across-the
board changes in American tarifs would help
foreign industries, not American.
On March 1 8 , 1 96 3 , United States Repre
sentative John H. Dent ( Republican, Pennsyl
vania) , presented a series of documents by the
U. S. Department of Labor, Department of
THE DAN SMOOT TELEVISION BROADCASTS ARE PRODUCED ON
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WHAT Y OU CAN DO
Washington ofcialdom uses your taxes for programs that are creating vast cesspols of waste and corruption
-and dragging our Republic into the quicksands of socialism. But what can you do about it?
You can help educate and arouse the people who elect men responsible for harmful programs of government.
When enough other Americans know and care as you do, political action to restore our Republic will come.
If The Dan Smoot Report was instrumental in bringing you to the point of asking what you can do about
saving the country from mushrooming big government, here is a checklist for you: Have you urged others to
subscribe to the Report? Have you sent them reprints of a particular issue of the Report? Have you shown them a
Dan Smoot flm? Have you ever suggested a Bound Volume of The Dan Smoot Report for use by spe
rs,
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Page 183
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STREET ADDRESS
CITY ZONE STATE
( Add 2% Sales Tax i n Texas )
Commerce, and others, showing that since the
enactment of the Trade Expansion Act, U. S.
business is being hurt by foreign competi
tion. (8)
n the October 1 , 1 962, issue of this Report,
I mentioned unverifed, but plausible, informa
tion about the presence of 2 0 0 0 French-speak
ing colored troops from Ghana, training in
Cuba for infltration and guerrilla warfare In
Haiti.
The State Department ridiculed me for
reporting such unfounded information. In the
May 2 3 , 1 9 6 3 , issue of The Reporter, Adolf
A. Berle ( until recently, Kennedy's advisor on
Latin America ) said:
((I am informed that several months ago a
wave of French-speaking Africans . . . began
to arrive in Havana. As to their numbers
,
the
minimum estimate is 2 5 0 0 ; the maximum
,
1 0, 000 . . . . The general assumption was that
their destination was Haiti."
Keep On Keepi ng On
n 1 78 2 , Thomas Jeferson said:
((It is error alone which needs the sup-
port of government. Truth can stand by
itself. "
Contemporary events prove the accuracy of
that Jefersonian statement. We American
constitutionalists have truth on our side, and
truth is bound to prevail. Let us keep on doing
what we have been doing, but multiply our
eforts. When there are enough aroused and
informed patroits to guarantee that national
legislators like Kuchel get 600, 000 letters a
month, instead of 6, 000, from constituents
whom Kuchel calls right-wing extremists"
( because they want to repeal the income tax,
stop foreign aid, and get out of the UN) , we
can restore the Republic.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Special to the News from Washington, Tbe Dallas Moring News,
June 3. 1 963, Section 1, p. 8
( 2) "Forgotten Page: General Tells of Subversion," by Ralph de Toledano
in Tbe Indianapolis News, reprinted in the Congressional Record, May
1 4, 1 963, p. A3 007
( 3 ) Labor's Interational Network, by Hilaire du Berrier, 1 962
( 4) UPI dispatch from Washington, The Dallas MOYlling News, May 3 1 ,
1 963 , Section , p. 3
( 5 ) "Free Press Maintains Confdence of Public," AP story by J. M.
Roberts, T be Dallas Morning News, November 1, 1 962, Section 1 , p. 8
( 6) Remarks of U. S. Senator Frank ]. Lausche, Congressional Record, May
1 5 , 1 963, pp. 8 1 5 3 -4
( 7) "Urban Renewal's Social Problems," Tbe San Francisco Chronicle,
May 1 6, 1 963
( 8 ) "Tari f Relief a Hoax," remarks of U. S. Representative John H. Dent,
COllgressional Record, March 1 8 , 1 963 , pp. 4 1 92- 8
* * * * *
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 184
M
Itl Smoot le,ort
Vol. 9, No. 24 ( Broadcast 409) June 1 7, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
POL I T I CAL ACT I ON FOR V4
he frenzied and threatening attack on ttright-wingers"; the farmers' vote in the 1 963
Wheat Referendum; the fact that much of President Kennedy's maj or legislative program
is still being delayed, if not stopped, in Congress ; the fact that ( so far, at least) the present
Congress is voting more nearly in compliance with constitutional principles than any
previous Congress has voted for years ; the fact that many Americans, previously apathetic
about governmental policies, are now gravely concerned about the direction of afairs in
Washington; the fact that even Americans who have always supported the policies of
totalitarian liberalism are now outraged by the gangster-like behavior of the Kennedy
Administration -these are a few of the signs that a prolonged educational efort by
constitutional conservatives has begun to have profound efect.
If the educational work is continued, and supplemented by intelligent political action
from now until election day, 1 964, we can turn the tide against totalitarian liberalism.
I ndependent El ectors
he American Founding Fathers realized that voters on the frontiers and in remote
areas of the Republic in the 1 8 th Century could not get enough information about national
candidates to make an informed choice at the polls. Hence, they devised the Electoral College
system. Voters in each state would elect a group of respected local men ( equal in number
to the state's total delegation in Congress ) , to serve as Presidential Electors. At a fxed time,
the elected Presidential Electors from all states would meet, as an Electoral College, to choose
a President and Vice President of the United States. The Electors were to be independent,
as . individuals, to cast their votes in the Electoral College, as they saw ft. If members of
the Electoral College could not muster a majority vote for one man as President, the presi-
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofce Address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12.50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 185
dential election would be deadlocked; and the
House of Representatives ( each State having
one vote) would elect a President.
This arrangement is still in existence. As the
party system came to dominate American poli
tics, however, the intent and functioning of
the Electoral College system were violated by
the so-called "party pledge" which was pre
sumed to be binding upon Presidential Elec
tors ; and by the custom of "bloc voting" in
the Electoral College.
As the system now works, Democrats and
Republicans each select, in every state, a slate
of Presidential Electors to appear on the bal
lot in the general election. Voters seldom know
the names of the Presidential Electors. Most
voters do not seem to realize they are voting
for electors : they think they are voting for
presidential and vice-presidential candidates.
But, in reality, as vo.ters choose between Re
publican and Democrat nominees, they are
actually voting, not for the nominees, but for
Republican or Democrat electors in their
State. The party electors, who get a majority
of the popular vote, cast the state's entire
electoral vote for party nominees.
oday, there is more practical need for the
pure, constitutional Electoral College System
of selecting a President than there was in the
1 8 th Century. Today, the techniques of mass
propaganda and mass thought-control make
it even more impossible for the average voter
to get credible information about a national
personality running for President.
Present election practices enable political
parties to stampede the public into making a
choice between two presidential candidates
who stand for the same thing -leaving voters
no opportunity to register a preference for a
philosophy of government, but permitting
them only to choose between men whose real
philosophies and personalities have been ob
scured by the bitterness and dishonesty of
party rivalry and by the thunder of political
propaganda.
he remarkable group of statesmen now
known as the Founding Fathers, who wrote
our Constitution in 1 78 7, believed that the
Electoral College System -afording the peo
ple some insulation against the heat and pas
sions of a national election, and providing a
checkmate against the popular tendency to
follow blindly the most famboyant or extrav
agantly fnanced candidate -would have a
better chance to put great men into the Presi
dency than any system of direct elections could
possibly have.
I agree with this view. The present system
produces Presidents who promise one thing
and then, after election, move in the opposite
direction -claiming some emergency as the
reason: in 1 93 2, Roosevelt promised the people
economy and adherence to constitutional
principles, but gave them extravagance and
contempt for the Constitution from 1 9 3 3 on
ward; in 1 940, Roosevelt promised the people
peace, while arranging a war ; in 1 9 5 2, Eisen
hower condemned such dangerous programs as
federal aid to education and promised to clean
up the mess in Washington, but, after election,
recommended more federal aid to education
than any previous President and made the
Washington mess messier ; in 1 960, Kennedy
promised a frm policy with regard to Cuba,
but in 1 9 6 1 made the weak Eisenhower policy
even weaker.
Obviously, a President chosen by the Elec
toral College in the true spirit of the Constitu
tion might also betray his campaign promises ;
but the constitutional way of electing Presi
dents and Vice Presidents of the United States
is, at least, the best known way for this solemn
responsibility to be discharged. Certainly, as
long as it is the constitutionally prescribed
method, it is the one that should be used.
he Independent
-
Electors Movement
now very strong in the states of Alabama,
Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, and Mississippi -
is an efort to re-establish the brilliantly-con
ceived Electoral College System of selecting
Page 186
Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United
States.
But political habits generations old have
tainted, to some degree, operation of the Inde
pendent Electors Movement. In 1 960, for ex
ample, voters in six southern states did "free"
their electors : they elected men, on Democrat
tickets, who were not pledged to support Ken
nedy. It was known that those who supported
the Independent Electors Movement in these
six states expected their Electors not to vote
for Kennedy, under any circumstance. When
the Electoral College met, however, only the
Independent Electors of Mississippi, and half
of those of Alabama refused to vote for Ken
nedy. Electors of four southern states, and half
the Alabama electors, though put on the bal
lots and elected as "independents," voted for
Kennedy in the Electoral College.
I ndependent Voters of the USA
n addition to the Independent Electors
Movement, and various third-party eforts in
several states, two intelligent plans for politi
cal action have originated in Dallas, Texas :
Walter Reed's Independent Voters of the USA,
and Frank McGehee's Political Coordinating
Committee.
The essence of Walter Reed's plan is a
pledge, which all members of Independent
Voters of the USA, are asked to sign:
In the election of 1 964, I pledge to sup
port only those candidates for President and
Vice-President . . . who have shown by past
actions that they will follow closely the Con
stitution of the United States. If neither
major party nominates such candidates, I shall
support any third party candidates who I
know will follow closely the Constitution.
HI pledge not to support, in any way q
Mr. John F. Kennedy, Mr. Robert Kennedy,
Mr. Nelson Rockefeller, or other men of their
viewpoin t. "
Independent Voters will concentrate on re
cruiting members in 1 1 southern states. They
feel there is broader public opposition to Ken-
nedy Democrats and Rockefeller Republicans
in the South than elsewhere, and believe that,
if constitutional conservatives can control the
1 2 8 electoral votes of the South, they can con
trol the presidential election in 1 9 64 or,
at least, deny victory to either Kennedy or
Rockefeller.
Independent Voters will try to get third
party electors for presidential and vice-presi
dential candidates on the ballot in all southern
states. Some, or all, of the 1 1 southern states
may agree on the same third party and the
same candidates ; or, each state may have an
independent third party, running its own can
didates for President and Vice President. In
some southern states, where a respectable third
party already exists, constitutionalists may
support its eforts to get on the ballot with elec
tors who will vote only for constitutionalist
candidates. In other states, constitutionalists
may organize a new party.
The idea is to get on the ballot, in every
southern state, with presidential and vice-pres
idential electors who are constitutionalists.
Once organized and on the ballot with some
kind of constitutionalist third party in 1 1
southern states, the Independent Voters will
go to leaders of both major parties and say:
If, in your 1 964 national convention, you
nominate genuine, proven, constitutionalist
conservatives for President and Vice Presi
dent, we will disband our third-party move
ments in the southern states and give you
maximum support. If you do not select candi
dates whom constitutionalists like, we will re
double our eforts and guarantee that your
candidates will lose the 1 2 8 electoral votes of
the South; and without those southern elec
toral votes, your candidates cannot win.
f -as is most likely -both Democrats
and Republicans spurn constitutional con
servatives in 1 964 and select Kennedy and
Rockefeller ( or others like them) , the people
of the South, with good third-party candidates
already on the ballot, will have a chance to
keep either the Republican or the Democrat
Page 187
from getting the 1 2 8 southern Electoral Col
lege votes. This would throw the presidential
election into the House of Representatives. If
conservatives in the 3 9 states outside the South
support this movement to the extent of elect
ing constitutionalists to the House of Repre
sentatives, the House would elect a constitu
tionalist to be President.
The Independent Voters plan, to get third
party electors on the ballots even in the fve
southern states where the Independent Elec
tors Movement is already strong, is intended
to give voters some protection against a repeti
tion of what happened in 1 960. The Inde
pendent Voters can have direct interviews with
every Independent Elector who may be on the
ballot in 1 9 64, explaining to the elector his
right, if elected, to vote in the Electoral College
as he pleases, but pinning him down to a specifc
promise that he will vote only for constitution
alist candidates, regardless of party label. If the
Independent Electors in any state refuse to give
clear and unequivocal promise, the conserva
tives can reject the Independent Electors in
that state and vote for the third-party electors
who are constitutionalists.
he Independent Voters plan is sound.
Every constitutional conservative ( not j ust in
1 1 southern states, but in all 5 0 states ) who
really wants to do something to obviate the
disaster of a Rockefeller-versus-Kennedy pres
idential election in 1 9 64 -and who is not
already in touch with a movement which looks
better to him than the Independent Voters
plan -should write immediately, for full in
formation, to Walter Reed, Independent Vot
ers of the USA, P. O. Box 969 1 , Dallas 1 4,
Texas.
Pol itical Coordi nati ng Committee
rank McGehee organized the National
Indignation Convention in 1 9 6 1 . For the past
several months, he has been working, with
considerable progress, on a plan for political
action in 1 9 64. His obj ective is the same as that
of Walter Reed.
McGehee's Political Coordinating Commit
tee is working nation-wide, and exclusively
within the framework of the Republican and
Democrat parties -on the presumption that
there are enough well-informed constitutional
conservatives to capture control of one or both
major political parties, if the conservatives will
go to work now, recruiting and organizing for
political activity, in both parties, at all levels,
from neighborhood precincts to the national
conventions of 1 9 64.
If their activities were properly organized
and directed, constitutional conservatives
could win control of a majority of the political
precincts of both parties, in a majority of the
counties, in most states of the Union. If this
were done, conservatives would control county
political conventions which elect delegates to
state conventions. At the state conventions,
conservative delegates, having a majority,
would select conservatives as delegates to the
national conventions -and would also select
the slates of Presidential Electors to appear on
ballots in the 1 964 general elections. These
Presidential Electors, selected because they are
constitutionalists, would vote only for a con
stitutionalist as President, regardless of party
label.
f the Political Coordinating Committee's
plan of action at precinct, county, and state
levels works successfully in both parties and in
most states, then both Republicans and Demo
crats in 1 964 will have national conventions
controlled by conservatives and will therefore
select conservatives as their presidential and
vice-presidential candidates ; and voters, at the
polls, can make their choice on the basis of
personal or party preference.
If the plan works successfully in only one
major party ( Republican, let us say) , then the
Republican National Convention of 1 9 64 will
nominate constitutional conservatives and the
Democrats will nominate Kennedy and John
son, or some other pair of totalitarian liberals.
Page 188
This would give voters a clearcut choice
between freedom and socialism.
If the plan works successfully in only a few
states, then, obviously, the conservative dele
gates which those states send to the Republican
and Democrat national conventions of 1 964
will be outvoted; and both conventions will
do as they have been doing every presidential
election year for more than a quarter of a
century: they will write socialist platforms
( while paying lip service to freedom and con
stitutional government ) ; and they will nomi
nate totalitarian liberals who pretend reverence
for the Constitution which they obviously
despise.
In this event, however, the Political Coordi
nating Committee's plan of action would still
have on the ballot, in the few states where it
worked successfully, Presidential Electors,
known to be constitutionalists, who would not
vote for their party nominees. If this happened
in enough states to deny the presidential elec
tion to either Democrats or Republicans, it
would have the same efect that the Indepen
dent Voters plan and the Independent Electors
Movement would have -it would throw the
presidential election into the House of Rep
resentatives, where conservatives would have
a chance to make their voices heard.
ndividuals interested in the Political Co
ordinating Committee plan of action, within
the Democrat and Republican parties, should
write to Frank McGehee, 3 73 7 Van Ness Lane,
Dallas 20, Texas.
Though the Independent Voters plan and
the Political Coordinating Committee plan are
diferent, and though they are rivals in the
sense that individuals may make a choice
between supporting one or the other, they are
not in conflict. Indeed, they complement each
other well.
Walter Reed and Frank McGehee are young,
relatively unknown, and, as organizers of
political action, relatively inexperienced. But
the "old hands" have done nothing efective
for the past three decades, and have produced
nothing new or promising for 1 964. It is time
for conservatives to support young men with
enough dedication and energy to try some
thing sensible which shows promise -unless
they can efectively organize something better.
Gol dwater
^either of the political-action plans, dis
cussed above, conficts with plans of other con
servatives to promote such men as Senator
Barry Goldwater ( Republican, Arizona) as
presidential candidates in 1 9 64.
Goldwater has a good voting record in the
Senate, and has made numerous stands and
statements in support of constitutional prin
ciples. He does have what is called "political
glamor, " and is a better conservative than any
other Republican who is equally well known
throughout the nation.
Ln the other hand:
-In the 1 9 5 0's, Goldwater joined the Na
tional Association for the Advancement of
Colored People and contributed $400 to that
hate-inciting organization, which supports
every major federal program to undermine the
American constitutional system.
(
1 )
-Goldwater has praised Governor Nelson
Rockefeller as a beacon of courage
, ,
(
2
) and
has made numerous statements to the efect
that there "are only very slight policy difer
ences" between him and Rockefeller. (3)
-On April 1 4, 1 9 6 1 , Goldwater, in a
speech to the Senate, said he was in favor of
Kennedy's Peace Corps idea. (4)
-On August 9, 1 9 6 1 , Goldwater said that
Republicans should not waste their time op
posing the re-election of Senator J. William
Fulbright in Arkansas. Goldwater remarked
that We [meaning Republicans] don't have
anything against BiI1.
, ,
(
5)
-On March 3 1 , 1 962, Goldwater praised
Robert F. Kennedy as a "hard-hitting salesman
Page 189
of American ideals" and expressed a wish that
Kennedy could become a full-time, roving
ambassador" for the United States. Goldwater
was referring to Robert F. Kennedy's trip
through the Far East, Europe, and elsewhere.
One of Robert F. Kennedy's most widely pub
licized statements on this trip was an apology
to the world for American behavior in the
Mexican War of the 1 9th Century -the war
which brought California and Texas, and a
portion of Arizona, into the American Union.
Goldwater said he had ((a great regard for
Bobby.
,
, (
6
)
5enator Goldwater's greatest disservice to
the conservative movement occurred in 1 960.
Many conservative leaders started as early as
1 9 5 8 , spending their time and money promot
ing Barry Goldwater as a candidate for Presi
dent. Some who liked Goldwater feared, how
ever, that he lacked the forceful qualities of
leadership necessary if conservatives were to
have any influence on the platform or nomi
nations of the 1 960 Republican National Con
vention; and that Goldwater, being, above all,
a Republican party man, would throw his
support behind anyone whom the Republicans
might nominate in 1 960.
Throughout 1 9 5 8 , 1 9 5 9, and early 1 960,
many conservatives were worried about the
drive to pin all hope on Goldwater. They felt
it was all right to support Goldwater, but
believed that some time and money should be
put in an efort ( then being made without
adequate fnancing or leadership) to get Inde
pendent Electors or third-party candidates on
the ballots in 1 960 -so that, if Goldwater
weakened and threw his support to someone
like Nixon or Rockefeller in 1 960, conserva
tives would still have a chance to accomplish
something.
Others were convinced that, if conservatives
could show real strength at the 1 960 Republi
can National Convention, Goldwater would
fght for his own nomination, and would bolt
the Convention and lead a protest movement
if the Convention nominated Nixon or Rocke
feller or anyone like them.
The counsel of caution was ignored. Impor
tant conservative leaders put all their efort
behind Goldwater ; and they made a tremen
dous show of strength for him at the 1 960
Republican National Convention. Even left
wing commentators covering the Convention
( Edward R. Murrow and Eric Sevareid, for
example) observed, during the opening days
of that gathering, that it was a Goldwater
Convention, emphatically.
Goldwater gave the conservatives no leader
ship whatever. He spurned their pleas for lead
ership. At a critical moment, he folded and
gave his support to Nixon. Thus, in 1 960,
Goldwater, in efect, played the role of a Judas
goat, leading the conservative political move
ment up a blind alley where it was blackj acked.
Lonservatives now booming Goldwater for
President in 1 964 should take the precaution
they failed to take prior to 1 960. They should
continue to support Goldwater if they think
this a good means of building conservative
strength in the Republican Party; but, for the
sake of our Republic, they should not devote
all of their political efort to Goldwater. They
should give some of their time and money to
eforts which will put constitutionalists on the
ballots as Presidential Electors in 1 9 64, so that,
if Goldwater again fails the cause, all con
stitutional conservatives will have some place
to go, and some genuine choice to make, on
election day.
Thurmond and Others
5enator Strom Thurmond ( Democrat,
South Carolina) is, in my opinion, the best
conservative in the Senate. There is consider
able support for Thurmond as a presidential
candidate in 1 9 64 -among various third
party groups, and also within the Democrat
Party.
Page 190
Do not believe the political cliche that a
southerner could not be elected President. The
people of the nation would elect as President
a real constitutional conservative, regardless
of what section he comes from, if they had a
chance. It does seem obvious, however, that a
southerner has little chance to be nominated
for PresideIt, by either major political party.
My advice to Thurmond supporters, there
fore, is essentially the same as my advice to
Goldwater supporters -and to supporters of
other known conservatives, such as Senator
John Tower ( Republican, Texas ) : support
your favorite conservative if you feel that this
helps build conservative strength in one of the
two major parties, or if it helps strengthen
some intelligent third-party movement in your
state ; but, beyond that, work to get constitu
tional conservatives on the ballot in all states,
as Presidential Electors, in 1 9 64. This is the
only way to guarantee that conservatives will
have a chance to act politically, in the interest
of saving our Republic, if Republicans and
Democrats give us the tweedle-dee, tweedle
dum choice of Kennedy versus Rockefeller
or a choice equally dismal, and harmful to the
cause of liberty.
Reports On Disarmament
he imminent possibility of a Kennedy dis
armament decision, which could surrender
American independence and leave our nation
helpless, troubles every well-informed patriot.
This subj ect was discussed in three recent is
sues of this Report -Disarmament -Parts
I, II and III, dated May 6, May 1 3 , and May
20, 1 96 3 . Background material on the subj ect
is in three older Reports, which are still avail
able: "Disarmament -Surrender to World
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WHA T YOU CAN DO
Washington ofcialdom uses your taxes for programs that are creating vast cesspools of waste and corruption
-and dragging our Republic into the quicksands of socialism. But what can you do about it?
You can help educate and arouse the people who elect men responsible for harmful programs of government.
When enough other Americans know and care as you do, political action to restore our Republic will come.
If The Dan Smoot Report was instrumental in bringing you to the point of asking what you can do about
saving the country from mushrooming big government, here is a checklist for you: Have you urged others to
subscribe to the Report? Have you sent them reprints of a particular issue of the Report? Have you shown them a
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Page 191
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STREET ADDRESS
CIT ZONE STATE
( Add 2% Sales Tax in Texas)
Government, " dated March 2 8 , 1 96 0 ; " Stra
tegic Surrender, " dated December 1 1 , 1 96 1 ;
and "Defense or Surrender? " dated March 2 6,
1 962.
These three old issues and the recent three
part series on disarmament are available as a
set of 6 for $ 1 . 00.
Have You Seen Thi s?
AUnited Press International dispatch with
a Frankfurt, Germany, dateline, published in
the May 3 0, 1 96 3 , issue of The Los Angeles
Times:
((Ofcial u.s. sources indicated Wednesday
that overseas civilian employees of the Penta
gon and wives and older children of American
servicemen stationed abroad soon may be
required to wear uniforms, making them sub
ject to military trial.
((An Air Force spokesman said the Army
and Air Force were considering a plan along
these lines devised by Maj. Gen. Albert M.
Kuhfeld, judge advocate of the Air Force.
( (The Kuhfeld plan was intended to solve
the problem created by the u.s. Supreme
Court's 1 9 5 7 ruling that servicemen's rela-
tives and civilian employees abroad could not
be court-martialed for capital crimes.
uThe spokesman said the plan envisions the
creation of a (military support corps' for
soldiers' and airmen's dependents over 1 8.
((No one would be required to join either
corps, but no one who refused to do so would
be sent abroad by the armed forces, the spokes
man said.
UThe Overseas Family, a private publica
tion, published an interview with Kuhfeld
saying that members of the proposed corps
also would be required to sign a statement
waiving the right to civilian trial before being
sent overseas."
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "People," The Dallas Morning News, March 27, 1 963,
Section 1 , p. 3
( 2 ) "Judd Says G.O.P. Lost By Frauds," by Wayne Phillips,
The New York Times, January 29, 1 961
( 3) AP dispatch from Washington, The Dallas Morning
News, April 1 7, 1 961
( 4) Remarks of u.S. Senator Barry Goldwater, Congressional
Record, April 14, 1 961 , p. 5 5 69
( 5 ) "Goldwater Sees No GOP Efort on Fulbright," AP
story from Washington, The Dallas Times Herald, August
9, 1 961 , p. A-26
( 6) "Bob Kennedy Ideal Envoy, Admiring Goldwater Says,"
UPI dispatch from New York City, The Dallas Times
Herald, April 1 , 1 962, p. A-2
* * * * *
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving bot h sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial spnsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 192
.
M
1
11 Smoot Report
Vol. 9
,
No. 25 ( Broadcast 41 0) June 24, 1963 Dallas, Texas
WAS HI NGTON: THE MODE L CI TY
Ln January 1 8 , 1 96 3 , President Kennedy said of Washington, D. C. :
DAN SMOOT
((Let us make it a city of which the nation may be proud -an example and a show
place for the rest of the world. "
The remark was strangely reminiscent of one made by President Eisenhower nine years
before. When the Supreme Court handed down its school desegregation decision in May,
1 9 5 4, President Eisenhower, praising the Court, urged Washington, D. C. , ofcials to
hasten integration of public schools, in order to make the capital city a model for the
nation. District school ofcials complied immediately.
At the time of integration, the District of Columbia school system was rated among
the best in the nation. Twenty-nine months later -in September, 1 9 5 6 -a Congres
sional subcommittee began an investigation to fnd out how racial integration of public
schools was working out. United States Representative James C. Davis ( Democrat,
Georgia) was Chairman of the subcommittee. Mr. William Gerber served as counsel.
The following are excerpts from the subcommittee's transcript of hearings on September
1 9 , 1 9 5 6.
TESTIMONY OF MR. C. MELVIN SHARPE, PRESIDENT OF THE DIS
TRICT OF COLUMBIA BOARD OF EDUCATION:
MR. GERBER: Mr. Sharpe, prior to September of 1 9 5 4 under what system were the
District of Columbia schools operated?
MR. SHARPE: They were operated on what we call the dual system of schools. We
had Division 1 , which was to designate the white schools, and Division No. 2, designated
for colored.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 193
MR. GERBER: . . . did the two school sys
ters . . . have access to the same curriculum?
MR. SHARPE: They did.
MR. GERBER: Did they have access to the
same textbooks ?
MR. SHARPE: . . . I had every reason to
believe that there had been no discrimination
whatsoever in the textbooks, the schools, build
ings, teachers and whatnot. We had a very
emine:t man in charge of Division 2 . . . a
colored man . . . . I thought he did an
admirable j ob.
MR. GERBER: How long after . . . [the
Supreme Court decision of May 1 7, 1 9 5 4 ]
was handed down did the Board of Educa
tion vote to integrate the District of Columbia
schools ?
MR. SHARPE: . . . within two weeks.
MR. GERBER: Mr. Sharpe, do you fnd
that, after the schools were integrated, a great
many white children . . . withdrew from the
public schools ?
MR. SHARPE: I did.
MR. GERBER: Where did they go? . . .
MR. SHARPE: . . . to Virginia and Mary-
land, and . . . private schools . . . .
MR. GERBER: . . . Was it the contention
of the proponents of integration . . . that in
tegration would reduce the cost of operation
of the schools ?
MR. SHARPE : Yes, sir ; that was the profes
sional advice we received.
MR. GERBER: That professional advice,
you found, was all wrong?
MR. SHARPE: That is right.
DEPOSITION OF MR. JOHN PAUL
COLLINS WHO WAS TOO ILL TO AP
PEAR BEFORE THE COMMITTEE:
My name is John Paul Collins. After 3 4
years in the District of Columbia school sys
tem, I retired last year as a result of ill health
directly attributable to the conditions that
developed in Eastern High School after the
integration of the District Schools. During my
tenure in the District school system I served
as principal at Anacostia High School and
Eastern High School.
After integration of the schools in 1 9 5 4,
. . . the problem of discipline was tremen
dous . . . .
At times, I heard colored girls at the school
use language that was far worse than I have
ever heard, even in the Marine Corps.
White children manifested a spirit of co
operation to help the colored children become
acclimated, but these eforts were not particu
larly successful.
Fighting, including several knifngs, went
on continuously . . . .
There have been more thefts at Eastern in
the last two years than I had known in all my
3 0-odd years in the school system. A teacher,
still active at Eastern, told me recently that
stealing is now so rife at the school that it is
no longer practical to attempt to report all
stealing incidents.
There were many sex problems during the
year following integration . . . . I overhead two
colored boys making obscene remarks about
white girls who were passing in the hall. I
promptly suspended the boys, until such time
as I could get satisfactory assurances from their
parents that they would discontinue such con
duct. My authority to do this was questioned
by the administration, but I stuck to my guns.
White girls complained of being touched by
colored boys in a suggestive manner when pass
ing them in the halls. One white girl left school
one afternoon and was surrounded by a group
of colored boys and girls. One of the colored
boys put a knife at her back, marched her
down an alley and backed her up against a
wall. While the group debated as to whether
they should make her take her clothes of, she
broke away and ran home . . . .
On another occasion a colored girl com
plained to me that a colored boy had exposed
himself to her in the classroom. I got hold of
the boy and found him to have a record of
sex ofenses, and recommended that he be re-
Page 194
moved from Eastern. This recommendation
was accepted.
Never in all of my experience have I ob
served such flthy and revolting habits in the
lavatories. Some of the urinals were completely
torn away from the walls. Nothing like this
had ever occurred prior to integration . . . .
Colored children have been known to forge
names at the school bank.
There were a dozen or more colored girls
who became pregnant during my last year at
Eastern. Pregnancy among white girls was
very rare, and had occurred only in isolated
instances.
Superintendent Corning ordered all school
records to be kept without regard to race. This
order was repeated several times during the
school year.
The colored students dominated the failing
groups, which were much larger than any year
before integration . . . .
The average colored student cannot keep
up with the average white students academ
ically . . . .
I can say from experience that integration
has brought about a lowering of public-school
standards and student academic achievement
in the District public schools. It has created
problems of discipline that have disrupted edu
cational processes. It has created grave social
problems that cannot be solved under existing
circumstances . . . .
TES TI MONY OF MR. HUGH
STEWART SMITH, WHO HAD BEEN
PRINCIPAL OF JEFFERSON JUNIOR
HIGH SCHOOL, WASHINGTON, D. C. ,
FOR 2 6 YEARS :
MR. GERBER: Prior to integration, was
this an all-white school ?
MR. SMITH : Yes.
MR. GERBER: Mr. Smith, what was the
percentage of white and colored in your school
last year ?
MR. SMITH: About 5 5
p
er cent Negro;
45 per cent white . . . .
MR. GERBER: Mr. Smith, after the in
tegration of the school systems here in the
District of Columbia, did you encounter any
unusual disciplinary problems ?
MR. SMITH: . . . you get many of these
[colored] children who thought that you got
what you wanted by fghting. We had a great
deal of attempting to get, let us say, small bits
of money from children at lunchtime . . . . I
think we had threats for the frst time, to both
the person and property of teachers . . . .
MR. GERBER: Does the disciplinary prob
lem . . . have any efect on the teachers' being
able to teach?
MR. SMITH: Any time you have discipline
problems, that happens. That is one of the
areas that I think we have been unable to en
tirely cope with in our public schools. We have
no way to put these children who are vicious
out of the school, for any reason at all. The law
says they are to be in school until they are 1 6
years old.
MR. GERBER: Mr. Smith, did you fnd
that the Negro pupils that came to your junior
high school from the colored schools were
proper I y graded?
MR. SMITH: I can't tell how they were
graded in the elementary school, but the chil
dren who came to me were very much retarded,
far more than our white children had been.
Also, many of them had been passed when they
hadn't gone to school. . . .
We had a few children who were in our top
group, but had I gone completely on the
records of achievement, even those few colored
children in that top group would probably
not have been able to be there . . . .
MR. GERBER: Mr. Smith, has there been
a diference in the LQ. of the students that you
had previous to integration, and what you have
got now?
MR. SMITH : Yes, sir ; that has fallen every
year. I think that I would like to have you
realize that I am in a part of our city which
has always been a low economic area. It has
always been that. But 1 0 years ago we had an
Page 195
average LQ. for the school of 96 , and this year
it has dropped down to 8 5 . With the incoming
seventh grade, the average is 8 2, so it is still
going down.
MR. GERBER: . . . Don't you think that
the . . . upper-grade students have sufered
educationally as a result of being mixed with
these lower-achievement students ?
MR. SMITH: Not in the j unior high school.
We . . . group children according to their
achievements. In the top group, even when we
began integration, we had frankly only a few
Negro children who achieved what the white
children were achieving, and they went into
the group, but the bottom groups were almost
entirely Negro children . . . .
CONGRESSMAN WILLIAMS: Do you
nO,tice a diference in white children's rate of
achievement coming from those same neigh
borhoods, with the same economic status as
their colored neighbors ?
MR. SMITH : Yes.
CONGRESSMAN WILLIAMS: Then, on
the basis of that, could you say that environ
ment and economic status are not the sole con
tributing factors to that condition?
MR. SMITH : Yes, sir.
TESTIMONY OF MRS. HELEN R.
MAGUIRE, PRINCIPAL OF DAVIS
ELEMENTARY SCHOOL, WASHING
TON, D. C. :
MR. GERBER: Mrs. Maguire . . . what [is]
your school population?
MRS. MAGUIRE: . . . about 77 5 . . . . It is
about 90 [per cent] colored and 1 0 per cent
white . . . . And two years ago it was a white
neighborhood.
MR. GERBER: What is it now?
MRS. MAGUIRE: Well, it is mostly a
colored neighborhood. And it will be, as soon
as the people can sell their houses. They are
all for sale. All the white people's houses . . . .
MR. GERBER: Mrs. Maguire, did you have
any trouble about the demotion of a child in
your school last year?
MRS. MAGUIRE: Not last year, but the
frst year I had one little boy who was a dis
turbance. He was an emotional problem. He
did absolutely nothing in the classroom but
upset the classroom. And I put him from a
frst grade to a kindergarten, simply to study
him. I didn't know what to do with him. He
upset everybody in the classroom. And I said
to the kindergarten teacher, Let's put him
here and let him come three hours a day, and
maybe we can fnd the best place for him. "
MR. GERBER: And what happened about
that ? Did you get a call from anybody about
i t?
MRS. MAGUIRE: I got a call from the
mother frst, asking me about it, and I wrote
her a note and explained why we were doing
it. And at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, after
school was dismissed, I got a call from a Dr.
Knox, I think it is, from Howard University.
And he was head of the -he told me that
he was head of the educational committee for
the NAACP and that he wanted to know why
I had put this child back. And the mother had
called him, he said, and he was very adamant
as to why I had put the child back to the
kindergarten. The child was old enough to be
in the frst grade, and that is where he should
b " e.
And I said, Well, " -I tried to explain to
him the conditions.
But I said, Dr. Knox, I have been in the
school system 3 5 years, and you are the frst
person from any organization that has ever
questioned what we do to children when we
are trying to do the best we can. "
And so he talked on, and he said, "Still, that
child should be in the frst grade. He is old
enough to be in the frst grade, so you put
him there. "
He said, I will give you three days, and
then you will hear from me again. "
Well, you can imagine the condition I was
in . . . . It was the frst time anything like that
had ever happened to me, and I reall
y
was ver
y
upset. I didn' t do it. I studied the child. And
Page 196
when I made my study, I put him where he
should be . . . . And I didn't hear any more
of it.
CONGRESSMAN WILLIAMS: Mrs. Ma
guire, would you . . . venture an opinion as to
whether the level of school achievement, on
the average, is as good today among the stu
dents as it was two years ago?
MRS. MAGUIRE: Oh, no. It isn't. It is way
down
:
And the teachers are saying to me, "We
have J ust got to lower everything we do. " And
the spark is gone . . . .
TESTIMONY OF MRS. KATHERINE
REID, TEACHER AT TYLER SCHOOL ,
WASHINGTON, D. C. :
MR. GERBER: Do you remember approxi
mately how many children you had to teach
last year?
MRS. REID: I had 4 1 children, 3 1 colored.
MR. GERBER: And 1 0 white?
MRS. REID : Yes.
MR. GERBER: Mrs. Reid, did you fnd any
disciplinary problem in your class and in your
school, after the schools were integrated, that
you didn't have prior to integration?
MRS. REID: I found it very difcult. White
teachers are not supposed to use corporal
punishment, and I found it very hard to make
the colored children do what I told them. And
one day I was talking to a little colored girl,
and one of the colored boys said, "Miss Reid,
why don't you stop talking to her and bat her
over the head, the way her last teacher did? "
. . . I did fnd them hard to control.
MR. GERBER: Did you have any sex prob
lems in your third and fourth grades in that
elementary school ? . . .
MRS. REID : Well, I had a colored boy
who was very fresh with a little white girl.
And I spoke to the little white girl and told
her to go back to her seat and told the colored
boy to take his seat, and he said, "Don't you
want us to be friends ? " And I said, "Yes, I
want you to be friends, but right now I want
you to work and do your school work, and
this has nothing to do with what you have
been doing. "
.
And then I had a colored boy who exposed
hImself to a white girl. He did it several times.
Finally, in exasperation, I said to the white
girl, "Just don' t look. "
CONGRESSMAN DAVIS: Is that a con
stant thing, then, this sex situation? . . .
MRS. REID: Well, I wouldn't say it was
constant . . . . I had these two incidents which
stand out in my mind. There were plenty of
others in the bathrooms, in the lavatories. I
mean, teachers were" constantly on guard. But
I wouldn't want to use the word "constant. "
CONGRESSMAN DAVIS: Was last year
the frst year those conditions had existed?
MRS. REID : Well, last year was the frst
year I had colored children. I don' t remem
ber any particular ones with white children,
of that particular kind.
MR. GERBER: Did you have any destruc
tion of property there in the school that you
didn't have prior to integration?
MRS. REID : Yes. Books, pencils ; the books
were terrible. I mean, their misuse of books.
MR. GERBER: You mean the students
would steal books ?
MRS. REID: I mean they would bat each
other over the heads with the books.
TESTIMONY OF MR. AR THUR
STOREY, PRINCIPAL OF THE Mc
FARLAND JUNIOR HIGH SCHOOL,
WASHINGTON, D. C. :
MR. GERBER: Mr. Storey, what was the
school population at McFarland last year, do
you recall ?
MR. STOREY: Our maximum enrollment
last year was about 1 , 3 00 a a . . I would esti
mate it is between 60 and 70 per cent
[ colored] . . . .
MR. GERBER: Mr. Storey, can you tell
us about some of the disciplinary problems
you had last year?
Page 197
MR. STOREY: Yes. They would be such
things as stealing, boys feeling girls . . . dis
obedience in the class room, failure to obey
teachers, carrying knives, and that type of
thing.
MR. GERBER: I will ask you if during last
year it was necessary for you to have the police
at the school ?
MR. STOREY: Oh, yes . . . .
CONGRESSMAN WILLIAMS : Did you
fnd it necessary during your entire tenure as
principal to request poJice assistance . . . to
keep order, pnor to . . . integrating the
schools ?
MR. STOREY: No, sir.
CONGRESSMAN WILLIAMS : Could you
tell us from . . . memory how many times in
1 9 5 5 . . . you found it necessary to request
police assistance?
MR. STOREY: . . . I imagine around 5 0
times. (
1
)
The Horror Spreads
he Supreme Court's Mallory Case deci
sion in 1 9 5 7 made matters even worse. Andrew
R. Mallory, a 1 9-year-old-negro, confessed to
raping a woman in the cellar of her apartment
house ( where he caught her while she was do
ing the family washing) . Mallory was tried
and convicted in a Washington District Court.
His conviction was upheld by the Court of
Appeals.
The conviction was reversed by the Supreme
Court in a unanimous opinion written by
Justice Frankfurter, who referred to the con
fessed rapist as a " 1 9-year-old lad. " The Su
preme Court did not suggest that there was any
doubt about Mallory's guilt. There was no
question of police brutality or third-degree
treatment. The Supreme Court caused Mal
lory to be set free and go unpunished for his
crime, merely because the police had ques
tioned him before his formal arraignment. The
decision means that Washington police cannot
question a suspect before he is formally arrested
and arraigned unless the suspect agrees. If he
is arrested, he cannot be questioned at all, with
out his consent. (2)
hen police are prohibited from ques
tioning suspects -particularly in such crimes
as rape, where material evidence of guilt is
often non-existent or extremely difcult to
obtain -police are almost helpless to aford
society adequate protection. Since the Mallory
case decision, hideous incidents have become
commonplace in our nation's capital.
A congressional secretary was stabbed and
robbed by a negro while she knelt to pray in
St. Peter's Catholic Church on Capitol Hill.
The wife of a general was attacked in her bath
tub, by a negro who had broken into her home.
Two negroes broke into an apartment at mid
day and attacked the granddaughter of a
Washington ofcial. A retired minister's wife
was criminally assaulted in her own home.
Mrs. Brooks Hays, wife of a Special Assistant
to the President, was robbed and injured by
a 1 7-year-old negro who forced his way into
her bedroom.
A 79-year-old colored Baptist preacher,
living in retirement in Washington, took a
stroll in his neighborhood one Saturday eve
ning after dinner. Four young negroes robbed
him and beat him to death. The killers got
$ 1 . 29 -which they spent on cakes and soft
drinks immediately after leaving the old man
dying on the street. There were several wit
nesses to the murder, but none ofered the old
man any help, and none would ofer the police
any help in identifying the murderers.
Whether the witnesses were afraid or in
diferent, no one really knows. (3)
These are typical of recent incidents which
came to public attention.
Ln Thanksgiving Day last year, 48 , 000
spectators attended a high school champion
ship football game at District of Columbia
Stadium. The rival teams were from St. John's
Catholic High School ( practically all-white)
and Eastern High School ( practically all-
Page 198
colored) . The huge crowd was approximately
90% negro.
The white team won the game; and thou
sands of negro spectators swarmed through the
stadium, parking lots and surrounding neigh
borhood, clubbing, stabbing, beating, pelting
every white person ( man, woman, or child)
whom they could reach. Police were over
whelmed, unable to maintain order -which
was restored only after the violence had burned
itself out and the white victims had escaped
the area.
Ln March 1 2 , 1 96 3 , a 2 1 -year-old negro
( with a police record of arrests, convictions,
and paroles dating back to 1 9 5 3 ) snatched
the handbag of a young white woman ( a clerk
in the Navy Bureau of Weapons ) who was six
months pregnant. She chased the man for
several blocks, calling for help. No one at
tempted to help in any way -until two
policemen heard her cries and saw the man
she was following. They cornered the negro,
who fought and broke away. One policeman
( a rookie) pulled his gun and ordered the
negro to halt. The negro kept running. The
policeman fred one shot and killed the man.
A District Coroner's Jury found that the
policeman had acted properly in line of duty.
The Metropolitan Washington Citizens' Crime
Commission commended the ofcer for
prompt and courageous . . . assistance to a
victim of a crime. "
But the Washington Chapter of CORE
( Congress of Racial Equality) protested this
incident as evidence of police brutality, " say
ing the policeman had "murdered" the negro.
The Washington branch of the NAACP ( Na
tional Association for the Advancement of
Colored People) and the Urban League also
protested. (4
)
The Showpl ace
Lisenhower and Kennedy said integration
should convert Washington into a model and
showplace, and that has happened. Washington
has become a showplace -as the sick capital
of the American Republic.
In 1 9 5 0, the total population of Washing
ton was 8 0 2 , 1 78 . Of that total, 5 1 8 , 207 were
whites ; 2 8 3 , 97 1 were negroes. In 1 960, the
total population was 763 , 9 5 6. Of that total,
3 43 , 3 0 8 were whites ; 42 0, 648 were negroes.
The white population decreased 1 74, 899. The
negro population increased 1 3 6, 677.
Between 1 9 5 0 and 1 960, the white popula
tion of Washington decreased 3 3 %; the negro
population increased 48% -resulting in a
net population decrease of 5 %, during a ten
year period when most other major American
cities were growing enormously.
As the negroes continue to pour in, the
whites continue to flee ; and the social blight
spreads.
In 1 960, negroes constituted 5 4. 8 % of the
total population of the nation's capital. They
commit 8 4. 6% of all reported crimes.
( 5 )
Major churches in Washington bar their
doors against all visitors who cannot identify
themselves ; and women staf workers are
warned to admit no one on church properties
if there are not enough male staf members
present to ofer the women protection.
(6)
Sex crimes have become so numerous in the
nation's capital that police have instituted an
escort service for women workers going to and
from work at certain times and in certain
sections of the city. Some of the sections where
this escort service is necessary are around
Capitol Hill. Indeed, the Supreme Court has
issued an ofcial bulletin, warning women em
ployees to take full advantage of the police
escort serVIce.
It is impossible for police to guard and pro
tect all the women of Washington, so many
must look to their own protection. Washing
ton stores now sell small tear-gas pens and
pocket-size sirens which women can carry in
their purses. ( In 1 962, the American Embassy
in Leopoldville ordered some of these devices
for the protection of white women in that
Congo city, after two of the embassy women
had been assaulted on the streets ) .
Page 199
A negro arrested for robbing liquor stores
in daylight explained he prefers daytime opera
tions because he is afraid to carry money on
the streets at night.
(6)
Venereal disease is reaching epidemic pro
portions among Washington teenagers. Prac
tically all of those infected are negroes. One
out of every 5 children born in the nation's
capital is illegitimate : 92% of the illegitimates
are negroes. In 1 9 6 1 , Washington's crime rate
was up 4 1 % over the 1 9 5 8 - 1 960 average ; the
national increase for that period was 1 4%. ( 5)
^egroes constitute 8 5 % of the public
school population in Washington. Hence
almost total segregation is again in efect, nine
years after Eisenhower ordered immediate,
compulsory integration as a means of making
the Washington school system a model for the
nation. Schools that were all white are now
all negro. A few predominantly-white schools
remain -in expensive neighborhoods where
high-salaried governmental ofcials and
wealthy persons live. The few white children
who remain in predominantly-negro schools
belong to families who cannot aford to move
or send their children to private schools, or
elsewhere.
Apologists for the situation claim that the
negroes behave as they do, because they have
been mistreated in the South and have never
had a chance ; but the truth is that policies of
the federal government -in the hands of
politicians, both Republican and Democrat,
who degrade the whole nation by bidding for
negro votes -have created the ugly sore in
Washington, D. C. And the sore is rapidly
spreading, through cities all across the land -
with the President of the United States him
self encouraging a lawless minority to insur
rection and civil disturbance which threaten
to become bloody revolution.
NEXT WEEK: More on the racial problem.
FOOTNOTES
( I ) "Congress Hears -How Mixed Schools Are Working In Washington,"
U. S. News & World Report, September 2 8 , 1 9 5 6, DD. 98 - 1 07
( 2) Statement by U. S. Senator William E. Jenner ( Republican, Indiana)
to the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, August 7, 1 9 5 7
( 3 ) Th, EVe/lillg Star, Washington, D. c. , April 1 9 , 1 963
( 4) Remarks of U. S. Representative Wi lliam B. Widnall ( Republican,
New Jersey) , COllgressiollal Record, March 1 8 , 1 963 , DD. 4209- 1 1
( 5 ) "The Blight in the Nation's Capital," U. S. News & \orld Report,
February 1 8. 1 963 , pp. 3 7-9
( 6) "Washington, D. C. -Portrait of a Sick City," by Fletcher Knebel,
Look Magazille. June 4, 1 963
THE DAN SMOOT TELEVISION BROADCASTS ARE PRODUCED ON
FILM. HENCE, WE HAVE 1 6 MM SOUND FILM RECORDINGS COVERING
ALL SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THIS REPORT. THE FILM IS NOW
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* * * * *
WHO I S DAN S MOOT ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial s
p
onsorshi
p
, anywhere in the Uniced Scaces.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 200
M
Ifl SmootRepor'
Vol. 9, No. 26 (Broadcast 41 1 ) July 1 , 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
CI VI L RI GHTS ACT OF Vd
L
n Iebtaaty ., l )6, Ptes|1encKenne1y as|e1 Congtess |ot leg|slac|on |n c|e hel1 o| c|v|l
t|g|cs w||c| woal1.
( I ) provide federal referees to supervise voting in areas where any colored person had brought
suit claiming he had -been denied the right to vote;
(2) require such suits to be given preferential treatment in the federal courts;
( 3) prohibit, in elections involving federal ofces, the application of diferent tests and
standards to diferent voter applicants;
(4) eliminate state literacy qualifcations for voting, by providing that completion of the
sixth grade must be taken as presumption of li teracy;
( 5) expand the authority of the Civil Rights Commission and extend its life beyond No
vember 30, 1 963, when, under present law, i t is due to go out of existence;
(6) give special federal technical and fnancial assistance to school districts in the process of
desegregation. (
1
)
Lne oi c|e oosc |opotcanc powets o| scace govetnoeocs |s c|ac oi secc|ng vocet qaal|h
cac|oos. No sabj ecc was ootec|otoag|ly 1ebace11at|ogc|eCoosc|cac|ooalCooveoc|oooii ''
W|en ao |ll|cetace, s||icless, ptopettyless, | ttespons|ble |n1|v|1aal (oi aoy tace, |asasoac|
vo|ce |n selecc|ng nac|onal talets an1 |n c|ang|ng c|e otgan|c law o| c|e nac|on ( aoen1|og c|e
Consc|cac|on, as ao |n1asct|oas, c|t|iy, pto1acc|ve |n1|v|1aal, w|ac |s co pteveoc c|e 1tegs ao1
1tones oi soc|ecy |too plao1et|ng |at1wot||ng an1 pto1acc|ve c|c|zens ? Pol|c|c|aos can iao
THE DAN SMOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofice Address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18. 0 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APOand FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5 . 50; 100 for $1O.00 -each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 201
bacte1 |o low|ocooegtoaps iot o|11le ao1 ap
pet|ocooe gtoaps, cell|og cbe oasses cbey ate
pootbecaasecbeyateopptesse1,oa||ogcbeobe
l|eve cbac evetyooe wbo bas sooecb|og sooebow
acqa|te1 |cby ev|l oeaos , ptoo|s|og co soa| c|e
well-co1o w|cb caxes iot beoehcs co cbe poot
|o ot1et co te1|sct|bace cbe oac|ooal wealcb ao1
gaataocee cbac evetyooe bas b|s ia|t sbate
Tbe Ioao1|og Iacbets wete awate oi cb|s
1aoget |o 1eooctacy. Tbey ba1 sca1|e1 cbe
tecot1 oi bow |c ba1 1esctoye1 aoc|eoc c|v|l|za
c|oos j asc as aoyooe co1ay cao see bow a
s|o|lat s|caac|oo cteaces povetcy, w||1 1|sot1et,
ao1 cytaooy |o oaoy Lac|o Aoet|cao oac|oos
wbete aosctapaloas pol|c|c|aos go |oco cbesqaac
cets' slaos, bay|og voces w|cb ptoo|ses co pall
1owo cbe b|gb ao1 o|gbcy ao1 co ptov|1e itee
ao1 easy l|v|og iot cbe oasses.
Tbe Ioao1|og Iacbets waoce1 a coosc|cac|ooal
sysceo |o wb|cb all b|gb ao1 low, t|cb ao1
poot, goo1 ao1 ba1, lazy ao1 bat1wot||og,
cbt| icy ao1ptod|gace,wea|ao1 sctoog, e1acace1
ao1 |ll|cetace, scap|1 ao1 |ocell|geocall woal1
beeqaalbeiote cbe law, all eqaally iteeco lea1
cbe|t owo ||o1 oi l|ie, as loog as cbey 1|1 ooc
|oit|oge oo cbe t|gbcs oiocbets , all eojoy|og cbe
saoegaataocees aga|osccytaoo|cal opptess|oo by
cbe|towogovetooeoc. BaccbeIoao1|ogIacbets
ielccbaccbevote wb|cb, |o hoalaoalys|s, |scbe
powet co sec cbe pol|c|es ao1 1|tecc cbe aa|ts
oicbeoac|oosboal1 betesct|cce1cooacate|o
1|v|1aals wbo coal1 ao1etscao1, ao1 bave sooe
vesce1 |ocetesc |o, cbe oecess|cy oi oa|oca|o|og a
coosc|cac|ooal sysceo oi govetooeoc.
Heoce, cbetewas 1eoao1 |ocbeCoosc|cac|ooal
Cooveoc|oooi1 787 cbaccbet|gbccovocebesooe
bowtesct|cce1cotespoos|blec|c|zeos. Tbetewete
ptoposalscbaccbeie1etalgovetooeocbeass|goe1
cbe tole oi escabl|sb|og vocet qaal|hcac|oos
cbtoagboac cbe ao|oo. All sacb ptoposals wete
base1 oo cbe ieat cbac |o1|v|1aal scaces o|gbc
gtaoc cbe voc|og t|gbc co people ooc qaa|lhe1
co exetc|se |c.
Tbeptoposalswete1eieace1,bowevet,becaase
oi a gteacet ieat cbac petva1e1 cbe cb|o||og oi
cbe Ioao1|og Iacbets . ieat oicteac|oga ie1etal
govetooeoc so sctoog cbac |c coal1 1esctoy scace
govetooeocs ao1 el|o|oace Go1g|veo t|gbcs oi
|o1|v|1aals. A1o|cc|og cbe need for voter qaal|
hcac|oos wb|cb woal1 |eep cbe powet oi cbe
balloc oac o| cbe bao1s oi | ttespoos|ble people,
cbeIoao1|ogIacbetsielccbaccbetewasagteacet
oee1 co leave cb|s bas|c acct|bace oi sovete|gocy
|o cbe |o1|v|1aal scaces. Tbey tej ecce1 all pto
posals iot
gewb|cb
|s saooat|ze1 ao1 1|scasse1 above. It 1S a ba1ly
coopose1, bast|lywt|tteo, |llatease 1oca
t
tepletew|tb|oaccatatestateoeots , coott
.
a1tctioos,
tepet|t|oos, n|osy atgaoeots , 1eoagog:c appeals
totbeeoot|oos oibate, ieat, ao1 sbaoe
Wby tbe baste ? :ooe ieel tbat tbe Ptes|1ent,
attet playiog a oajot tole io stittiog race feel
|og to tbe 1aoget po|ot, cyo|cally ase1 tbe 1an-
Page 205
get as a ptetext iot t|tow|ng Congtess a c|v|l
t|g|ts b|ll w||c| |e |new Congtess woal1 not
passbat w||c| woal1 oonopol|ze t|e atten
t|on oi Congtess an1 t|as g|ve t|e Ptes|1ent an
excase iot t|e ia|late oi ||s leg|slat|ve ptogtao
|n l )6).Oi. B|llsl|ste1byCongressional Quar
terly as oajot leg|sla:|on, Congtess, by )ane . l ,
|a1passe1only ) . extens|onoit|e1taitlaw, ex
tens|on oi t|e eoetgency iee1 gta|ns b|ll , an1
ta|s|ng o|t|enat|onal 1ebt l|o|t. T|e lattet :wo
oajot b|lls passe1 |n t|e Hoase by vety close
votes, an1 only a|:et ex:teoe ptessates |a1 been
exette1byt|ea1o|n|s:ta:|on.
Anot|et t|eoty |st|atKenne1y sptoposaloi
t|ec|v|lt|g|ts leg|slat|on |n o|1)ane, l )6), was
patt oi a calcalate1 eott to |eep t|e pab||c so
pteoccap|e1 w|t| a 1angetoas 1ooest|c |ssae :|a:
|twoal1pay l|ttlea:tent|on to iote|gn pol|cy 1e
c|s|ons w||c| o|g|:, o:|etw|se, caase a stoto oi
ptotest.
In eat|y l )6z, Ptes|1en: Kenne1y an1 ||s :ec
tetaty oi Deiense oa1e pabl|c s:a:eoents :o t|e
eect t|at t|e Aoet|can ootatot|ao on nacleat
test|ng ( itoo l )s t|toag| )6 , |a1 leit as
be||n1 :|e :ov|e:s |n weapons tesea:c| an1 1e
velopoent T|ePtes|1en:sa|1:|a:oacleattes:
|ngwasessent|altoteseatc|,v|tal:ooat1e|enses,
an1 t|at seli|ntetes:woal1 coope| as to tesaoe
an1 con:|nae nacleat test|ng ant||, ot anless, we
coal1 nego:|ate w|t| t|e :ov|ets a saie, gaatan
tee1 test ban, b|n1|ngon bot| s|1es. T|toag|oat
l )6. an1 t|ehtst |al| oi l )6), Kenne1yoc|als
engage1 t|e :ov|ets |n |ta|tless nego:|at|ons iot
atestbantteaty An1t|en,on)ane l O, l )6), t|e
Ptes|1ent annoance1 :|a: |e |a1 ot1ete1 a |alt
toAoet|cannacleat:es:s|n:|ea:mosp|ete.w|t|
oa:anyagteeoentotcooo|toent atallttoot|e
:ovlets.
T||s annoanceoent|nvolvlnga l|ieot1eat|
oat:et iot t|e nat|onoa1e l|ttle |optess|on
on t|e pabl|c. t|eoe1|a oioass coooan|cat|on
wete pteocc+p|e1 w|:| news aboat t|e tac|al
ct.s.s
benne1ycoal1not|avebeenelecte1|n l )6c
w|:|oat t|enegtovote, w||c| was ptoo|se1 an1
1el|vete1 by lea1ets oi tac|al ag|tat|on otganlza
t|ons T|e Ptes|1ent now |nows t|at |e |as no
c|anceoite-elect|onw|t|oatt|esappottoit|ese
saoeag|:a:ots. Hence,aplaas|bleexplanatloniot
:|ePtes|1en:ssa11en1ec|s|on|no|1-)ane:o1e
oan1 a c|v|l t|g|ts b|ll |s t|at negto lea1ets v|t
taally ot1ete1 ||o to 1o so
No:e A1ao Clayton Powell' s boast t|at |e
wto:e oaj ot pott|ons oi Kenne1ys )ane l) c|vll
t|g|:s oessage :pea||ng |n Long Beac|, Cal|
iotn|a,on)aoe z l , l )(), Powell sa| 1.
"The President had no intention of including
many of the points that he did in his message.
I rewrote half of his speech for him the night
before it was delivered before Congress."( S)
InalloiAoet|can||s:oty, l:woal1be|at1to
hn1 any:||ng oote s|aoeial t|an t||s A1ao
C|ayton Powe|l |as been assoc|a:e1 w|t| oany
coooan|st itontotgan|zat|ons , |e |asbeenct|o
|na|ly |n1|cte1 iot |ncooe tax itaa1s , ||s toats
oi |ote|gn n|g|tclabs w|:| ||s sectetatles, at
:axpayets expense, |ave scan1al|ze1 t|e nat|on,
an1||s|atte1 iott|ew||teoan|asbeenopenly
exptesse1an1btoa1castto t|enat|on T||s ls t|e
oanw|osays|etol1Kenne1yw|attopat|n||s
c|v|l t|g|:soessage oi)ane l ), l )6).
J|e Congtess oi Raclal qaal|ty (CORj
an1 :|e Na:|onal Assoc|at|on iot t|e A1vance
oent ot Colored Ieople (NAACP
)
a:e both
|eav||y |nhl:ta:e1, at t|e top, w|t| coooan|st
Page 206
itoncets.( 7 ) D|teccotaces oi c|e cwo otgan|zac|ons
ate |ncetloc|e1 ( oc|als oi one otgan|zac|on be
|ng oc|als |n c|e oc|et , , an1 c|ey ate |ncet
loc|e1w|c|c|e1|teccotaceoic|eNac|onalLtban
Ieagae an1 w|c| c|e 1|teccotace oi c|e :oac|etn
C|t|sc|an Iea1ets||p Conietence:|e ag|cac|on
gtoap oi matc|n Iac|et K|ng, w|o also |as a
tecot1 oi ptocoooan|sc acc|v|c|es T|e :ca1enc
NonV|olenc Coot1|nac|ng Cooo|ccee |s anoc|et
otgan|zac|on o|l|cancly acc|ve |n tac|al ag|cac|on.
T|ese oacncs ( |n1|teccly |ncetloc|e1 w|c| c|e
Coanc|l on Iote|gn Relac|ons, |ave leatne1 c|ac
tac|al ag|cac|on |s a ptoncable acc|v|cy. Appeal|ng
iot ian1s co sappotc c|e|t sctagg|e iot tac|al
eqaal|cy, c|eyta|se|agesaosoiooney. Hence,
c|ey |ave 1evelope1 an |ncense |nctaiao|ly t|
valtyeac| one cty|ng co 1eoonsctace, by o|l|
canc acc|v|cy, c|ac |c |s oote eecc|ve an1 oote
1esetv|ng oi nnanc|al sappotc c|an oc|ets.
A1ao Claycon Powell appeats co be sct|v|ng
iot c|e tole oi ovetall lea1et an1 spo|esoan,
an1 |c |s Powell w|o |s bt|ng|ng c|e pol|cies of
all c|e negto tac|al ag|cac|on gtoaps |nco l|ne
w|c|c|epo||c|esoic|eblac|oasl|osagtoap
w||c| a1vocaces blac| sapteoacy an1 v|olence
aga|nsc w||:es.( 8)
)o|n I. Kenne1y, cacet|ng co c||s ctow1, | s
sow|ng c|e see1s oi |ace an1 v|olence. c|e na
c|on w|ll teap a bloo1y |atvesc.
1c |sobv|oas c|acPtes|1encKenne1y's)ane i )
c|v|l t|g|cs ptoposal was an acc oi |owcow|ng co
ta1|cal negto lea1ets, bac ascace obsetvets c||n|
c|ete was a 1eepet ooc|ve be||n1 c|e ptoposal .
Ptes|1enc Kenne1y, an1et c|e ptecexc oi pte
pat|ng c|e nac|on iot c|v|l 1eiense |n c|oe oi
eoetgency, |as altea1y, by execac|ve ot1ets, es
cabl|s|e1 a planiotcocal 1|ccacots||p. T|etac|al
ct|s|s coal1becooec|e necessaty eoetgency.
Aicet a set|es oipabl|cscaceoencs w||c| wete
THE DAN SMOOT TELEVISION BROADCASTS ARE PRODUCED ON
FILM. HENCE, WE HAVE 1 6 MM SOUND FILM RECORDINGS COVERING
ALL SUBJECTS DISCUSSED IN THIS REPORT. THE FILM IS NOW
AVAILABLE TO THE PUBLIC. WRITE FOR FREE FILM CATALOGUE.
* * * * *
WH O I S D A N S M O O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he j oined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and j oined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hover on FB'I headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smot spoke to a national audience, giving both sies of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a f
ee
enterpris operation fnanced entirely by profts from sal es : sales of The Ian Smoot . eport, a weekl
x
.
magaz
ne;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radIO and teleVISIOn as an advertlsmg vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast gives only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting soialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Repo1't and broadcasts.
Page 207
boan1 to encoatage oob act|on an1 v|olence on
t|e patt oinegto gtoaps, t|e Ptes|1ent sa11enly
ptopose1 a c|v|l t|g|ts ptogtao w||c| Congtess
(| i |t |as any tegat1 at all iot t|e Repabl|c,
cannot pass , an1 t|en t|e Ptes|1ent, |n eect
(not 1|tectly, bat |n an obl|qae way, , tol1 t|e
negto ag|tatots not to engage |n any oote v|o
lenceunless Congtess ia|lstopasst|e c|v|l t|g|ts
leg|slat|on.
Coal1 t|ete bea oote eect|ve oeans oi ian
n|ng w|at Kenne1y ||oseli ca||s t|e htes oi
itasttat|on |nto atag|ng|nietno?
What To Do
Aoet|cans w|ovalael|betty|owevet t|ey
oayieelaboatt|etac|alptobleos|oal1 storm
t|e Congtess w|t| 1eoan1s t|at t|e Ptes|1ents
C|v|l R|g|tsAct oi i )6) betej ecte1, m ent|tety.
T||sB|ll must be1eieate1.
NIXTWIIK. moteont|etac|al ptobleo.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Text of President Kennedy' s Civil Rights Message, AP dispatch from
Washington, The Dallas TimfJ Hera/d, June 19, 1963. pp, 234 B
( 2) "Debates i n the Federal Convention of 1787 as Reported by James Madi
son, " Documents 1II1atrative 01 The Formatioll 01 The Unioll 01 The
Americall Statn, published as House Document No, 398. 69th Congr .. s,
Government Printing Office, 1 927
( 3) "Civi lRights Report on Schools , , , Voting , , , Housing." U, S.
News & World Report, September 2 1 , 1959, p. 123
( 4) President Kennedy's June 1 0 address On World Peace, " Con8rnsional
Quarterly Weekly Report, June 1 4, 1963, pp. 9768
( 5 ) The Test Ban: An American Strategy of G'ddudl Sell-Mutildtiol, by
Stefan T. Possony, COn8reJIiolla/ Record, March 2 1 . 1963. pp. 435870
(6) "Credit For Rights Message Rewrite Claimed By Powel l . " UPI dispatch
from Long Beach. California. The Dallds TimfJ Herd/d, June 23. 1963,
p. 1 7A
( 7) "Activities i n t he Southern States, " speech by U. S. Senator James O.
Eastland (Democrat, Mississippi ) . containing official records from the
House Committee on Un-Ame.ican Activities, and Senate Internal Security
Subcommittee. CongrfJIional Record, May 25. 1961 . pp. 834963
(8) Activities of "The N"tion of lS/dm" or the Mus/im C"lt of Islam, ill
LOllisiana, Report No. 3. The Joint Legislative Committee on UnAmerican
Activities, State of Louisiana, JaA-ary 9, 1963
(9) See this Report, "Planned Dictatorship. " June 3. 1963. for a complete
discussion of the Executive Orders issued by President Kennedy.
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Page 208
NAME (Please Print)
STREET ADDRESS
CITY ZONE STATE
( Add 2% Sales Tax in Texas )
.
M
Ifi Smoot leport
Vol. 9, No. 27 (Broadcast 41 2) July 8, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
THE AMERI CAN TRAGEDY
Tbe past is prologue; and,
tnless we know tbe prologue,
we cannot understand the
drama unfolding before us.
DAN SMOOT
1n janaaty, l s6l , Ietnan1o Woo1, Mayot oiNew Yot| C|ty, ptopose1 to t|eCoooon Coan
c|l t|at long Islan1, :taten Islan1, an1 Man|attansece1eitoot|eAoet|canLn|onan1establ|s|
t|eoselvesasa iteec|tytobenaoe1Tt|Insala. T|e Coanc|l apptove1, ' ' ' bat t||s atteopt at
nott|etn secess|on was nevet cooplete1. On Apt|l l ., l s6l , soat|etn gans opene1 hte on
Iott:aotet, a ie1etal o|l|taty post |n t|e |atbot at C|atleston, :oat| Catol|na, |n|t|at|ng open
|ost|l|t|esw||c|caoeto be|nownast|eAoet|can C|v|l Wat
Nott|etn secess|on|sts j o|ne1 w|t| nott|etn abol|t|on|sts to pat 1own t|e eott at soat|etn
secess|on At utst, t|ete wete gay ent|as|aso an1 teasonable an|ty |n t|e Nott|. In popalat|on,
t|e Nott|oatnaobete1 t|e :oat| oote t|an t|teetoone, an1 s||ploa1s oi atopean|oo|gtants
wete poat|ng |nto t|e Pott oi New Yot| aloost 1a|ly. In natatal tesoatces an1 |n |n1astt|es to
pto1ace |opleoents oi wat, t|e Nott| was |ni|n|tely sttonget t|an t|e :oat|. T|e wat aga|nst
soat|etn secess|on|sts loo|e1 l||e not||ng oote t|an a colotial saooet caopa|gn. Volanteets
itoo nott|etn states qa|c|ly tespon1e1 to Ptes|1ent l|ncoln s htst call to atos.
at by t|e saooet oi l s6, t|ete was a genetal ieel|ng oi 1espa|t |n t|e Nott|, patt|calatly
|n New Yot| C|ty w||c|, |tseli, |a1 cons|1ete1 secess|on t|tee oont|s beiote Iott :aotet.
Nott|etn ato|es, t|oag| bettet ie1 an1 bettet eqa|ppe1 an1 vastly sapet|ot |n naobets, |ac
not been 1o|ng we|l. Genetal McC|ellans gteatAtoyoit|ePotooac, 1epatt|ngitootbeIitst
attle oi a|l Ran |n|aste an1 1|sot1et, |a1 set w|at seeoe1 to be a pattetn. ven nott| oi
t|e MasonD|xon l|ne, McClellan |a1 not 1one well. l|ncoln teplace1 McClellan w|t| atn
s|1e, bat, t|e nextoont|, Genetal atns|1e lost t|e battle oi Ite1et|c|sbatg. atns|1e was te
THE DAN SMOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas 14, Texas, Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( Ofice Address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18. 00 for two years. For frst
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 209
place1 by I|gbc|og )oe Hoo|et, bac Geoetal
I|gbc|og)oeptoopclylosccbebaccleoiCbaocel
lotsv|lle
Gtaoc |a1 woo s|goal v|ccot|es |o c|e Wesc,
ao1 Lee ba1 speoc b|oseli ac Geccysbatg, bac
cbe lascte oi c|ese eveocs was ooc bt|gbc eooagb
co obscate a w|1esptea1 ieel|og oi tebell|oo ao1
1es|te iot secess|oo cbac sc|ll pteva|le1 | o cbe
Notcb Notcbetovolaoceetsooloogettespoo1e1
|o sac|eoc oaobets co L|ocolos tepeace1 call
iotootesol1|ets. Tbeoac|ooalCoogtessba1eo
acce1a DtaicLaw, exeopc|ogitooo|l|catysetv
|ce |o c|e Lo|oo Ato|es evety oao wbo coal1
pay tcc iot petsooal exeopc|oo Tb|s la|1 ao
espec|ally beavy bat1eo oo cbe pootoeooic|e
Notc|patc|calatly oo cbe cboasao1s oi oewly
att|v|og |oo|gtaocs, oaoy oi w|oo wete coo
sct|pce1 ao1 seoc soacb co ugbc aloosc as sooo as
cbey att|ve1 itoo atope.
1oo|1)aly,l s6, c|epeopleoiNewYot|gave
bloo1y exptess|oo co cbe|t teseocoeoc oi wbac
cbey tegat1e1 as a t|c| oao s wat ao1 a poot
oao s hgbc Io hve 1ays oi t|oc|og, c|e poot
peopleoiNewYot|C|cyteveale1cbe|tacc|ca1e
cowat1be|og iotce1 co hgbc iot itee1oo oic|e
oegto, w||le oaoy w|o cla|oe1 zeal iot cbac
caase wete bay|og c|e|t exeopc|oo itooo|l|caty
setv|ce ao1 scay|og ac booe co gtow t|c| |o a
watsc|oalace1 ecooooy. Hete |s ao accoaoc oi
c|eNew Yot| tace t|ocs, ca|eo itooLloy1Paal
:cty|et' s b|ogtapby oi Ao1tew )obosoo.
"In fact, fnally on that Monday morning
[ July 1 3, 1 863 ] , the poor people of the city
took arms against their 'sea of troubles,' and used
them somewhat efectively throughout fve days
and nights. When they had fnished their work,
the limp forms of nearly one thousand negroes
were found hanging to the lamp posts or were
left crumpled in beaten heaps upon the side
walks. More than ffty buildings were burned
and sacked. The police, as always, battled brave
ly, but they were too few, and it was not until
ten thousand troops marched into town that
order was restored e e . . "(
2)
Tb|s cett|ble ep|so1e |o Aoet|cao b|scoty bas
beeotac|etwellbat|e1byb|scot|aos veoaccbe
c|oe,|cwascteace1aso|ootoewsbycbeootc|eto
ptess, |o coopat|soo w|c| cbe scteao|og 1eoao-
c|ac|oobyc|eptessoisoac|etobatbat|sow|eo
Cooie1etaceGeoetal Nacbao Be1iot1 Iottesc ac
cac|e1IotcP|llowao1,|ocbeptocessoite1ac|og
c|ac Iotc, |.lle1 .ccoegtoctoopswbo ba1 beeo
|o1acce1 |o:o cbe Lo|oo Atoy.
Vtes|1eocL|ocolowas1|scatbe1bycbebloo1y
NewYot| t|ocs oi o|1)aly, l s6, pt|oat|ly be
caase cbey teveale1 a o|sao1etscao1| og oi ||s
patpose | o cbe wat. T|oe ao1 aga|o, L|ocolo
ba1expla|oe1c|acc|eNotc|wasoochg|c|ogiot
itee1oooicbe oegto, bac was hg|c|og solely co
ptesetve cbe Lo|oo L|ocolo |a1 sa|1 tepeace1ly
c|ac|i|ecoal1 oa|oca|ocbeLo|oobyptesetv|og
c|e |osc|cac|oo oi slavety, be woal1 1o so, |i |e
coal1oa|oca|oc|eLo|oobyitee|ogsooeoegtoes
wb|le leav|og sooe |o slavety, |e woal1 1o so,
ot | ibe coal1oa|oca|oc|eLo|oo by itee|og all
slaves, be woal1 1o so L|ocolo expla|oe1 b|s
oaoc|pac|oo Ptoclaoac|oo as a o|l|caty oeces
s|cy iot cbe Notc|, ooc as patc oi a ctasa1e co
itee c|e slaves.
Io a pol|c|cal speecb ac C|atlescoo, Ill|oo|s,oo
:eoceobet ls, l ss, L|ocolo |a1 exptesse1 b|o
seliooc|eoegtoqaesc|oo He|a1tepeace1cbe
saoe v|ews ac Qa|ocy, Ill|oo|s, oo Occobet l ,
l ss, 1at|og c|e L|ocoloDoaglas 1ebaces| o
c|esewot1s.
"I have no purpose to introduce political and
social equality between the white and black races.
There is a physical diference between the two,
which, in my j udgment, will probably forever
forbid their living together on the footing of
perfect equality . . . . but I hold that, notwith
standing all this, there is no reason in the world
why the negro is not entitled to all the natural
rights enumerated in the Declaration of Inde
pendence - the right to life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness."
AicetbebecaoePtes|1eoc, ao1cbtoagboacc|e
war, Lincoln repeated thi s view the racial
qaesc|oo | oc|eLo|ce1 :caces.
Page 210
Yec,notc|etnabol|c|on|scs (appatenclycty|ngco
iotgec t|ac |c was notc|etn oen w|o|a1boag|c
blac| oen |n Ait|ca, an1 sol1 c|eo |nco slavety
|n c|e Wescetn Heo|sp|ete, ianne1 c|e naoes
o| |acte1 |ot soac|etn w||ces anc|l no peace|al
otsens|blesolac|onoic|eslaveptobleowaspos
s|ble beiote c|e wat, an1 no teasonable solac|on
oic|e tac|al ptobleowas poss|bleafter c|e wat.
Ac c|e close oi c|e C|v|l Wat, accot1|ng co
Catl :an1batg, ioteoosc b|ogtap|et o| l|ncoln.
"Lincoln had his choice of going with those
who, to win a complete and abstract justice for
the Negro, would not hesitate about making
the South a vast graveyard of slaughtered whites,
with Negro State governments established and
upheld by Northern white bayonets."( )
C|atles :aonet (Repabl|can :enacot |too
massac|aseccs , , Ben Wa1e (Repabl|can :enacot
itoo O||o, an1 T|a11eas :cevens (Repabl|can
Reptesencac|ve |tooPennsylvan|a, wetecongtes
s|onallea1etsw|o |a1 oa1e |acte1 o|c|esoac|-
etn w||ces a batn|ng pol|c|cal pass|on an1 w|o
wete 1eceto|ne1 co escabl|s| |casaga|1|ng l|g|c
oi nac|onal pol|cy.
l|ncoln tej ecce1 c|e|tcoanselo||ace an1, ac-
cot1|ng co Catl :an1batg, so 1|1 c|e cwo iote
oosc notc|etn Genetals, Gtanc an1 :|etoan.
"The supreme devastators, Grant and Sherman,
were not politically joined to those, like Sumner,
demanding a justice which would consist of
Southern Negro state governments made and up
held by Northern white bayonets. The caldron
of war hate still boiled . . . . The passions of
Sumner and Wade had become a habit. They
rose to passion chiefy on the race question. As
born haters, they had difculty adjusting them
selves to the ways of Lincoln . . . . [ whose counsel
about placing blame for slavery and the Civil
War onsisted of ] the repeated and mournful
'Judge not, that ye be not judged.'
|e Conie1etacy 1|e1 an1 c|e C|v|l Wat
ended when Lee surrendered to Grant at Appo
oaccoxonAot|l), i -6. l|ncolnwasassass|nace1
1ayslacet An1tew)o|nson,l|ncolnssaccessot,
ct|e1 |a|c|ially co catty oac l|ncoln s pol|c|es oi
teconc|l|ac|on an1 teconsctacc|on w|c|oac oal|ce,
bac,lac||ngc|eptesc|gew||c|Ptes|1ency1at|ng
wat |a1 g|ven I|ncoln, an1 be|ng a soacuetnet,
)o|nson ||oseli becaoe a pt|oaty catgec o| c|e
abol|c|on|sc |acets , an1|acte1o|soac|etnw||ces
1|1, |n1ee1, becooe a ga|1|ng l|g|c oi nac|onal
pol|cy iot oote c|an cen yeats.
Hete ate passages |too lloy1 Paal :cty|et' s
b|ogtap|y o| Ptes|1enc )o|nson.
"In Memphis, during April [ 1 866 ] , the third
United States colored artillery were quartered.
Their mere presence was provocative enough,
but when presently their lack of discipline re
vealed itself in acts of open insolence, the col
lisions against which Grant had warned were
sure to follow. The police of Memphis . . . were
Irish. The jostling of Irish policemen never has
been deemed an act of prudence, yet on the
afternoon of April 30th this extra hazardous
pastime was engaged in by the black artillery
men. Trouble disproportionate to this origin
was not slow in following. It followed on the
next day when the municipal ofcers of the law,
with the ready aid of white civilians, made an
attack upon the entire negro population of the
city. This retaliation resulted in a riot that
lasted for two days. When it was over, forty
six negroes had been killed and more were in
j ured . . . . The echoes of this trouble were not
slow in reaching Washington, from which
sounding-board they reverberated through the
land. A golden opportunity was here ofered for
the enemies of the South to proclaim her 'un
regeneracy' . . . .
"The material for defamation furnished by
the Memphis riot, however, was as nothing com
pared to what transpired at New Orleans on
July 30th [ 1 866] . . . . [ when] a procession of
negroes, partly armed, marched through the
streets of New Orleans. There was some hoot
ing and jeering from the sidewalks, when sud
denly a shot rang out; it had been fred by one
of the colored paraders. Other shots soon fol
lowed, and the crowd then chased the marchers
. . . . The police appeared presently on the scene.
All the materials for a riot were now present,
and a very shocking one ensued . . . . Before it
was over nearly two hundred persons had been
Page 211
killed or injured, most of whom were negroes.
Soldiers did not reach the scene until the trouble
was all over.
"Without a shred of proof to substantiate the
charge, the Radicals proclaimed that the riot
was the result of the President's delinquency,
and heralded this accusation in every form of
utterance. His [ Johnson's ] exculpation was in
the power of Stanton [ Secretary of War ] , but
Stanton held his peace, except to exclaim against
the Attorney-General of Louisiana and the
Mayor of New Orleans as 'pardoned rebels who
had instigated the murder of the people in the
streets of the city.' The Congressional Commit
tee appointed by Congress would hear nothing
from the President, and presently fled their
re
p
ort charging him as an accomplice in the
cnme . . . .
"No one seems to have mentioned that the com
bined deaths in Memphis and in New Orleans
numbered less than half the negroes who were
murdered in the draft riots of New York three
years before! Such facts would not well have har
monized with the Radical contention that it was
only in the South that the race problem gave
rise to turbulence! " `
Bac c|ectac|wastecot1e1qa|ecly |nc|e 1|aty
o| G|1eon Wel|es, w|o |a1 setve1 c|toag|oac
L|ncolns ceto o|o|ce as :ectecaty o| c|eNavy
an1was sc|ll setv|ng |nc|accapac|cyan1et )o|n
son,w|enc|etacet|ocsoccatte1|nNew Ot|eans
on )aly )u, l -66. G|1eon Wel|es sa|1.
"There is little doubt that the New Orleans
riots had their origin with the Radical Members
of Congress in Washington. It is part of a de
liberate conspiracy and was to be the commence
ment of a series of bloody afrays through the
States lately in rebellion . . . . There is a deter
mination to involve the country in civil war, if
necessary, to secure negro sufrage in the States
and Radical ascendancy in the General Govern
ment." ( 4)
The National Sin
Aseatlyas i -, tespons|oleoent|e oen
w|o wtoce oat Consc|cac|on|new c|ac slavety
was ev|| an1 1oooe1 co 1| e, bac |c |a1 becooe
so woven |nco c|e |abt|c o| Aoet|can l||e c|ac
c|oewasnee1e1co teoove |c. Ic coal1 |avebeen
teoove1w|c|oacc|eseao|b|oo1c|acwaspoate1
oac1at|ngan1|ollow|ngc|e C|v|l Wat Iea1ets
|n c|e Notc| (aoong c|eo, Abta|ao I|ncoln,
an1|nc|e:oac| (aoongc|eo, ownets o|slaves,
wete gtop|ngcowat1a oeans o| sen1|ng negtoes
bac| coA|t|caan1o|a|1|ng c|eo c|ete co 1evel
opc|e|town|n1epen1encnac|onan1colea1c|e|t
own way o| l||e. Bac c|e |nsensace |acte1 o|
notc|etn abol|c|on|scs |ot soac|etn w||ces pto
vo|e1 a 1e|ens|ve, eqaally senseless teacc|on on
c|e patc o| sooe soac|etn lea1ets w|o ct|e1 co
1e|en1 slavety as a noble |nsc|cac|on.
T|eNotc| 1|1 nocgocowatco |teec|es|aves,
an1 c|e :oac| 1|1 noc ug|c co ptesetve slavety.
T|e oc|al patpose o| c|e notc|etn govetnoenc
wasco ptesetve c|e Aoet|canLn|on. T|e o|c|al
patposeo|c|esoac|etngovetnoencwascoescab
l|s| c|e t|g|c o| c|e :oac| co be le|c alone, co
|ea1|csownl ||e|n|csownway.Bac|cwas|acte1,
|anne1 co w||ce|eac, boc| Notc| an1 :oac|,
c|acoa1eposs|blec|e aw|al |n|etnoo|:|eC|v|l
Wat.
Notc|etn s|avecta1ets btoag|c negtoes co c|e
Ln|ce1 :caces aga|nsc c|e|t w|ll, c|e onlytace o|
peopleevet|otce1co cooe|ete :oac|etn p|an
cac|on ownets boag|cc|enegtoes an1 ase1 c|eo
as slaves oac|etnets wete noc above engag|ng
|nc|es|avecta1e,an1notc|etnetswete nocabove
own|ng an1 wot||ng slaves T|e econoo|cs o|
c|e c|oe ass|gne1 c|e Notc| an1 :oac| c|e|t te
specc|ve toles
:lavety was, |n s|otc, a national s|n Bac |n
scea1o|gtow|ngoaa1l|naboacoatgteacnac|on
al s|n, we oag|c co loo| ac |c |n ptopet petspec
c|ve.
Pegtoes, w|oo New nglan1 an1 Btic|s|
slave traders brought to the new world, were not
ac|v|l|ze1peop|ecapcate1an1sol1|ncobon1age.
Page 212
T|ey wete batbat|ans, oost oi w|oo |a1 been
slaves |n Ait|ca, sol1 to w||te slave tta1ets by
ot|et negtoes T|e|t bon1age to t|e w||te oan
|nAoet|cawas,p|ys|callyspea||nganactaal |o
ptoveoent apon t|e l| ie t|ey |a1 en1ate1 |n
Ait|ca.
T|eslavessetiteebyt|eAoet|can C|v|l Wat
weteoia tacew||c| |a1 nevet 1evelope1 a c|v|
l|zat|on oi |ts own. T|ese negtoes |a1 no tac|al
pt|1e ot tac|al tta1|t|ons oi seligovetnoent.
T|e|t iotebeats |a1 nevet |nown anyt||ng bat
slavety, e|t|et |n t|e Westetn Heo|sp|ete ot |n
t|e|tAit|can|ooelan1.
T|ese wete t|e people, |ll|tetate an1 ptopetty
les
nt to J. Edgar Hoov
r on FB'I headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases 10 vanous parts of the natton.
In 1951 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smot spoke to a national audience, giving both sies of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a f
ee
enterpris operation fnanced entirely by profts from sal es : sales of The Ian Smoot
.
eport, a weekl
.
Y
.
magaz
ne;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radlO and te1evlsl
n as an ad
erttslOg veht
le.
The Report and the broadcast gives only one side in presenting documented truth about tmportant Issues -the SIde
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting soialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 215
t|vely developed tbat commau|sts aloue coald
uot bave doue set|oas batm.
Tbe tace ptoblem d|d uot become a majot
Amet|cau ttagedy aut|l tbe Democtat Patty, au
det tbe leadetsb|p oi Roosevelt aud Ttamau, iot
pol|t|cal teasous, adopted a ptogtam oi tac|al ag|
tat|ou. Tbe ptoblem d|d uot become a majot ua
t|oual d|sastet ttausiotm|ug peaceial commau|
t|es |uto caldtous oi v|oleuce aut|l modetu
Repabl|caus, audet tbe leadetsb|p oi I|seubowet
aud N|xou. laaucbed au all-oat pol|t|cal sttaggle
to w|u otgau|zed uegto sappott away itom tbe
Democtats.
Jbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou, |u |ts seatcb iot
pol|t|cal sappott, bas cyu|cally ptodded aud ma
u|palated tbe del|cate tac|al ptoblem aut|l, to
day, |t |s eut|tely couce|vable tbat places l ||e New
Yot| C|ty coald be ou tbe vetge oi a bott|ble
expet|euce compatable to tbat oi m|d]aly, l s6.
NIXT WIIK Mote ou tb|s ptoblem.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Abraham Lincoln, by John T. Morse, Jr. , American Statesmen
Series, 1893; and The Elcyclopaedia Brilclllica, 1 1 th Edition,
1 910, Volume 1 9, p. 623
( 2 ) Andrew /ohl!ol, A Siudy ill COl/rage, by Lloyd Paul Stryker,
The Macmtl lan Company, 1 929, pp. 1 26- 7; pp. 3 1 6- 19
( 3 ) Abraham Lincoln: The Jar Year!, by Carl Sandburg, Harcourt,
Brace & Company, 1936, Volume IV, p. 2 1 7 ; p. 2 1 8
( 4) Diary of Gideon WelleJ, edited by Howard K. Beale, W. W.
Norton & Company, 1960, Volume I I , pp. 569-70
( 5 ) The Census of 1 860 listed 1 1 4,995 slaves i n northern states:
HiJtorical StaliJticJ of the United SlateJ: Colollial TimeJ to
1 957, Bureau of the Census, 1960, pp. 1 1 - 1 2
( 6) The Encyclopaedia B" itanlica, 14th Edition, 1 932, Volume 1 1,
pp. 82- 3
( 7 ) The Encyclopedia Am
M
I(I Smoot
leport
Vol. 9, No. 28 (Broadcast 41 3) July 1 5, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
MORE EQUAL THAN EQUAL
1ete |s tbe c|vil t|gbts platiotm auuoauced by tbe commau|st patty |u 1928, wbeu com
mau|sts iotmally laaucbed tbe|t ptogtam to cteate soc|al d|sotdet |u tbe Uu|ted States by ag|
tat|ug tbe tac|al s|taat|ou.
"1 . Abolition of the whole system of race discrimination. Full racial, political, and social
equality for the Negro race.
"2. Abolition of all laws which result in segregation of Negroes. Abolition of all Jim Crow laws.
The law shall forbid all discrimination against Negroes in selling or renting houses.
"3. Abolition of all laws which disfranchise the Negroes.
"4. Abolition of laws forbidding intermarriage of persons of diferent races.
"5. Abolition of all laws and public administration measures which prohibit, or in practice
prevent, Negro children or youth from attending general public schools or universities.
"6. Full and equal admittance of Negroes to all railway station waiting rooms, restaurants,
hotels, and theatres.
"7. Federal law against lynching and the protection of the Negro masses in their right of self
defense.
.
"8. Ab
?
lition of discriminatory practices in courts against Negroes. No discrimination in
J ury serVIce.
"9. Abolition of the convict lease system and of the chain-gang.
"1 0. Abolition of all Jim Crow distinction in the army, navy, and civil service.
"1 1 . Immediate removal of all restrictions in all trade unions against the membership of Negro
workers.
"1 2. Equal opportunity for employment, wages, hours, and working conditions for Negro and
white workers. Equal pay for equal work for Negro and white workers."( l )
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas, 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $1 0.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $1 2. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 217
1u 1 946, Ptes|deut Ttamau cteated a Ptes|
deut's Comm|ttee ou C|v|l R|gbts. Iu Octobet,
1947, tb|s Comm|ttee pabl|sbed a tepott, tecom
meud|ug fedetal leg|slat|ou to oatlaw all d|s
ct|m|uat|ou aud segtegat|ou based ou tace, colot,
cteed, ot uat|oual ot|g|u. Iu Iebtaaty, 1948, Ptes|
deut Ttamau teqaested of Cougtess c|v|l t|gbts
leg|slat|ou based ou tbe 1947 Repott. Cougtess
tefased Tbe Democtat Patty pat sttoug c|v|l
t|gbts ptov|s|ous |u |ts pol|t|cal platfotm fot tbe
1 948 elect|ous, aud so d|d tbe Repabl|cau Patty'
Tbas, tweuty yeats aftet commau|sts |u|t|ated
tbe|t ptogtam to cteate tac|al stt|fe, tbe two majot
pol|t|cal patt|es made tbe tace qaest|ou a pt|maty
|ssae |u a ptes|deut|al elect|ou. Keuuedy' s c|v|l
t|gbts ptoposals |u 1 963 go beyoud tbe ot|g|ual
commau|st ptogtam.
Enforci ng Equal i t
lu Aagust 1 3, 1 953, Ptes|deut I|seubowet
|ssaed au Ixecat|ve Otdet cteat|ug tbe Govetu
meut Couttact Comm|ttee (w|tb V|ce Ptes|deut
N|xou as cba|tmauj . Tb|s Comm|ttee bad tbe
tespous|b|l|ty of see|ug tbat bas|uess ntms w|tb
govetumeut couttacts d|d uot petm|t tac|al d|s
ct|m|uat|ou |u tbe|t employmeut ptact|ces.
Ou Jauaaty 1 8, 195 5 , Ptes|deut I|seubowet |s
saed au Ixecat|ve Otdet cteat|ug tbe Comm|ttee
ou Govetumeut Imploymeut Pol|cy, to guatautee
tbat all cous|detat|ous of tace be el|m|uated | u
tbe b|t|ug of petsous to wotk fot tbe fedetal gov
etumeut.
Ou Matcb 6, 1 961 , Ptes|deut Keuuedy |ssaed
au Ixecut|ve Otdet abol|sb|ug tbe two I|seu
bowet comm|ttees, aud sabst|tat|ug fot tbem tbe
Ptes|deut's Comm|ttee ou Iqaal Imploymeut
Oppottau|ty, w|tb V|ce Ptes|deut Jobusou as
cba|tmau. Tbe tespous|b|l|ty of tb|s Comm|ttee
is to eliminate racial discrimination in every ac
t|v|ty tbat bas auy couuect|ou, d|tect ot |ud|tect,
w|tb tbe speud|ug ot leud|ug of fedetal tax
mouey. Pt|vate ba|ldets wbo get IHA, ot otbet,
loaus mast uot petm|t auy tac|al d|sct|m|uat|ou
|u tbe|t owu employmeut ptact|ces ot |u tbe em
ploymeut ptact|ces of tbe|t couttactots. Tbey mast
sell, teut, ot lease tbe|t teal estate w|tboat tegatd
to tace. Iedetal ageuc|es mast el|m|uate all k|uds
of tac|al d|sct|m|uat|ou ot segtegat|ou, aud auy
statc ot pt|vate ageuc|es tece|v|ug fedetal fauds,
aud auy pt|vate ntm couttact|ug, ot sabcouttact
|ug, wotk fot tbe fedetal govetumeut, mast do
tbe same.
Jbe fact |s, of coatse, tbat tbe fedetal govetu
meut bas uo coust|tat|oual aatbot|ty to leud
mouey ot gaatautee pt|vate loaus, tbtoagb IHA
ot otbetw|se, to |ud|v|daals ot bas|uess ntms. It
bas uo coust|tat|oual aatbot|ty to g|ve tax mouey
to state govetumeuts fot scbools, welfate, auem
ploymeut compeusat|ou, employmeut act|v|t|es,
aud so ou.
Iud|v|daals aud state govetumeuts |u tbe
Soatb aud elsewbete wbo take | llegal fedetal
baudoats aad tbeu compla|u aboat | llegal fedetal
couttols bave uo log|c to sappott tbe|t pos|t|ou
Tbe way to eud tb|s patt|calat aspect of fedetal
dom|uat|ou of pt|vate aud state aa|ts |s to el|m
|uate tbe fedetal sabs|d|es wb|cb g|ve some
colot of j ast|ncat|ou fot tbe dom|uat|ou It |s |u
tetest|ug to uote, |u tb|s couuect|ou, tbat advo
cates of all fedetal a|d ptogtams ( patt|calatly
fedetal a|d to edacat|ouj |ucessautly tepeat tbe
t|ted old atgameut tbat fedetal belp does uot
meau fedetal couttol, altboagb evety oue kuows
bettet, aud cau see |u tbe tecotd of catteut eveuts
tbat a pt|maty teasou fot fedetal a|d |s to cteate
a ptetext fot fedetal couttol .
1edetal teqa|temeuts aga|ust d|sct|m|uat|ou
|u tbe employmeut ptact|ces of pt|vate bas|uess
ntms wotk|ug ou couttacts ot sabcouttacts fot tbe
govetumeut bave uo bas|s |u tbe sp|t|t ot pto
v|s|ous of Amet|cau coust|tat|oual law. Wbeu
the government buys goods ftom pt|vate |ud|
v|daals, ot couttacts w|tb tbem to ptodace goods,
|t bas a t|gbt aud tespous|b|l|ty to tequ|te bouest
Page 218
aud ec|eut couttact falnllmeut It bas uo t|gbt
to fotce ou tbe pt|vate couttactots tbe soc|al ot
pol|t|cal |deology of te|gu|ug Wasb|ugtou oc|al
dom. Yet. ftom l ) to l )6l , I|seubowet aud
N|xou (tbtoagb I|seubowet s Govetumeut Cou
ttact Comm|tteej , aud s|uce l )6l , Keuuedy aud
Jobusou (tbtoagb Keuuedy s Comm|ttee ou Iqaal
Imploymeut Oppottau|tyj bave ased govetu
meut couttacts as a clab to ptomote tbe|t owu
pol|t|cal euds.
It |s a b|g clab. Iedetal govetumeut speud|ug
amoauts to mote tbau .u~ of tbe Gtoss Na:|oual
Ptodact of tbe Uu|ted States.
State and Local Acti on
1.add|t|ou to fedetal eotts, at least .u states
( aud mauy mau|c|pal|t|es j bave laws aga|ust
tac|al d|sct|m|uat|ou |u pt|vate employmeut, |u
pabl|c employmeut, |u boas|ug, |u scbools, aud
|u tbe ase of pabl|c fac|l|t|es.
Most state laws aga|ust tac|al d|sct|m|uat|ou
go to exttaotd|uaty exttemes Tbe Cal|fotu|a
Ia|t Imploymeut Ptact|ce Act, fot example,
makes |t |llegal fot a pt|vate employet to ask a
j ob appl|caut wbetbet be |s a c|t|zeu of tbe
Uu|ted States ot eveu to ask b|m bow loug
be bas beeu a tes|deut |u tb|s coautty.
S|uce tbe Cal|fotu|a Ia|t Imploymeut Ptact|ces
Comm|ss|ou was cteated |u l )), ovet 4. cases
aga|ust pt|vate employets bave beeu baudled. Oue
typ|ca| case |uvolved Ieuu|e I. Audtews, a uegto,
employed as a coacb cleauet |u tbe Batstow, Cal|
fotu|a, yatds of tbe Sauta ie Ra|ltoad Compauy.
Audtews d|d uot l|ke tbe j ob of cleau|ug coacbes.
He asked fot ptomot|ou to tbe j ob of catmau
Tbe ta|ltoad tefased to ptomote b|m becaase be
bad uo apt|tade fot tbe j ob be wauted. Sbottly
tbeteaftet ( |u Matcb, l )6uj , Audtews was foaud
asleep dat|ug wotk|ug boats |u a coacb be was
sapposed to be cleau|ug. He was nted. He com
plained to the California FEPC that he had been
deu|ed tbe ptomot|ou aud bad beeu fted becaase
be was a uegto Tbe IIPC, |guot|ug tbe facts
sappl|ed by tbe ta|ltoad ( facts sttougly batttessed
by tbe c|tcamstauces tbat tbe compauy bas a latge
uambet of uegto employees wbo bave beeu pto
moted ou met|t aud wbo bave uot beeu ntedj ,
taled tbat tbe compauy bad d|sct|m|uated aga|ust
Audtews Tbe IIPC otdeted Sauta Ie to te|u
state Audtews |u b|s old ob, to g|ve b|m l u
moutbs back pay, aud to ptomote b|m at tbe
ftst oppottau|ty. ( 6)
Auotbet typ|cal Cal| fotu|a IIPC case |uvolved
Clateuce B. Ramsey. Iu Jauaaty, l )6l . Ramsey, a
uegto, appl|ed fot a job as sb|pp|ug cletk w|tb tbe
T. H. W| lsou Compauy, a pbotogtapb|c sapply
itm |u Sau Itauc|sco. Tbe compauy, cous|det|ug
b|m auqaal|fed, tefased to b|te b|m. Ramsey
compla|ued to tbe IIPC wb|cb taled tbat te
fasal to b|te Ramsey was au act of tac|al d|sct|m
|uat|ou lu Aagast, l )6l , tbe IIPC otdeted tbe
compauy to g|ve Ramsey s. l u wb|cb tepte
seuted tbe amoaut of mouey Ramsey woald bave
eatued |u wages ftom Jauaaty to Aagast, l )6l ,
| f be bad beeu b|ted.
Tbese two Cal|fotu|a cases ate typ|cal of oat
tageoas |uj ast|ces aud v|olat|ous of |ud|v|daal
t|gbts wb|cb ate commouplace, uot ouly |u Cal|
fotu|a, bat |u all states wb|cb bave IIPC laws.
Consequences
x|st|ug c|v|l t|gbts ptogtams ( of fedetal,
state, aud local govetumeuts j alteady covet at
least twotb|tds of tbe total popalat|ou |u tbe
Uu|ted States, accotd|ug to statemeuts wb|cb Ptes|
deut Keuuedy made |u b|s c|v|l t|gbts message
of jaue l), l)6- Tbe osteus|ble patpose of tbe
ptogtams |s to el|m|uate tac|al teus|ous by abol|sb
|ug tac|al d|sct|m|uat|ou Yet, tac|al teus|ous ate
|unu|tely wotse uow tbau befote auy of tbe pto
gtams wete |u|t|ated. Tbe odd d|stott|ous of
l|betal teasou ou tbe tace qaest|ou bave bad
|ucted|ble couseqaeuces.
On September 24, 1957, President Eisen
bowet seut a D|v|s|ou of a|tbotue ttoops to I|ttle
Page 219
Roc|, becaase, be sa|d, d|sotdetly mobs |u tbat
c|ty wete defy|ug tbe law. No law was |uvolved,
bowevet Tbe d|sotdetly mobs cous|sted of
aboat .uu boasew|ves aud wot|ets, cougtegated
ou tb
la
"
u a
Ceuttal H|gb Scbool, j eet|ug, ot
staudug u sileut ptotest aga|ust a Sapteme
Coatt otdet tbat u|ue uegto cb|ldteu sboald be
eutolled |u Ceuttal H|gb ( eveu tboagb a mote
modetu aud commod|oas pabl|c b|gb scbool was
ava|lable to tbe cb|ldteu |u tbe|t owu ue|gbbot
boodj . Ptes|deut I|seubowet |utettapted a va
cat|ou |u Rbode Islaud aud tetatued to Wasb|ug
tou fot a tad|otelev|s|ou speecb to tbe uat|ou
aboat tbe I|ttle Roc| aa|t wb|cb, becaase of
b|s act|ou, was emblazoued |u bauuet beadl|ues
all ovet tbe wotld.
Aboat m|du|gbt ou Septembet 2 3, 1 957 ( j ast
a few boats befote I|seubowets m|l|taty act|ou
aga|ust tbe d|sotdetl y mobs |u I|ttle Roc|j
some teal mob v|oleuce etapted |u Ioue Stat,
Texas. Apptox|mately l uuu stt||ets (Uu|ted
Steel Wot|etsCIOj j ammed euttauce gates at
tbe Ioue Stat Steel Compauy, pteveut|ug em
ployees wbo wauted to wot| ftom eutet|ug tbe
plaut. Tbey tbtew toc|s at cats aud uoustt||ets,
aud sboated |usalts aud obsceu|t|es at wot|ets
wbo apptoacbed tbe gates It was au |llegal
stt||e |u tbe seuse tbat tbe au|ou bad uot
aatbot|zed |t, aud mauagemeut was oot cetta|u
wbat |t was al| aboat. Tbe compauy obta|ued a
coatt |uj auct|ou aga|ust mass p|c|et|ug, bat tbe
stt||e cout|uaed auyway. Compauy cats wete
stoued, w|udows wete bto|eu. Oue compauy
ttac|dt|vet sa|d be was fo|lowed by two catloads
of stt||ets wbo fted ou b|m, pauctat|ug a t|te ou
b|s ttac|. Tbe w|fe of oue uoustt||et sa|d tbe
l|ves of bet cb|ldteu wete eudaugeted A sales
tepteseutat|ve sa|d oue baudted stt||ets mobbed
b|s cat, tty|ug to tatu |t ovet.
Iu I|ttle Roc|, At|ausas .uu boasew|ves
aud wot|ets m|ll|ug atoaud Ceuttal H|gb Scbool ,
|u Ioue Stat, Texas, l uuu CIO stt||ets atmed
w|tb toc|s, clabs, aud gaus do|ug v|oleuce to
tbe l|fe, l|betty, aud ptopetty of |uuoceut c|t|zeus'
Ptes|deut I|seubowet d|d uotb|ug, sa|d uotb
|ug, aboat tbe Ioue Stat, Texas, aa|t.
Vtes|deut Keuuedy bas d|splayed tbe same
b:as Wasb|ugtou, D c. , bas become a place
wbete people ate uot safe ou tbe stteets at
u|gbt, ot eveu |u cbatcb ot |u tbe|t owu bomes
auless cateall
gaatded Iast Tbau|sg|v|ug Day
small muotty of wb|te people |u a ptedom
uautly uegto ctowd at a b|gb scbool football
game wete savagely maaled by uegto spectatots
aftet tbe vb|te football team bad defeated tb
ue
to te
m
Pol|
Ide I psent
available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstlc. T e e
t
-;s
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere In the Vnlt tates.
n
I f A ' fghting socialism and commumsm, you c
If you think Dan Sm
t is '
roviding efective too
Sf
or
his
;
s
and broadcasts.
help immensly -by help 109 him get more customers or
Page 223
aboat toe tace ptoblem |s to demaud toat toe
iedetal govetumeut qa|t meddl|ug w|to | t Cou
gtess sooald teect Ptes| deut Keuuedy s c|v|l
t|gots ptogtam eut tely, aud |t sooald tepeal all
ex|st|ug c|v|| t|g|ts leg|slat|ou |u otdet to tetatu
to toe |deal oi eqaal|tybeiotetoe|aw iot all
petsous |u oat uat|ou
Ii to| s coald be doue, aud |i all toe iedetal gov
etumeut s aucoust|tat|oual otogtams oi a|d|ug
aud meddl|ug |u state aud local aa|ts coald be
stooped, we woald tetatu to a itee aud volau
taty soc|ety |u wo|co eaco commau|ty ot state
coald oaudle |ts ou tace otoblem, |i auy, |u |ts
owu way To|s |s a slow aud lougtauge aootoaco,
bat |t |s toe ouly apptoaco toat oets auy oope
oi solat|ou iot toe most daugetoas domest|c ptob
lem |u toe Uu|ted tates s|uce toe oatbteak oi toe
C|v|l Wat
Wo|tes, oatuambet|ug uegtoes by aboat l c to
l , coald vote oat oi oace evety ool|t|c|au woo |s
ta|u|ug toe coautty by b|dd|ug iot uegto votes
w| to c|v|l t|g|ts otooosals Ii wo|tes cout|uae
sabm|tt|ug to toe d|ctat|ou oi toe tad|cal leadets
oi a sma|l m|uot|ty, toey w|ll desetve woat toey
get
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Americall Negro Problem.f, by John Pepper, Workers Library
Publishers, New York City, 1 928
( 2 ) "Perspective: Time for Statesmanship," by Raymond Moley,
NeU'.rtl"eek, March 1 5, 1 948; "Perspective: Toward a Civil
Rights Solution," by Raymond Moley, NeU'su'eek, November
.., 1 948
( 3 ) For additional information on President Kennedy's 1 963 Civil
Rights proposals, see this RelJort, "Civil Rights Act of 1 963, "
July , 1 963.
( 4 ) The Budgel ill Brief /0" 1 964 Fiscal Year, Bureau of the
Budget, January 1 7, 1963, pp. 1 7-20
( 5 ) The Book of Ihe SateJ, 1 960- 1 961 , Voltlme XllI, The Coun.
ci i of State Governments, 1 960, p. 458
( 6 ) " FEPC Orders Rai l Worker's Reinstatement," The Los Angeles
Times, March 1 . 1961
( 7 ) AP dispatch from San Francisco, The Los Angeles Times,
August 24. 1 961
( 8) For discussion of conditions i n Washington, D.C., see this
Report, "Washington: The Model City," June 24, 1 963.
( 9) "Five Negroes Held In Soldier's Death," AP story from
Washington, The Dallas Moming News, June 20, 1 963, Sec
tion I, p. 3
( 1 0 ) UPI dispatch from Gil lett, Arkansas, The New York Times,
June 20, 1 963, p. 1 9
( 1 1 ) "Hire Negroes Only, Reported U. S. Order," The Dallas Times
Herald, July 6. 1 963, p. 1
( 1 2 ) "Official Denies SS Units Told to Hire Only Negroes," by
Carl Harris, The Dalla.r Momi}g Netls, July 7, 1 963, Section
. p. 2 1
( 1 3 ) "Washington Report," by u. s. Representative Bruce Alger
( Republican, Texas ) , June 2 2, 1 963
( 14 ) "What New Turn I n Negro Drive Means," U. s. News &
World Report, June 1 7, 1 963, pp. 40-7
( 1 5 ) "Dr. King Urges Negro ' GJ Bi l l ' : Calls for 'Preferential ' Plan
to Meet Education Needs," The New York Times, July I ,
1 963, p. 21
( 1 6) "CORE t o Intensify Mil itancy On L. t," by Ronald Mairoana,
The New YOIk TI1Jles, Jul y 2, 1963, p. 1 4
( 1 7 ) "Should All Northern Schools Be Integrated ?" Time, Septem
ber 7, 1 962 p. 33
( 1 8 ) " ' Black And White Reality' -A British Observer's View "
by Peregrine Worsthorne, U. S. Neu's & If/orld Report, July | ,
1 963, pp. 62-3
( 1 9 ) For a discussion of Haiti , see thi s Report, "The American
Tragedy, " July 8, 1 963, pp. 2 1 3-4.
W H A T Y O U C A N D O
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IIImoot le,ort
Vol. 9, No. 29 (Broadcast 41 4) July 22, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
THE EDI FI CE OF LI BERTY
"But who shall reconstmct the fabric of demolished Government ? Who shall rear again the well-proportioned columns
ot
c011Slltutw
,
nal lzbel'ty Who shall frame together the skillful architecture which unites national sovereignty with State
nghts, md1V1dtal sewnty, and p"bhc prosperity? No, if these columns fall, they will be raised not again, Like the
Colosseum and the Parthenon, they will be destined to a mourful, a melancholy immortality, Bitterer tears, however, will
flow over them, than were e1Jer shed over the monuments of Roman or Grecian art; for they will be the l'emnants of a more
gl01'l0tts edlflce than Gl'eece or Rome ever saw, the edifice of constitutional American liberty,
Daniel Webbte 1832
lu Jaue z, l )6, a soec|a| |eatate ed|t|ou o| The Worker ( omc|a| uewsoaoet o| tbe
commau|st oatty |u tbe Uu|ted States j oteseuted a oo||cy statemeut ca|led Uu|ted Peoo|es
Act|ou Iot Peace, Democtacy aud Soc|a| Ptogtess Tbe statemeut was wt|tteu by Gas Ha||,
bead o| tbe U S. commau|st oatty.
Ha| | ota|sed botb tbe |ote|gu aud domest|c oo||c|es o| Ptes|deu: Keuuedy He a|so bad a wotd
oi ota|se |ot tbe I|seubowetKacbe| w|ug oi tbe Reoab||cau Patty, bat sa|d a|ttat|gbt |u
naeuces |u tbe Reoab||cau Patty ate t|d|ug toagbsbod ovet tbe modetat|ug |unaeuce oi sacb
a Reoab||cau as iotmet Ptes|deut I|seubowet He sa|d tbat Seuatot Tbomas Kacbel's ngbt
aga|ust tbe a|ttat|gbt desetves tbe saooott o| commau|sts, bat couc|aded tbat, deso|te tbe eotts
o| meu ||ke Kacbel, tbe a|tta cousetvat|ves bad oasbed tbe Reoao||cau Patty to tbe t|gbt. Ix
o|a|u|ug tbat, ou tbe otbet baud, most o| tbe btoad oeoo|e s movemeuts ate |u tbe otb|t oi tbe
Democtat|c Patty, Ha|| atged a|| |e|tw|ug |otces |u tbe Uu|ted States to au||y aud cootd|uate
tbe|t act|v|t|es towatd tbe goa| o| e|ect|ug Keauedy Democtats aud deieat|ug Reoab||caus |u
1 964 aud iot tbe task o| exett|ug cout|uaoas leitw|ug otessates ou Keuuedy aud Cougtess, to
oset cousetvat|ve otessates Ha|| ota|sed tbe ADA ( Amet|caus Iot Democtat|c Act|ouj iot |ts tole
+s cootd|uatot o| |eitw|ug gtoaos, bat sa|d tbe ADA cau uo louget oet|otm tbat setv|ce eect|ve|y,
becaase tbe ADA .s so c|ose|y |deut|ned w|tb tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, In
" mailing
address P. 0, Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) , Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00
,
for two ye
l
teus|ous aud sptead cbaos tbese ate sttateg:c
maueavets by wb|cb commau|sts bope to acb|eve
tbe|t lougtauge obj ect|ve. desttact|ou of tbe
Amet|cau coust|tat|oual svstem Gas Hall states
J
tbe obj ect|ve |u tbese tetms .
"The doctrine of states rights . . . . is nothing
more than a smokescreen to cover up the evils
of special rights for privilege r
ups. It has b
ates
that have passed right-to-work laws. Stat
s nghts
provides dozens of havens for tax-dodgmg mo
nopolies and fnancial manipulators . . e .
"What is needed is a new Federal charter and
a new addition to the Bill of Rights. What is
needed is a system of basic federal laws that will
unify and revitalize all of our democratic insti
tutions, laws that will apply and supersede all
state laws in these areas . . . .
Hall says tbe uew fedetal cbattet (tbat |s,
Constitution) sboald couta|u ptov|s|ous el|m|uat
|ug all state aud local aatbot|ty to leg|slate ot
opetate |u tbe felds of taxat|ou, votet teg|stta
t|ou, vot|ug ptact|ces, appott|oumeut of electotal
d|stt|cts. Tbe commau|sts waut a uat|oual cou
st|tat|ou wb|cb w|ll aatbot|ze uniform federal
ttac, matt|age, aud d|votce laws , cteate a ua
t|oual scboo| system, l|m|t tbe powet of local aud
state pol|ce to act aga|ust mob act|ou wbetbet
ou a p|cket l|ue ot a demousttat|ou.
Abol ishing States Rights
A.loug as tbe powet of tbe fedetal govetu
meut was l|m|ted to coust|tat|oual spec|ncat|ous,
aud tbat l|m|ted powet d|v|ded amoug tbtee
t|val btaucbes of govetumeut, aud as loug as
tbe pt|maty powets of govetumeut wete d|s
petsed amoug compet|ug state govetumeuts, tbete
was uo oue gteat ceutet of powet fot soc|al|st
commau|st (ot otbetj cousp|tatots to se|ze.
Heuce, abol|sb|ug tbe Amet|cau fedetal system
|u favot of a ceuttal|zed absolat|sm bas beeu au
esseut|al featate of tbe commau|st plau fot mauy
yeats To tbat eud, commau|sts bave sappotted
evety ptogtam of fedetal a|d aud |utetveut|ou
|u state aa.ts, aud all fedetal sabs|d|es aud cou
ttols |u pt|vate act|v|t|es, becaase all sacb pto
gtams (wb|le sttetcb|ug tbe Coust|tat|ou aut|l |t
bas uo meau|ugj ceuttal|ze, |u Wasb|ugtou,
powet aud tespous|b|l|ty wb|cb bave beeu takeu
away ftom state aud local govetumeuts.
Tbete |s uotb|ug uew aboat a commau|st de
maud, |u l)6, tbat tbe Amet|cau govetumeutal
sys:em be ttausfotmed |uto d|ctatotsb|p ||ke tbat
of tbe Sov|et Lu|ou Tbe s|gu|hcaut tb|ug | s
tbat Amet|cau pol|t|cal leadets wbo bave gteat
Page 226
powet aud |unaeuce |u tbe fedetal govetumeut
ate uow demaud|ug tbe same.
fompate Gas Hall s deuauc|at|ou of states
t|gbts, qaoted above, w|tb tbe follow|ug passages
ftom a statemeut by josepb S. Clatk (Democtatj ,
Uu|ted States Seuatot ftom Peuusylvau|a.
"We have inherited from our forefathers a
governmental structure which so divides power
that efective dealing with economic problems is
cumbersome. Local, state, and national govern
ments each have their responsibility in housing
and urban renewal, in the appropriate uses of
water, in transportation, labor-management re
lations, and education.
"At each level, responsibility for appropriate
action is divided between the executive and the
legislative, with the j udiciary prepared to step
in at a moment's notice to declare unconstitu
tional whatever action the other two may decide
upon. Under the circumstances, it is extraor
dinary how much we accomplish under forms
of government heavily weighted against any
kind of action
"Of course, inaction is what the Founding
Fathers intended - inaction until such time as
an overwhelming consensus was prepared for
action . . . . They were right in their day. But
they are wrong in ours . . 4 .
"State government is the weakest link II the
chain . . . .
"Whether we look at city councils, the state
legislatures, or the Congress of the United States,
we react to what we see with scarcely concealed
contempt . . . . This is where . . . political lag
keeps needed action a generation behind the
times, where the nineteenth century still reigns
supreme in committees, where ignorance is often
at a premium and wisdom at a discount . . . .
"I have no hesitation in stating my deep con
viction that the legislatures of America, local,
state, and national, are presently the greatest
menace to the successful operation of the demo
cratic process . . . . The executive should be
strengthened at the expense of the legislature. "( 3)
Seuatot Clatk d|splays a cous|detable amoaut
of tbat |guotauce wb|cb be deplotes |u tbe leg|s-
lat|ve btaucb. Iatmets ate batassed aud j a|led
fot tty|ug to fatm tbe|t owu laud as ftee meu,
bas|uessmeu ate fotced to setve as aupa|d tax
collectots fot tbe fedetal govetumeut, scbools aud
colleges ate fotced to do tbe w|ll of Wasb|ugtou
omc|aldom yet, Seuatot Clatk says be does uot
kuow of oue example of tbe beavy baud of tbe
fedetal govetumeut teacb|ug oat |uto oat pt|vate
l|ves. He couclades, tbetefote, tbat fedetal cou
ttol wb|cb baauts cousetvat|ves |s uotb|ug bat
au ball ac|uac|ou, aud tbat we ueed uot feat
execat|ve tytauuy |u tb|s coautty metely becaase
tbe leg|slatate |s mote tespous|ve to execat|ve
tecommeudat|ous.
Tboagb d|splay|ug au |guotauce typ|cal of all
total|tat|au l|betals, Seuatot Clatk does speak
w|tb mote caudot tbau most. Wbeteas otbet
total|tat|aus pteteud to be l|betals of tbe jeffetso
u|au k|ud, Seuatot Clatk adm|ts tbat b|s l|betal
|sm |s d|amett|cally opposed to tbe class|c l|bet
al|sm of Tbomas jeetsou. Seuatot Clatk says .
"Surely we have reached the point where we
can say . . . that Jeferson was wrong: that gov
ernment is not best which governs least . . . . The
fallacy in Jeferson's argument is the assumption
that the expansion of government leads to the
curtailment of individual freedoms. This is j ust
not true."
5euatot C|atk |s t|gbt |u say|ug tbat tbe Cou
st|tat|ou was des|gued to ptodace |uacc|ou |u
tbe fedetal govetumeut |uact|ou |u al| nelds
wbete tbete |s uo gtaut of powet fot fedetal
act|ou, aud |uact|ou eveu w|tb|u tbe l|m|ts o
coust|tat|oually gtauted powet, auless tbete be
teal ueed aud geuetal des|te fot act|ou. It |s
|utetest|ug to uote Tbomas jeetsous owu att|
tade aboat stteugtbeu|ug tbe fedetal govetumeut
so tbat |t cau act Iu b|s Iuaagatal Addtess,
Matcb 4, iui, Ptes|deut jeetsou sa|d.
"I know, indeed, that some honest men fear . . .
that this government is not strong enough. But
would the honest patriot, in the full tide of
successful experiment, abandon a government
which has so far kept us free and frm, on the
Page '227
theoretic and visionary fear that this govern
ment, the world's best hope, may by possibility
want energy to preserve itself? I trust not . . . .
Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted
with the government of himself. Can he, then,
be trusted with the government of others? . . .
Let history answer this question."
Di ctatorshi p of The El ite
5enatot C|at|s statements above ate ta|en
1
,
itom a papet |e ptepate1 iot a two1ayconvoca
t|on |n New Yot|, 1at|ng )anaaty, )6, an1et
t|eaasp|cesoit|eCentetiott|e:ta1yoiDemo
ctat.c lnst|tat|ons, an agency oi t|e Ian1 iot t|e
Repab||c :pea|ets at t|e convocat|on 1|scasse1
t|e top|c T|e L|ectotate an1 t|e L||teIs
Gove:oaeot by t|e Peop|e Poss|b|e?"( )
:enatot ). W||||am Ia|bt|g|t ( Democtat, At
|ansas, C|a|tmanoit|e :enateIote|gnRe|at|ons
Comm|ttee, was t|e pt|nc|pa| spea|et at t|e
convocat.on. Ia|bt.g|t sa. 1.
"The question before us can be answered
simply: government by the people is possible but
highly improbable . . . . The case for government
by elites is irrefutable insofar as it rests on the
need for expert and specialized knowledge."
Ia|bt|g|tma|es |tc|eat t|at |econs|1ets ||m
se|i among t|ee||te qaa||ne1 to govetn. He te
peatst|ema.nt|emeoia speec| |ema1e to t|e
Cabbet|y Conietence at :taniot1 Ln|vets|ty on
)a|y zs, l)6l, w|en |e sa|1 t|at t|e Ptes|1ent
|s |obb|e1 . . . by t|e testt|ct|ons oi powet |m
pose1on ||mby aconst|tat|ona|system 1es|gne1
iot an l st| Centaty agtat|an soc|ety. '' :|nce,
accot1|ng to Ia|bt|g|t, t|e peop|e ate |ncapab|e
oi|now|ng w|at |sgoo1 iott|em, an1 s|ncet|e
Ptes|1ent |s |obb|e1 by t|e Const|tat|on, Ia|
bt|g|tiee|s t|atwe s|oa|1 c|ange oat Const|ta
t|on so t|at t|e Ptes|1ent can 1o as |e p|eases,
espec|a||y|na||mattetste|at|ngtoiote|gnpo||cy.
1a|bt|g|t conce1es t|at Congtess | s capab|e
oi s|ap|ng po||cy |n 1omest|c mattets, bat |e
s|ates :enatot C|at|s contempt iott|eeect|ve-
ness oi Congtess 1l iote|gn aa|ts. Ia|bt|g|t
says .
"Presidential authority is incommensurate with
Pr
rei
nder a chairm
who
.
owes little if anthing
m the way of polItIcal oblIgation to the President.
"The defects of Congress as an institution re
fect the defects of classical democratic thought
. . . . The frequency of elections and the local
orientation of party organizations . . . do not
encourage serious and sustained study of inter
nati
?
nal relations. Congressmen are acutely sus
ceptible to local and regional pressures and to
the waves of fear and emotion that sometimes
sweep over public opinion . . . . Public opinion
must be educated and led if it is to bolster a
wis
and efective forei
poicy. This i s pre
emmently a t
sk f
r PreSIdentIal leadership, be
cause the
.
Pre
.
sldentIal ofce is the only one under
our constitutional system that constitutes a forum
for moral and political leadership on a national
scale. Accordingly, I think that we must contem
plate the further enhancement of Presidential
authority in foreign afairs."
J
|e
D|n
h
.
out f
g,
wason|an1tow|tness, a lewyeatsago, cteaoon
ol t|eGtan1 Teton Nat|ona| Pat| |nWyoo|ng.
Cooment|ng on t|e :|eep|ng Beat sc|eme, :en
atot :|mpson sa| 1.
"They built a Coney Island i the
,
world's
most beautiful country . . . . They 11 do It here.
The power.hungry bureaucrats in this depart.
ment have no great love for Mother Nature.
They want only one thing: more and more prop
erty -your property and mine - and they don't
care how they get it. "( S)
ast lot powet an1 eop|te ba||1|ng 1oes,
|n1ee1, appeat to be t|e pt.oaty mot|ve ol ba
teaactats w|ose appet|te lot |an1 |s |nsat|ab|e.
Comoent|ng on |oca| leats |n m|c||gan aboat
le1eta| contto|s ovet pt|vate |an1 |n nat|ona|
pat|s, Conta1 W|tt|, |ea1 ol t|e Nat|ona| Pat|
:etv|ces, sa|1.
"Our policy IS eventually to eliminate all
inholdings."u, )
Inholdings |s bateaactatese oean|ng |an1s pt|
vate|yowne1|ns|1ea Nat|ona| Pat|. mt. W|tt|
seems to be say|ng t|at c|t|zens nee1 not wotty
aboatle1eta|contto|sovetpt|vateptopettyw|t|
|n nat|ona| pat|s, becaase t|e pt|vate ptopetty
w||| soon begone. He pat |t mote b|ant|y |nan
att|c|e|nThe National Geographic, say|ng.
"Another thing I'd like to see accomplished is
the elimination of private ownership inside park
boundaries."( )
J|e Nat|ona| W||1etness Ptesetvat|on :ys
teo Act ( t|e W|| 1etness B|||, apptove1 by t|e
:enate on Apt|| ), l )6, '' bat st||| pen1|ng |n
t|e Hoase, woa|1 oagn|ly an1 acce|etate t|e
govetnment s|an1gtabb|ng act|v|t|es. T|e pen1
|ngW||1etness B||| ( :4) woa|1p|ace 6 .4 m||
| |onactes ol|an1 |na W||1etness :ysteo, an1et
t|g|tcontto|olptes|1ent|a|appo|nteesw|ocoa|1
petm|totpto||b|tcomoetc|a|act|v|ty,w|ocoa|1
pto||b|t pt|vate cap|ta| ltoo 1eve|op|ng |y1to
e|ectt|c powet lac|||t|es, bat peto|t govetnoent-
owne1 powet lac|||t|es , w|ocoa| 1peto|totpto
||b|t ||vestoc| gtaz|ng, toa1 ba||1|ng, m|n|ng,
an1 ptospec:|ng-a|| |n accot1ance w|t| t|e
w|s|es ol t|e Ptes|1ent.
Mi l itary Land Grabs
an1gtabb|ng by t|em|||taty setv|ces |as a|
so become a set|oas t|teat to t|e topett tights
ol c|t|zens. Anatt|c|e |n t|eja|y, i)s, Reader's
Page 236
Digest ptesente1 a saooaty oi tbe s|taat|on at
tbat t|oean1 tbe s|taat|on bas gtown wotse
since
-In l)s, tbeo|||tatysetv|cesa|teacypossesse1
z) o||||on actes oi |anc, an1 wete 1eoan1|ng 6
o||||on actes ootea|tboagb at tbe t|oe tbe , ,
setv|ces wete bo|1|ng 6, cc, ccc actes wb|cb tbey
a1o|ttec tbey no |onget nee1e1, an1 tbey wete
spen1|ng z l o||| |on 1o||ats a yeat to oa|nta|n
|nsta||at|ons wb|cb wete no |onget |n ase, ot
nee1ec, bat wb|cb covete1 a o||||on actes oi
|an1. A|t Iotce oc|a|s, a1o|tt|ng tbat 4c pet
cent oi tbe|t boob|ng an1 gannety tanges wete
|n excess oi cattent an1 |ong-tange teqa|te
oents, wetest|| | c|aoot|ng iot oote |an1.
At one t|oe, tbe Navy as|e1 peto|ss|on to
sbate an A|t Iotce boob|ng tange ( l o||es
|ong an1 c o||es w|ce, neat las Vegas, Neva
1a. Tbe A|t Iotce c|a|oe1 tbe tange was not
b|genoagb iotbotb Navyanc A|t Iotce. Acon-
gtess|ona| cooo|ttee as|e1 iot ptooi tbat tbe
A|t Iotce nee1e1 tbe boob|ng tange a|| by |t
se|i. Aitet |nvest|gat|on, A|t Iotce oc|a|s con-
c|acec tbat tbey coa|1 |et tbe Navy bave two
tb|t1soitbelasVegas boob|ng tange. BatNavy
oc|a|s1ec||nec,becaasetbeywete, b.tben,basy
tty|ngtocatveoatavasteop|te a|| tbe|t own |n
nottbetn Neva1a, wbete tbete wete o||||ons oi
1o||ats wottboiopetat|ngo|n|ng an1 tancb|ng
ptopett|es. Neva1a c|t|zensioagbttbeNavy|an1
gtab lot tbtee yeats, ana||y euect|ng a coopto
o|se. tbe Navy got on|y cc,ccc actes oi nottb
etnNevaca iota boob|ngtange|t 1|1 notnee1
In New mex|co, wbete tbe o|||taty setv|ces
a|teacy be|1 a o|ss||e tange l cc o||es |ong an1
c o||es w|ce ( o||||on actes, , tbe Atoy too|
ovet an a11|t|ona| ttact oi 4c, ccc actes, wb|cb
conta|ne1 sooe ol tbe |asbest gtaz|ng |an1 |n
tbe state. In l), tbe Atoy 1ec|1e1 tbat z l
tancb|ngptopett|es, a1j acenttotbe4c, cccactes
wb|cb tbe Atoy a|tea1y ba1, wete a|so nee1e1.
Tbe Atoy oete1 tbe tancbets wbat Atoy o
c|a|s tboagbt tbe tancbets oagbt to bave, an1
ot1ete1 tbeo to c|ose tbe|t bas|nesses, aban1on
tbe|t booes, anc get oat w|tb|n )c 1ays.
ln l)6, tbe Navy se|ze1 4 actes oi ca|t|
vate1iato|an1neatNewIbet|a, loa|s|ana, an1
|et consttact|on conttacts tota||ng neat|y c m||
||on 1o||ats to ba||c iac|| |t|es on tbeconnscate1
iato |anc iot tbe tta|n|ng oi j et p||otsa|
tboagb tbete was a|tea1y |nex|stence, j ast a iew
o||es away, an anase1 Navy a|t base. In l),
tbe Navy 1ec|ce1 tbat tbe new j et base was a|
oost ase|ess an|ess |t was sapp|eoente1 w|tb a
tatget ptact|ce atea W|tboat even consa|t|ng
loa|s|ana oac|a|s, tbe Navy oappec oat, iot a
tatget ptact|ces|te, anatea 4c o||es |ong an1 zc
o||esw|ce, a|ongtbeGa|ioimex|co. :e|zateoi
tb|s ttact oi |an1 woa|1 bave e||o|nate1 tbtee
w||1-||ie sanctaat|es, e|gbt o|| an1gas ne|1s, sev
en coooan|t|es, tbtee va|aab|e nsb|ng gtoan1s,
tboasan1s oi actes oi t|ce an1 ttapp|ng |an1s,
o||es oinewttan| b|gbwaysan1 woa|1 bave
necess|tate1 te|ocat|ng an1 te1|gg|ng tbe Intta
Coasta| Cana|. Battbese|zatenevetoccatte1. A
iew o|nates beiote tbe beg|nn|ng oi beat|ngs to
estab| .sb necessaty a|tspace testt|ct.ons, tbe Navy
annoancec tbat |t was aban1on|ng tbe j et tta|n
|ng ptogtao at New Ibet|a, loa|s|ana, becaase
tbe ptogtao was annecessaty.
Inl ) , tbeAtoy1ec|1e1tocteateabagenew
o|ss||e tta|n|ng centet aboat sc o||es soatbwest
oi O||abooa C|ty|n tbe beatt oi O||aboma's
iato be|t an1 o|| ue|cs. mote tban zc,ccc actes
oi pt|vate ptopetty wete con1eone1 an1 se|ze1,
Atoy oc|a|s assat|ng a Hoase apptopt|at|ons
sabcooo|ttee tbat tb|s oacb |an1 woa|1 ia|n||
Atoy nee1s lot tbe loteseeab|e latate. W|tb
|ntwoyeats, bowevet, tbeAtoy was 1eoan1|ng
an ac1|t|ona| zsl , cc actes oi ptlvate |an1.
Page 237
I mprovi ng Our I mage
1mp|te ba||1|ng by c|v|||an an1 m|||taty ba
teaactats |a1not||ngto1ow|t| Ptes|1ent Ken
ne1ystecent|an1gtab |nL| Paso. Between l s64
an1 l s6s, t|eR|oGtan1eR|vet eto1e1 so|| itom
t|e mex|can soat| ban| an1 iotme1 an a||av|a|
1epos|tont|eLn|te1:tatess|1e. mex|coc|a|me1
t|t|e to t|e 1epos|t ( |nown as L| C|am|za| , m
t|e l s)c s, bat t|e conttovetsy 1|e1 |n l )l l .
L|C|am|za|eventaa||ybecameapattoi1own
town L| Paso. Ptes|1ent Kenne1y teopene1 t|e
C|am|za| qaest|on, ma1eanewconttovetsyoi|t,
an1 negot|ate1 a 1ea| to g|ve mex|co 4 actes
to be ta|en away itom | Pasot|e c|ty an1
c|t|zens to be pa|1 compensat|on ( aboat zc m||
| |on 1o||ats , itom t|e Ln|te1 :tates Tteasaty
T||s |an1 gtab (w||c|, 1oabt|ess, v|o|ates t|e
Tteaty oi Annexat|on between t|e Repab||c oi
Texas an1 t|e Ln|te1 :tates , was |nten1e1 to
easetens.onsw|t|mex|co,an1|mptoveoat|mage
abtoa1.
mex|canpo||t|c|answeteqa|c|tooetasot|et
oppottan|t|esto |mptoveoat |mage Onjane l z ,
l )6 ( beiote sett|ement oi t|e C|am|za| mattet
was iotma||y annoance1, , mex|can nat|ona||sts
opene1 a 1t|ve iot tetatn to mex.co oi n|ne
Ln|te1:tates|s|an1sot|eCa||iotn|acoast . :an
ta Cata|.na, :anta Ctaz, :an m|gae|, :anta Rosa,
:an C|emente, :anta Batbata, :an N|co|as, Ana
capa,an1Iata||on. T|ese|s|an1s (someoiw||c|
ate an1et t|e j at|s1|ct|on oi t|e Navy, ate cat
tent|y va|ae1 at mote t|an c b||| |on 1o||ats.
Preserving The Wi l derness
As :enatot m||wat1 :|mpson sa|1, t|e |an1
|angetoiiecetalbateaactatscoesno:arise from
love oi mot|et Natate. T|e ptopagan1a aboat
ptesetv|ng t|e magn|ucence oi anspo||e1 natate
iot iatate genetat|ons |s appea||ng, bat ia|se
W|enanateaoi natata|beaaty| sset as|1e as a
Nat|ona|Patl an1t|enma1e access|b|etomotot
|ze1 m||||ons,w|t| |an1ywatet ioanta|ns, tea1y
ma1e camp|ng s.tes, an1 ot|et mo1etn conven
|ences |nsta||e1, t|e p|ace qa|c||y |oses mac| oi
t|ebeaaty an1 gtan1eat (an1 a||oit|esoa|te
stot|ng so||ta1e, oi t|e w| |1etnessan1 oiten
becomes, as :enatot :|mpsonsa|1,anot|et Coney
Is|an1.
Patts oi manma1e D|sney|an1 |ave mote
oit|eappeatance oi anspo||e1 beaaty t|ansome
oi t|e iamoas spots oi natata| gtan1eat w||c|
ate ttaap|e1, bailete1, sctatc|e1 an1 sttewn by
a i|oo1t|1e oi toat|sts w|o iee| no ob||gat|on to
ta|e cate oi somet||ng t|at be|ongs to nobo1y,
bat |s t|e ptopetty oi evetybo1y.
On t|eot|et |an1, |iyoa setas|1e w||1etness
ateas t|at ate access|b|e on|y to a iavote1 iew
w|o can aot1 expens|ve saiat|s |nto t|em
w|at becomes oiyoat atgament t|at yoa atepte
setv|ng t|ese beaaty spots iot t|e peop|e ?
|at will t|e govetnment 1o w|t| all t|e
|an1s |t |s acqa|t|ng by patc|ase, ptessate, an1
oatt|g|tse|zate ?T|ete|san|n|||ngoiananswet
|n a Ln|te1 Ptess Intetnat|ona| news stoty itom
Was||ngton, pab||s|e1 |nt|eja|y), l )6l , |ssae
oiThe Dallas Times Herald:
"Secretary of the Interior Stewart L. Udall is
concerned that federal lands may be blocking
growth and industrialization of metropolitan
areas.
"He has sent Congress proposed legislation
which would, among other things, allow the In
terior Department to lay out and subdivide fed
eral lands in the path of expanding areas.
Page 238
"These lands would be made available for
direct sale or lease as individual sites or lots . . . .
"In all cases, lands to be developed would be
governed by a comprehensive land use plan to
be worked out in close cooperation with state
and local government agencies. Non-conforming
and substandard land uses would not be per
mitted. Performance bonds might be required in
some cases."
J|ete ate t|e |angaage an1 t|e t||n||ng oi
t|e zonets an1 o|annets oi ot|et oeoo|e' s ||ves.
Iit|egovetnment canacqa|te t|e |an1 an1 t|en
oetm|t |tto be 1eve|ooe1 on|yw|t||nconiotm|ty
to t|etastean1 soec|ucat|onsoit|eWas||ngton
bateaactacy, we can |ave stat|, mono||t||c ag||
ness, stan1at1|ze1 by govetnmenta| o|ann|ng on
a nat|ona| sca|e. W|at |s mote |moottant t||s
coa|1 be a s|v, bac|1oot aotoac| to mettooo||
tan govetnment |n t|e Ln|te1 :tatesa soc|al
|st o|anto 1|v|1et|enat|on |nto a scoteoimet
tooo||tan teg|ons w||c| sotaw| actoss iotgotten
state boan1aty ||nes, an1 w||c| woa|1 be gov
etne1 by aooo|nte1 exoetts answetab|e, not to
|oca| c|t|zens, bat to t|e saoteme oo||t|ca|oowet
|n Was||ngton.( 8)
What Shoul d Be Done
^bo||s||ng t|e ie1eta| |ncome tax woa|d
stoo most oi t|egovetnment's |an1gtabb|ng ac
t|v|t. es, bat t|ete |s mac| t|at Congtess coa|1
1o. s|ott o| t||s Congtess s|oa|1, ntst oi a||,
teiase to oass t|e Nat|ona| W||1etness Pteset
vat|on:ystem Act ( : 4, a|tea1y aootove1 byt|e
:enate, bat st|| | oen1|ng |n t|e Hoase) . T|e
Congtess s|oa|1 get a cateia| aa1|t oi a|| gov
etnment|an1 |o|1|ngs to 1etetm|ne w||c| |an1s
ate necessaty iot oab||case by c|v|||an an1 m|||
taty agenc|es oi t|e ie1eta| govetnment. T|e
ateaaoiLan1Managements|oa|1beabo||s|e1.
In |ts o|ace. s|oa|1 be somet||ng comoatab|e to
t|e o|1 Geneta| Lan1 Omce, w||c| was cteated
|n 1 81 2 , asabateaaoit|eTteasaty Deoattment.
lab||c|an1 t|at |s not abso|ate|ynecessaty iot
|eg|t|mateasebyie1eta|agenc|es, s|oa|dbeso| 1,
toot|vate oatc|asets an1 to|oca| an1 state gov
etnments, at oteva|||ng |an1 ot|ces. T||s woa|d
otov|1e nee1e1 tevenae iot t|e ie1eta| govetn
ment, an1 |t woa|1 oetm|t mote ot|vate ownet
s||o oi |an1, t|as contt|bat|ng to a mote stab|e
soc|ety an1 a mote v|gotoas economy.
WH O I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anyhere i n the Uni ted States.
If you think Dan Smot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 239
5ome oi t|e most eect|ve wot| |n ptesetva
t|onoi||stot|cals|tesan1scenesoinatatalbeaaty
|as been accompl|s|e1 by ot|vate eott It |s
|at1ly conce|vable t|at govetnmental act|on
woal1 evet be necessaty iot sac| ptesetvat|on,
bat, |i |tevets|oa|1 be, t|etespons|b|l|tys|oal1
test w|t| state an1 local govetnments.
T|ete .s no val|1 teason w|y bateaactats |n
Was||ngton s|oal1 plan an1 conttol pat|s an1
ot|et tecteat|onal ateas iot t|epeop|e. T|ete ate
many teasons w|y ie1etal agenc|es s|oal1 not
|avesac|powett|emost|mpottantteasonbe
|ng t|at concenttat|on oi oowet |n Was||ngton
|s a oteteqa|s|te steo towat1 1esttact|on oi oat
const|tat|ona| iteeentetot|se system.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Toward Soviet America, by William Z. Foster, Elgin Publica
tions, 1961, pp. 276-8
( 2 ) "Bird Refuge Plan Praised and Assailed," article by Frank
Hughes, The Chicafo Tribune, April 18, 1962
( 3 ) "Sadler Calls Padre Plan ' Give-Away' , " dispatch from Corpus
Christi, The Fo/t J orth Star-Telefram, October 24, 1961
(4) "But the People Are Awake ' pamphlet by The Citizens' Coun
cil of the Sleeping Bear Dunes Area, January 1 5, 1962
( 5 ) "Udall Plans Land-Grab in Michigan," article by William
Schulz, HU1lt1 Ellen/s, June 1 5, 1 963, pp. 1 68-9
( 6) For a listing of Senate roll call stands on passage of the
Wilderness Bi l l , see this Report, "First Rol l Calls, 1 963," May
27, 1963.
( 7 ) "9 Isles Off US Asked By Mexicans," UPI dispatch from
Mexico City, The Austin American, June 1 3, 1963
( 8) For an explanation and history of metropolitan government,
see this Report, "Metropolitan Government-Part One," and
"Metropolitan Government-Part Two," April 1 3 and 20,
1959; reprints still available.
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Page 240
NAME (Please Print)
STREET ADDRESS
CITY STATE ZIP CODE
( Add 2% Sales Tax in Texas)
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.fi Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 3 1 (Broadcast 416) August 5, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
THE TEST BAN TREATY
"A diplomat's words must have no relation to action -othet'Wise what kind of diplomacy is it ? Words are one thing,
actions another. Good words are a mask for the concealment of bad deeds. Sincere diplomacy is no more possible than dry
water or iron wood." -Stalin, 1 91 3( 1)
"It is ridiculous not to know . . . that a treaty is the means of gaining strength." Lenin, 1 91 8(
2
)
"There is a glaring contradiction between the imperialists' policy of piling up armaments and their hypocritical talk about
peace. There is no SIch contradiction, however, between the Soviet government's preparations for defense and for revolution
ary War and a consistent peace policy . . . .
"The disarmament policy of the Soviet government must be utilized for purposes of agitation . . . . fot' recruiting sym
pathizers for the Soviet Union -the champion of peace and Socialism." -Sixth World Congress of the Communist Interna
tional, 1928 (
3
)
1n matcb, i)i, tbeTsat oi all tbeRasslas was iotce1 itoo bls tbtone an1 ta|en lnto pto
tectlvecasto1y bytevolatlonlsts an1ettbe lea1etsblp oi Ale|san1tIeo1otovlcb Ketens|l. In No
veobet, i)i, tbe Bolsbevl|s, a soall gtoap oi tatbless polltlcal gangstets, se|ze1 powet itoo
Ketens|l, oat1ete1tbe Tsat, an1 lnstltate1 lnRassla a bloo1 batb wblcb bottlue1 tbe clvlllze1
wotl1. Nl|olal Ienln an1 Ieon Ttots|l le1 tbls otgy oi baoan batcbety.
in ]ane, i )i , bavlng tettotlze1 tbe opposltlon lnto sllence, lenln an1 Ttots|l atteopte1 to
establlsb iotoal 1lplooatlc telatlons wltb tbe Lnlte1 :tates. Tbelt ove:tates wete tejecte1.
OnOctobet ., i )i), RobettIanslng, Woo1towWllsons:ectetatyoi:tate,explalne1toCon
gtesswbyltwastbepollcy oitbeWllsona1olnlsttatlonnottotecognlzetbeBolsbevl|slnRassl a.
"The purpose of the Bolsheviks is to subvert the existing principles of government and society
the world over, including those countries in which democratic institutions are already estab
lished. They have built up a political machine which, by the concentration of power in the
hands of a few and the ruthlessness of its methods, suggests the Asiatic despotism of the early
Tsars. "( )
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subsription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.0 for two years. For frst
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No rprouctions permitte.
Page 241
On Aagast lc, l )zc, Ba|nbt|1ge Colby, an
otbet:ectetaty oi:tatean1etW|lson, expla|ne1
aga|noatteasonsiotnottecogn|z|ngt|e:ov|ets .
"We cannot recognize, hold ofcial relations
with, or give friendly reception to the agents of
a government which is determined and bound to
conspire against our institutions; whose diplo
mats will be the agitators of dangerous revolt;
whose spokesmen say that they sign agreements
with no intention of keeping them . . . .
"The existing regime in Russia is based upon
the negation of every principle of honor and good
faith, and every usage and convention underly
ing the whole structure of international law;
the negation, in short, of every principle upon
which it is possible to base harmonious and trust
ful relations, whether of nations or of indi
viduals."( 5 )
On Matc| ), i))), Hetbett Hoovet' s |ast 1ay
|nomce, Hoovet' s Ln1et:ectetaty oi:tatesa| 1.
"This Government has taken the position that
it would be unwise for it to enter into relations
with the Soviet regime so long as the present
rulers of Russia persist in aims and practices in
the feld of international relations which are in
consistent with international friendship . . . .
This Government has been of the opinion . . .
that any real or lasting benefit to the people of
the United States would not be attained by the
establishment of relations with Russia until the
present rulers of that country have given evi
dence that they are prepared to carry out in
good faith . . . [their] international obliga
tions."( 6)
T|e next 1ayMatc| 4, l ) Itan|l|n D.
Roosevelt was |naagatate1 Ptes|1ent
On:epteobet : i , i))), :ectetaty oi:tateCot-
1ell Ha|l, |n a oeootan1aoto Ptes|1entRoose
ve|t,sa| 1.
"As you know, recogmtIon of the present
regIme II Russia has been withheld by the
Government of the United States, on account
of the failure of the Soviet government to carry
out certain international obligations which are
considered essential to the maintenance of friend
ly and mutually advantageous relations between
the United States and Russia. The Soviet gov
ernment, for instance, has repudiated Russian
obligations held by the United States Govern
ment and by American citizens, and has con-
fscated the property of American citizens Il
vested in Russia . . . e
"I am convinced, from the experience of other
countries, that, unless we utilize every available
means of exerting pressure on the Soviet govern
ment in order to obtain a settlement of outstand
ing problems, there is little likelihood that such
problems can be satisfactorily solved. "( 6)
Roosevel t-Truman-Eisenhower
Negotiations
Kej ect|ng t|e lessons oi ||stoty an1 t|e a1
v|ce oi ||s own :tate Depattoent, Ptes|1ent
Roosevelt|nv|te1a:ov|etteptesentat|vetoWas|
|ngton. On Noveobet l 6, l ) ( aitet s|x 1ays
an1 s|xn|g|ts oisectet, antecot1e1 negot|at|ons
|nt|eW||teHoasew|t|Max|o L|tv|nov, :ov|et
Cooo|ssat iot Iote|gn Aa|ts , , Roosevelt ex
ten1e11|plooat|ctecogn|tontot|e:ov|etLn|on.
Roosevelts :tate Depattoent began tty|ng to
negot|ateoatstan1|ng 1|etences between t|e :o
v|et Ln|on an1 t|e Ln|te1 :tates Aoong t|e
1|etences wete Aoet|can cla|os total|ng 6:s
o|ll|on 1ollats aga|nst t|e:ov|etLn|on iot con
uscat|on oi Aoet|can ptopetty. In Iebtaaty,
l )4, oat :tateDepattoent oete1 to acceptt|e
eqa|valent oi )c o|ll|on 1ollats |n settleoent oi
t|e 6:s o|ll|on 1ollat :ov|et 1ebts. L|tv|nov te
j ecte1 t|e oet, angt|ly an1 w|t| exptess|ons oi
conteopt.
Dat|ng oote t|an a yeat oi negot|at|ons, L|t
v|nov oa1e only one conctete ptoposal. He sa|1
t|e :ov|et Ln|on woal1 pay l cc o|ll|on oi t|e
6:s o|ll|on 1ollat |n1ebte1ness, i] t|e Ln|te1
:tates woal1 g|ve t|e :ov|ets an ancon1|t|onal,
no|ntetest |oan oi zcc o|ll|on.
On janaaty l , l ), Cot1ell Hall wtote t|e
unal wot1s on oat |opeless eotts to settle tbe
1ebt qaest|on
"In an efort to arrive at an agreement with
the Soviet Government with respect to debts,
claims and credits for trade, negotiations were
begun more than a year ago in Moscow and con
tinued in Washington . . . e
Page 242
"The Government of the United States indi
cated its willingness to accept . . . a greatly re
duced sum, to be paid over a long period of
years . . . . To facilitate the placing of orders in
the United States by the Soviet Government on
a long-term credit basis, the Government of the
United States was prepared to make . . . loans to
a very large percentage of the credit granted . . . .
"We hoped confidently that this proposal
would prove entirely acceptable to the Soviet
Government and are deeply disappointed at its
rejection . . . . The negotiations which seemed
so promising at the start must now be regarded
as having come to an end. "( 6)
We nevet co||ecce1 a oenny. Yec, 1atlng an1
aitet Wou1 Wat II, we gave c|e :ov|ets 1|tect
a|1 toca|lng t l ,464, l c),ccc. cc.
'
Pes|1enc Rooseve|c s watc|me conietences
w|t| :ca||n ( Te|tan|nl )4, an1Ya|ta |n l )44, ,
an1 Ptesl1enc Ttamans conietence w|t| :ca||n
ac Pocs1am |n l )4, gaveiatt|et otooi t|ac |t |s
1lsasctoasiotoat|ea1etscoma|eagteemencsw|t|
comman|sts. As a tesa|c oi oat belng boan1 by
agteemencs w||c| Rooseve|c an1 Ttaman ma1e
at t|ese t|tee watt|me conietencesan1 w|c|
c|e:ov|ecsv|o|ac|ng agteemencs w|lc| |ntetiete1
w|c| t|e|t o|anst|e comman|scs, s|nce l )4,
|ave ens|ave1 aootox|mate|y scc m||||on oeoo|e
|n atooe an1 Asla.
T|ecomman|sctt|c|oinegoclaclngagteemencs
w||c| comman|sts |gnote bac w||c||an1|cao t|e
oc|et s|1e, was a otlncloa| weaoon ln c|e|t con
qaesc oi C||na 1at|ng c|e l )4 l )4) oet|o1. We
oetm|tte1 t|e comman|scs co ase c|e same ct|c|
aga|nst as |n Kotea. T|me an1 aga|n |n Kotea,
w|en Amet|can iotces coa|1 |ave 1esttoye1 c|e
comman|sts, we woa|1 scoo oat men an1 engage
|n ttace ta||sj asc as oat :tace Deoattment
|a1 iotce1 C||ang Kals|e| to 1o |n C|lna nve
yeats beiote. ac| c|me, c|e comman|sts woa|1
ase t|e ctace ca||s as a covet iot bt|nglng ao
ites| iotces an1 saoo|les iot a satotlse oen
s:ve.
In l ) , w|en wenegot|ate1 t|e una| Kotean
atm|sc|ce, we |new t|e commanlsts |a1 no |n
centlonoi|eeolngc|e|to|e1ges, becaasec|ey|a1
a|tea1ybto|enc|e|totomlsecotecatna|| Ametl
canotsonets.
1n l ) , w|en Ptes|1ent lsen|owetwaso|an
n.ng a samm|t meet|ng w|t| commanlst |ea1ets
at Geneva, c|e :enate Incetna| :ecatlty :aocom
m|tteete|ease1toc|eotessascasca1yw||c|te
vea|e1 t|at cteaty btea||ng |s an |nsctament oi
:ov|ecnac|ona|oo||cy.
"The staf studied nearly a thousand treaties
and agreements . . . both bilateral and multi
lateral, which the Soviets have entered into not
only with the United States, but with countries
all over the world. The staff found that in the
38 short years since the Soviet Union came into
existence, its Government had broken its word
to virtually every country to which it ever gave
a signed promise. It signed treaties of nonaggres
sion with neighboring states and then absorbed
those states. It signed promises to refrain from
revolutionary activity inside the countries with
which" it sought 'friendship,' and then cynically
broke those promises. It was violating the frst
agreement it ever signed with the United States
at the very moment the Soviet envoy, Litvinov,
was putting his signature to that agreement, and
it is still violating the same agreement in 1 955
e . . . It keeps no international promises at all
unless doing so is clearly advantageous to the
Soviet Union. "( S)
ln Octobet l , l )s, teotesentat|ves oi c|e
Ln|ce1 :cacesan1 c|e :ov|ec Ln|onmec iot tesc
ban ta||s, an1 agtee1 to sasoen1 a|| test|ng oi
nac|eat weaoons, w|c|oac lnsoecc|ons, w|||e t|e
ca||s cont|nae1 |sen|owet ot1ete1 a |a|c co
Ln|te1 :caces cesc|ng, acceoclng K|tas|c|ev's an
saoootte1 otom|se t|at |e woa|1 1o | ||ew|se.
Wee|aicetwee|,mont|aicetmonc|,yeataitet
yeat, c|e cest ban ta||s conc|nae1, ita|t|ess|y.
T|e:ov|ecs,basyass|m||ac|nglniotmaclona|tea1y
oto1ace1 by tests, 1|1 notnee1co ma|eany na
c|eats|ots|nt|eacmoso|ete,bact|eywenttlg|c
a|ea1w|c|an1etgtoan1s|ocsan1anyoc|etcesc
|ngt|eyo|ease1, |gnot|ng t|e|t agteementto|a|t
a|| cescs iott|e1atat|on oi c|enegoc|ac|ons. :e
ctet|y. t|ey ma1e oteoatat|ons ot anot|et set|es
oi atmoso|et|c tests, to becon1acce1 w|en c|ey
wete tea1y.
Page 243
lsen|owet |epc c|e agteeoenc, |owevet, pet
olcclng no Aoetlcan cesclng ot ptepataclon iot
cescs, 1atlng c|eteoaln1et oi |ls a1olnlsctaclon.
Kenne1yconclnae1c|ebanonnacleatcesclng.
Kennedy and the Nucl ear Ban
lnAagasc30, 1 961 , c|e:ovlecs (|avlngcoo
plece1 analyses oi c|elt lacesc setles oi oaj ot ac
oosp|etlccescscon1acce1ln 1958, j asc beiotec|e
ootacotlao began, abtapcly annoance1 c|ac
c|ey woal1 tesaoe antesctlcce1 cesclng.
On Matc| 2, 1 962, Ptesl1encKenne1y sal1c|e
:ovlecs, lnc|elt nacleat cescs, weteptesslng |at1
cowat1 c|e goal oi 1eveloplng c|e oosc 1espet
acely nee1e1 weapon oi oat cloea oeans oi
1esctoylng accac|lng eneoy toc|ecs beiote c|ey
explo1e oncatgec. T|e Ptesl1enc sal1 c|e :ovlec
cescs oi 1961 teilecce1 . . . c|e ctlal oi novel
1eslgnsan1cec|nlqaes,an1sooesabscanclalgalns
ln weaponty. Menclonlng c|epowetial nacleat
accac| ai1 1eiense capablllcy w|lc| c|e :ovlecs
ate1eveloplng,c|ePtesl1encwatne1c|aciatc|et
:ovlecs cescs woal1 pac c|e itee wotl1 ln gtave
1anget. He sal1 c|ac c|e Lnlce1 :caces cannoc
oa|e slollat sctl1es wlc|oac cesclng ln c|e ac
oosp|ete as well as an1etgtoan1, an1 c|ac ln
oany ateas oinacleat weapons teseatch we |ave
teac|e1 c|e polnc w|ete oat ptogtess ls sclne1
wlc|oac expetloencs |n evety envltonoenc.
l I0)
OnMatc|1 1, 1 962, Robetc:. McNaoata, :ec
tecaty oiDeiense, sal1 c|e Lnlce1 :caces |as no
teasonable ptospecc oi 1eveloplng a saccessial
1eienseagalnscolsslles. Acc|esaoecloe,Aoetl
can omclal1oo genetally was tenecclng c|e ex
ptesse1convlcclonoic|ePtesl1encc|acc|e:ovlecs
oay be on c|e polnc oi 1eveloplng sac| a 1e
ienslveweapon.
'
1nvlewoi all c|ls, lcwasteasonableco assaoe
c|ac c|e Ptesl1enc woal1 ot1et looe1lace ptep
ataclons iot oasslve Aoetlcan cesclng oi nacleat
weapons. He1l1noc. Heo:1e:e1ane
set.es
oi
acoosp|etlccescs co be |el1 ln c|e acc bega
nlng ln lace Aptll, 1 962 bac ptoo:se1 c|ac c|e
cescswoal1nocbecon1acce1 lic|e:ovlecswoal1
slgn a nacleat cesc ban by ol1Aptll.
...
T|e:ovlecs slgne1 noagteeoencs, an1 a setles
oiAoetlcannacleatcescslnc|eacoosp|etebegan
onAptll26, 1962 c|entscsac|cescsslnce1958.
acc|ecesclngwasclol1an1|alclng,|obble1by
pollclcs an1 ptopagan1a.'
.
'' T|ls la1lctoas slca
aclonconclnae1 ancll jane, 1 963, w|enPtesl1enc
Kenne1y saspen1e1 all plans iot Aoetlcan cesc
lng, ln1ennlcely.
fn jaly 25, 1 963, W. Avetell Hattloan
slgne1,lnMoscow,anacleatcescbanctea:yw|lc|
|e|a1nego:lace1wlc|K|tas|c|evan1wlc|Lot1
Halls|ao, :clenceMlnlscet oiGteactlcaln. T|e
cteacy
|c|evan1oiCasttoan1oicoooan|sts||p
capta:ns t|at :ov|et o|ss|les wete be|ng ta|en
?
atoiCabaant|atnoootewetebe|ngbtoag|t
:n. Kenne1y :gnote1 |ntell|gence |niotoat|on
itoo t|e Caban an1etgtoan1 (w||c| |as been
teoat|ably eta|le1 an1 cons|stently accatate,
t|a t|e :ov:ets wete |ncteas|ng t|e sttengt| oi
t|e:t atoe1 iotces an1 oens|ve weaponty |n
Caba.
Caves along t|e Caban coast |ave been con
vette1 |nto bases iot saboat|nes w||c| can hte
toc|ets|ntoAoet|canc|t|es. :ov|eto|ss||es once
v|s|bl
itoo
t|e a:t, |ave been stote1 an1etgtoan1 |n t|e
Caban ||lls.
||le all oi t||s was go|ng on, Ptes|1ent
Kenne1
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The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
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If you think Dan Smot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
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Page 255
|e emo|te oi soc|a||ze1 oowet |as oow
sotea1aoc||c|ebateaactacs,fg|c|ogamoogc|em
se|vesiotcoocto|,atecao1|1|ytevea||ogc|e|ttea|
oatoose o| e||m|nac|og Amet|cao ot|vace encet
ot|se. ln a11|c|oo co c|e oac|oo-w|1e oowet gt|1
sc|eme, |n a11|c|oo co Kenne1y s m+|c| b| || |oo
1o||at Passamaqao11y otooosa| on c|e bot1et oi
Ma|oeao1Caoa1a , an1 |n a11|c|ooco c|e Ttoc
cets :|oa|s otojecc |n :oac| Cato||oa, c|e Ken
ne1y a1m|o|sctac|oo |s otesenc|y atg|ng ie1eta|
exoeo1|cates oi mote c|an l b| |||on 1o||ats iot
coosctacc|oo oi seven |age oowet iac|| |c|es ( |n
At|zooa, Geotg|a, l1a|o, Moncana, Otegon, V|t
g|n|a, w||c| ot|vacecomoan|eswaocco ba||1
The Way Out
tongtess s|oa|1 tej ecc a|| oeo1|og |eg|s|ac|on
an1 otooosa|s |ot exoan1|ng c|e e|ecct|c oowet
emo|te o| c|e |e1eta| bateaactacy. lc s|oa|1 te
iase co ma|e |atc|et aootoot|ac|ons |ot ex|sc|ng
govetomenciac|||c|es,an1 s|oa|1 comoe| c|e|e1
eta|govetnmenccose||all o|c|e|ac|||c|es ( TVA,
Bonnev|||e, Hoovet, Looet Co|ota1oall oi
c|em, co c|e oeoo|e, co be tan as ot|vace encet
ot|ses w||c|woa|1pay, tac|et c|ao waste, caxes.
T||s woa|1 scoo c|e soc|a||zac|oo oi a |ey
Amet|cao |n1ascty lc woa|1 save caxoayets b||
| | ons oi 1o||ats w||c| c|e ooetac|og |osses o|
e1eta| ooweto|ancsnowcosc ,ao1otocee1sitom
sa|eo| c|e b|g govetnmenc |osca||ac|ons coa| 1be
ase1 co ma|e a sabscanc|a| te1acc|on |o c|e na
c|ooa|1ebc.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "Publ i c Power Lobby Gets Tips from Moscow," Human
Ellentsl November 3, 1 962, pp. 839-40
( 2 ) "US Moves to Federal ize Power," article, Nation's Business
September, 1961 . reprinted in Human Events September 29:
1 961 , p. 642
( 3 ) U. S. News & World Report, Jul y 29, 1 963, p. 10
(4) The Los Angeles Examiner, December 20, 1 961
( 5 ) Congressional Record, Apri l 1 , 1 963, pp. 4963-4
( 6) "Interior, FPC Struggle Over Transmission Line Control, "
article, COJlg,essional Quarterly 11 eekly Report, May 1 7, 1963,
pp. 769- 72
( 7 ) For a detailed account of federal land grab poli cies see this
Report, "Confiscating The Land," July 29, 1 963 .
( 8 ) "Big Dam Foolishness," SIr01 T hurlllond Reports To The
People, May 1 3. 1 963
( 9) Washingtoll Report, by V. s. Congressman James B. Vtt,
( Republ i can, Cal i forni a ) . May 2 1 , 1959
( 1 0 ) "Socialism Or Freedom For America-I Took The Oath "
speech by U. S. Representative Ben F. Jensen, daily COllgr;s
S10lal Record, May 4, 1 959, pp. 6625- 32
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Page 256
M
Ifl Smoot Reportli
Vol. 9, No. 33 (Broadcast 41 8) August 1 9, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
A NEW ATTACK ON THE CONNALLY RESERVATI ON
Ac :|e |n:etnac|onal conietence | n :an Itanc|sco ( )ane, l )4 , w|en c|e Ln|ced Nac|ons
C|atcet was wt|c:en, c|ete was sctong senc|men: iot a LN Wotld Coatc w||c| woald |ave
comoa|soty j at|sd|c:|on ovet membet nac|ons, ba:oooos|:|on co sac| a otooosa| was also sctong.
T|e comotom|se was a otov|s|on |n C|aocet XIVoic|e Ln|ced Nac|ons C|atcet escabl|s||ng:|e
lncetna:|ona| Coat: oi )asc|ce (geneta|ly cal|ed Wot|d Coatc , as a ot|nc|oal otgan oi c|e LN,
co ianc:|on |n accotdance w|c| a soca|led ::acace, annexed co :|eC|atcetand cons|detedoat:
oi |:.
T|e ::aca:e oic|eIncetnac|onal Coatc oi )as:|ce otov|des :|ac a|l LN membets aacoma:|cally
becomemembets oi c|e Wotld Coat:, c|oag| none |s teqa|tedco acceoc |cs j at|sd|cc|on. Nac|ons
w||c| do no: acceocj at|sd|cc|on |ave eqaal t|g|csand oowetsw|c|tegatdcoc|eCoatcasnac|ons
w|.c| do acceoc |:s j at|sd|c:|on.( 1 )
The Court
|e Wot|d Coat: cons|s:s oi l j adges, all e|ec:ed, iot n|neyeat cetms, bya majot|cyvoce |n
:|eLN:eca:|:yCoanc||and bya majot|cyvoce |nc|eLNGenetal Assembly.T|ecand|daces ate
nom|naced by c|e LN :ecte:aty Geneta|, itom names sabm|cced by na:|ona| gtoaos |n :|e Pet
manencCoatc oi Atb|cta:|on ac c|eHagae. No oatc|calat qaal|fcac|ons ate soec|fed.
Nonac|on (exceoc c|e:ov|ecLn|on, can|ave mote c|an one oi |cs nac|onals on c|e Wotld
Coat:. T|e :ov|ecs can |ave c|tee j adges on c|e coat: a: one c|me, becaase oi an agteemenc
w||c| Ptes|denc Itan|||n D koosevelc made w|c| :cal|n ac \alca |n l )4tecogn|z|ng :|e
:ov|ec otov|nces oi Bye|otass|a and c|e L|ta|ne as | ndeoendenc na:|ons, enc|cled co iall teote
senca:|on |n all LN agenc|es.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $1 0.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1. 00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 257
N|oej a1gescoosc|caceaqaotamiotcbeWotl1
Coatcco 1o bas|oess, ao1 a maj ot|cy oicbe o|oe
caoteo1etj a1gmeocs.Tb|smeaoscbacuvej a1ges,
oo a coatc oi 1 5 , cao ma|e 1ec|s|oos. Ii cbe
coatc ia|lscoteacba1ec|s|oo,becaase|c|seveoly
1|v|1e1, c|e Ptes|1eoc oi c|e coatc cao casc ao
excta voce co btea| cbe c|e. Tbe Ptes|1eoc ( w|o
|s elecce1 by c|e coatc |cseli , bas oc|et btoa1
oowets |e cooctols |eat|ogs, 1|teccs a1m|o|scta
c|ve bas|oess, ao1 aooo|ocs atb|ctacots ao1 am
o|tes No j a1ge cao betemove1 itomcbe coatc,
exceoc by aoao|moas 1ec|s|oo oi cbe ocbet 14
j a1ges Tbe coatc escabl|sbes |cs owo tales, ao1,
|o cases wbete c|ete |s 1|soace, escabl|sbes |cs
owo j at|s1|ct|oo. T|ete | s oo aooeal itom a 1e
c|s|oooic|ecoatc.
J|as, c|e Wotl1 Coatc |sc|emoscexctaot1|
oatyj a1|c|al bo1y |o||scoty. Ic |scbeoolycoatc
(cetca|oly |oc|e b|scotyoiwescetooac|oos , evet
emoowete1 co 1ecetm|oe ooc ooly |cs owo tales
ao1 otoce1atesbac|cs j at|s1|cc|oo. IocbeLo|ce1
:caces, Coogtess bas absolace aac|ot|cy co 1ecet
m|oe ( l|m|c, eolatge, ot abol|s|, c|e aooellace
j at|s1|cc|oo oi all ie1etal coatcs ( |ocla1|og cbe
:aoteme Coatc , . Ooly cbe Wotl1 Coatc |s
emoowete1 co ma|e 1ec|s|oos itom w||cb cbete
|sno relief. IocbeLo|ce1 :caces, 1ec|s|oosoic|e
:aoteme Coatc caoooc beaooeale1, bac c|e|t ei
iecccaobesecas|1eotoall|ue1byCoogtess.Tbe
Wou1Coatc|sao|qae| ocbacam|oot|cyoiooe
c||t1 oi |cs membets cao teo1et a 1ec|s|oo. Ic |s
ao|qae |o c|ac oo oacs|1e aac|ot|cy cao temove
ooe oi |cs j a1ges, tegat1less oi w|ac |e 1oes. Io
cbe Lo|ce1 :caces, Coogtess cao |moeacb ao1 te
move itom once aoy ie1etal j a1ge ( |ocla1|og a
:aoteme Coatc j asc|ce, iot ba1 be|av|ot. No
maccet |ow ba1 cbe bebav|ot oi a Wotl1 Coatc
j a1ge, |e caoooc be temove1 exceoc by aoao|
moas voce oi cbe ocbet 14 j a1ges. Tbe Wotl1
Coatc |s ao|qae |o cbac ooe oi |cs j a1ges bas a
1oable voce |o cases so cooctovets|al c|ac cbey
1|v|1ec|e coatceveoly.
I|e most astools|log t|log aboat :|e Wou1
Coatc,|owevet, | sc|ac|ccaobescae1 ao1coo
ctolle1 by oac|oos wb|c| soato |cs j at|s1|cc|oo.
Connal l y' s Reseration
J|eLo|ce1Nac|oosC|atcet ( w|c|c|e:cacace
oi c|e Iocetoac|ooal Coatc aooeo1e1 as ao |o
cegtal oatc , wass|goe1ac :ao Itaoc|sco oo)aoe
26, 1945 . Oo)ely 28, 1945, cbeL. :. :eoace ( by
tac|iy|og cbe LN C|atcet as |i |c wete a cteacy,
iotmally aac|ot|ze1 Lo|ce1 :caces membets||o |o
c|e LN Oo Occobet 24, 1945, c|e:ov|ecLo|oo
tac|fe1 c|e LN C|atcet (lasc oi cbe fve majot
oowets co 1o so, , ao1 c|e Lo|ce1 Nac|oos iot
mally came |oco be|og.
Byj o|o|ogcbeLN,c|eLo|ce1:cacesaacomac|
ca|ly became amembet oit|eWotl1 Coatc. We
wete ooc, |owevet, boao1 co acceoc |cs j at|s1|c
c|oo,aolessoatgovetomeocfle1aiotmal1eclata
c|oo oi acceotaoce. Tbe Ttamao a1m|o|sctac|oo
1emao1e1 c|acc||s be1ooe Io1ee1,cbe1:|veco
sabj ecc c||s oac|oo co Wotl1 Coatc j at|s1|cc|oo
begao s|x mooc|s beiote c|e coatccame|oco ex
|sceoce. T|e coatc was iotmally otgao|ze1 May
6, 1946. :|xmooc|sbeiote ( |oNovembet, 1 945 ) ,
:eoacot Wayoe Motse, itom Otegoo, |octo1ace1
atesolac|oog|v|og:eoacecooseoccoLo|ce1:caces
acceocaoce o| comoalsoty j at|s1|cc|oo oi cbe
Wotl1 Coatc. Oo Decembet 1 7, 1 945 , C|t|sc|ao
Hetcet ( c|eoaLo|ce1:cacesReoteseocac|ve, lacet
|seobowet s:ectecatyoi:cace, |octo1ace1 |oc|e
Hoase a s|m||at tesolac|oo.
Oo)aly 24, 1946, c|e:eoaceIote|goRelac|oos
Comm|ccee, by aoao|moasvoce, teootce1 Motses
tesolac|oococ|e:eoaceiotiavotableacc|oo. Tbe
tesolac|ootesolve1cbac,
" . . . the Senate . . . consent to the deposit by
the President of the United States with the Sec
retary General of the United Nations of a decla
ration . . . recognizing as compulsory . . . the ju
risdiction of the International Court of Justice
in all legal disputes hereafter arising concern
mg -
"( a) the interpretation of a treaty;
"(b) Any question of international law;
"(c) The existence of any fact which, if
established, would constitute a breach of an in
ternational obligation;
"(d) The nature or extent of the repara-
Page 258
tion to be made for the breach of an international
obligation.
"Provided, That such declaration shall not ap
ply to -
"(a) disputes the solution of which the
parties shall entrust to other tribunals by virtue
of agreements already in existence or which may
be concluded in the future;
"(b) disputes with regard to matters
which are essentially within the domestic Juris
diction of the United States . . + e
|enc|etesolac|oncamebeiote c|e :enace
iot a voceAagasc 1 , 1946 consetvac|ves
ta|sedav|calqaesc|on. w|ow|lldecetm|new|ec|
etamaccet|sessenc|allyw|c||noatnac|onalj at|s
d|cc|on: W|ac| ic|e:ov|ecss|oaldbt|ngc|atges
aga|nsc c|e Ln|ced :caces iot noc adm|cc|ng com
man|sc so|es and saboceats as |mm|gtancs : T|e
Ln|ced :caces m|g|c cla|m |n va|n c|ac oat |m
m|gtac|on laws ate exclas|vely oat bas|ness. T|e
Wotld Coatc (on w||c| we coald nevet |ave
mote c|an one j adge, w||le comman|scs coald
|avea majot|cy, coald dec|de c|ac oat |mm|gta
c|onlawsate|ncetnac|onal aa|ts. W|ac |i Pana
ma s|oald sae iot ownets||o and conctol oi oat
Panama Canal ? T|e Woud Coatc coald acceoc
j at|sd|c:|ononc|egtoandsc|ac c|emaccetaeccs
allnac|ons,and|ccoalddec|decog|vec|eCanalco
Panama. W|ac|iwect|edcodecteaseotcetm|nace
oat a|d co some iote|gn nac|on, an! c|ac nac|on
saedas|nc|eWotldCoatc,cla|m|ngc|acAmet|
caniote|gna|daeccsall nac|onsandc|acallna
c|ons c|eteiote masc |ave a vo|ce |n decetm|n|ng
oatiote|gn a|d ool|c|es ?
T|eMotseHetcet ctowd atgaed c|acwecoald
ctasc c|e Woud Coatc. Consetvac|ves wete an
w|ll |ngco olaceoatnac|onal |ndeoendence |nc|e
|andsoi1 4 iote|gnets,all,otamajot|cy,oiw|om
m|g|c be comman|scs.
5enacot Tom Connally ( Democtac, Texas ,
was C|a|tman oi c|e :enace Iote|gn Relac|ons
Comm|ccee. He vas eaget iot c|e Lnited :caces
co acceoc j at|sd|cc|on oi c|e Wotld Coatc. Io
allayconsetvac|ve ieatsc|acc|ecoatcm|g|cmed
dle |nAmet|ca s domesc|c aua|ts, Iom Connally
otooosed an amendmenc, ot tesetvac|on, co c|e
MotseWotldCoatctesolac|on.T|eConnallyRes
etvac|on cons|sced oi s|x wotds "as determined
by the United States. JJ
On Aagasc 2, 1946, c|e :enace, by a voce oi
62 coz, aootovedc|eMotseWotld Coatctesola
c|on, as amended by c|e Connally Resetvac|on.
T|as, as unally enacced, oat iotmal declatac|on
oi acceocance oi Woud Coatc j at|sd|cc|on oto
v|desc|acc|eLn|ced :caces w|ll not acceoc com
oalsotyj at|sd|cc|onoic|ecoatc|nmaccetsw||c|
ateessenc|ally w|c||nc|e domesc|cj at|sd|cc|onoi
c|e Ln|ced :caces as determined by the United
States."
Efforts To Repeal
1ncetnac|onal|scs | nc|e Amet|can Bat Assoc|a
c|on |mmed|ace|y began a otooaganda camoa|gn
aga|nsc c|e Connally Resetvac|on, cty|ng co oet
saadec|eoabl|candc|e:enacecoacceocc|e|dea
c|ac c|e tesetvac|on masc be teoealed In Iebta
aty,1947, c|eAmet|canBatAssoc|ac|on,byaclose
voce, tecommended teoeal
Bac mass|ve and concetced otooaganda eotcs
iot teoeal oic|eConnallyResetvac|ond|dnocbe
g|n anc|l 1 1 yeats lacet. T|e utscgteac wave oi
t|ecot|c bto|e atoand May 1 , 1 958 (c|e utsc
Law Day, L :. A , , w|c| a sadden soace oi
otooagandaaboacWoudPeaceT|toag|Woud
Law. T|e otooaganda conc|naed w|c| evett|s
|ng vo|ameiot a|mosccwoyeatsalloi| cc|an
det|ng c|e c|eme c|acc|e utsc sceo cowatd oeace
on eatc| mascbeteoeal oic|e ConnallyResetva
c|on.
ln ||s :cace oi c|e Ln|on Message on )anaaty
9, 1 959, Ptes|denc |sen|owet sa|d |e wanced a
teexam|nac|on oioat own telac|onco c|e Incet
nac|onal Coatc oi )asc|ce. On Matc| 24, 1959,
:enacotHabetcH Hamo|tey ( Democtac,M|nne
soca, j o|nedby:enacot)acob K. )av|cs (Reoabl|
can, New \ot|, |nctodaced a teso|ac|on co te
oea|c|eConnallykesetvac|on OnAot|l1 3, 1959,
V|cePtes|dencR|c|atdM. N|xonoabl|clytecom
mended mod|uc
,
c|onoic|eConnallyResetvac|on.
Page 259
Oo Octobet l , l )), t|eAmet|caoBat Assoc|a
t|oo teleased a soec|al comm|ttee teoott tecom
meod|ogteoeal oit|eCoooallyResetvat|oo.
T|e s6t| Coogtess adj oatoed |o l))w|t|oat
act|og oo t|e Hamo|tey tesolat|oototeoeal t|e
CoooallyResetvat|oo,batooNovembetl , l )),
Ptes|deot|seo|owet ( |oalettetto:eoatotHam
o|tey, eodotsed t|e Hamo|tey otooosal |seo
|owevetsa|d|e|ooedteoealoit|eCoooallyRes
etvat|oo woald g|ve t|e wotld a mote eect|ve
meaos to oteveot sac| btatal ases oiotce
s
commao|sts ased |o Haogaty aod T.bet T|.s
|seo|owet temat| (cleatly |moly|og t|at t|e
Coooally Resetvat|oo was oattly tesooos|ble iot
commao|st best|al|ty |oHaogatyaod T|bet, was
aoolaaded aod teoeatedeodle
sly by |otet
!
at|oo
al|st l|betals, oooe oiw|omtt:ed to exolaa|ow
t|e satteodet oi Amet|cao |odeoeodeoce to t|e
Wotld Coattcoalc |o1aeoce t|ecommao|stoto
gtamoicooqaestbytettotaodmassmatdet
1o ||s :tateoi t|e Lo|oo Message )aoaaty 7,
l )6c,Ptes|deot|seo|owetaga|oeodotsedteo
eal
oi t|eCoooallyResetvat|oo T|e :eoate Iote.go
Relat|oosComm|ttee ( aodett|e c|a|tmaos||o oi
) W|ll|am Ialbt|g|t, sc|edaled |e
t|ogs, obv|
oasly |oteod|og to |eatoolyt|ose
.toesses w|o
iavotedteoeal Itseemedcataoddt.ed t|ecom
m|ttee woald iavotably teoott, aod t|e :eoate
oetiaoctot|ly oass, t|e
t|o
!
|e|o comm.
tee,,bateottstosatteodet at.s.ct.oooiAmet.
caoaa|tstot|eWotld Coatt d:d ootabate
Iot examole, |o May, )6c, t|e :tate Deoatt
meotseottot|e:eoate,iot|tsadv|ceaodcooseot,
ioat LN Cooveot|oos ( |otetoat|ooal agteemeots
byLNmembets , cooceto|og t|eLawoit|e:ea
It also seot a ototocol agteemeot w||c| woald
b|od all s|goatoty oat|oos to acceot comoalsoty
j at|sd|ct|oo oi t|e Wotld Coatt |o all d|soates
at|s|og itom t|e Law oi t|e :ea agteemeots.
At t|e last momeot, t|e :eoate tecogo|zed
t||s ototocol +gteemeot as a bac|sta|ts eott to
c|tcamveot aod aodetm|oet|eCoooallyResetva
t|oo T|e ototocol was deieated. Bat s|oce t|at
t|me tteat|es betweeot|eLo|ted :tatesaodot|et ,
coaott|es oiteo coota|oclaases g|v|ogt|e Woud
Coatt j at|sd|ct|oo ovet all d|soates at|s|og itom
sac| tteat|es. Io t|me, |ieooag| sac| tteat|es ate
made, t|e Coooally Resetvat|oo w|ll become
meao|ogless,w|t|oatiotmalteoeal.
Neaow||le, |otetoat|ooal|sts |ave dev|sed a
iastet met|od oi satteodet|og t|e |odeoeodeoce
aodsovete|got,oit|eLo|ted :tates, t|toag|ao
tesetved acceotaoce oi Wotld Coatt jat|sd|c|oo
ovetoatoat|ooalaa|tsOo)aoezc, l )6), Loted
:tates :eoatotRassell B. Loog ( Democtat, Loa|
s|aoa, |ottodaced :eoate Resolat|o
l 66 as|og
t|e Ptes|deot to sooosot |o t|e Loted Nat.oos
a olaototecoost|tatet|eWoud Coatt. T|eolao
woald
( 1 ) Give the World Court com
ulsory j
ris
diction over all members of the Umted NatIOns;
(2) Give the Court itself power to overrule (by
a vote of 1 0 of its 15 judges) the plea of any na
tion that a matter referred to the Court is purely
a domestic afair of that nation;
( 3) Eliminate the national citizenship of all
j udges and their families, maing
he
super
citizens of all UN member natIons ( UnIted Na
tions citizens") , with diplomatic immunity every
where;
Page 260
(4) Provide for the election of World Court
j udges for life, making their salaries tax free;
(5) Provide that future elections of j udges
would be held only to replace vacancies and that
they be elected by a plurlity of votes in the Se
curity Council and the General Assembly rather
than by a majority as is now the rule.
T|e Loog olao was 1ev|se1 by bet|at1 P.
Deacsc|,ao|ocetoac|ooa||sclawyetitomNewOt
|eaosw|o|asbeeo| oc|eioteitooc oiAmet|cao
Bat Assoc|ac|oo otooagao1|scs iot teoeal oi c|e
Co
taoce, G
teac
Bt|ca|o, Hoodatas, lod.a, )aoao, Pa|.scao, P|.|p
o|oes,Potcagal, :oac|A|t|ca,:adao,Tat|ey. O|
c|ese 1 3 oac|oos w|ose acceocaoces o| Wot|d
Coatc j at|sd|cc|oo ate v|tcaal|y meao.og|ess e
caase t|ey +tee+oee|+b|eoo ooc|ce, 5 ( Aascc+l.+,
Itaoce,Iod|a, Potcagal, Gteac Bt|ca|o, also |ave
soec|fed tesetvac.oos |at mote tesct|cc.ve oo
Wotld Coatc j at|sd|cc|oo c|ao oat CoooallyRes
etvac|oo Two o| c|e l ( :oac| A|t|ca aod :a
dao, |avetesct|cc|oosotacc.callyc|esameasoat
Coooa||yResetvac.oo.
lstae| s ad|eteoce co Wotld Coatcj at|sd|cc|oo
|sso tesct|cc|ve c|ac |c eoab|es Istael co acceoc ot
deoy j at.sd|cc|oo, as Istae| o|eases.
Cambod.a ad|eteocecoWot|dCoatcj at|sd|c
c|oo w||| be caoce|ab|e oo ooc|ce by Cambod|a
a|cet:eocembet9, 1 967.
T|e Nec|et|aod s ad|eteoce co Wotld Coatc
j at.sd.cc|ootesetvesco T|eNec|etlaodsc|et|g|c
co exclade |tom c|e coatcs j at.sd|cc.oo aoy d|s
oaces w||c| T|e Nec|etlaods may w|s| co secc|e
bymeaosoc|etc|aobyte|ettalcoc|ecoatc.
L|bet|a aod Mex|co, .o ad|e:.og co Wotld
Coatc j at|sd.cc.oo, made tesetvac.oos eqa|valeoc
co oat Coooa||y Resetvac|oo.
J|as,o|c|e3S oac|oosw||c||aveacceoced
Wot|d Coatc j at|sd|cc|oo, 27 f|ed acceocaoces
v||c| eoable c|em co acceoc ot tej ecc c|ecoatc s
j at|sd.cc|oo .s c|ey olease T|.s meaos c|ac ooly
s oac|oos|aveacceocedWotldCoatcj at.sd.cc|oo
as comoa|soty aoooc|em |oc|esecc|emeoco|.o
cetoac.ooal d|soaces. T|ose s oac.oos ate Itee
C|.oa, Deomat|, I.olaod, L|bet|a, Mex|co, Not
vay, :wedeo, Lo.ced :caces. O| c|ese 8, c|tee
tesetvec|e t|g|ccodeoyc|e coatc j at|sd|cc.oo |o
casesc|+catesct.ctlydomest|c aa.tsoic|oseoa
c|oos, aod tesetve c|e t.g|c co decetm|oe c|em
se|ves w|ac .s a domesc.c aa.t . L|bet|a, Mex|co,
aodc|eLo.ced:caces.
L|bet.a, Mex.co, aodc|eLo|ced:cacesotom|se
co acceoc Wot|d Coatc j at|sd|cc|oo aoc.| s|x
mooc|safter c|eyg.veooc|ceo|caocel|ac|oo.Deo
mat|, I.o|aod, Notway, aod :wedeo may caoce|
c|e|t ad|eteoces co Wotld Coatc j at|sd.cc|oo by
g|v.og ooc.ce s.x mooc|s before a soec|fed dace.
T|as, c|ese |oat :caod.oav|ao oac|oos cao escaoe
|tom c|e comoa|soty j at.sd|cc.oo o| c|e Wot|d
Coatcmoteeas.|y c|aoc|eLo|ced :caces, L|bet|a,
aodMex.cocao
IteeC||oa .sc|e only oac.oow|.c| ad|eres co
Wot|d Coa:cj at|sd|cc.oomote comolecely ( w|c|
Page 262
|ess tesetvat|oo, t|ao t|e Lo|ted :tates.
Iooteseot|ogt|eseeva|aat|oosoiWot|dCoatt
j at|sd|ct|oo ovet oat|oos oi t|e wot|d, I am oot
stat|ogmyoo|o|oos. Iamg|v|ogaoexactaoa|ys|s
oit|edec|atat|oosoiacceotaocew||c.t|oseoa
t|oos u| ed, aod w||c| ate oab| |s|ed |o t|e 1958-
1959 Yeatboo| oit|elotetoat|ooa| Coatt oi)as
t|ce, oages .c... A iew deta||soimy aoa|ys|s
atebasedooaoatt.c|e|ot|e:ammet, 1 963, |ssae
oiLaw Today, oages 36- 39.
Jo sam |t ao |otetoat|ooa||sts w|o waot to
teoea| t|e Coooa||y Resetvat|oo aod oetm|t t|e
Wot|d Coatt to assame ao||m|ted j at|sd|ct|oo
ovetAmet|cao aua|ts, d|s|ooest|ystatet|att|ete
ateoo|y s|xoat|oos |ot|e wot|d w||c| ma|e te
stt|ct|vetesetvat|oos|ot|e|tad|eteoce to Wot|d
Coatt j at|sd|ct|oo, aod t|at t|e Lo|ted :tates | s
ooe oi t|e s|x T|e ttat| | s, oi t|e 1 1 0 Lo|ted
Nat|oosmembetsoit|eWot|d Coatt, oo|y8 oa
t|oos ( t|e Lo|ted :tates aod ot|ets , |ave ac
ceoted Wot|d Coatt j at|sd|ct|oo as compulsory
aooo t|em. Oi t|ose 8, ioat cao escaoe itom
comoa|soty j at|sd|ct|oo mote eas||y t|ao t|e
Lo|ted :tates cao, aod 2 |ave acceoted Wot|d
Coattj at|sd|ct|ooootetmsv|ttaa||y|deot|ca|w|t|
oats.
The Court We Can Trust
loe d|s|ooest atgameot oi |otetoat|ooa||sts
w|o waot teea| oi t|e Coooa| |y Resetvat|oo |s
t|att|eWot|dCoattcaobettastedoottoassame
j at|sd|ct|oo wtoog|y ot ot|etw|se do aoyt||og
|atmia|tot|eLo|ted :tates.
Loo|att|eoteseotWot|dCoatt. Its 1 5 j adges
ateitomAtgeot|oa, Aastta||a,IteeC||oa,Itaoce,
Gteat Bt|ta|o. Gteece, Ita|y, )aoao, Mex|co, Pao
ama, Peta, Po|aod, :ov|et Lo|oo, Lo|ted Atab
Reoab||c, Lo|ted :tates
Oi t|e 1 5 oat|oos teoteseoted oo t|e coatt,
do oot eveo ma|e a oteteose oi acceot|og t|e
coatts j at|sd|ct|oo, to aoy degtee, |o aoy tyoe oi
case, ot aodet aoy c|tcamstaoces Atgeot|oa,
Gteece, Ita|y, Peta, Po|aod, :ov|etLo|oo,Lo|ted
AtabReoab||c.
Oi t|e ot|et 8 j adges oo t|e Wot|d Coatt, 5
ate itom oat|oos w||c|tesetve t|et|g|tto tej ect
ot acceot t|e coatts j at|sd|ct|oo as t|ey o|ease.
Aastta||a, Itaoce, Gteat Bt|ta|o, )aoao, Paoama.
Oit|e 1 5 j adges oo t|e oteseot Wot|d Coatt,
2 ate itom commao|st coaott|es Po|aod aod t|e
:ov|et Lo|oo. T|e commao|st itom Po|aod |s
WH O I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1 942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to ]. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 195 1 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tols for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 263
Ptes|deoc oi c|e coatc, eoc|cled co a doable voce
|o casesw|eoc|e coatc |seveoly d|v|ded, aod |e
|s eodowed w|c| oc|et exceoc|ooal oowets.
T|eLo|ced:cacesoac|ooalooc|eWoudCoatc
|s Dt. P||l|o C. jessao ( oom|oaced by Ptes|deoc
|seo|owet|oNovembet, l)6c, . Ioc|eoasc, Dt.
)essao |adoc|al coooecc|oos w|c|acleasc8 oo
cot|oas commao|sc itooc otgao|zac|oos, |oclad|og
c|emoscoocot|oas oiall, c|e losc|cace oi Pac|uc
Relac|oos, aod Dt. jessao was closely assoc|aced
w|c|sac||oowocommao|scageocsasAlgetH|ss,
HattyDexcetW||ce,Itedet|c|Vaodetb|lcI|eld,
aod Laac|l|o Catt|e jessao s tecotd |s, |o iacc,
sobadc|acc|e:eoace,|ol ) l , teiasedcocooftm
||soom|oac|oo ( byPtes|deocTtamao, asAmbas
sadot co c|e LN.
What To Do
1c |s a o|cy c|ac c|eool|c|cal leadets||o oic|e
Lo|ced :caces |as bectayed as |oco |av|og aoy
c||ogw|acevet co do w|c| c|e Woud Coatc. T|e
:eoaces|oaldteoealc|el)46Motsetesolac|oooi
acceocaoceaod get us out. Ic|s aol||ely c|ac c|e
oabl|c w|ll exetceooag| otessate oo c|e oteseoc
:eoace co accomol|s| c||s , bac sately c|e oabl|c
w|llscotmc|e:eoacew|c|demaodsc|ac|cdeieac
c|eLoogResolac|oo ( :eoace Resolac|oo i66, |o
ctodaced oojaoe .c, l)6), as||ogiotteotgao|za
c|oooic|eWoudCoatc.
Loc|l we gec oac oi c|e coatc alcogec|et, we
s|oald teca|oc|e otocecc|oo oic|eCoooa|lyRes
etvac|oo aod oloc|all eotcsco c|tcamveoc |c.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) For extensive discussion of the history and meaning of the
World Court, by prominent legal scholars, see the World Court
Issue of L1W Today ( Summer, 1963 ) , official Journal of the
Independent Bar Association, 550 Fifth Avenue, New York 36,
N. Y. ; also three issues of this Report on "World Court and
World law," July and August, 1960.
( 2 ) Article m, Section 2, Clause 2 of the Constitution of the
United States says, in part: "In all the other Cases before
mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction,
both as to law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such
Regulations as the Congress shall make."
( 3 ) Rel1iew of the United Nati01lS Chartet,' A Collection of Docu
ments, Senate Document No. 87, January 7, 1954, pp. 1 08-9
( 4) Law Today, Summer, 1963, p. 6, p. 2 1 , p. 1 5
( 5 ) Speech of U. S . Senator Russell B . long, Congt'essiolal Record
( daily ) , June 20, 1963, pp. 1 0624-33.
W H A T Y O U C A N D O
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-and dragging our Republic into the quicksands of socialism. What can you do about it?
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When enough other Americans know and care as you do, political action to restore our Republic will come.
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saving the country from mushrooming big government, here is a checklist for you: Have you urged others to
subscribe to the Report? Have you sent them reprints of a particular issue of the Report? Have you shown them a
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Government, The Hope Of The World, America's Promise?
Subscription:
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Page 264
.
`
M
III Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 34
(Broadcast 41 9) August 26, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
SECOND ROLL CALLS, Vd
"I have said I do nol dread industrial corp01'atiom as imtmments of power 10 deslroy Ihis cOllnlry, because Ihere are a
thot/sand agencies which can regulate, resu'ain and control them; btll Ihere is a corporation we may all well dread. That
corporation is Ihe federal goverment.
"From the aggressions of Ihis corporation, Ihere can be no safely if il is allowed 10 go beyond Ihe well-defined limils
Of its power.
"I dread nothing so much as Ihe exercise of tmgranled and dOlblftll powers by this govemmenl. It is, in my opinion,
the danger of dangers to the futtlre of Ihis c011111ry.
"Let be s1lYe to keep it always within its lili1s. If Ihis great, ambitious, ever-growing corporalion become oppressive,
who shall check it ? If it become wa),ward, who shall control ;I ? If il become unjust, who shall Imst it?
"As sentinels 011 Ihe cONntry's walchtower, Senalors, I beseech y01l, watch and guard wilh sleepless dread Ihat corporation
which can make all property and righls, all slales and people, and al/ liberl)' and hope its playlhings in an h01.r, and its
victims forever." u. s. Senator Benj amin Harve
y Hi l l of Georg
i a
,
March 27, 1 878
1ete|o ate tabalated t|e secood gtoao oi tol| ca|l votes iot t|e I|tst :ess|oo oi t|e sst|
Coogtess 7 toll calls |o t|e :eoate, , |o t|eHoase. Io t|e May 27, 1 963, Report ( I|tst koll
Calls, 1 963" ) , we tabalated 6 toll calls |o t|e :eoate, 7, |ot|eHoase.
Comoat|og oetceotages oo all toll calls tabalated todate ( 1 3 |ot|e:eoate, 1 2 |ot|eHoase, ,
we fod t|at, |o t||s I|tst :ess|oo oi t|e sst| Coogtess, oo Lo|ted :tates :eoatot |as a 1 00ro
coost|tat|ooal|st vot|og scote. Ooly 1 ( Batty Ge|cwatet , |as 90ro ot bettet. Ooly 1 5 >eoatots
|ave a coost|tat|ooal|stvot|og scoteoi 70ro otbettet (oi t|ese l , 1 0 ate keoabl|caos , . Io t|e
Hoase, z) keoteseotat|ves |ave voted 1 00ro coost|tat|ooa||st ( 27 oi t|emkeoab||cao, , 1 62 |ave
70ro ot bettet ( oi t|ese 162, 141 ate keoabl|caos , .
Io a co|amo oabl|s|ed)aly 7, 1 963, WaltetL|oomaoocomola|oedt|att|esst|Coogtess,aitet
s|x moot|s, |ad oot eoacted aoy maj ot leg|slat|oo, t|at t|eCoogtessseems s|c|, oatalyzed, ao
able to act , t|at |i t|e stalemate coot|oaes, somet||og mast be dooe aboat it.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
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Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 265
L|oomaoo (amembetoic|eCoaoc|looIote|go
Relac|oos , |s ao |dol, ||g| ot|esc, aod soo|es
mao oi leicw|og |ocelleccaals w|o waoc a d|cca
cots||o oi c|e el|ce |o c||s coaocty. ' lo ia|l.og
co aootove c|e Keooedy leg|slac|ve otogtam, c|e
Coogtess |as, c|as iat, slowed dowo oat ad
vaoce cowatd sac| a d|ccacots||o.
T|as, coosc|cac|ooal coosetvac|ves cao tejo.ce
ovetc|ecood.c.ooc|accaases Walcet L|oomaoo
cooceto. T|e oteseoc Coogtess ( c|oag| c|e :eo
acevoc|ogtecotd |s wotsec|ao w|eo weteootced
c|e I|tsc Roll Calls, l)6May z , is slow
|og dowo c|e soc.al|sc tevolac|oo. lc .s sc|ll c|e
besc Coogtess we |ave |ad iot a loog c|me.
Feed Grai ns, 1963
lo Aot|l z , l )6, c|e Hoase oassed HR
4)), exceod|og Keooedys Ieed Gta|os otogtam
iot z mote yeats T|e :eoace oassed c|e B|ll oo
May l6, l )6, by a scaod oi ) co 4l . Ptes|deoc
Keooedy s|goed .c as PLssz6, ooMay zc. T||s
otogtam, g|v|og govetomeoc cooctol oi c|e ieed
gta|os .odascty, |s a bac|doot aootoac| co gov
etomeo: cooctol oi c|e l|vescoc| |odascty. T|e
Hoase voce oo c|e Ieed Gta|os otogtam was
cabalaced |o c|e May z, l )6, |ssae oi c||s Re
port, I|tscRollCalls, l )6. T|e:eoace voce |s
tecotded below |o Colamo , aodet Senate a
C |od|cac|og a coosetvac|ve scaod against.
Si lver Legi sl ati on
lo Aot|l l c, l )6, c|e Hoase oassed HR
s). T|e :eoace oassed |c oo May z , by a
scaod oi s4 co i , aod c|e Ptes|deoc s|goed |c
|oco law as PL ss 6 oo )aoe 4.
T||sAcc ( el|m|oac|ogs|lvetbac||ogiot l aod
zdollat b|lls, teolac|og c|em w|c| Iedetal Re
setve ooces w||c| ate saooosed co |ave a itac
t|ooalgoldbac||og, w|llcaasea|eav|etdta|ooo
oat mooecaty gold esetve, alteady mote c|ao
cocally motcgaged co iote|goets.
T|e Hoasevoceoo c||s :|lvet B|ll wascaba
laced |o c|e May z, l )6, |ssae oi c||s Report.
T|e :eoace voce |s s|owo below |o Colamo s,
aodet Senate C |od|cac|og a coosetvac|ve voce
against.
Mental Faci l ities Act
lo May z, )6, c|e :eoace, by a scaod oi
) co l , oassed : l 6 (KeooedysMeocal Iac|l
|c|esAccoi l )6 , aac|ot.z. og ss4s. m|ll|oo iot
a l cyeat otogtam oigtaocs co ot|vace, scace, aod
oabl|c |osc|cac|oos iot .
(l , coos:tacc|oooiceocetscoooeccedw|c|ao|
vets|c|esaod|oso|calsiotteseatc| |ococ|ecaases
oimeocaltecatdac|oo,aodcteacmeocoisac|cases ,
( z , coosctacc|oo oi commao|cy ceocets iot cate
aod cteacmeocoimeocal oac|eocs , ( , oatcoic|e
sca|ogcoscsoicommao|cymeocal |ealc|ceocets ,
aod ( +, cta.o|ogoiceac|etsoimeocallytecatded,
meocally |ll aod meocally |aod|caooed c||ldteo.
T|e gtaocs woald be oo a macc||og bas|s,
w|c|c|eiedetalgovetomeocoay|og7,| omosc
|oscaoces.
T|elooed|sseocetwasReoabl|cao:eoacotCatl
T. Catc|s oi Nebtas|a :eoacots )o|o G. Towet
(Reoabl|cao, Texas , aod Hatty Ilood Bytd
(Democtac, V|tg|o|a, , d|d ooc ca|e a oabl|c
scaod ooc|eb|ll.
T|e:eoacescaod|scabalacedbelow| oColamo
)aodetSenate C|od.cac|ogacoosetvac|vevoce
against. T|e B|ll |s sc|ll |o Comm|ccee |o c|e
Hoase.
T|e Teo:| Ameodmeoc oto||b|cs c|e Iedetal
govetomeocitomexetc|s|ogoowetsoocdelegace1
co |c by c|e Coosc|cac|oo. T|e Coosc|cac|oo dele
gaces oo oowet co c|e iedetal govetomeoc co u
oaocemeocal iac|l|c|esiotot|vace,scace, otoabl|c
|osc|cac|oos. Heoce, c|e B|ll ( | i evet aootoved
by :|e HosC and signed into law) will violate
c|e Coosc|cac|oo.
Page 266
Nati onal Debt I ncrease
lo May l , l )6, t|e Hoase, by a staod o|
z l to zcs, oassed HR 6cc), aat|ot|z|og t|e
Ptes|deot to ta|se t|e oat|ooal debt l|m|t, tem
ootat|ly, to c) b|ll|oo dollats. T|e :eoate
oassedt|eB|llooMayzs, byastaodo| l to zs.
Ptes|deot Keooedy s|goed |t oo May z) as PL
ssc. T|e :eoate toll call oo t||s measate |s
tabalated below |oColamo l c, aodetSenate; t|e
Hoase toll call, |o Colamo ), aodet House. C
|od|cates a coosetvat|ve staod against ta|s|og t|e
debt l|m|t
T|ete |s gtow|og tes|staoce to t||s ||od o|
uscal |ttesooos|b|l|ty, aodgtov|og teseotmeot o|
Keooedy adm|o|sttat|oootessatetec|o|qaes. T|e
closevote |o t|e Hoase oo May l |od|cates t|at
t|e Hoase may te|ase aoot|et temootaty ta|s
|og o|t|edebt l|m|t t||s yeat.
Disarmament Agency Funds
lo )aoe l , l )6, t|e :eoate, bya staod o|
) to l , oassed : . aat|ot|z|og a t:cm. ll |oo
aootoot|at|oo |ott|eLo|ted :tatesAtms Coottol
aod D|satmameotAgeocy. T||s |s a l cc oetceot
|octease |o t|e Ageocy s |aods.
:eoatot Itao| ). Laasc|e ( Democtat, O||o, ,
|otced ao ameodmeot to t|e B|ll to assate t|at
leg|slat|oo teqa|t|og oo|y a maj ot|ty vote o| t|e
Coogtess coald oot b|od t|e Lo|ted :tates to a
d|satmameot agteemeot, aod |att|et, t|at aoy
d|satmameotagteemeot mast be sabm|tted to t|e
:eoate |o accotdaoce v|t| t|e Coost|tat|oo.
veo Democtat :eoatot ). W|ll|am Ialbt|g|t
oteseoted ao ameodmeot (adooted, w||c| ote
veots t|e D|satmameot Ageocy |tom otooagao
d|z|og |ot leg|slat|oo. Ialbt|g|t ||oted t|at t||s
vas t|etesalto| a ||g|ly otgao|zed camoa|go
atg|og ||s Iote|go Relat|oos Comm|ttee to
ao
otove : w|t|oat ameodmeots Ialbtg|t
added t|at oo ot|et leg|slat|oo ot tteaty |as
otovo|edqa|tesac|act|v|ty.
T|e :eoate staod |s tecotded below |oColamo
l l aodet Senate C |od|cat|og a coosetvat|ve
staod against. T|e B|ll |s oeod|og |o t|e Hoase.
Export-I mport Bank
lo May l , l)6, t|e Hoaseoassed HRsz
byvo|ce vote. Oo)aoe z4, t|e :eoate oassed a
d|eteot vets|oo o|t|e B|ll by a staod o| s to l
:eoatot :ttom T|atmood (Democtat, :oat|
Catol|oa , , t|e looe d|sseotet. T|e:eoatevote |s
tecotded below |o Colamo l z aodet Senate.
l| Hoase aod :eoate caooot el|m|oate d|et
eoces beteeo t|e|t two vets|oos, t|e B|ll caooot
becomelaw, +od t|exoottlmoottBao| (w||c|
o|c|ally exo|ted )aoe c, l)6 , w|ll go oat o|
ex|steoce. T||s woald close at least ooe gao|og
|ole t|toag| w||c| oat tax mooey ooats |ot
aocoost|tat|ooal oatooses.
Bot| :eoate aod Hoase vets|oos o| HR sz
woald exteod t|e xoottlmoott Bao| |ot ao
ot|et uve yeats T|e Hoase vets|oo, |owevet,
woald eod bac|doot uoaoc|og o| t|e Bao|.
Heteto|ote ( |ot zs yeats , , t|e Bao| |as beeo
aat|ot|zedtobottowaoto 6b|ll |oo dollats|tom
t|e Lo|ted :tates Tteasaty, w|t|oat aoy Act o|
Aootoot|at|oo by Coogtess, alt|oag| t|e Coo
st|tat|oo ( Att|clel, :ect|oo), Claase , otov|des
t|atoomooeys|allbedtawo|tomt|eTteasaty,
bat |o cooseqaeoce o| aootoot|at|oos made by
law T|e :eoate vets|oo o| HR sz woald
exteod t|e aat|ot|zat|oo |ot aocoost|tat|ooal
bac|doot uoaoc|og o| t|exoottlmoottBao|,
aodta|set|e l|m|tto s b|ll|oo dollats.
Oojaly), l)6, t|eHoase ( by staod|ogvote,
aoao|moasly adooted a Resolat|oo |osttact|og
HoaseCoo|eteesto |os|stoot|eHoasevets|ooo|
HRs: . Heoce,oatcomeo|t|eB|ll|saocetta|o.
Area Redevel opment
lo )aly lz, l)6, t|e Hoase, by a staod oi
z l4 to zc), de|eatedHR4))6, aB| llto aat|ot|ze
45 5 . 5 million dollars otexteos|ooaocexoaos|oo
o| t|e AteaRedeveloomeotAdm|o|sttat|ooao
Page 267
aocoosc|tac|ooal otogtam ( oi iedetal a|d co scaces
aod commao|c|es, |o|t|aced by Keooedy |o l )6l .
Oo )aoe z6, c|e :eoace, by a scaod oi 6) co c,
aootoved : l l 6, w||c| |s sabscaoc|a|ly c|esame
as HR 4))6 T|e Hoase |as oot yet acted oo
c|e :eoace B|||, aod c|e oaccome oi Atea Rede
veloomeoc leg|slat|oo |s aocetca|o T|e :eoace
voce |s tecotded be|ow |oColamo l , aodetSen
ate; c|eHoase vote, |oCo|amol z, aodet House.
C |od|cates a coosetvac|ve voce against.
Suppl emental Appropriations
lo May l4, l )6, c|e Hoase, bya scaod oi
z 4 co l4, oassed HR l , aootoot|ac|og
sl ,46, 4c, 4)l . cc co oay, iot vat|oas iedeta|
ageoc|es, exoeod|tates dat|og usca| l)6 |o ex
cess oi w|at was badgeted aod aootoot|ated iot
t|ose ageoc|es. T|e :eoace oassed HR l by
vo|ce vote oo May l , aod c|e Ptes|deot s|goed
|t as Pabl|c Law ss z oo May l . T|e Hoase
voce |s cabalaced below |o Co|amo s aodet ,
Hottse C|od|cac|ogacoosetvat|vevoteagainst.
W|eo iedetal ageoc|es cao soeod mote c|ao
aac|ot|zed aod c|eo gec saoolemeoca| aootoot|a
c|oos co meec c|e|t |llega| defc|cs, badgeccac
c|og aod coogtess|ooalcoocto|oi soeod|og be
come iatc|cal.
T|eoeediotsomeoic|eexoeod|tates|ovolved
cao be ||lasttaced by aTette||, Texas. stoty. T|e
Tette|| sc|oo| system waoted iedeta| mooey iot
aoewaad|cot|am. L. :. Reoteseotac|veRayRob
etcs ( Democtat , ca||ed co L. :. Labot Deoatt
meococ|als, w|ocoodactedaoemoloymeotsat
vey aod dec|ated Tette|| a deotessed atea, eo
t|c|ed to Acce|etaced Pab||c Wot|s iaods. T|e
Acceletaced Pab||c Wot|s otogtam |s amoog
t|ose teqa|t|og saoo|emeota| aootoot|at|oos be
caase mote was soeoc c|ao aac|ot|zed |o l)6.
Tettel| |s eojoy|og boom|og otosoet|cy. Its c|t|
zeoswete oattaged at |av|og |c dec|ated a de
otessedatea. Meaow||le,sc|ooloac|a|s|adde
c|ded c|ey d|d ooc waoc iedetal mooey iot ao
aad|tot|am. Bat oocet|e w|ee|s oi bateaactacy
statcmov|og,t|eycaoootbestoooec. Aooateo:|y,
c|e Labot Deoatcmeoc caooot aoc|ass|iy Tettell
as a deotessed atea, aoless Tettel| ta|es Accelet
aced Pabl|c Wot|s iaods.
Powel l ' s I LO Trip
Adam C|aycoo Powe|| |s a L. :. Reoteseoca
c|veitomNew\ot| ( Democtac, aodalsooascot
oo May z) ( by a staod oi z co z ,
aac|otzed mooey iot Powe| | s ct|o. T||s Hoase
vote |s taba|aced be|ow |o Co|amo l c aodet ,
House C|ad|cac|ogacoosetvat|vevoceagainst.
Reorgani zation Pl ans
lo )aoe 4, l )6, t|e Hoase, by a staod oi
z to i sz, ameoded t|e Reotgao|zat|oo Acc oi
l )4), cooto||b|tc|ePtes|deotitomcteat|og oew
execac|ve deoattmeots by mete|y teotgao|z|og
t|e execac|ve establ|s|meoc. By t||s meaos
L|seo|owet cteated t|e Deoattmeot oi Hea|t|,
dacac|oo, aod Weliate |o l ) , by t||s same
meaos Keooedy |as beeo cty|og to cteate a oew
Deoattmeot oi Ltbao Aua|ts.
T|eHoasevote |s taba|ated below |oColamo
l l , aodet House C |od|cac|og a coosetvac|ve
scaodfor t|eadoocedameodmeottoc|eReotgao
|zat|oo Act. T||s measate |s oeod|og |o t|e :eo-
ace, |cs oaccome aocetta|o.
FOOTNOTE
( 1 ) The Elite and the Elertorate-Is GOtemmelt by the People
Possible? by U. S. Senators Joseph S. Clark ( Democrat, Penn
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FLORIDA (cont ' d)
Gibbons , Sam M. (D)
Gurney, Edward J. (R)
Haley, James A. (D)
Herlong, A. Sydney, Jr. (D)
Matthews , D. R. (D)
Pepper , Claude (D)
Rogers , Paul G. (D)
Sikes , Robert L. F. (D)
GEORGIA
Davis , John W. (D)
Flynt , John J . , Jr. (D)
Forrester , E . L . (D)
Hagan, G. Elliott (D)
Landrum, Phil M. (D)
Pilcher , J. L. (D)
Stephens, Robert G. , Jr. (D)
Tuten, J. Rus s ell (D)
Vinson, Carl (D)
Weltner, Charles L. (D)
HAWAII
-- Thomas P. (D)
Matsunaga, Spark M. (D)
IDAHO
ding, Ralph R. (D)
White, Compton . . Jr . (D)
I LLINOIS
Anderson, John B. (R)
Arends , Leslie C . (R)
Collier , Harold R. (R)
Dawson, William L. (D)
Derwinski , Edward J. (R)
Findley, Paul (R)
Finnegan, Edward R. (D)
Gray, Kenneth J. (D)
Hoffman, Elmer J. (R)
Kluczynski, John C. (D)
Libonati, Roland V. (D)
McClory, Robert (R)
McLoskey, Robert T. (R)
Michel, Robert H. (R)
Murphy, William T. (D)
O' Brien, Thomas J. (D)
O' Hara, Barratt (D)
Price, Melvin (D)
Pucinski, Roman C. (D)
Reid, Charlotte (R)
Rostenkowski , Daniel (D)
Rumsfeld, Donald (R)
Shipley, George E. (D)
Springer, William L. (R)
INDIANA
Adai r, E. Ross (R)
Brademas, John (D)
Bray, William G. (R)
Bruce, Donald C . (R)
Denton, Winfield K. (D)
Halleck, Charles A. (R)
Harvey, Ralph (R)
Madden, Ray J. (D)
Roudebush, Richard L. (R)
Roush, J. Edward (D)
Wilson, Earl (R)
IOWA
-omwell, James E . (R)
Gros s , H. R. (R)
Hoeven, Charles B. (R)
Jensen, Ben F. (R)
Kyl, John H. (R)
Schwengel , Fred (R)
Smith, Neal (D)
KANSAS
Avery, William H. (R)
Dol e, Robert (R)
Ellsworth, Robert . (K)
Shriver, Garner E. (R)
Skubitz, Joe (R)
Page 270
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KENTUCKY
Chelf, Frank (D)
Natcher, William H. (D)
Perkins, Carl D. (D)
Siler , Eugene (R)
Snyder, M. G. (R)
Stubblefi eld, Frank A. (D)
Watts , John C. (D)
LOUISIANA
Boggs , Hale (D)
Hebert, F. Edward (D)
Long, Gillis W. (D)
Morrison, James H. (D)
Passman, Otto E . (D)
Thompson, T. Ashton (D)
Waggonner, Joe D. , Jr. (D)
Willi s , Edwin E . (D)
MAINE
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McIntire, Clifford G. (R) C
Tupper, Stanley R. (R) L
MARYLAND
Fallon, George H. (D) L
Friedel, Samuel N. (D) L
Garmatz, Edward A. (D) L
Lankford, Richard E. (D) L
Long, Clarence D. (D) L
Mathias, Charles McC . , Jr . (R) L
Morton, Rogers C. B. (R) C
Sickles , Carlton R. (D) L
MASSACHUSETTS
Bat es, William H. (R) C
Boland, Edward P. (D) L
Burke, James A. (D) L
Conte , Silvio O. (R) C
Donohue, Harold D. (D) L
Keith, Hastings (R) C
Macdonald, Torbert H. (D) L
McCormack, John W. (D) L
Martin, Jos eph W. , Jr. (R) 0
Mors e , F. Bradford (R) L
O' Neill, Thomas P. , J r . (D) L
Philbin, Philip J . (D) L
MICHIGAN
Bennett, John B. (R) L
Broomfield, William S . (R) C
Cederberg, Elford A. (R) C
Chamberlain, Charles E. (R) C
Diggs , Charles C . , Jr. (D) L
Dingell, John D. (D) L
Ford, Gerald R. , Jr. ( R) C
Griffin, Robert P. (R) C
Griffiths, Martha W. (D) L
Harvey, James (R) C
Hutchinson, Edward (R) C
Johansen, August E . (R) C
Knox, Victor A. (R) l
Lesinski , John (D) L
Meader, George (R) L
Nedzi, Lucien N. (D) L
O' Hara, James G. (D) L
Ryan, Harold M. (D) L
Staebler, Neil (D) L
MINNESOTA
Blatnik, John A. (D) L
Fras er, Donald M. (D) L
Karth, Joseph E . (D) L
Langen, Odin (R) C
MacGregor , Clark (R) C
Nelsen, Ancher (R) C
Olson, Alec G. (D) L
Qui e, Albert H. (R) C
MISSISSIPPI
Abernethy, Thomas G. (D) L
Colmer, William M. (D) L
Whitten, Jamie L. (D) L
Williams, John Bell (D) C
Winstead, Arthur (D) C
MISSOURI
Bolling, Richard (D) L
Cannon, Clarence (D) L
Curtis , Thomas B. (R) C
Hall, Durward G. (R) C
Hull, W. R. , Jr. (D) L
Ichord, Richard (D) L
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MISSOURI (cont' d)
Jone s , Paul C. (D)
Karsten, Frank M. (D)
Randall, William J . (D)
Sullivan, Leonor K. (D)
MONTANA
Battin, James !. (R)
Olsen, Arnold (D)
NEBRASKA
Beermann, Ralph F . (R)
Cunningham, Glenn ( R)
Martin, Dave (R)
NEVADA
Baring, Walter S. (D)
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Cleveland, James C . (R)
Wyman, Louis C. ( R)
NEW JERSEY
Auchinclos s , James C . (R)
Cahill , William T. (R)
Daniels , Dominick V. (D)
Dwyer, Florence P. (R)
Frelinghuysen, Peter, Jr. (R)
Gallagher, Cornelius E . (D)
Glenn, Milton W. (R)
Joelson, Charles S. (D)
Minish, Jos eph G. (D)
Osmers , Frank C. , Jr. (R)
Patten, Edward J . , Jr . (D)
Rodino, Peter W . , Jr. (D)
Thompson, Frank, Jr . (D)
Wallhaus er, George M. (R)
Widnall, William B. (R)
NEW MEXICO
Montoya, Jos eph M. (D)
Morris , Thomas G. (D)
NEW YORK
Addabbo, Jos eph P. (D)
Barry, Robert R. (R)
Becker, Frank J. (R)
Buckley, Charles A. (D)
Carey, Hugh L. (D)
Celler, Emanuel (D)
Delaney, James J. (D)
Derounian, Stephen B. (R)
Dulski, Thaddeus J. (D)
Farbstein, Leonard (D)
Fino, Paul A . (R)
Gilbert, Jacob H. (D)
Goodell, Charles E. (R)
Grover, James R . , Jr. (R)
Halpern, Seymour (R)
Healey, James C . (D)
Horton, Frank J. (R)
Kelly, Edna F. (D)
Keogh, Eugene J. (D)
Kilburn, Clarence E . (R)
King, Carleton J. (R)
Lindsay, John V. (R)
Mill er, William E. (R)
Multer, Abraham J. (D)
Murphy, John M. (D)
O' Brien, Leo W. (D)
Ostertag, Harold C. (R)
Pike , Otis G. (D)
Pillion, John R. (R)
Pirnie , Alexander (R)
Powell, Adam C . (D)
Reid, Ogden R. (R)
Riehlman, R. Walter (R)
Robison, Howard W. (R)
Rooney, John J. (D)
Rosenthal, Benjamin S. (D)
Ryan, William Fitts (D)
St. George, Katharine (R)
Stratton, Samuel S. (D)
Wharton, J. Ernest (R)
Wydl er, John W. (R)
NOR TH CAROLINA
Bonner, Herbert C. (D)
Broyhill, James T. (R)
Cooley, Harold D. (D)
Fountain, L. H. (D)
Henderson, David N. (D)
Page 271
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NORTH CAROLINA (con' t)
Jonas, Charles Raper (R)
Kornegay, Horace R. (D)
Lennon, Alton (D)
Scott, Ralph J. (D)
Taylor, Roy A. (D)
Whitener , Basil L. (D)
NORTH DAKOTA
Nygaard, Hjalmar C. ( R)
Short, Don L. ( R)
OHIO
-; ele, Horer E . (R)
Ashbrook, John M. (R)
Ashley, Thomas L. (D)
Ayres , William H. (R)
Betts , Jackson E. (R)
Bolton, Frances P. (R)
Bolton, Oliver P. (R)
Bow, Frank T. (R)
Brown, Clarence J . (R)
Clancy, Donald D. (R)
Devine, Samuel L. (R)
Feighan, Michael A. (D)
Harsha, William H. , Jr. ( R)
Hays , Wayne L. (D)
Kirwan, Michael J. (D)
Latta, Delbert L. (R)
McCulloch, William M. (R)
Minshall, William E . (R)
Mosher , Charles A. (R)
Rich, Carl W. (R)
Schenck, Paul F. (R)
Secrest, Robert T. (D)
Taft, Robert, Jr. (R)
Vanik, Charles A. (D)
OKLAHOMA
Albert, Carl (D)
Belcher, Page (R)
Edmondson, Ed (D)
Jarman, John (D)
Steed, Tor (D)
Wickersham, Victor (D)
OREGON
Duncan, Robert B. (D)
Green, Edith (D)
Norblad, Walter (R)
Ullman, Al (D)
PENNSYLVANIA
Barrett, William A. (D)
Byrne, James A. (D)
Clark, Frank M. (D)
Corbett, Robert J. (R)
Curtin, Willard S. (R)
Dague, Paul B. (R)
Dent, John H. (D)
Flood, Daniel J. (D)
Fulton, James G. (R)
Gavin, Leon H. (R)
Goodling, George A. (R)
Green, William J. , Jr. (D)
Holland, Elmer J. (D)
Kunkel, John C . (R)
McDade, Jos eph M. (R)
Milliken, William H. , Jr . (R)
Moorehead, William S. (D)
Morgan, Thomas E . (D)
Nix, Robert N. C. (D)
Rhodes, George M. (D)
Saylor, John P. (R)
Schneebeli, Herman T. (R)
Schweiker, Richard S. (R)
Toll, Herman (D)
Weaver, James D. (R)
Whalley, J. Irving (R)
RHODE ISLAND
Fogarty, John E . (D)
St. Germain, Fernand J. (D)
SOUTH CAROLINA
Ashmore, BOlrt T. (D)
Dorn, W. J. Bryan (D)
Hemphill, Robert W. (D)
McMillan, John L. (D)
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SOUTH CAROLINA (cont 'd)
Rivers, L. Mendel (D)
Watson, Albert W. (D)
SOUTH DAKOTA
Berry, E . Y . (R)
Reifel, Ben (R)
TENNESSEE
Baker, Howard H. (R)
Bas s , Ross (D)
Brock, William E. , III (R)
Davi s , Clifford (D)
Everett , Robert A. (D)
Evins , Joe L. (D)
Fulton, Richard (D)
Murray, Tor (D)
Quillen, James H. (R)
TEXAS
r , Bruce (R)
Beckworth, Lindley (D)
Brooks , Jack (D)
Burleson, Omar (D)
Casey, Robert R. (D)
Dowdy, John (D)
Fisher, O. Clark (D)
Foreman, Ed (R)
Gonzalez, Henry B. (D)
Kilgore, Joe M. (D)
Mahon, George H. (D)
Patman, Wright (D)
Poage , William R. (D)
Pool, Joe (D)
Purcell , Graham (D)
Roberts , Ray (D)
Rogers, Walter (D)
Teague, Olin E. (D)
Thomas, Albert (D)
Thompson, Clark W. (D)
Thornberry, Homer (D)
Wright, James C . (D)
Young, John (D)
UTAH
rton, Laurence J. (R)
Lloyd, Sherman P. (R)
VERMONT
Stafford, Robert T. (R)
VIRGINIA
Abbitt , Watkins M. (D)
Broyhill, Joel T. (R)
Downing, Thomas N. (D)
Gary, J. Vaughan (D)
Hardy. Porter, Jr. (D)
Jennings, W. Pat (D)
Marsh, John 0. , Jr. (D)
Poff, Richard H. (R)
Smith, Howard W. (D)
Tuck, William M. (D)
WASHINGTON
Hans en, Julia B. (D)
Horan, Walt (R)
May, Catherine (R)
Pelly, Thomas M. (R)
Stinson, K. William (R)
Tollefson, Thor C. (R)
Westland, Jack (R)
WEST VIRGINIA
Hechler , Ken (D)
Kee, Elizabeth (D)
Moore, Arch A. , Jr. (R)
Slack, John M. , Jr. (D)
Stagger s , Harley O. (D)
WISCONSIN
Byrnes , John W. (R)
Johnson, Lester R. (D)
Kastenmeier, Robert W. (D)
Laird, Melvin R. (R)
O' Konski, Alvin E. ( R)
Reus s , Henry S. ( D)
Schadeberg, Henry L. ( R)
Thomson, Vernon W. ( R)
Van Pelt , William K. (R)
Zablocki , Clement J. (D)
WYOMING
Harrison, William Henry (R)
Page 272
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M
Itl Smoot Repoft
Vol. 9, No. 35 ( Broadcast 420) September 2, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
STOP WI THHOLDI NG
DAN SMOOT
loMatc| 3, 1 91 0, c|eV|tg|o|aLeg|slacatedebacedc|eoeod|ogs|xceeoc|coosc|cac|ooalameod
meocw||c| woald allow c|e iedetal govetomeoccolayaoaotesc:lcceddltecccaxooc|eoeoole.
A tesola:|oo|ad beeooassed byc|e :|xcyftsc Coogtess (oo)aly12, 1 909) cosabm|cc|e:|xceeoc|
Ameodmeoc co c|e scaces iot tac|fcac|oo. k|c|atd.Bytd ( :oea|etoic|eV|tg|o|aHoaseoiDele
gaces,aodiac|etoic|eoteseoc:eoacotHattyI. Bytd, oted|cced c|ac a iedetal |ocome cax woald
becomec|e desctoyetoi l|betcy aod coosc|cac|ooal govetomeoc. He sa|d
"The 1 6th Amendment means that the state must give up legitimate and long established
sources of revenue and yield it to the Federal Government .
"It means that the state actually invites the Federal Government t o invade its territory . . .
and to establish Federal dominion within the innermost citadel of reserved rights . . . . A hand
from Washington will be stretched out and placed upon every man's business . . . .
"Heavy fnes imposed by distant and unfamiliar tribunals will constantly menace the taxpayer.
"An army of Federal inspectors, spies and detectives will descend upon the State. They will
compel men of business to show their books and disclose the secrets of their afairs. They will
dictate forms of bookkeeping. They will require statements and afdavits. On the one hand,
the inspector can blackmail the taxpayer and on the other, he can proft by selling his secret
to his competitor.
"When the Federal government gets a strangle hold on the individual businessman, state
lines will exist nowhere but on the maps. Its agents will everywhere supervise the commercial
life of the states. "( l )
V|tg|o|a teiased co tac|iy c|e Ameodmeoc, bacc|teeioatc|soic|escacesd|d,aod,ooIebtaaty
. , 1 91 3, c|e :|xceeoc| Ameodmeoc was iotmall y otoclalmec a oatc oi c|e Coosc|cac|oo. T|e
Amet|cao coosc|cac|ooal syscem was c|eteby tad|cally alceted. T|e iedetal govetomeoc was oo
looget a limited gove:omeoc . |c oow |ad l|m|clessaccessco c|e wealc| oic|e oeoole.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $1 2. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1 .00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 273
The Roosevel t Years
Poc aoc|l 20 yeats aicet c|e locome Tax
Ameodmeoc was adooced d|d collecc|v|scs ially
teal|ze c|acc|ey |ad acqa|ted c|e meaos oi coo
vetc|ogc|e iedetalgovetomeoc |oco aoalloowet
iald|ccacots||o T|eyoeededa leadetw|ocoald
w|osaoootcbycoov|oc|ogc|eoeoolec|accollec
c|v|scool|c|eswoaldotomocec|egeoetal weliate
Itao|l|o D Roosevelc was sac| a leadet. T|e
NewDealwasoocooeyeatold,|owevet, beiote
c|e oeoole begaoco teal|ze c|ac c|ey themselves,
aod ooc someooe e|se, wete be|og caxed iot
beoei|cs w||c| soaoded good |o a I|tes|de C|ac
bacseemeda doabcial batga|ow|eotece|ved.
Roosevelc was qa|c| co teal|ze c|ac |i yoa |m
oose coo mac| cax oo c|e oeoole co oay iot c|e
beoeucs otom|sed, c|ey ceodco comola|o aboac
c|ecaxaod iotgecc|e beoeucs.
Ioaoeotccosaiegaatdc|egovetomeoc sab|l
|cycooet motebeoeucs w|c|oac|octeased caxa
c|oo, Roosevelc coo| cwo bold sceos. He teoad|
aced c|e govetomeocs oledgeco tedeem |cs owo
catteocy |o gold, aod made c|e oeoole cato |o
c|e|tgold iot a c|eaoeoed oaoet catteocy ( vasc
qaaoc|c|es oiw||c| wete oamoed |oco c|e bao|
|og syscem, , aod |e |osc|caced ao exoed|eoc sys
cemoideuc|cuoaoc|ogbottow|ogitom iacate
geoetac|oosco oay iot|aodoacscooteseocvocets
Deuc|c uoaoc|og caases |oilac|oo W|eo |c
scatcs, |o1ac|oo oiceo seems co |elo c|eecooomy.
Mooey|sc|eaoetaodmoteabaodaoc ,|eoce,oeo
ole soeod |c mote iteely, c|as sc|malac|og eco
oom|c acc|v|cy. Bac, beiote loog, oldet oeoole
l|v|og oo oeos|oos ot i|xed |ocomes aod oeoole
l|v|og oo salat|es w||c| wete iotmetly adeqaace
all beg|o co saet, becaase c|e|t | ocomes w|ll
ooc bay as mac| as beiote T|e|t dollats |ave
beeo c|eaoeoed by |o1ac|oo.
W|eoc||s|aooeoed, NewDea|ool|c|c|aosbe
gao co loseoooalat|cyc|ey|adboag|cby deuc|c
aoaoc|og:og|ve c|e oeoolebeoeucsw||c| wete
saooosed co be oa|d iot by someooe e|se. Pol|c|
c|aos, cty|ogcoaooeasevocets, eoacced m|o|mam
wagelaws, iotc|og some emoloyets co oay wages
above c|e iteemat|ec level T|ey gave |ocetoa
c|ooalao|oosc|esaocc|oooilawcoiotce|odascty
w|de wage ta|ses :ac| measates d|d g|ve cem
ootaty tel|ei co some vocets w|o |ad beeo |atc
by |o1ac|oo T|e tel|ei vao|s|ed. |owevet, aod
cood|c|oosgtew wotsew|eoot|cestose (as c|ey
|ad codo, co|eeo oace w|c| wages w||c| gov
etomeocwas iotc|og aowatd.
J|e sqaaodet|og oi oabl|c iaods, w||c| dei
|c|c uoaoc|og |ad, iot a w||le, made oa|oless,
begao co|atcwotsec|aocaxes Pol|c|c|aos wete
iotced co |moose|eav|et caxes :ooo, oeoole be
gaocoteal|zec|aciteebeoeucs itomgovetomeoc
wetevety exoeos|ve |odeed, becaase iedetal caxes
wete cosc|og mote c|ao iood, cloc||og, ot oc|et
esseoc|als oi l|ie How cao yoa |eeo caxoayets
itomtebell|ogw|eocaxes ||c so|atd ? Ooeway
|scoca|ec|e|tmooeyawayitomc|ema l|ccleaca
c|me,beiotec|eyevetgecc|e|t|aodsoo|c. Nevet
|av|og oossessed ot eveo seeo c|e mooey, maoy
caxoayets oevet teal|ze c|ac |c accaally |s ca|eo
away itom c|em
Iol )4l , c|elaceBeatdsleyRaml (aNewDeal
ecooom|sc , dev|sed sac| a olaoc|e w|c||old
|ogcax, a oayasyoago syscem w||c| iotces c|e
emoloyet co collecc |ocome cax beiote c|e em
oloyeegecs||ssalatyc|ec|( 2)
Ptes|deoc Roosevelc aod ||s :ectecaty oi c|e
Tteasaty ( Heoty Motgeoc|aa, wete del|g|ced
w|c| c|e kaml olao Icseemed a oetiecc way co
el|m|oace oooalat comola|ocs aga|osc ||g| aod
t|s|og caxes ma|ecaxoay|ogsooa|olessc|accax
oayets woald ooc teal|ze c|e|t caxes wete ||g|
aodt|s|og
T|ete was a ilaw | o c|e sc|eme |c |s aocoo
sc|cac|ooal.
T|eT||tceeoc| Ameodmeocsays .
"Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, ex
cept as a punishment for crime whereof the party
shall have been duly convicted, shall exist with
in the United States . . . .
Slavety and involuntary servitude mean, esseo
c|al|y, iotc|og someooe, aga|osc ||sw|ll, co wotl
ot setve.
Page 274
W|eoaoemo|oyet|siotce1tosetveastaxco|
|ectotao1boo||eeoetiott|egovetomeotw|t|
oatoaymeot iot ||s t|meao1exoeose,ao1 ao1et
t|teatoiseveteoeoa|tyiotettot|oobsetv|ogcom
||cate1 ao1 toiase a1m|o|sttat|ve ta|es ao1 te
qa|temeotsmostcetta|o|y|ovo|aotatysetv|ta1e
|asbeeo|moose1oo||mby||sowogovetomeot.
T|eI|it|Ameo1meotsays .
". . . nor shall any person be . . . deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law . . . .
Iiyoacomoe|emo|oyetsto 1e1actmooey itom
emo|oyees oay c|ec|s iot taxes t|at ate oot 1ae
w|eot|e1e1act|oos atema1e, ao1 |i (as |s t|e
case w|t| mote t|ao |a|i oi a|| wage eatoets ,
yoacome|t|e1e1act|oooimotemooeyt|aot|e
em|oyee w|||owe w|eo ||staxes ate 1aeyoa
cetta|o|y ate 1et|v|og t|ose emo|oyees oi t|e|t
otooetty ( mooey, , w|t|oat 1ae otocess oi |aw.
Rooseve|t, Motgeot|aa, ao1Ram|aot|c|oat
| og t|at Coogtess m|g|t tej ect a tax|og sc|eme
w||c| 1|1 sac| v|o|eoce to oat Coost|tat|oo
aooo|ote1 a gtoao oiexoetts ( 6|eatoe1 ecooo
m|sts , to oteoate a sta1y w||c| woa|1 s|ow t|e
meo oiCoogtess t|at a w|t||o|1|og tax |s oeces
saty |o t|e mo1eto wot|1, tegat1|ess oi w|at
t|e Coost|tat|oo otov|1es. New Dea' ecooom|sts
oteseote1 sac|a sta1y |o t|e sot|og oi 1 941 , bat
t|e Hoase Ways ao1 Meaos Comm|ttee tej ecte1
t|e w|t||o|1|ogtax o|ao aoyway.
Io Novembet, 1 941 , :ectetaty Motgeot|aa
ma1ea 1|tect |ea to t|eWays ao1 Meaos Com
m|ttee iot a v|t||o|1|og tax. Aga|o t|e Com
m|tteeteiase1 ,bat|oDecembet, 1 941 , t|eLo|te1
:tatesweottowat ,ao1Ptes|1eotRooseve|t|a1ao
emetgeocy w|t| w||c| to |ot|m|1a:e Coogtess.
at|y |o 1 942, Motgeot|aa aga|o as|e1 Coo
gtess iotaw|t||o|1|og |aw. T||s t|me, |eas|e1
oo|y iot a wat emetgeocy measateoot a
permanent w|t||o|1|og tax system.
He ca||e1 |ta V|ctoty Tax, a temporary sys
temto|e|ot|ewateott.
This approach was successful . The Revenue Ac:
oi1 942 ( Octobet2 1 , 1 942 , aat|ot|ze1afveet
ceotV|ctotyTax oogtoss|ocomesto bew|t|
|e|1itomsa|at|es.
T|e Catteot Tax Paymeot Act oi 1 943 ()aoe
9, 1 943 , aesotbe1 t|e temootaty w|t||o|1|og
tov|s|oo iot t|e V|ctoty Tax, ma||og |t et
maoeot ao1 aoo||cab|eto a|| ie1eta| tax oo oet
sooa| |ocomes.
The Hand from Washi ngton
1o Novembet, 1959, t|e Hoase Ways ao1
MeaosComm|ttee ( taxwt|t|ogcomm|tteeoiCoo
gtess , begao iotma| |eat|ogs oo t|e otoo|em oi
tev|s|ogoatie1eta|tax|ogsystem.W|toessesitom
|abot ao|oos, ao|vets|t|es, bas|oesses ao1 goveto
meota| ageo:|es geoeta||y agtee1 t|at t|e system
|s ao aooa|||og mess oi como||cate1 |oeqa|t|es ,
t|at |tst|1es |o|t|at|ve, wastes |amao eoetgy ao1
tesoatces, 1|stotts t|e oat|ooa| ecooomy, ao1 |as
a cottaot|og ao1 1ebas|og eect oo taxoayets.
Ast|egteatV|tg|o|aoaot|c|oate1 |o l )l c,t|at
Hao1 itom Was||ogtoo oow teac|es 1eeo |oto
evety ooc|et |o t|e oat|oo. Ao atmy oi ie1eta|
|osoectots,so|es,ao11etect|ves|as1esceo1e1ao
oot|estates tooteemot t|e|t |eg|t|mate soatces
oi teveoae, to meoace ao1 b|ac|ma|| some tax
oayets,gtaotiavotstoot|ets,ao11|ctateiotmsoi
oetge
cy
oeasate datlog Wotld Wat II, c|e w.c||oldmg
law |as teoaloedaoetoaoeoc,aod essential, iea
cateoic|eiedetallocooecaxsysceo. Ic|sc|e|ey
scooe w|lc| |eeos c|e sysceo itoo collaoslog.
Iclsc|eoetieccoeaosoi|eeologcaxoayetscoo
olaceocaod |odleteocaboac caxes.
A oao does not need to save and manage so
c|ac, ac c|e eod oic|eyeat, |ecaoglve goveto
oeocz ,ot4c,ot c7,oi|lseatologsiotc|e
w|oleyeat. All oic|ac|asbeeo dooebyc|eeo
oloyet, ac c|e employer'S exoeose. T|e avetage
wot|etoays|lccleacceocloococaxdedaccloositoo
|lsoayc|ec|. Headj ascs|loselico |lsca|e|ooe
oay. Iic|acsao ls losacleoc, |eaod |is iaolly
teseoc c|e eooloyet, ooc govetooeoc. T|ey dc
ooc deoaod lowet caxes c|ey deoaod |lg|et
wages. Nocooly c|e exoeose, bac c|e stigma, oi
caxcolleccloglsolacedooeooloyets, tac|et c|ao
oogovetooeoc.
T|ewlc||oldlog cax sysceo cao, lodeed, oa|e
caxesoleasaoc. IocetoalReveoae:etvlcesc|edales
teqalte eooloyets co dedacc ( oote oiceo c|ao
ooc , ootecaxesc|aoc|eeooloyeeowes. Ac c|e
eod oi c|e yeat, govetooeoc seods c|e eooloyee
a tebacea booas, blgget, lo olllloos oi cases,
c|ao aoy booas c|e eoo|oyet cao glve. T|as,
beoeuceoc govetooeoc glves bac| co wot|ets a
ootcloooic|eoooey w|lc| eooloyets ca|eaway
itooc|eo.
J|toag|oacc|eLolced:caces,eooloyets|ave.
iot yeats, ctled co uod sooe oeaos oi s|ow|og
eooloyees |ow c|ey ate belog tobbed by iedetal
caxes.
:ooe eooloyets dlsctlbace soeclal ooclces wlc|
all oay c|ec|s, calllog soecluc acceocloo co |ow
oac| c|e iedetal govetooeoc |as coooelled c|e
eooloyet co ca|e away itooc|e eooloyees, aod
eoaoetaclog sooe oic|eoteooscetoas aod |ato
ialiedetalotogtaosc|acc|eeooloyeesoooeyls
oay|og iot.
:ooeeooloyetsoayeooloyeesc|e|tiallwages
ac ooe wlodow, teqaltlog c|eo co go co aooc|et
window and oaybac|c|eaooaocw||c|c|e ied
etal cax colleccots deoaod as c|e|t s|ateoi evety
oao'swages.
A. G. Heloso|o, )t. , owoet aod oaoaget oi
C|eto|ee Texclle Mllls |o :evletvllle, Teooessee,
teceocly ased a oovel oeaos oi dta
aclzlog c|e
caxloadw|lc||lseooloyeesatecattymg.Ooooe
oay day ac C|eto|ee, eac| eooloyee wasglveoa
olasclcbagcoocalolog,losllvetdollats,c|eaooaoc
taken oacoi|ls c|ec| c|ac dav iot iedetal caxes.
T|e eooloyee coald ca|e c|e oooey |ooe aod
soeod lc, bac |ad co oay |c bac| oexc oay day.
Page 276
Allsac|eotcs1osomegoo1,bacooceooag|.
W|eoall wageeatoetsateallowe1cocolleccc|e|t
iall wages c|toag|oac c|e yeat ao1 ate c|eo te-
qa|te1, ac c|e eo1 oi c|e yeat, co oay c|e|t owo
ie1etal |ocome cax |o ooe samc|eo, ao1 ooly
c|eo, w|ll all wage eatoets ially teal|zew|acc|e
ie1etal cax colleccots ate 1o|ogco c|em.
Amaow|oma|es$5000. 00 ayeatao1|ascwo
1e1acc|oos iot 1eoeo1eocs cao a1j asc ||mseli co
$1 2. 80 w|c||el1iotie1etal|ocomecaxeac|wee|.
Bac lec ||m ca|e all oi ||s eato|ogs |ome eac|
wee|, ao1 c|eo, ac c|e eo1 oi c|e yeat, lec ||m
iace c|e otoblem oi ta|s|og $665 . 60 co oay ||s
ie1etal |ocomecax. T||swoal1cteace c|aos iot
c|e cax colleccots ao1 oto1ace mote cax 1el|o
qaeoc|esc|aoc|ecolleccotscoal1coaoc. Icwoal1
cteace w|1esotea1 tebell|oo aga|osc oootess|ve
ie1etal caxes, ao1 oac c|e Amet|cao oeoole oo
c|etoa1co tecaocat|ogcooctol oic|e|towogov
etomeoc.
lo Aot|l 30, 1962, Lo|ce1 :cacesReoteseoca
c|veBtaceAlget (Reoabl|cao,Texas , |octo1ace1
a b|llco el|m|oace c|ew|c||ol1|og oi|ocomecax
itom wages ao1 salat|es. Mt. Alget sa| 1.
"We have lost all control over spending in
this country . . . . Since the great burden of taxes
is borne by the so-called little or modest-income
folks, I think it is high time that they found out
how much taxes they are paying. In order to do
that, I think we ought to let them pay their
own . . . . It seems to me timely and sensible that
the American citizens demand a halt to the con
tinuation of the tax-tax, spend-spend, elect-elect
policy. This repeal of the withholding tax will
be the means of beginning the necessary and
agonizing reappraisal."
Alget's b|ll 1|e1 |o comm|ccee, becaase c|ete
was ooc eooag| oabl|c |ocetesc.
Current Efforts
eoteseocac|ve Btace Alget te|octo1ace1 |o
coeoteseocCoogtess,||sb|llcoel|m|oacec|ew|c|
|ol1|og oi |ocome cax itom wages ao1 salat|es.
Peo1|og|ocomm|ccee, as HR 739, |cmet|cs mas
s|veoabl|csaoootc.
Ia|late oiCoogtess co teoeal c|e w|c||ol1|og
cax, soc|acallcaxoayetsw|llbecomecoosc|oasoi
ie1etal caxes |as sc|malace1 ot|vaceeotcs co ac
comol|s|c|esameoatoose.
Mt. Notmao L Coccoo, a bas|oessmao |o :ao
Itaoc|sco, Cal| ioto|a, ao1 c|e New \ot| Com
m|ccee iot cooom|c Itee1om |o :ytacase, New
\ot|, coocemolace1 eotcs ac oetsaa1|og all em
oloyets co go oo sct||eaga|osc setv|og as aooa|1
cax colleccots iot c|e ie1etal govetomeoc. T|e
bas|c |1ea was c|ac |ieooag|emoloyets c|toag|
oac c|e oac|oo woal1 teiase co w|c||ol1 ie1etal
caxesitomemoloyees wages,c|ew|c||ol1|ogsys
cem woal1 collaose. T|e ie1etal govetomeoc
coal1 otosecace evety emoloyet w|o c|as teiase1
co obeyc|eaocoosc|cac|ooalw|c||ol1|oglawao1
c|etalesao1tegalac|oosoic|eIocetoalReveoae
:etv|ce, bac |i eooag| emoloyets scoo1 i|tm ao1
acce1 |o ao|soo, c|e ie1etal govetomeoc, aoable
cootosecaceall,m|g|coocotosecaceaoy, ao1c|e
w|c||ol1|og law woal1 be aoeoiotceable. T||s
|1ea wasabao1ooe1becaaseoic|eexcteme 1|m-
calcy oigecc|og eooag| bas|oessmeo co ca|e c|e
t|s|.
Meaow||le, aooc|et, immediately eecc|veolao
|saltea1y |oooetac|oo.
1e1etal tegalac|oos teqa|te emoloyets co 1e
oos|c|oa1es|goace1bao|c|ecocaloiall ie1etal
caxes w|c||el1 itomwages. T|e 1eoos|cmascbe
ma1eoocea mooc|, iotall w|c||ol1|ogs 1at|og
c|e mooc|. moloyets |ab|caally ototace c|e
mooc|lycaxw|c||ol1|ogsoc|acc|esameamoaoc
|s ca|eo oac eac| oay 1ay, ao1 emoloyees oevet
iallyteal|zew|ac |cwoal1be l||ecogec iall oay
c|ec|s.
Io 1962, ooe emoloyet |o Pat|etsbatg, Wesc
V|tg|o|a ( Mt. A. K. :ammets, Ptes|1eocoi Pte
m|et R|oco :etv. ce, started collecting federal
caxes ( soc|alsecat|cyao1w|c||ol1|og, oolyooce
amooc|. Mt. :ammetssays .
Page 277
"Mrs. A - whose salary is $1 25 a week - under
the system of weekly deductions, would draw
$99.29 a week, and she just took it for granted
that was what she was making. Now, under our
system of collection, she draws $1 25 the frst
three weeks of the month; and the last week,
$22. 68. Three weeks she went to the bank and
actually received $1 25. She had it in her hands
and was able to spend it. ' Now she realizes she
pays in taxes almost a full week's pay out of a
month. "
:ooe eop|oyeespay more tbanoneia||wee| s
pay oat oi eacb oontb. mt. :aooets says tbat
one oi b|s c1o||atawee| eop|oyees gets no
cbec|ata||tbe ioattbwee|oi eacboontban1
st||| owes tbe ie1eta| govetnoent s4. iot tbe
oontb. Onceaoontbon|y w|tbbo|1|ng oa|es
tbe b|ggest |optess|on on eop|oyees wbo get a
pay cbec| eacb wee|, bat |t bas cons|1etab|e |o
pact on tbose wbo ate pa|1 on|y tw|ce a oontb.
I |now, becaase I ase tbe p|an iot eop|oyees oi
The Dan Smoot Report. In tbe o|11|e oi tbe
oontb, eacb eop|oyee on oy soa|| staii tece|ves
a ia|| sa|aty cbec|notb|ng ta|en oat. At tbe
en1 oi :be oontb, be gets a 1|soa||y sbtan|en
cbec|tban|s to ie1eta| w|tbbo|1|ng. I agtee
eopbat|ca||yw|tb mt. :aooets .
" . . . our employees now realize that this
wild federal spending is coming out of their
pockets."
A nat|ona| otgan|zat|on bas been |otoe1 to
ptooote tbe aooets onceaoontbon|y w|t|
bo|1|ngp|an.Tbeotgan|zat|on|sca||e1:. W. A. T.
:topW|tbbo|1|ngA||Taxes. Tbetopoic|a|s
ate mt. Laatence C. :o|tb, z4 Hea1son Dt|ve,
:ytacase 4, New \ot|, mt. A. K. :aooets,
Ptes|1ent oi Pteo|et Pboto :etv|ce, Inc. ,
t1 :tteet, Pat|etsbatg, West V|tg|n|a , mt. A.
). Pott|, P. O. Box cs, W|cb|ta, Kansas , an1
mt. Atno|1 ay|ey,:ea:ptay Inn, astHaopton,
L i , Ne \ot|. Nat|ona| bea1qaattets oi
:. W. A. T.|satPat|etsbatg,WestV|tg|n|a (P. O.
ox lc , .
Otgan|ze1asAC|v||R|gbtsPtogtaoIoto
p|oyets, :. W. A. T. w|||ttytopetsaa1eeop|oyets
(oi a|| s|zes, |n a|| ||n1s oibas|ness, |n a|| patts
oi tbe nat|on, to a1opt tbe onceaoontbw|tb
bo|1|ng p|an iot a|| eop|oyees. In|t|a| tesponse
encoatages oc|a|s oi :. W
rs,
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Page 280
M
111 Smoot Re,ort
Vol. 9, No. 36 (Broadcast 421 ) September 9, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
THI RD ROLL CALLS, Vd
1n cb|s |ssae, we caba|ace to| | ca||voces |n cbeL. :. :enace,7 |ncbeHoaseoiReptesencac|ves
oa|.ng a coca| oi 20 |n tbe :enace, 1 9 |n cbe Hoase, caba|ace1 cb|s yeat 1at|ng cbe I|tsc
:ess|on oi cbe sscb Congtess. :enacots Batty Go|1wacet (Repab||can, At|zona, an1 :ctoo
Tbatoon1 ( Deooctac, :oacb Cato||na, conc|nae co bave cbe besc voc|ng tecot1s |n cbe :enace.
U. :. keptesencac|veska|pb I. Beetoann ( kepab||can, Nebtas|a, an1 Aagasc . jobansen (Re
pab||can, m|cb|gan, bave cbe besc tecot1s |n cbe Hoase Reptesencac|ve jobansen |s cbe on|y
oeobet oi Congtess wbo bas a petiecc consc|cac|ona||sctac|ngiotcbteescta|gbcyeats . 1 961 , 1962,
an1 1 963 co1ace.
Iot cbe oosc patc, cbe ptesenc :enace bas acce1 as a tabbet scaop iotcbeKenne1y a1o|n|scta
c|onon|y occas|ona| |y scopp|ngsooe Kenne1yoaneavetotapptov|ngsooecb|ngKenne1y1oes
nocwaoc. Tbeptesenc Hoase, bowevet, bas scopp-1 oany Kenne1y b|||s, an1 teoove1 1angetoas
ptov|s|ons itoo ocbets. Tbas, on cbe wbo|e, cbe sscbCongtess, I|tsc:ess|on,conc|naesco beone
oi cbe besc |n yeats.
Ni ke-Zeus Anti-Missi l e Program
Uya scan1oi) co 20, cbe:enace, Apt|| 1 1 , 1963, coop||e1 w|cb Kenne1y a1o|n|sctac|on 1e
oan1s cbaccbe N||eZeas anc|o|ss|le ptogtao besctappe11esp|ce cbe iacc cbac :enacot :ctoo
Tbatoon1 (sappotce1 by :enacot Batty Go|1wacet , ptesence1 class|ue1 cesc|oony itoo Atoe1
Iotces oc|a|s ptov|ng cbac cbe N||eZeas ptogtao |s necessary iot nac|ona| 1eiense. Ibevoce is
tecot1e1 be|ow |nCo|aon ls an1etSenate, C |n1|cac|ngascan1for cbeN||eZeasptogtao.
K||||ng N||eZeas teseatcb an1 1eve|opoenc wasces b||||ons a|tea1y spenc on cb|s eotc acna
c|ona| 1eiense, an1 sancc|ons Kenne1y's sa|c|1a| po||cyoiptob|b|c|ngcbeLn|ce1:cacesitoo 1e
ve|op|ng an eecc|ve 1eiense aga|nsc :ov|ec o|ss||es, ac a c|oe wben cbe :ov|ecs ate bel|eve1 co
bave an eecc|ve 1eiense aga|nsc oat o|ss|les. Iaccs on cb|s exctaot1|naty s|caac|on wete pab
||sbe1 |n cb|s Report 1at|ng may, 1 963, |n a cbteepatc set|es on D|satoaoenc.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5.50; 1 00 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 281
Marki ng of I mports
1n l )6c, bocb Hoases oi Congtess passe1 a
b||l teqa|t|ng cbac oosc |opotce1 goo1s be
oat|e1 w|cb cbe naoe oi cbe coancty oi ot|g|n.
Tbepatposewascooa|e|cposs|b|eiotAoet|can
consaoetsco teiase, |icbeyw|sbe1,cobaygoo1s
|opotce1 itoo coooan|sc coanct|es Ptes|1enc
|senbowetvecoe1cbeb|||on :epceobet6, l )6c
In l )6, a s|o|lat |l| ( HR z l ) was aga|n
passe1, byvo|cevoce, |nbocbHoasesoiCongtess
1esp|ce sctong oppos|c|on itoo a1o|n|sctac|on
iotcesan1acbteacoivecobyPtes|1encKenne1y.
On ja|y l s, l )6, a1o|n|sctac|on iotces |n cbe
:enace 1eoan1e1 a to|| ca|| on a ooc|on co ||||
( tecooo|c, HRz l . Tb|s ||beta| eotc co||
cbeoeasatewas 1eieace1bya scan1 oiscol ,
wb|cb|stecot1e1be|ow |nCo|aonl4an1etSen
ate) "C' |n1|cac|ng a voce for oat||ng |opotcs
itoo coooan|sccoanct|es.
Tbe|| | , cboagbnowapptove1bybocbHoases
oi Congtess, bas noc yec been senc co cbe Ptes|
1enc,becaaseoio|not1|etencesbecweenHoase
an1:enacevets|ons.
Fisheries Research
tn ja|y zz, l )6, cbe :enace, byvo|ce voce,
passe1 :6, ptov|1|ngzso||||on, zccboasan
1ollats iot a|1 co scaces |n ptoooc|ng coooetc|a|
usbety ptoj eccs Consetvac|ves 1eoan1e1 a to||
ca||onaooc|onco|||| ( tecooo|c, cbe|||. Tb|s
eotcwas1eieace1byascan1oi66co25, wb|cb
|s tecot1e1 be|ow |n Co|aon l an1et Senate)
C |n1|cac|ng a scan1 against cbe I|sbet|es Re
seatcb |||.
Iopotcs itoo iote|gn nac|ons ( japan, pt|nc|
pally , , wbose i|sb|ng |n1asct|es bave been oo1
etn|ze1 an1 sabs|1|ze1 by Aoet|can iote|gn a|1,
bavebattcbeAoet|can|n1ascty. : 6z |sa ||b
e:a| eiiotcco cooooan1 a otob|eowb|cb ||b
eta| po||c|es bave cteace1. Tbe ||| |s sc||| |n
cooo|ccee |n cbe Hoase.
Publ i c Power
tn )a|y c, l )6, consetvac|ves |n cbe:enace
1eoan1e1 a to|| ca|| ona ooc|on co |||| ( tecoo
o|c, HR 6c6 ( a|tea1y passe1 by vo|cevoces |n
:enace an1 Hoase, , aacbot|z|ng 6c) o||||on 4
cboasan1 1o||ats iot wacet tesoatces an1 e|ecct|c
powet ptoj eccs. Tb|s consetvac|ve eotc was 1e-
ieace1 by a scan1 oi l co zs, wb|cb |s tecot1e1
be|ow|nCo|aon l6an1etSenate) C|n1|cac|ng
ascan1against cbeptoj eccs. Tbe||||sptesenc|y
|n conietence becaase oi o|not 1|etences be
cween Hoase an1 :enace vets|ons. Two oi cbe
ptoj eccs aacbot|ze1 |n HR 6cl 6 ( Know|es Re
setvo|t |n moncana an1 Ttoccets :boa|s |n :oacb
Cato||na, wete oppose1 by govetnots oi cbe
scaces |nvo|ve1. Iot 1eca||e1 1|scass|on oi cbe
pab||cpowetcbteaccoitee1oo,seeTbePowet
Gt|1:cbeoe cb|s Report) Aagasc l z, l )6.
Manpower Devel opment
and Trai ni ng
Uy a scan1oi6cos, cbe :enace, Aagasc ,
l )6, teiase1 co |nctease ian1s iot cbe anconsc|
cac|ona| manpowet Deve|opoenc an1 Tta|n|ng
ptogtao, wb|cb Kenne1y |n|c|ace1 |n l )6z. Tbe
voce |stecot1e1 be|ow |n Co|aon l an1et Sen
ate) C |n1|cac|ng a scan1against |ncteas|ngtbe
ian1s.
Nati onal Servi ce Corps
Uy ascan1oi l co4s, cbe:enace, Aagasc l 4,
l )6, passe1: l z l , cteac|ngcbeNac|ona|:etv|ce
Cotps ( a|so |nown as Kenne1y's 1ooesc|c peace
cotps , . Tbe voce |s tecot1e1 be|ow |n Co|aon
l) an1et Senate) C |n1|cac|ng a scan1 against.
Tbe ||| |s sc|| | |n cooo|ccee |n cbe Hoase, an1
oay 1|e cbete, becaase consetvac|ves ate sa|1 co
bave1aoag|ng|niotoac|onaboacp||ocptoj eccs
oicbecooesc|c peace cotps, alteacy ino
p
eration
w|cboac congtess|ona| aacbot|zac|on.
Page 282
Nati onal Debt
Uy to|| ca||voces, Hoase an1 :enace ( Aagasc
s an1 zc, l )6 , passe1 HR sz4, excen1|ng cbe
ceopoay nac|ona| 1ebc |nctease ( -c) b||||on
1o||ats j itoo Aagasc l co Noveobet c, l)6.
Tbevocesatetecot1e1be|ow|nCo|aonzcan1et
Senate} an1 Co|aon l an1et House} "C' |n
1|cac|ngaconsetvac|vescan1against cbeexcens|on.
Federal Aid To Education
VOCATIONAL SCHOOLS : y a scan1 oi
co z l , cbe Hoase, Aagasc 6, l )6, passe1
HR 4) , aacbot|z|ng 6ss o||||on 1o||ats iot ex
cens|on an1 expans|on oi ie1eta| a|1 co pab||c
vocac|ona| scboo|s 1at|ng cbe nexc 4 usca| yeats.
Tbevoce|s tecot1e1 be|ow |n Co|aon l 6an1et
House} C sbow|ngascan1against. Tbe:enace
bas nocyec passe1 cbe |||
COLLEGES : y a scan1 oi z)6 co l z l , cbe
Hoase, Aagasc l 4, l )6, passe1 HR6l4aacbot
|z|ng l b||||on, l ) o||||on 1o||ats iot cbe ttsc
cbteeyeatsoia uveyeat ptogtaooiie1eta| con
sctacc|ongtancsan1 |oanscoan|vets|c|es,co||eges,
an1 j an|ot co||eges. Tbe voce |s tecot1e1 be|ow
|nCo|aonl san1etHouse} C|n1|cac|ngascan1
against. Tbe :enace bas noc yec passe1 cbe |||.
Jbe Ten:b Aoen1oenc ptob|b|cs ie1eta| ac
c|v|c|esiotwb|cbcbete|snoconsc|cac|ona|aacbot
|zac|on,an1cbete|snosacbaacbot|zac|on iot a|1
co e1acac|on.
jaoes Ma1|son (pt|nc|pa| aacbot oi cbe L. :
Consc|cac|on an1 ||| oi R|gbcs, an1 |acet Ptes|
1enc oi cbe Ln|ce1 :caces, was a Reptesencac|ve
|n cbe I|tsc Congtess. He |e1 cbe oppos|c|on co
ptoposa|s, oa1e |n cbac I|tsc Congtess, wb|cb
woa|1bavepac cbeL. :. govetnoenc |n cbeto|e
oi ptoooc|ng cbe geneta| we|iate. Reptesenca
c|ve Ma1|sonsa|1
"If Congress can employ money indefnitely
to the general welfare, and are the sole and
supreme j udges of the general welfare, they may
take the care of religion into their own hands;
they may appoint teachers in every State, county
and parish and pay them out of their public
treasury; they may take into their own hands
the education of children, establishing in like
manner schools throughout the Union; they may
assume the provision of the poor . . . . Were
the power of Congress to be established in the
latitude contended for, it would subvert the
very foundations, and transmute the very nature
of the limited Government established by the
people of America."
Cl ean Ai r Act
Uy a scan1oiz4col c4,cbeHoase (ja|yz4,
l )6 , passe1 cbe C|ean A|t Acc oi l )6 ( HR
6 l s, ,g|v|ngcbe :ectecatyoiHea|cb,1acac|on,
an1We|iate5 o||||on1o||atsayeatiota|tpo||a
c|on teseatcb, g|v|ng b|o c o||||on 1o||ats co
spen1 as be sees uc , aacbot|z|ng b|o co be|p es
cab||sb|oca|,scace, an1 teg|ona|a|tpo| | at|oncon
cto| agenc|es , an1 aacbot|z|ng b|o co see| coatc
ot1ets co ptob|b|c |ncetscace a|t po||ac|on. Tbe
voce|stecot1e1be|ow|nCo|aonl an1etHouse}
C |n1|cac|ng a consetvac|ve scan1 against cbe
Accwb|cb |spen1ing |n cbe :enace.
Presidential Transition
tn ja|y z , l )6-, cbe Hoase, byvo|ce voce,
passe1 tbe Ptes|1enc|a| Ttans|c|on Acc ( HR
46-s , . Consetvac|ves 1eoan1e1 a to|| ca|| on a
ooc|on co tecooo|c. Tb|s consetvac|ve eotc co
|||| cbe oeasate was 1eieace1 by a scan1 oi 4
co z), wb|cb |s tecot1e1 be|ow |n Co|aon l 4
an1et House} C |n1|cac|ng a scan1 against HR
46swb.cb |s pen1|ng |n cbe :enace. One oi
cbe z) consetvac|ves voc|ng aga|nsc cbe |||,
Reptesencac|ve Aagasc . jobansen (Repab||can,
M|cb|gan, sa|1.
"While I have no objection to payment of
certain specifed, limited expenses incurred by
the President-elect and Vice President-elect
costs heretofore borne by the Republican or
Democratic National Committees or the indi
viduals I strongly oppose two features of this
bill.
Page 283
"O
is te provision giving General Services
Ad
est
.
eby th
ConstItutIOn m Congress, meeting
In JOInt seSSIOn.
"y second objection is to a $1 ,300,000 ex
pendIture authorization for expenses - some two
or tlfee times the amount actually spent by
PresIdents elect Eisenhower or Kennedy . o o .
Export-I mport Bank
Hy a stan1 oi )tol l, tbeHoase ()aly c,
l)6 , teiase1toapptoveiattbetbac| 1ootnnanc
lng iot tbe xpottIopott an| (HR sz . see
:econ1 Ro|| Ca|ls, l )6, tbls Report} Aagast
z6, l )6 , Tbevotelstecot1e1be|owlnColaon
l an1et House} C ln1lcatlng a stan1 against
bac|1oot nnanclng iot tbe an|tbat ls, tbe
anconstltatlonal ptactlce oi bottowlng itoo tbe
L. :. Tteasaty wltboat speclnc aatbotlzatlon by
Congtess.
Tbean|wasscbe1a|e1togooatoiexlstence
on)ane c, l )6. On Aagast l , Hoasean1 :en
ate conietees agtee1 on abl||to pto|ong tbe |lie
oi tbe an| ( wblcb altea1y bas enoagb ooney
to opetate iotanotbet l soontbs, , wltboatspecl
iylngbow tbe an| wl|lget a11ltlonal ian1s ln
tbe iatate.
Washi ngton, D. C. , Cri me Laws
tn Aagast l z , l)6, tbe Hoase ( by volce
vote, passe1 tbe Dlsttlct oi Co|aobla Oonlbas
Ctloe lll ( HR z , . Kenne1y a1olnlsttatlon
iotces ( oacb oppose1 to tbe ll | , 1eoan1e1 a
tol|ca||on a ootlon totecooolt. Tbls a1olnls
ttatloneott to |l|| HR z was 1eieate1by a
stan1 oi z to l4, wblcb ls tecot1e1 be|ow ln
Co|aon l )an1et House} C ln1lcatlng a stan1
for tbel||.
Tblsl||na|llnestbel):apteoeCoattma|
lory Case 1eclslon (see' W asblngton. Tbemo1el
Clty, tbls Report} )une z4, l)6 , wblcb |as
ban1lcappe1 law eniotceoent ln tbe natlon' s
capltal Tbel|| a|so nal|lnes tbe l)4Datbao
Case 1ecslon oi tbe L :. Cltcalt Coatt oi Ap
p
al
ptos
ta|ewltbtbeastonlsblng
atgaoent tbat an m1.v.1aal wbo oay lntel|ecta
ally|nowtbatbelscooolttlngactloe, batwbo
|ac|s eootlona| capaclty to teitaln itoo cooolt
tlnglt, lsnottea|ly gallty oictloe.
What To Do?
1vetytloewepabllsbtol|callvotes llbetals
.
7
m Congtess 1enoance as iot ptesaolng to 1etet
olne wbetbet tbelt votes ate iot ot agalnstcon
stltatlonal ptlnclples. Tbey assett tbat tbey an1
tbe :apteoeCoatt an1tbePtesl1ent |now oote
aboat tbe Constltatlon tbanwe 1o.
TbeConstltatlonlsnotbat1toan1etstan1 an1
t
ltoeanswbatltsays. Neltbettbe:apteoeCoatt,
nottbeCongtess,nottbePtesl1entbasanyaatbot
lty tosttetcblts oeanlng. Tbey 1o sttetcb lt, oi
coatse. Tbe ie1etal govetnoent spen1s bllllons
oi tax 1o|lats evety yeat on ptogtaos iot wblcb
tbete ls no gtant oi powet ln tbe Constltatlon.
Howcanwestop sacbvlolatlons oitbeConstlta
tlon, by oclals wbo ate swotn to uphold tbe
Constltatlon?
Wesboa|1telentlesslyboobat1Congtesswltb
oall, encoataglngtboseoeobetswbosevotes ln
1lcatetbattbeytegat1tbeConstltatlonasaoean
lngial conttact oigovetnoent, lettlng tbe otbets
|nowtbattbeywlllbeoppose1bylntelllgentan1
1etetolne1 votets at tbe next e|ectlon.
Iienoagb ln1lvl1aals woal1 1o tbls, Congtess
woal1 obey an1 1eien1 tbe Constltatlon. :tab|e
consetvatlve powet is gtowlng ln tbe Hoase oi
Reptesentatlves,because ltbastecelve1encoatage
oent ttoo back home. It needs L? all i|ai
al|oi ascanglvelt.
Page 284
R O L L C A L L V O T E S
A 'L' indicates a conservative stand. An ' ILI I indicates a liberal stand. An
: i
indicates that the legislator did not take a public stand.
S E NA T E
Column #1 4 - - Imported Goods Labels , HR 2 5 1 3; # 1 5 ~ State Fisheries Funds , S 627 ; #1 6 ~ Water Projects and Public Power, HR 601 6;
#1 7 ~ ~ Manpower and Training Funds Inc. reas e. HR 5888; # 1 8 ~ Nike- Zeus Authorization; # 1 9 - - National Service Corps , S 1 32 1 ; #20 National
Debt Extension, HR 7824
1 4 1 5 16 18 19 20 14 15 16 17 1 8 19 20
ALABAMA
Hill, Lister (D)
Sparkman, John J. (D)
ALASKA
Bartlett, E . L. (D)
Gruening, Ernest (D)
ARIZONA
Goldwater , Barry (R)
Hayden, Carl (D)
ARKANSAS
Fulbright, J. William (D)
McClellan, John L. (D)
CALIFORNIA
Engle , Clair (D)
Kuchel, Thomas H. (R)
COLORADO
Allott, Gordon (R)
Dominick, Peter H. (R)
CONNECTICUT
Dodd, Thomas J. (D)
Ribicoff, Abraham A. (D)
DELAWARE
Boggs , J. Caleb (R)
Williams , John J. (R)
FLORIDA
Holland, Spes sard L. (D)
Smathers , George A. (D)
GEORGIA
Rus sell, Richard B. (D)
Talmadge, Herman E . (D)
HAWAII
Fong, Hiram L. (R)
Inouye, Daniel K. (D)
IDAHO
rch, Frank (D)
Jordan, Len B . (R)
ILLINOIS
Dirksen, Everett M. (R)
Douglas , Paul H. (D)
INDIANA
Bayh, Birch (D)
Hartke, R. Vance (D)
IOWA
ckenlooper, Bourke B. (R)
Miller, Jack (R)
KANSAS
-r son, Frank (R)
Pearson, James B. (R)
KENTUCKY
Cooper, John Sherman (R)
Morton, Thruston B. (R)
LOUISIANA
Ellender , Allen J. (D)
Long, Rus s el l B. (D)
MAINE
kie, Edmund S. (D)
Smith, Margaret Chase (R)
MARYLAND
Beall, J. Glenn (R)
Brewster, Daniel B. (D)
MASSACHUSETTS
Kennedy, Edward M. (D)
Saltonstall , Leverett (R)
MICHIGAN
Hart, Philip A. (D)
McNamara, Pat (D)
MINNESOTA
Humphrey, Hubert H. (D)
McCarthy, Eugene J. (D)
MISSISSIPPI
Eastland, James O. (D)
Stennis , John (D)
MISSOURI
Long, Edward V. (D)
Symington, Stuart (D)
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MONTANA
Mansfield, Michael J. (D)
Metcalf, Lee (D)
NEBRASKA
Curtis , Carl . (R)
Hruska, Roman L. (R)
NEVADA
Bible, Alan (D)
Cannon, Howard W. (D)
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Cotton, Norris (R)
McIntyre, Thomas J. (D)
NEW JERSEY
Case, Clifford P. (R)
Williams , Harrison A. , Jr. (D)
NEW MEXICO
Anderson, Clinton P. (D)
Mechem, Edwin L. (R)
NEW YORK
Javits , Jacob K. (R)
Keating, Kenneth B. (R)
NOR TH CAROLINA
Erwin, Sam J . , Jr. (D)
Jordan, B. Everett (D)
NOR TH DAKOTA
Burdick, Quentin N. (D)
Young, Milton R. (R)
OHIO
-usche, Frank J . (D)
Young, Stephen M. (D)
OKLAHOMA
Edmondson, J. Howard (D)
Monroney, A. S. (Mike) (D)
OREGON
Morse, Wayne (D)
Neuberger, Maurine B. (D)
PENNSYLVANIA
Clark, Joseph S. , Jr. (D)
Scott, Hugh (R)
RHODE ISLAND
Pastore , John O. (D)
Pell, Claiborne (D)
SOUTH CAROLINA
Johnston, Olin D. (D)
Thurmond, Strom (D)
SOUTH DAKOTA
McGovern, George (D)
Mundt, Karl E. (R)
TENNESSEE
Gore , Albert (D)
TEXAS
--er, John (R)
Yarborough, Ralph W. (D)
UTAH
nnett, Wallace F. (R)
Mos s , Frank E. (D)
VERMONT
Aiken, George D. (R)
Prouty, Winston L. (R)
VIRGINIA
Byrd, Harry Flood (D)
Robertson, A. Willis (D)
WASHINGTON
Jackson, Henry M. (D)
Magnuson, Warren G. (D)
WEST VIRGINIA
Byrd, Robert C. (D)
Randolph, Jennings (D)
WISCONSIN
Nelson, Gaylord A. (D)
Proxmire. William (D)
WYOMING
McGee, Gale W. (D)
Simpson, Milward L. (R)
Page 285
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H O U S E
Column # 1 3 Cl ean Air Act, HR 651 8; #1 4 - - Presidential Transition, HR 4638; # 1 5 - Export-Import Bank Funds , HR 3872; # 1 6
Vocational Education Funds, HR 4955; # 1 7 National Debt Extension, HR 7 824; #1 8 - Higher Education Funds , HR 61 43; #1 9 - D. C . Crime
Laws , HR 7225
ALABAMA
Andrews , George W. (D)
Elliott, Carl (D)
Grant, George M. (D)
Huddleston, George, Jr. (D)
Jones, Robert E. (D)
Raines, Albert (D)
Robert s, Kenneth A. (D)
Selden, Armistead . . Jr. (D)
ALASKA
Rivers , Ralph J. (D)
ARIZONA
Rhodes , John J. (R)
Senner, George F. , Jr. (D)
Udall, Morris K. (D)
ARKANSAS
Gathings , E . C. (D)
Harris , Oren (D)
Mills , Wilbur D. (D)
Trimble, James W. (D)
CALIFORNIA
Baldwin, John F. , Jr. (R)
Bell, Alphonzo E . , Jr. (R)
Brown, George E . , Jr. (D)
Burkhalter, Everett G. (D)
Cameron, Ronald B. (D)
Clausen, Don H. (R)
Clawson, Del (R)
Cohelan, Jeffery (D)
Corman, James C. (D)
Edwards , W. Donlon (D)
Gubser, Charles S. (R)
Hagen, Harlan (D)
Hanna, Richard T. (D)
Hawkins , Augustus F. (D)
Holifield, Chet (D)
Hosmer, Craig (R)
Johnson, Harold T. (D)
King, Cecil R. (D)
Leggett, Robert L. (D)
Lipscomb, Glenard P. (R)
Mailliard, William S. (R)
Martin, Minor C . (R)
McFall , John J . (D)
Miller, George P. (D)
Mos s , John E. (D)
Roosevelt, James (D)
Roybal , Edward R. (D)
Shelley, John !. (D)
Sheppard, Harry R. (D)
Sisk, B. F. (D)
Smith, H. Allen (R)
Talcott, Burt L. (R)
Teague, Charles M. (R)
Utt, James B . (R)
Van Deerlin, Lionel (D)
Wilson, Bob (R)
Wilson, Charles H. (D)
Younger, J. Arthur (R)
COLORADO
Aspinall, Wayne N. (D)
Brotzman, Donald G. (R)
Chenoweth, J . Edgar (R)
Rogers, Byron G. (D)
CONNECTICUT
Daddario, Emilio Q. (D)
Giaimo, Robert N. (D)
Grabowski , Bernard P. (D)
Monagan, John S . (D)
St. Onge, William (D)
Sibal, Abner W. (R)
DELAWARE
McDowell, Harris B. , Jr. (D)
FLORIDA
Bennett, Charles E . (D)
Cramer, William C . (R)
Fascell, Dante B. (D)
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FLORIDA (cont ' d)
Fuqua, Don (D)
Gibbons , Sam M. (D)
Gurney, Edward J. (R)
Haley, James A. (D)
Herlong, A. Sydney, Jr. (D)
Matthews , D. R, (D)
Pepper, Claude (D)
Rogers , Paul G. (D)
Sikes , Robert L. F. (D)
GEORGIA
Davi s, John W. (D)
Flynt, John J . , Jr. (D)
Forrester, E. L. (D)
Hagan, G. Elliott (D)
Landrum, Phil M. (D)
Pilcher, J. L. (D)
Stephens , Robert G . , Jr. , (D)
Tuten, J. Rus sell (D)
Vinson, Carl (D)
Weltner, Charles L. (D)
HAWAII
-- Thomas P. (D)
Matsunaga, Spark M. (D)
IDAHO
ding, Ralph R. (D)
White, Compton . . Jr . (D)
I LLINOIS
Anderson, John B. (R)
Arends , Leslie C , (R)
Collier, Harold R. (R)
Dawson, William L. (D)
Derwinski, Edward J. ( R)
Findley, Paul (R)
Finnegan, Edward R. (D)
Gray, Kenneth J . (D)
Hoffman, Elmer J. (R)
Kluczynski, John C. (D)
Libonati, Roland V. (D)
McClory, Robert (R)
McLoskey, Robert T . (R)
Michel, Robert H. (R)
Murphy, William T . (D)
o ' Brien, Thomas J. (D)
O' Hara, Barratt (D)
Price , Melvin (D)
Pucinski, Roman C . (D)
Reid, Charlotte (R)
Rostenkowski, Daniel (D)
Rumsfeld, Donald (R)
Shipley, George l. (D)
Springer , William L. (R)
INDIANA
Adai r, E. Ross (R)
Brademas, John (D)
Bray, William G. (R)
Bruce, Donald C . (R)
Denton, Winfield K. (D)
Halleck, Charles A. (R)
Harvey, Ralph (R)
Madden, Ray J. (D)
Roudebush, Richard L. (R)
Roush, J. Edward (D)
Wilson, Earl (R)
IOWA
omwell, James E. (R)
Gros s , H. R. (R)
Hoeven, Charles B. (R)
Jens en, Ben F. (R)
Kyl, John H. (R)
Schwengel, Fred (R)
Smith, Neal (D)
KANSAS
-e y, William H. (R)
Dol e . Robert (R)
Ellsworth, Robert F. (R)
Shriver, Garner E. (R)
Skubitz, Joe (R)
Page 286
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KENTUCKY
Chelf, Frank (D)
Natcher , William H. (D)
Perkins , Carl D. (D)
Siler, Eug
ne (R)
Snyder, M. G. (R)
Stubblefield, 1ianI A. (D)
Watts , John C . (D)
LOUISIANA
Boggs , Hale (D)
Hebert, F. Edward (D)
Long, Gillis W. (D)
Morrison, James H. (D)
Passman, Otto E. (D)
Thompson, T. Ashton (D)
Waggonner, Joe D. , Jr. (D)
Willi s, Edwin E. (D)
MAINE
ntire, Clifford G. (R)
Tupper , Stanley R. (R)
MARYLAND
Fallon, George H. (D)
Friedel, Samuel N. (D)
Garmatz, Edward A. (D)
Lankford, Richard E. (D)
Long, Clarence D. (D)
Mathias, Charles McC . , Jr. (R)
Morton, Rogers C . B. (R)
Sickl es, Carlton R. (D)
MASSACHUSE TTS
Bates , William H. (R)
Boland, Edward P. (D)
Burke, James A. (D)
Cont e, Silvio O. (R)
Donohue , Harold D. (D)
Keith, Hastings (R)
Macdonald, Torbert H. (D)
McCormack, John W. (D)
Martin, Joseph W. , Jr. (R)
Morse, F. Bradford (R)
O' Neill, Thomas P. , Jr. (D)
Philbin, Philip J. (D)
MICHIGAN
Bennett, John B. (R)
Broomfield, William S . (R)
Cederberg, Elford A. (R)
Chamberlain, Charles E. (R)
Diggs , Charles C . , Jr. (D)
Dingell, John D. (D)
Ford, Gerald R. , Jr. (R)
Griffin, Robert P. (R)
Griffiths, Martha W. (D)
Harvey, James (R)
Hutchinson, Edward (R)
Johansen, August E . (R)
!tO, NCtOi A. (R)
Lesinski , John (D)
Meader, George (R)
Nedzi , Lucien N. (D)
O'Hara, James G. (D)
Ryan, Harold M. (D)
Staebler , Neil (D)
MINNESOTA
Blatnik, John A. (D)
Fras er, Donald M. (D)
Karth, Joseph E. (D)
Langen, Odin (R)
MacGregor, Clark (R)
Nelsen, Ancher (R)
Olson, Alec G. (D)
Qui e, Albert H. (R)
MISSISSIPPI
Abernethy, Thomas G. (D)
Colmer , William M. (D)
Whitten, Jamie L. (D)
Williams, John Bell (D)
Winstead, Arthur (D)
MISSOURI
Bolling, Richard (D)
Crrc, Clierce (D)
Curti s, Thomas B. (R)
Hall , Durward G. (R)
Hull, W. R. , Jr. (D)
Ichord, Richard (D)
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MISSOURI (cont ' d)
Jone s , Paul C. (D)
Karsten, Frank M. (D)
Randall, William J. (D)
Sullivan, Leonor K. (D)
MONTANA
Battin, James F. (R)
Olsen, Arnold (D)
NEBRASKA
Beermann, Ralph F. (R)
Cunningham, Glenn (R)
Martin, Dave (R)
NEVADA
Baring, Walter S. (D)
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Cleveland, James C . (R)
Wyman, Louis C. (R)
NEW JERSEY
Auchincloss, James C . (R)
Cahill, William . (R)
Dani els , Dominick V. (D)
Dwyer, Florence P. (R)
Frelinghuysen, Peter , Jr . (R)
Gallagher, Cornelius E . (D)
Glenn, Milton W. (R)
Joelson, Charles S. (D)
Minish, Joseph G. (D)
Osmers , Frank C. , Jr. (R)
Patten, Edward J . , Jr . (D)
Rodino, Peter W. , Jr. (D)
Thompson, Frank, Jr . (D)
Wallhaus er, George M. (R)
Widnall, William B. (R)
NEW MEXICO
Montoya, Jos eph M. (D)
Morri s , Thomas G. (D)
NEW YORK
Addabbo, Jos eph P. (D)
Barry, Robert R. (R)
Becker, Frank J. (R)
Buckley, Charles A. (D)
Carey, Hugh L. (D)
C eller, Emanuel (D)
Delaney, James J. (D)
Derounian, Stephen B. (R)
Dulski, Thaddeus J. (D)
Farbstein, Leonard (D)
Fino, Paul A. (R)
Gilbert, Jacob H. (D)
Goodell, Charles E. (R)
Grover, James R. , Jr. (R)
Halpern, Seymour (R)
Healey, James C. (D)
Horton, Frank J. (R)
Kelly, Edna F. (D)
Keogh, Eugene J. (D)
Kilburn, Clarence E. (R)
King, Carleton J. (R)
Lindsay, John N. (R)
Mill er, William E. (R)
Multer, Abraham J. (D)
Murphy, John M. (D)
O' Brien, Leo W. (D)
Ostertag, Harold C . (R)
Pike , Otis G. (D)
Pillion, John R. (R)
Pirnie, Alexander (R)
Powel l , Adam C. (D)
Reid, Ogden R. (R)
Riehlman, R. Walter (R)
Robi son, Howard W. (R)
Rooney, John J. (D)
Rosenthal, Benjamin S. (D)
Ryan, William Fitts (D)
St. George , Katharine (R)
Stratton, Samuel S. (D)
Wharton, J. Ernest (R)
Wydler, John W. (R)
NOR TH CAROLINA
Ontei. \ei1eit C . (D)
Broyhill, James T. (R)
Cooley, Harold D. (D)
Fountain, L. H. (D)
Henderson, David N. (D)
Page 287
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NORTH CAROLINA (cont ' d)
Jonas , Charles Raper (R)
Kornegay, Horace R. (D)
Lennon, Alton (D)
Scott, Ralph J. (D)
Taylor, Roy A. (D)
Whitener , Basil L. (D)
NORTH DAKOTA
Short, Don L. (R)
OHIO
el e, Horer E . (R)
Ashbrook, John M. (R)
Ashley, Thomas L. (D)
Ayre s , William H. (R)
Bett s , Jackson E. (R)
Bolton, Frances P. (R)
Bolton, Oliver P. (R)
Bow, Frank T. (R)
Brown, Clarence J. (R)
Clancy, Donald D. (R)
Devine, Samuel L. (R)
Feighan, Michael A. (D)
Harsha, William H. , Jr. (R)
Hays , Wayne L. (D)
Kirwan, Michael J. (D)
Latta, Delbert L. (R)
McCulloch, William M. (R)
Minshall, William E . . (R)
Mosher , Charles A. (R)
Rich, Carl W. (R)
Schenck, Paul F. (R)
Secrest, Robert T. (D)
Taft, Robert, Jr. (R)
Vanik, Charles A. (D)
OKLAHOMA
Albert, Carl (D)
Belcher, Page (R)
Edmondson, Ed (D)
Jarman, John (D)
Steed, Tom (D)
Wickersham, Victor (D)
OREGON
Duncan, Robert B. (D)
Green, Edith (D)
Norblad, Walter (R)
Ullman, Al (D)
PENNSYLVANIA
Barrett, William A. (D)
Byrne, James A. (D)
Clark, Frank M. (D)
Corbett, Robert J. (R)
Curtin, Willard S . (R)
Dague, Paul B. (R)
Dent , John H. (D)
Flood, Daniel J. (D)
Fulton, James G. (R)
Gavin, Leon H. (R)
Goodling, George A. (R)
Green, William J . , Jr. (D)
Holland, Elmer J. (D)
Kunkel, John C. (R)
McDade, Jos eph M. (R)
Milliken, William H. , Jr. (R)
Moorehead, William S. (D)
Morgan, Thomas E . (D)
Nix, Robert N. C . (D)
Rhodes, George M. (D)
Rooney, Fred B . (D)
Saylor, John P. (R)
Schneebeli, Herman T. (R)
Schweiker , Richard S. (R)
Toll , Herman (D)
Weaver , James D. (R)
Whalley, J. Irving (R)
RHODE ISLAND
Fogarty, John E. (D)
St. Germain, Fernand J. (D)
SOUTH CAROLINA
Ashmore, Robert . (D)
Darn, . J. Bryan (D)
Hemphill, Robert W. (D)
McMillan, John L. (D)
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SOUTH CAROLINA (cont ' d)
Rivers, L. Mendel (D)
Watson, Albert W. (D)
SOUTH DAKOTA
Berry, E . Y . (R)
Reifel, Ben (R)
TENNESSEE
Baker , Howard H. (R)
Bas s , Ross (D)
Brock, William E. , III (R)
Davi s , Clifford (D)
Everett, Robert A. (D)
Evins , Joe L. (D)
Fulton, Richard (D)
Murray, Tom (D)
Quillen, James H. (R)
TEXAS
er, Bruce (R)
Beckworth, Lindley (D)
Brooks , Jack (D)
Burleson, Omar (D)
Casey, Robert R. (D)
Dowdy, John (D)
Fisher, O. Clark (D)
Foreman, Ed (R)
Gonzalez, Henry B. (D)
Kilgore , Joe M. (D)
Mahon, George H. (D)
Patman, Wright (D)
Poage, William R. (D)
Pool, Joe (D)
Purcell, Graham (D)
Roberts , Ray (D)
Rogers , Walter (D)
Teague , Olin . (D)
Thomas , Albert (D)
Thompson, Clark W. (D)
Thornberry, Horer (D)
Wright, James C. (D)
Young, John (D)
UTAH
rton, Laurence J . (R)
Lloyd, Sherman P. (R)
VERMONT
Stafford, Robert T. (R)
VIRGINIA
Abbitt, Watkins M. (D)
Broyhill, Joel T. (R)
Downing, Thomas N . (D)
Gary, J. Vaughan (D)
Hardy, Porter, Jr. (D)
Jennings , W. Pat (D)
Marsh, John 0. , Jr. (D)
Poff, Richard H. (R)
Smith, Howard W. (D)
Tuck, William M. (D)
WASHINGTON
Hans en, Julia B. (D)
Horan, Walt (R)
May, Catherine (R)
Pelly, Thomas M. (R)
Stinson, K. William (R)
Tollefs on, Thor C . (R)
Westland, Jack (R)
WEST VIRGINIA
Hechler, Ken (D)
Kee, Elizabeth (D)
Moore, Arch A. , Jr. (R)
Slack, John M. , Jr. (D)
Staggers , Harley O. (D)
WISCONSIN
Byrnes , John W. (R)
Johnson, Lester R. (D)
Kastenmeier, Robert W. (D)
Laird, Melvin R. (R)
O' Konski, Alvin E. (R)
Reus s , Henry S . (D)
Schadeberg, Henry C. (R)
Thomson, Vernon W. (R)
Van Pelt , William K. (R)
Zablocki, Clement J. (D)
WYOMING
Harrison, William Henry (R)
Page 288
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M
1(1 Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 37 ( Broadcast 422) September 1 6, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
DARKNESS I S DESCENDI NG ON THE LAND
In the beginning, we do not see many overt acts of tyranny. Only occasionally, and under confused circum
stances, does a midnight pounding on the doO rout from bed some citizen whose sole crime is criticism
of all-powerful government. Only occasionally, when a man's fight fOt' justice can be calumnied as a selfish
stand against progress, is a citizen jailed without trial, and held as an example to intimidate othen. Only
occasionally is a military hero of the Republic stigmatized as mentally ill and incarcerated without formal
process or permission to make bond, because the 1'uling tyranny, in momentary rage or panic, hated the man
as a symbol of resistance.
In the beginning, tyranny is subtle, its actions explained as necessary steps against enemies of the public
good, its iron fist hidden in a velvet glove, its death's-head grin masked as a smile of paternal benefi
cence. By the time the naked power of the police state is unsheathed and brandished boldly for all to see
and cringe befOt'e, it is often too late for an intimidated populace to take action.
Ac cbe oacsec oi cbe Kenne1y a1o|n|scta:|on, cbe Ptes|1enc an1 ocbet New Itonc|et spo|es
oen ca||e1 apon:be Aoet|can peop|e co sba|e o :be|t apa:by an1 co 1eve|op an |niotoe1 an1
acc|ve |ncetesc |n :be gteac po||c|ca| ptob|eos oi oat c|oe. Tbe Ptes|1en: sctesse1 cb|s cbeoe | n
b| s i|tsc |naagata| a11tess an1 aga|n | n b|s i|ts c ::aceoicbeLn|onmessage. Inb|s:caceoicbe
Ln|on message ( janaaty )u, l )6l , cbe Ptes|1encsa| 1.
"Let it be clear that this administration recognizes the value of daring and dissent-that we
greet healthy controversy as the hallmark of healthy change."( !)
y dissent) cbe Ptes|1en: 1| 1 noc oean 1|ssenc itoo any acc ot|1eaoi b|s beiote cbe en1 oi
b|si|tsc yeat|noii|ce,Kenne1ywasca|||ngb|sct|c|cs | ttespons|b|e ianac|cs, 1|scot1anc vo|ces oi
excteo|so, an1 coanse|ots oi ieat an1 sasp|c|on. ycbe en1oi l)6l, cbe Ptes|1enc's coanselots
wete 1eoan1|ng :ba: consetvac|ve ct|c|csoicbea1o|n|s:tac|on be silenced) an1 cbe Ptes|1enc was
oov|ng iascco |op|eoenc cbe|t 1eoan1s.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 289
Reuther' s Recommendations
tn Deceobet l), l )6l, Wa|cet Reacbet pte
sence1 co Accotney Geneta| Robetc Kenne1y a
oeootan1ao wb|cbba1beenptepate1byWa|
cets btocbet, V|ccot , on Tbe Ra1|ca|R|gbc |n
Aoet|ca To1ay. ' ''
Reacbet congtaca|ace1 cbe Kenne1y a1o|n|s
ctac|on iotsay|ng batsb cb|ngs aboaccbe ta1|ca|
t|gbc, bac 1eoan1e1 acc|on |nscea1 oi wot1s.
HeteatepassagesitoocbeReacbetoeootan1ao
on cbe ta1|ca| t|gbc .
"President Kennedy's addresses in Seattle and
Los Angeles on November 1 6 and 1 8 [ 1 961 ] evi
denced both a deep concern with, and a pro
found understanding of, the serious problems
injected into American life by the growing
strength of the radical right . . . .
"If the Administration truly recognizes this
as a serious problem, as it certainly appears to
do, it is most important that President Kennedy's
addresses in Seattle and Los Angeles be imple
mented . . . .
"The radical right or extreme right-wing, or
however it may be designated includes an un
known number of millions of Americans of view
points bounded on the left by Senator Goldwater
and on the right by Robert Welch . . . .
"The radical right moves the national political
spectrum away from the Administration's pro
posed liberal programs at home and abroad . . . .
"What are needed are deliberate Administra
tion policies and programs to contain the radical
right from further expansion and in the long
run to reduce it to its historic role of the impotent
lunatic fringe . . + .
"The radical right poses a far greater danger
to . . . this country . . . than does the domestic
communist movement. "( 3)
eacbet saggesce1 cbac ta1|ca| t|gbc otgan
|zac|onsbep|ace1oncbe Accotney Geneta| ssab
vets|ve||sc, a|on w|cb cbe coooan|sc patcy, an1
cbac cbe|t tan|s be |nn|ctace1 by cbe IBI. Tb|s
woa| 1bea oo||c|ca| oatgeoioajot otoootc|ons.
Noce cbac ta1ica| tigbc inc|a1es :enacot Go|1
wacet an1 evety oc|et Aoet|can as consetvac|ve
as,otooteconsetvac|vecban,cbe:enacot.Reacbet
a1o|cs cbac cbe naobet |s |n cbe o||||ons, an1
gtow.ng.
Tbepact|ocsoiAoet|caatecobebtan1e1sab
vets|ve, an1 oac|awe1.
Ic can bappen here. In1ee1, cbe po||cescace
patgeoipact|ocs bas a|tea1y began. Ac ptesenc,
cbete ate no v|s|b|e s|gns, no cang|b|e ev|1ence,
cbac Kenne1y p|ans co io||ow Reacbet s tecoo
oen1ac|on aboac btan1|ng an1 oac|aw|ng cbe
o||||onsoiAoet|cans wboate as consetvac|ve as
Batty Go|1wacetAoet|cans wboo Reacbet
|abe|s as ta1|ca| t|gbc. Bac cwo ocbet Reacbet
tecoooen1ac|ons oi eqaa|, |i noc 1eepet, |o
potc , ate|ncbeptocessoi|op|eoencac|onbycbe
Kenne1y a1o|n|sctac|onwete, |n1ee1, a|tea1y
be|ng |op|eoence1, |n patc, as Kenne1y po||cy
beioteReacbetsabo|cce1 b|s oeootan1ao. One
|nvo|ves cbe o|||caty silence all Ilradical right"
expression by military officers, and use military
establishments as pressure groups to support ad
ministration policies. Tbe oc|et |nvo|ves btoa1
casc|ng. banish any IIradical right" expression
from radio and television, and convert these media
into propaganda agencies for governmental pro
grams.
The Mi l itary
JbeReacbetoeootan1aocoRobetcKenne1y
tecoooen1e1 oazz||ng oi a|| o|||caty omcets
wbo cb|n| coooan|so |s a cbteac w|cb|n cbe
Ln|ce1 :caces an1 wbo 1|sagtee w|cb Kenne1y
a1o|n|sctac|on po||c|es oi accoooo1ac|ng an1
appeas|ng c|e :ov|ecs abtoa1. Anc|coooan|sc
omcets wbo cannoc be s||ence1 sboa|1 be te
oove1,byoneoeansotanocbet, itoocbeAtoe1
Iotces. A|| oi c||s, accot1|ng co Reacbet, |s co
be 1one an1et cbe ptecexc oi sepatac|ng o|||caty
petsonne| itoo patc|san po||c|cs. Ac cbe saoe
c|oe, cbose o|||caty omcets wbo agtee w|cb Ken
ne1y ate co be encoatage1, even ot1ete1, co
spea| an1 acc omc|a||v |n sappotc oi Kenne1ys
po||c|ca| ptogtaos.
Tb|s|swbacReacbettecoooen1s. I||s|sw|ac
Kenne1y |s 1o|ng.
Page 290
Tbe oazz||ng oiant|coooan|st ocets |n tbe
AtoedIotceswasaoajotconttovetsydat|ng.|e
ntst yeat oi Kennedy s ado|n|sttat|on y t|e
beg|nn|ng oi l )6, aot|coooan|sts bad been s|
|enced ot iotced oat oi tbe setv|ces. Tb|s was
done, exact|yasReatbetbadtecoooended,andet
tbe ptetex. oi |eep|ngo| ||taty petsonne| oat oi
conttovets|a|po||t|ca|oattets. Inja|y,l )6, bow
evet tbe ado|n|sttat|on otdeted o|||taty petson
ne| to |ntetvene aggtess|ve|y |n tbe oost contto
vets|a| po||t|ca| oattet oi a|| t|oe, |n sappott oi
tbe Ptes|dent s tac|a| ptogtao.
tnja|y .6, l )6, Robett :. mcNaoata, :ec
tetaty oi Deiense, |ssaed a d|tect|ve, qaa| Op
pottan|ty|ntbeAtoedIotces, otdet|nga||o|||
taty coooandets to ta|e act|on |n and aga|nst
c|v|| |ancoooan|t|esatoando|||tatybases, wben
evettbosecoooan|t|esdonotwbo||y sappotttbe
Ptes|dentstac|a| ptogtao.
Tbeaatbotoitb|sd|tect|ve|sAdao\atoo||n
s|y, w|ose patents ate notot|oas coooan|st
itontetsand wbobasa tecotd oi patt|c|pat|on |n
coooan|stact|v|t|ess|nceb|sandetgtadaate days
at Hatvatd.
Tbepatposeoitbe\atoo||ns|y d|tect|ve | sto
|op|eoent tbe ptogtao oi tbe Ptes|dents Coo
o|ttee On qaa| Oppottan|ty ln Tbe Atoed
Iotces, appo|nted |njaneoil )6z.
On jane l , )6, tbe cooo|ttee oat||ned |ts
scbeoe |ot tac|a| eqaa||ty |na)page tepotten
t|t|edqaa| |tyoiTteatoentandOppottan|tyiot
Negto M|| |taty Petsonne| :tat|oned W|tb|n tbe
Ln|ted :tates, popa|at|yteiettedtoastbeGese||
Repott, aitet tbenaoe oi a Wasb|ngton, D. C,
|awyet, Getbatd A. Gese||, wbo | s cba|toan oi
tbePtes|dentscooo|ttee.
TbeGese||Repottwaswt|ttenbya:actaoento,
Ca|| iotn|a, negto attotney, Natban|e| :. Co||ey,
sa|d tooe an omc|a| oi tbe Nat|ona| Assoc|at|on
iottbeAdvanceoentoiCo|otedPeop|e.
Hete|sonepassageitootbe)pageGese||Re
pott, now |op|eoentedasb|nd|ng|nsttact|onson
tbe Atoed Iotces, bv tbe \atoo||ns|y d|tect|ve,
|ssaed on ja|y z6, l )6, |ntbe naoe oi tbe :ec
tetaty oi Deiense.
"Segregation and other forms of discrimination
in facilities in a given locality, detrimental to the
morale of Negro personnel at a neighboring mili
tary base, must cease. The commander should,
of course, attempt by means available to him
community committees, persuasion, emphasis of
th
.
e ?ase's importance to the local economy-to
elImmate such practices. In situations in which
these eforts are unsuccessful, the commander
should develop a plan under which military per
sonnel of all races would be permitted to patron
ize only those facilities which receive his express
approval + .
Broadcasti ng
JbeReatbetoeootandaotoRobettKennedy
|s, aoong otbet tb|ngs, a t|ssae oi ia|se |ns|naa
t|ons wb|cb aooant to oatt|gbt ||es aboat tbe
tad|ca| t|g|t. Reatbet |ns|naatestbatconsetva
t|ves ate otgan|zed |nto c|andest|ne, andetcovet
otgan|zat|ons |av|sb|y nnanced by oeans wb|cb
v|o|atetbenat|on stax|aws, andtbattbey doo|
nate tad|oand te|ev|s|on btoadcast|ng, to tbeex
c|as|on oi ||beta| coooentaty W|tboat be|ng
spec|nc, Reatbet dat||y b|nts tbat tbe Iedeta|
Coooan|cat|ons Cooo|ss|on oast do sooetb|ng
toban|sbtbe tad|ca| t|gbt itoo tad|o and te|e
v.s.on.
ln ttatb, oost const|tat|ona| consetvat|ves ate
notptonetoj o|notgan|zat|onsTbosewbobe|ong
to t|e jo|o |:c| :oc|et. and s|o||at gtoaps ate
oatspo|enaooat|t, ptoad oitbe|t stand iotcon
st|tat|ona| pt|nc|p|es, tty|ng a|ways to edacate
otbets |n tbose pt|nc|p|es. Tbey bave vety | |tt|e
ooney,andno accessto national te|ev|s|on.
I ptobab|, bave w|det te|ev|s|oncovetage tban
an. otbet const|tat|ona| consetvat|ve news coo
oentatot. I |ave one niteeno|nate te|ev|s|on
ptogtaoonceawee|. It|sacondensat|onoitb|s
pab||sbedReport. Itbasbeenon te|ev|s|onsta
t|ons |na )state west coast atea, andet tbe spon
sotsb|p oi Dt Ross Pet Iood Coopany oi Los
Ange|es, s|nce eat|y ). mote tecent|y, I bave
acqa|te1 sponsotsb|p on s te|ev|s|on stat|ons, | n
4 statesoats|cetbeDt. kossCoopanysoat|et|ng
atea.
Page 291
mybtoadcast |s ptesented coooetc|a||y by tbe
ntos wb|cb sponsot |t. In a|| cases, tbe stat|ons
sell t|oe to oy sponsots, at tbe|t tega|at tates,
andontbesaoe bas|s tbattbeyse|| t|oe to otbet
sponsots wboadvett|se w|tb otbet newscoooen
tatyptogtaos.
1n l )6z,tbe:abcooo|tteeonTaxAdo|n|stta
t|on, oi tbe Ca| | iotn|a Leg|s|atate, andet tbe
cba|toansb|p oi Cbat|es H. W||son, aDeooctat,
|nvest|gated tbe advett|s|ng ptogtao oi D. B.
Lew|s, Ptes|dent oi tbe Dt. Ross Pet Iood Coo
pany, to deteto|ne, aoong otbet tb|ngs, wbetbet
mt. Lew|swasv|o|at|ngotabas|ngCa||iotn|atax
|aws |n tbe sponsotsb|p oi oy btoadcasts.
On Octobet l , l )6z, mt. W||sons sabcooo|t
tee sabo|tted |ts tepott. Hete ate pett|nent ex
cetpts .
"The Lewis Food Company of Los Angeles, a
California corporation, producer of 'Dr. Ross
Dog and Cat Food,' sponsors the news commen
tator Dan Smoot, whose views on national and
international questions may be described as con
servative.
"The sponsorship of this program extends to
32 television and 52 radio stations in eleven
western states.
"The committee can find no abuse of the de
ductibility privilege in this sponsorship . . . . Mr.
Lewis is getting value out of his advertising dol
lar. We find no abuse of the intent of the law in
the sponsorship of news and public afairs com
mentators, notwithstanding the fact that they
might reasonably be classifed as 'extremists.' Dan
Smoot's weekly commentary difers only in con
tent, not in kind, from that of Howard K. Smith,
Chet Huntley, or David Brinkley."
Jb|sbasbeen tbeexpet|enceoioybtoadcast
|n a|| ateas. Nowbete, bas oy btoadcast caased
|ega| act|on aga|nst oe, oy sponsots, ot tbe sta
t|ons. Anovetwbe|o|ngoaj ot|ty oitbe||sten|ng
aad|ence tesponds iavotab|y to oy onceawee|
news coooentaty on te|ev|s|on. Wby ? Because
there is a vast, tnsatisfied public hunger for tele
vision programs analyzing the news from the view
poin! of a wnstitutional conselvative. A maj ority
oiAoet|cans ateconsetvat|ve desp|tetbe iact
tbat tota||tat|an | |beta|s contto| tbe govetnoent
and a|| |tsoa|t|b||||ondo||attaxnnancedptopa
gandaagenc|es,andcontto|anddoo|nateoostoi
tbe oaj ot newspapets and oagaz|nes, a|| oi tbe
te|ev|s|on netwot|s, and oost oaj ot tad|o and
te|ev|s|on s:a:|ons |ntbenat|on.
tonsetvat|ves bave oote accessto tad|o tban
to te|ev|s|on. my own tad|o btoadcast |s coo
oetc|a||y sponsoted on l stat|ons |n zc states.
Tbeteate,petbaps,aba|idozenotbetconsetvat|ve
tad|o ptogtaos d|stt|bated nat|ona||y and teacb
|nga|atgeaad|ence,andtbeteatelocal consetva
t|ve tad|o coooentatots.
Onte|ev|s|on,tbete|sa|soanan|nownnaobet
oi local consetvat|ve coooentatots , bat there is
not one television commentator, with national
coverage, who expresses the viewpoint of consti
tutional conservatives.
None oi tbe te|ev|s|on netwot|s w||| se|| t|oe
totespected, |eg|t|oate sponsots wbo wantto ad
vett|sew|tboybtoadcast. And|nsooec|t|es, oy
sponsots bave been anab|e to bay t|oe on any
television station. Hoaston, NewOt|eans, Kansas
C|ty,Boston,NewYot|tbeseatespec|i|coaj ot
c|t|es wbete tespected bas|ness otgan|zat|ons
wb|cbwanted to sponsotoy te|ev|s|on btoadcast
weteanab|etobayt|oeonanyte|ev|s|onstat|on.
In a|| cases, t|oe was ava||ab|e |i oy sponsot
woa|d ptesent an apptoved ot ||beta| coo-
oentatot. In oany c|t|es wbete oy te|ev|s|on
btoadcast |s on tbe a|t, tbe stat|ons tann|ng |t
donot |||e |t. Tbey tan|t, becaaseoy sponsot|s
agoodcastooetwbo|ns|sts,andbecaasetbepab
||c tesponse |s ovetwbe|o|ng|y iavotab|e.
be Reatbet oeootandao ( deve|op|ng |ts
ia|se |ns|naat|on tbat tad|ca| t|gbt ptogtaos
tece|ve iavoted tteatoent by btoadcast|ng sta
t|ons, oent|oned one p|ace wbetea tad|ostat|on
( WLW, |nC|nc|nnat| , so|d t|oe iota consetva
t|ve btoadcast bat woa|d not se|| t|oe iot tbe
LAW ptogtao ca||ed ye Openet. Reatbet
sa|d act|onaga|nst WL W, iot tb|s condact,' was
pend|ng beiote tbe ICC. In tb|s connect|on, I
oiiet an |ntetest|ng conttast.
Tbe sponsot wbo wanted to bay t|oe iot oy
te|ev|s|on btoadcast |n Kansas C|ty was to|d by
Page 292
a|| tbtee stat|ons |n tbat c|ty (WDAI, KmBC,
an1KCmO, tbatt|oewasava||ab|eant||t|ey
1|scovete1tbat|ewante1tosponsotme. A||sta
t|ons t|en ioan1 t|at t|oe was not ava||ab|e iot
my ptogtao. my potent|a| sponsot wtote to t|e
ICC to see w|et|et |e |a1 any te1tess t|toagb
t|e ICC to iotce t|e stat|ons to se|| t|oe iot my
btoa1cast. T|e ICC, by |ettet 1ate1 jane zu,
l)6, |niotoe1 oy sponsot tbat t|ete |s no
statate ot Cooo|ss|on Ra|e w||c| woa|1 g|ve
||o te1tess.
J||s |s tbe s|taat|on |n nat|ona| te|ev|s|on.
tota||tat|an | |beta|s |ave a v|ttaa| oonopo|y an1
bave |a1 s|nce tbe beg|nn|ng. T|ete ate scotes
oi nat|ona| netwot| te|ev|s|on news ptogtaos
(oost oi tbeo daily) , oi t|e Howat1 K. :o|t|
an1 Hant|eyt|n||ey an1 Wa|tet Cton||tetyoe,
wbosetepott|ngoi t|enews somet|mes |s oiien
s|ve to we|| |niotoe1 consetvat|ves In a11|t|on
totbat,t|ePtes|1entan1omc|a|s|nt.eexecat|ve
estab||sboent|ave|nstantaccesstoa||oassoe1|a
comman|cat|on, w|tb itee t|oe, to a1vocate t|e
ptogtaos oitota||tat|an| |beta||so. Not one con
setvat|veotgan|zat|on|asavo|ceonnat|ona|te|e
v|s|on, an1 not one const|tat|ona| consetvat|ve
coooentatot |as a nat|ona| te|ev|s|on covetage.
\et t|e Reat|et btotbets |n Deceobet, l)6l,
a1v|se1RobettKenne1yto|avetbeIe1eta|Coo
oan|cat|onsCooo|ss|on1osooetb|ngaboatget
t|ngt|eta1|ca|t|g|t o tbea|t.
T|eICC|asnow 1one sooet||ngw||c|w|||
eventaa||y ( |i sooet||ng |snot 1one, ban|s| oe
an1 evety otbet consetvat|ve coooentatot itoo
evety ta1|o an1 te|ev|s|on stat|on |n tbe nat|on,
an1 | |o|t a|| btoa1cast|ngstat|ons to t|e to|e oi
coooan|cat|ons me1|a| ntbe:ov|etLn|ontbe
to|e oiptesent|ng not||ng bat ptogtaos govetn
oenta||y apptove1.
The Two-Edged Sword
tn ja|y z6, l )6, tbe Ie1eta| Coooan|ca
t|ons Coom|ss|on sent a Pab||c Not|ce to a|| ta-
1|oan1te|ev|s|on stat|ons, a1v|s|ngt|eo oi t|e|t
Respons|b|||t|es an1et tbe Ia|tness Doctt|ne as
to conttovets|a| |ssae ptogtaoo|ng. Hete |s tbe
ia||text.
"Several recent incidents suggest the desirability
of calli'ng the attention of broadcast licensees to the
necessity for observance of the fairness doctrine
stated by the Commission in its opinion of June 1,
1949 in Docket No. 8516. The Commission adheres
to the views expressed in that opinion and continues
to apply that policy, namely, that the licensee has
an affirmative obligation to afford reasonable op
portunity for the presentation of contrasting view
points on any controversial issue which he chooses
to cover.
"The Commission has undertaken a study to con
sider what actions, perhaps in the form of a primer
or rules, might be appropriate better to define cer
tain of the licensee's responsibilities in this area.
Without undertaking at the present time to specify
all, or the most important, applications of the policy,
it is appropriate to call attention to the Commis
sion's view of its application in three currently im
portant situations :
"( a) When a controversial program involves a
personal attack upon an individual or organiza
tion, the licensee must transmit the text of the
broadcast to the person or group attacked, wher
ever located, either prior to or at the time of the
broadcast, with a specific offer of his station's
facilities for an adequate response (Clayton W.
Mapoles, 23 Pike & Fischer, R.R. 586, 591 ; Billings
Broadcasting Company, 23 Pike & Fischer, R.R.
951, 953) .
"( b) When a licensee permits the use of his facil
ities by a commentator or any person other than
a candidate to take a partisan position on the
issues involved in a contest for political office or
to attack one candidate or support another by di
rect or indirect identification, he must immedi
ately send a transcript of the pertinent continuity
in each such program to each candidate concerned
and offer a comparable opportunity for an ap
propriate spokesman to answer the broadcast
(Times-Mirror Broadcasting Co. , 24 Pike & Fisch
er, R.R. 404, 405) .
"( c) When a licensee permits the use of his facil
ities for the presentation of views regarding an
issue of current importance such as racial segre
gation, integration, or discrimination, or any
other issue of public importance, he must offer
spokesmen for other responsible groups within
the community similar opportunities for the ex
pression of the contrasting viewpoints of their
respective groups. In particular, the views of the
leaders of the Negro and other community groups
as to the issue of racial segregation, integration, or
discrimination, and of the leaders of appropriate
groups in the community as to other issues of
public importance, must obviously be considered
and reflected, in order to insure that fairness is
achieved with respect to programming dealing
with such controversial issues ( Editorializing Re-
Page 293
port, 1 ( Part three) Pike & Fischer, R.R. 201,
204-206 ; cf. WBNX Bctg. Co. , Inc., 4 Pike &
Fischer, R.R. 242, 248) .
"In determining compliance with the fairness doc
trine the Commission looks to substance rather than
to label or form. It is immaterial whether a par
ticular program or viewpoint is presented under the
label of 'Americanism,' 'anti-communism' or
'states' rights' or whether it is a paid announce
ment, official speech, editorial or religious broad
cast. Regardless of label or form, if one viewpoint
of a controversial issue of public importance is pre
sented, the licensee is obligated to make a reasonable
effort to present the other opposing viewpoint or
viewpoints.
"The Commission does not seek to prevent the
expression of any viewpoint by any licensee on any
issue. It does seek to prevent the suppression of
other contrasting viewpoints by any licensee on any
issue when licensed broadcast facilities have been
used for the presentation of one view of the issue.
This is required by the public interest standard of
the law."
Pote
cateial|ypatagtap| c . . lt|spatt|calat
|y concetne1 w|t| btoa1casts on t|e tac|al qaes-
t|on bat |ncla1es all |ssaes oi pabl|c |opot
tance.
Ptact|ca|ly evety ta1|oan1telev|s|onstat|on |n
t|e coantty |as |ntetptete1 t|e ICC not|ce as a
1|sct|o|natoty po||cy aga|nst consetvat|ve btoa1
casts . | |betals ln patt|calat . |ea1ets oi t|e
Negto . . . gtoaps . can1eoan1t|oetoanswet
consetvat|ve btoa1casts, bat consetvat|ves oay
not 1eoan1 t|oe to answet | |betal btoa1casts.
:ac| 1|sct|o|nat|on 1oes seeo to be t|e |ntent
oit|eICCNot|ce,batt|eICC 1oesnotspec|i|
callysayso,becaaset|eICC|asnolegalt|g|tto
ot1etsac|b|as.
Hence, t||s ICCNot|cecoal1 be a twoe1ge1
swot1.T|eteatep|t|ial|yiewconsetvat|vebtoa1
casts on ta1|o an1 telev|s|on. l|betals can |atass
stat|ons an1 sponsots |nto cancel|ng a| | oi t|eo
by1eoan1|ngiteet|oeiottebatta|.W|at|io||
l|ons oi Aoet|can consetvat|ves 1eoan1e1 eqaal
t|oe to answet | |beta| btoa1casts ? Ptact|cally
a|l telev|s|on 1ocaoentat|es an1newsana|yses,
an1 sta1|es|n1ept| ateslante1towat1 l|betal
|so. Ii consetvat|ves, |n t|e o|l l|ons, telentlessly
1eoan1e1 eqaa| t|oe to answet a|l||beta|btoa1
casts,t|eta1|oan1telev|s|onstat|ons patt|calat
|y te|ev|s|on. woa|1|ave t|oe iot ||ttle else.
Mow can btoa1cast stat|ons ptotect t|eo
se|ves ? As a gtoap, t|ey s|oal1 1eoan1, an1
|eep on 1eoan1|ng by pt|vate oeans an1
t|toag| t|e|t pab||c iac|l|t|es . t|at Congtess
enacta |awna|||iy|ngt|e ICCIa|tness Doctt|ne
an1 a|| ot|et ICC ta|es an1 1|tect|ves not abso
| ete|ynecessa:y iottechnical tegalat|onoibtoa1
cast|ng Meanw|||eant|| Congtess actsbtoa1
cast stat|ons coal1 ptotect t|eoselves by | |teta|
|ntetptetat|on oi a |ey p|tase |n t|e ICC Ia|t
nessDoctt|neNot|ce, as |tptesently stan1s.
Inpatagtap| c. ,ICCsayst|atastat|onw||c|
a|lows a btoa1cast exptess|ng a v|ewon an |ssae
oi pabl|c |opettance, oast oiiet similar 0 p por
tunities iot t|e oppos|ng v|ewpo|nt. Many sta-
t|ons|ave |ntetptete1 t||s tooeant|att|eyoast
1onate eqaal t|oe iot ||beta|s to answet a con
setvat|ve btoa1cast, even t|oag| t|oe iot t|e
consetvat|ve btoa1cast was sol1 at tega|at tates.
y sac| o|s1|tecte1 |ntetptetat|on, t|e stat|ons
ate catt|ng t|e|t own t|toats. Ii sooeone wants
to answetone oi oybtoa1castsbygett|ngacoo
oetc|alsponsot tobay t|oe iot||o, eqaa| to t|e
t|oe t|at was boag|t iot oe, peto|tt|ng ||o to
1o so woal1 be oiiet|ng ||o similar opportunity
to exptess ||sv|ew. To give ||o t|oe w|en oy
sponsots|a1topay iotoyt|oe. w|ll, |nt|een1,
e|t|et ban|tapt t|e stat|on o: iotce cancellat|on
oi oy btoa1casts
:tat|on KATLTV |n Pott|an1, Otegon, |as
a|tea1y not|ie1 oy sponsot Dt koss. t|at oy
btoa1cast w||| be ban|s|e1 itoo t|e stat|on, be
caase t|e stat|on ant|c|pates expense an1 ttoable
|n one:|ng itee t|oe to answet
:tat|onWOAlTV|n:anAnton|o,Texas,now
tans an annoanceoent aitet each oi oy btoa1
casts, say|ng T||s stat|on vo|antat||y sol|c|ts
tespons|b|e 1|ssent|ng v|ewpo|nts to conttovets|al
oattets 1|scasse1 |n t|e ptece1|ng ptogtao.
mysponsot |n :an Anton|o .mt. Loa|s m|c|
ael, Ptes| 1ent oiTtav|s:av|ngs & loanAssoc|a-
Page 294
t|on, pays t|e stat|on a sabstant|al sam iot my
btoa1castt|mebecaaseconsetvat|sm|sgoo1a1vet
t|s|ng iot ||s bas|nessan1 becaase|e|sa 1e1|
cate1patt|otw|obel|eves|nconst|tat|ona|govetn-
ment mt M|c|ael comp|a|ne1 ve|emently aboat
t|etagw||c|labe|smybtoa1cast conttovets|a|
an1 oets t|me to answet |t To no ava| | .
WOAI tan a t|tee|oat NBC 1ocamentaty
slante1 aga|nst consetvat|ves w|o |ave a states
t|g|ts v|ew on t|e tac|al qaest|on Hant|ey
an1 Bt|n|ley, w|t| t||tty m|nates a 1ay ou
WOAITV, somet|mes s|ant t|enews an1 e1|to
t|al|ze |n iavot oi l|betal|sm T|ete |s a an|on
commentatot on WOAITV w|o not on|y e1|to
t|al|zesbattt|esto|nc|te||saa1|enceto|obby|ng
an1 boycott|ng act|v|t|es A womancommentatot
on WOAITV |as |aa1e1 t|e Ln|te1 Nat|ons
an1 |ats||y con1emne1 |ts ct|t|cs. T|e stat|on
cons|1ets none oi t|ese conttovets|a| |n t|e
sense t|at t|me s|oal1 be oiiete1 iot con
setvat|ve tebattaleven t|oag| WOAI petson
ne| a1m|t t|at w|en t|ey tan t|e |oat NBC
1ocamentaty on t|e tace qaest|on. t|e stat|on
tece|vec 4) telep|one calls, 46 oi t|em itom
|tatec|t|zens w|o tesente1 t|eptesentat|on.
Ptact|callyevetyta1|oan1te|ev|s|onstat|on| n
t|e nat|on gave many |oats oi covetage to t|e
negtomatc| on Was||ngton, Aagastzs. Bayat1
Rast|n ( negto w|o was secon1 |n comman1 oi
t|e ma:c|, |a1 itee t|me on te|ev|s|on netwot|s
( an1 on ta1|o, to ptesent 1eman1s as to w|at
t|e Congtess an1 peop|e oi Amet|ca mast 1o.
Bayat1Rast|n|asa 1|sgast|ng pol|cetecot1asa
mota| 1egenetate
No consetvat|ve |as been g|ven netwot| t|me
to answet |ate|nc|t|ng comments ma1e by pet
vetts an1 comman|st itontets, w|o spo|e to t|e
nat|on on telev|s|on, itee oi c|atge, on Aagast
zs
ast mont|, I |a1 a btoa1cast ct|t|c|z|ng t|e
Test an Tteaty tecently negot|ate1 |n Moscow
Dean Man|on |a1 a btoa1cast on t|e same sab
j ect :evetaltelev|s|onstat|onsteiase1to tan my
btoa1castont|etteaty I 1onot|now|owmany
stat|ons teiase1 to tan Dean Man|ons btoa1cast
ont|etteaty
An att|c|c |n t|e :eptembet z, l)6, |ssae oi
Broadcasting tevea|s, |owevet, t|at t|e C|t|zens
Comm|ttee iot a Nacleat Test Ban Tteaty 1e
man1e1 itee an1 eqaa| t|me itom cc btoa1cast
|ng stat|ons (mostI y ta1|o, w||c| |a1 tan t|e
Man|on btoa1cast ct|t|c|z|ng t|e test ban tteaty
T|e 1eman1s wete ma|le1 on Aagast z. By
Aagast z ), t|e Comm|ttee |a1 tece|ve1 tepl|es
itom aboat l c stat|ons, most oi t|em oiiet|ng
t|e Comm|ttee free t|me to answet t|e man|on
Iotam btoa1cast, a|t|oag| t|me iot t|e Man|on
btoa1casts |a1 been sold.
:ome stat|ons wtote t|e ICC, as||ng w|et|et
t|eymastgive t|metoanswetconsetvat|vebtoa1
casts w|ose t|me |a1 been purchased at tegalat
tates An ICC oii|c|al sa|1 t|e comm|ss|on
coal1n tanswet t|e qaest|on, s|nce t|e comm|s
s|on |a1 nevet sett|e1 t|e |ssae ' `'
What Can Be Done
1i consetvat|ve commentaty |s ban|s|e1 itom
t|e a|tways, t|e caase oi const|tat|onal govetn
ment |s 1oome1 W|at can yoa, an |n1|v|1aal,
1oaboat |t? Patagtap| ( a, oit|eICC Ia|tness
Doctt|ne Not|ce says
"When a controversial program involves a
personal attack upon an individual or organiza
tion, the licensee [ the station] must transmit
the text of the broadcast to the person or group
attacked, wherever located, either prior to or
at the time of the broadcast, with a specifc ofer
of his station's facilities for an adequate re
sponse . . . .
Any iactaal, consetvat|ve comment aboat t|e
UN, otgan|ze1 labot, ot any govetnmental pto-
gtam can be cons|1ete1 a petsona| attac|
w||c| 1eman1s a1eqaate tesonse itom t|e
"attacked. " But when liberal commentators de
noance a|l consetvat|ves as t|g|tw|ng ctac|pots
Page 295
an1 pta|se ptogtams an1 otgan|zat|ons w||c|
consetvat|ves|nowtobe|atm|altot|e|tcoantty,
w|llt|eICC sptov|s|on|ot a1eqaate tesponse
apply?
Consetvat|ves coal1 tea|ly convett t||s ptov|
s|on |nto somet||ng e||ect|ve |ot oat s|1e.
1nevetyc|tyt|toag|oatt|ecoantty, consetva
t|ves coal1 |otm a |ocal Otgan|zat|on |ot t|e
Ptotect|on o| Consetvat|ve Op|n|on |n Btoa1
cast|ng , ocets coal1 be e|ecte1, |ettet|ea1s
pt|nte1 ac| otgan|zat|on coal1 sen1 not|ces to
|ts loca| btoa1cast|ng stat|ons, l|st|ng sabj ects
w|t||n t|e otgan|zat|on s scope o| |ntetest ( t|e
nat|onal ba1get, |ote|gn a|1, |ote|gn pol|cy, t|e
LN, otgan|ze1 labot, e1acat|on, states t|g|t, an1
soon, T|econsetvat|vegtoapcoal1teqaestttan
sct|pts o| all ptopose1 btoa1casts 1eal|ng w|t|
sac|sabj ects,|naccot1ancew|t|t|eIe1etalCom
man|cat|ons Comm|ss|ons Pabl|c Not|ce, sab
patagtap| ( a, , |ssae1 on )aly z6, l)6.
I|t|estat|on1oes not coopetate, t|e consetva
t|ve gtoap coa|1 wt|te t|e ICC |n Was||ngton,
ma||nga |otmal compla|nt, sen1|ng cop|es o|t|e
lettet to t|e local stat|on.
vety t|me a ||betal btoa1cast |s ma1e on a
local stat|on, toac||ng on any sabj ect o| |ntetest
to t|e local Otgan|zat|on |ot t|e Ptotect|on o|
Consetvat|ve Op|n|on |n Btoa1cast|ng, t|e Ot
gan|zat|oncoa|1 1eman1 |tee an1 eqaa| t|me to
answet In1|v|1aa|s w|o cannot |otm an otgan
|zat|on|ott||spatpose,can,an1s|oal1,actas|n
1|v|1aals.
1|anytespons|bleconsetvat|ve s|oal1 1eman1
an1geteqaal t|me to answet a l|betal btoa1cast,
an1 t|en |eel t|at |e |ac|s t|me ot |ac|l|t|es to
ptepate a ptopet ptesentat|on o| ||s own v|ews,
I w|l| |en1myte|ev|s|on|||m, |tee o|c|atge, |ot
sac| tebatta| patpose :|nce eatly l), evety|s
sae o| my Report |as been sammat|ze1 |ot tele
v|s|on an1 ta1|o btoa1cast|ng. A |a|t|y a1eqaate
sapply o| t|ese ttansct|be1 btoa1casts |as been
ptesetve1 T|ey covet a w|1e tange o| sabj ects
w||c| | |betals 1|scass |n ways oens|veto con
setvat|ves
1| t|e ICC teally wants t|e oppos|ng v|ew
to |ave |tee oppottan|ty |ot exptess|on, an1 | |
stat|ons tea||y want tog|ve away btoa1cast t|me
|ot t|at patpose, we consetvat|ves s|oal1 |elp
t|em oat We s|oa|1 c|allenge evety l|betal
btoa1castan11eman1t|me|otoatownv|ew, on
evety ta1|o an1 te|ev|s|on stat|on |n Amet|ca
I| a le|tw|ngcomm|ttee,atg|ng tat|ucat|ono|
atestbantteatyw||c|coal1ptove1|sasttoas |ot
oatcoantty,canget |teetebattal t|me|tom|an
1te1s o| btoa1cast stat|ons, w|y cant we ? We
can|| we w|ll
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "The State of the Union-Address of the President of the United
States," Confl'eJSiona/ Rec01d, January 30, 1961, pp. 1 360-4
( daily ) , pp. 1 427- 3 1 ( bound)
( 2 ) The Pal' Ri/ht, by Donald Janson and Bernard Eisemann, Mc
Graw- Hi l l Book Company, Inc., 1963, pp. 227- 32
( 3 ) "The Radical Right i n America Today," by Vi ctor G. and
Walter P. Reuther, The Ch" istian Beacon, August 1 5 , 1 963,
pp. 4-5
(4) "The Gesell Report and Perversion of the Mission of the
Mili tary," speech by United States Senators John Stennis ( Demo
crat, Mississippi ) , Barry Goldwater ( Republican, Arizona) , and
others, ConfI'eJSioIlC! Recol'd, July 3 1 , 1963, pp, 1 3005- 14 ( daily )
( 4 ) Militm'Y Cold IVaI' Education alld SPeech Reliiew Policies, Hear
ings before the Special Preparedness Subcommittee of the Senate
Armed Services Committee, 1 962, Part IV, pp. 1 491 -2
( 6 ) "Gesell Report," speech by Uni ted States Representatives L.
Mendel Rivers ( Democrat, South Carolina) , Joe D. Waggonner,
Jr. ( Democrat, Louisiana) , Louis C. Wyman ( Republican, New
Hampsh i re) , and others, COIlfI'eJS;ona! Record, August 7, 1963,
pp. 1 3548-99 ( daily )
( 7 ) "Equal time requests follow Manion show," Broadcast;nf Sep
tember 2, 1963, pp. 61 - 2
DISTRIBUTE COPIES OF THIS REPORT AS WIDELY AS POSSIBLE. WE CONSER
VATIVES MUST ACT NOW.
Page 296
M
Ifl Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 38 ( Broadcast 423) September 23, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
REORGANIZI NG FOR STALEMATE
DAN SMOOT
tn Matc| 6, )6, Ln|te1 :tates Reptesentat|ve Paa| I|n1|ey (Repab||can, I|||no|s , , te
m.n1|ng ||s assoc|ates t|at t|e Const|tat|on p|aces apon Congress t|e tespons|b|||ty o| ta|s|ng
an1 ma|nta|n|ng atme1 |otces |ot t|e Ln|te1 :tates, p|ace1 |n t|e Congressional Record ( pages
Al | 6: , an att|c|e wt|tten |ot The Saturday Evening Post byHansonW. Ba|1w|n, m|||taty an
a|yst |ot The New York Times. Hete ate assages |tom t|e Ba|1w|o att|c| e.
"The unifcation of the armed services sponsored by Secretary of Defense Robert S. McN a
mara poses some subtle and insidious dangers . . . . almost as great a threat to a secure and free
nation as the attempted military coup . . . .
"For the kind of unifcation being practiced and preached today has ominous overtones. It
is dangerous to the Nation's political system of checks and balances, dangerous to the contin
ued development of sound military advice and efective military leadership, dangerous to man
agerial and administrative efciency.
"Mr. McNamara is, frst and foremost, trying to make the armed services speak with one
voice and attempting to reduce greatly or eliminate altogether interservice competition . . . .
"Objections or dissent, even to Congress, are discouraged, muted or, when possible, stifed.
Mr. McNamara has pressured the joint Chiefs of Staf to sign written statements testifying
to Congress that the administration's defense budget is adequate. He has censored, deleted and
altered statements to Congress by the Chiefs of the services and their secretaries. He has down
graded, ignored, bypassed or overruled the advice of the Joint Chiefs of Staf . . . .
"For 175 years of our history, separate Army and Navy Departments (and then an Air Force)
provided a natural interservice system of checks and balances. The services did not speak with
one voice, and politically this was a desirable safeguard. They balanced each other, and their
Secretaries provided contrasting viewpoints at Cabinet level. Now only the Secretary of Defense
is a Cabinet ofcer . . . .
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Co
py
ri
g
ht by Dan Stoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 297
"The latest reorganization of the State-con
trolled National Guard, still opposed by some
Governors, may ultimately extend Washington's
power over the Guard. Such developments rep
resent dangerous weakening of our traditional
military checks and balances.
"Equally threatening to the Nation's future
is the concentration of politico-military power,
not merely in Washington but in one depart
ment . . . . The dollar volumes of military con
tracts amount to more than $20 billion annually,
with billions more in backlog orders outstand
ing. The individual services no longer have the
fnal power to contract. The rewarding or can
cellation of contracts - which may make or break
companies and afect thousands of workers - is
now ultimately controlled by a very few men in
the top echelons of the Defense Department.
"Perhaps the greatest military danger in this
centralization and unifcation is that it overrides
the voice of professional experience and substi
tutes a military party line, a single strategic
concept . . . .
"The 'one voice' unifcation trend in the Pen
tagon presents another potential danger: the de
velopment of future generations of ofcers who
will be essentially military yes-men and conform
ists . . . . without the moral courage or leader
ship qualifcations required by the battlefeld . . . .
"Technical competition between the services
is being discouraged despite the lessons of the
past. The air-cooled and liquid-cooled aircraft
engines which ultimately gave us air supremacy
in World War II were a direct result of difer
ing Army and Navy technical concepts and in
terser vice competition . . . .
"Finally, what about administrative efciency;
what has Mr. McNamara's brand of unifcation
done to the Pentagon? . . . Contracting, budget
ing, progress on weapons systems - even lawn
cutting - is programed and controlled in detail
from various echelons of the Secretary's ofce.
"The reporting and analytical system required
has resulted in a tremendous burgeoning of
paperwork and great increase in numbers and
rank of both civilian and military personnel
assigned to echelons above the fghting services
in the Department of Defense . . e .
"This topheavy system has obvious built-in
delay factors, and, as the record of the Mc
N amara administration shows, it is far harder
to start a new project or weapons system than it
is to cancel or curtail an old one. In the frst 1 8
months of the McNamara regime, no major new
weapons system was started . . . . the Defense
Department . . . has curtailed, eliminated or
held back such important development projects
as a future manned-bomber system ( the RS-70) ,
the Skybolt air-to-ground missile and the Nike
Zeus anti-ball is tic-missile system . . . .
"Concentration of power in the hands of the
Secretary of Defense has been hastened by the
loosening of congressional control over the Pen
tagon. The power to raise and maintain armies
and navies, conveyed to the legislative branch
by the Constitution, has been watered down as
a result of the sheer immensity and size of the
Defense Department, the tremendous increase in
Executive power, and the weaknesses and mis
takes of Congress itself . . . . Congress, by loose
legislation, conferred upon the President and
the Secretary of Defense such immense power
to reorganize the Pentagon that it has, in the
view of some legislators, virtually abandoned its
former power to check, control, and approve
every detail of defense policy and organiza
tion . . . .
"If the Pentagon ever does speak with one
voice, if the Nation's Armed Forces do come, as
the trend now indicates, to represent a mono
l ithic military-political point of view, both free
dom and security will be in jeopardy through
the slow erosion of democracy into a garrison
state and the stagnant conformity that leads to
combat inefectiveness."
tn may4, l)6, The Saturday Evening Post
pab||s|e1 an att|c|e by Geneta| T|omas D
W||te ( |otmet A| t Iotce C||e| o| :ta, now
tet|te1, w|o sa|1t|at aca1em|ct|eot|sts ( 1e
|ense |nte||ectaa|s , , now |n c|atge o| oat 1e
|ense, |ac| an1etstan1|ng o| wat an1 o| t|e
enemy w|om we may |ave to ng|t. Geneta|
W||te sa|1
"I am profoundly apprehensive of the pipe
smoking, tree-full-of-owls type of so-called pro
fessional 'defense intellectuals' who have been
brought into this nation's capital. I don't believe
a lot of these often overconfdent, sometimes ar
rogant young professors, mathematicians and
other theorists have sufcient worldliness or mo
tivation to stand up to the kind of enemy we
face . . . .
Page 298
"Our military ofcers . . . . will have to carry
out the military aspects of our national strategy.
They will have to fght under the plans and
orders and with the weapons which have evolved
under the infuence of those, often far j unior in
age and experience, who come into Government,
for a few years at most, from colleges and founda
tions . . . . "
Genetal W||tesays t|ec|v|l|an 1eiense |ntel
lectaals ca|l t|e|t own j obs t||n||ng aboat t|c
ant||n|able, w||c| |n |tseli |s a we|g|tless
1teamlan1. T|ese sttategy ma|ets teiase to ac
cept lessons oi m|l|taty ||stoty, an1 t|e expet|
ence oi combat vetetans
T|easpectoit|emcNamata teg|me,most 1|s
tatb|ng to Geneta| W||te, |s t|at tal|ng |ntel
lectaals b a s e evetyt||ngsttategy, weapons
systems, petsonnel acqa|s|t|onon t|e pol|t|cal
|1eal oicompromise, not on t|em|l|taty | 1eal oi
victory: a m|||taty establ|s|ment w||c| 1oes not
p|an to w|n |s not l||ely to w|n, an1 |s mote
l||ely to accept 1eieat t|an to ac||eve acceptable
cooptom:se.
Geneta| W||te s|ows t|at t||n||ngaboatt|e
ant||n|able, by 1eiense |ntel|ectaa|s, |s sap
potte1 by mcNamata an1 |s, ev|1ently, ||s own
p||losop|y as well. :pec|fcal|y, Genetal W||te
notes t|at mcNamata s appeatances beiote Con
gtess|onal comm|ttees 1at|ng )6 |n1|cate t|at
stalemate between Amet|ca an1 t|e :ov|et Ln
|on |s oat ||g|est a|m Geneta| W||te says
"For example, attainment by the Soviet Union
of a second-strike capability would mean, in
simple terms, a very considerable net increase in
our enemy's military strength and nuclear power.
Yet Mr. McNamara is quoted . . . as saying that
the Soviets will achieve a 'sure second-strike ca
pability.' . . . [ and] 'the sooner . . . the better.'
I am dead certain the majority of military men
fatly disagree with the concept that a major
increase in enemy strength is helpful . . . .
tn :eptembet 4, l )6, A1m|ta| Geotge W.
An1etson, C||e| o|Naval Opetat|ons ant|| te
t|te1 |y Ptes|1ent Kenne1y |n Aagast, )6-,
1el|vete1 anangty a11tess tot|eNat|ona| Ptess
Clab |nWas||ngton, D. c. , tepeat|ng, essent|al|y,
t|e atgaments oi Geneta| W||te. Hete ate ex
cetpts itom A1m|tal An1etsons speec|.
"There is . . . alarming peril to obscuring the
role of the military, found in a modern fallacy
that theories, or computers, or economics, or
numbers of weapons win wars. Alone, they do
not! Man is the key to success or failure . . . .
"There are some tendencies which give me
great concern, a concern shared by many in uni
form today and by many who have previously
served their country in military and civilian posi
tions.
,
,
( J )
A1m|ta| An1etson cal|e1 attent|on to s|x spe
c|fc 1evelopments w||c| wotty ||m.
1 . Downgrading military recommendations on
weapons and reversal of military recommenda
tions, such as in the TFX contract;
2. Lack of "confdence and trust between the
military and civilian echelons";
3. Subordination of military experience to
academic theory;
4. Overcentralization in the Defense structure
which can "kill imagination, stultify initiative
and completely eliminate the efectiveness of
those . . . who have gained wisdom and expe-
.
1
nence ;
5. "A tendency to draw conclusions before all
the evidence has been examined";
6. Failure to maintain naval strength while
"the Soviets are moving forward rapidly on the
high seas." ( l )
Background
J|e B|||y m|tc|ell 1|spate oi t|e l ):c swas
an eatly |atb|nget oi t|e ptesent conttovetsy
ovet teotgan|zat|on o| Amet|can m|l |taty estab
l|s|ments, aa1 t|e pab||c 1oes not yet |now t|e
ttat| aboat t|e B|l|y m|tc|ell aa|t Bt|ga1|et
Genetal B|||y m|tc|e||, L. :. Atmy, |as been
popalat|ze1 as a patt|ot w|o sact|fce1 seli to
btea| t|toag| t|e wa|l oi stay |gnotance an1
attogance w||c| |ept oat Atme1 Iotces itom
accet|ng new |1eas. B||ly m|tc|el|, t|e legen1
goes, was t|e teal Ioan1|ng Iat|et o| Amet|can
a.t powet.
Page 299
B|lly M|tc|ell 1|1 iotesee mote cleatly t|an
some t|e |mpottance oi a|t powet He wanted
t|eA|t Cotps ( t|enmetelyasect|onoit|eAtmy
:|gnal Cotps, elevate1 to a Depattment, on a
pat w|t| t|e Atmy an1 t|e Navy. A s|gn|ucant
patt oi t|e M|tc|ell obj ect|ve |as been |gnote1,
|owevet, |n 1tamat|zat|ons oi ||s case M|tc|e|l
wante1 an A|t Iotce Depattment to |ave not
only a monopoly oi all m|l|taty av|at|on, bat
also aatoctat|c cont+ol oi commercial av|at|on
an1 oi private a|tctait ba|l1|ng
Ptes|1ent Cool|1ge appo|nte1 an A1v|soty
Comm|ss|on, |ea1e1 by Dw|g|t Mottow, to |n
vest|gate
T|e Dw|g|t Mottow |nvest|gat|on an1 tec
ommen1at|ons eventaate1 |n a teotgan|zat|on
w||c| sepatate1 t|e A|t Cotps itom t|e :|gnal
Cotps, ma||ng |t a sepatatebtanc| oi t|e Atmy.
T|e omce oiAss|stant:ectetaty iot A|t was es
tabl|s|e1 |n t|e Wat Depattment ( t|e Depatt
mentoi t|e Atmy t|en be|ng |nown as t|e De
pattmentoiWat , . AnAss|stant:ectetaty iot A|t
was also establ|s|e1 |n t|e Navy Depattment( 2)
T||s tema|ne1, essent|ally, t|e otgan|zat|onal at
tangement oi Amet|can Atme1 Iotces ant|l aitet
Wotl1 Wat II.
Marshal l ' s Pl an
Iat|ng t|e |eav|est ug|t|ng oi Wotl1 Wat
II, Genetal Geotge C Mats|all, Atmy C||ei oi
:ta, ioan1 t|me to ptopose a genetal teotgan|
zat|on. T|e Mats|all Plan ( tat|et |niotmal|y,
an1s|etc||ly, ptesente1 as a memotan1am c|tca
late1 to ||g| omc|als |n :eptembet, l )4 , be
camet|ebas|san1t|eoatl|neoiagtan1 1es|gn
w||c| |s now teal|z|ng iali|llment an1et Mc
Namata an1 Kenne1y.
Mats|all wante1t|eA|t Cotpssepatate1 itom
t|eAtmy an1 establ|s|e1 as a m|l|taty otgan|za
t|on on a pat w|t| t|e Atmy an1 t|e Navy, bat
|e 1|1 not saggest elevat|ng t|e A|t Iotce to
Depattment level Rat|et, |e wante1 t|e ol1
Depattments oi Wat an1 Navy abol|s|e1, t|e|t
statas as Depattments w|t| Cab|net teptesenta
t|on el|m|nate1. In t|e|tplacewoal1 be one De
pattment oi Wat ( ot Depattment oi Deiense,
w|ose sectetaty woa|1bea membet oi t|e Ptes|
1ents Cab|net, to spea| ( w|t| one vo|ce , iot
a|| t|e Atme1 Iotces T|e t|tee ma|n btanc|es
ot t|e Atme1 Iotces (Atmy, Navy, A|t, woa|1
be on a pat w|t| eac| ot|et bat woal1 not |ave
|n1|v|1aal Cab|net teptesentat|on. Not only
woal1 t|ey be an1et a s|ngle c|v|l|an |ea1 ( t|e
:ectetaty oi Wat, ot :ectetaty oi Deiense, bat
t|ey woal1 a|sobe an1et a s|ng|e m|l|taty |ea1
one c||ei oi sta |nc|atge oi allbtanc|es oi
t|e Atme1 Iotces, answetable to t|e one :ecte
tatyoiDeiensean1tot|ePtes|1ent.( 3)
Atgaments iot sac| a monol|t||c sttactate
|noatAtme1Iotces|avesomet|eotet|calplaas|
b|l|ty e||m|nat|on oi |ntetsetv|ce t|va|ty, bettet
coot1|nat|on oi a|l iotces, el|m|nat|on oi 1apl.
cat|on an1 waste Bat t|e t|eoty |gnotes t|e
lessons oi ||stoty an1 t|e combat expet|ence oi
Amet|can ug|t|ng men
Intetsetv|ce t|va|ty |as been, |n latge patt,
tespons|bleiott|e sapet|ot motale an1 espt|t 1e
cotps w||c| c|st|nga|s| Amet|cans |n combat
w||c| can be, an1 |n many ct|t|cal t|mes |ave
been, mote |mpottant t|an weapons, sappl|es, ot
otgan|zat|on.
Tempotaty attangements iot an|ue1 battle ac
t|on by sepatate (an1 t|val , btanc|es oi
Amet|can m|||taty iotces |ave pto1ace1 bt|ll|ant
saccessesoiten becaase t|e attangements neces
sat|ly leit a gteat 1eal oi leeway iot |mptov|sa
t|on, |ngena|ty, an1 |n1|v|1aal |n|t|at|ve on t|e
patt oi lowet ec|elon comman1ets A mass|ve
m|l|taty opetat|on, w||c| sptea1s actoss t|oa
san1soim||es an1 |nvolvesm|ll|onsoimenw|t|
all types oi eqa|pment an1et a malt|ta1eoi an
pte1|ctable con1|t|ons, can be c|o|e1 to 1eat|
by an|ucat|onan1t|g|tconttol byone 1es| man
at t|e top.
As to waste an1 1apl|cat|on. t|ese ate peten
n|al ev|ls oi bateaactacy, m|l|taty an1 c|v|l|an
T|ete seems to be a law oi ptopott|on w||c|
s|oal1 coanse| as to |eep t|e m|l|taty an1 t|e
c|v|l|an bureaucracy divided and fragmented
|nto t|esmal|est ( t|val , an|tsposs|ble. Waste,
Page 300
1apl|cat|on, an1 |nec|ency o| a govetnmental
an|t,agency,ot1epattment ( m|l|tatyot c|v|l|an,
seem to multi pI y |ngeomett|c ptopott|ons as t|e
s|ze o| t|e an|t increases w||c| means t|at a
govetnmental an|t latge enoag| to |ave a z b|l
l|on 1ollat ba1get |s genetally aboatfour t|mes
as waste|al an1 |neic|ent as one latge enoag|
to |ave a l b|ll|on 1ollat ba1get.
J|eGeotge mats|all cl|qae |n t|e Pentagon
(w||c| |ncla1e1 |sen|owet |n atope, pas|e1
|at1 |ot t|e an|fcat|on plan o||av|ng a s|ngle
C||e|o|:taan1 a s|ngle:ectetatyo|De|ense,
bat t|e t||n p|aas|b|l|ty o| t|e|t atgaments 1|1
not catty enoag| we|g|t. T|ey tesotte1 tos||ll
|al maneavet an1 |ntt|gae.
Inl )46,t|eAtmys H|stot|cal D|v|s|on (sta1y
|ng opetat|ons |n t|e atopean T|eatte 1at|ng
t|e late wat, as|e1 t|tee |otmet c||e|s o| sta
o| t|e Getman Atmy to tell w|at |appene1 on
t|e|t s|1e 1at|ng t|ewat an1 to g|ve t|e|tv|ews
on teotgan|zat|on o| oat Atme1 Iotces. T|e
t|tee wete Genetal Itanz Hal1et ( Getman
Atmy C||e| o| :ta l )s l )4z , , Genetal Katt
Ze|tzlet ( C||e| o| :ta l )4z l)44, , an1Genetal
He|nz Ga1et|an ( l)44 to l )4 , . O| t|e t|tee,
Ga1et|an was bell|getent an1 ancoopetat|ve.
Hal1et an1 Ze|tzlet avo|1e1 ma||ng spec|fc tec
ommen1at|ons, bat 1|1ptepate a ||stot|cal sta1y
tenect|ng oppos|t|on to t|e ||n1 o| centtal|ze1
powet be|ng ptopose1 |ot t|e Amet|can m|l|
taty Hal1et an1 Ze|tzlet ( l||e a gteat majot|ty
o| Getman genetals, |elt t|at t|e s|ngle C||e|
o| :ta attangement ( w|t| t|g|t concenttat|on
an1 an|fcat|ono| powet |n one man, wasa pt|
maty teason |ot Getmany's 1e|eat |t pto1ace1
t|g|1|ty |n t|mes o| ct|s|s, pto||b|t|ng comman1
ets |tom altet|ng plans to meet an|oteseen 1e
velopments, |ol1|ng Getman |otces to a ptecon
ce|ve1 plan o| act|on w||c| battlefel1 1evelop
ments ten1ete1 |neect|ve, even sa|c|1al.( 3 )
T|ese Getman genetals seeme1 |n sympat|y
w|t| Gtan1 A1m|tal Katl Doen|tz ( H|tlets sac
cessot as |ae|tet , w|o tej ects t|e |asc|stcom-
man|st |1eal o| concenttate1 pol|t|calpowet, an1
acvocates a govetnmental system basec on olc
Amet|can const|tat|onal pt|nc|ples.(4)
T|e Geotge mats|all cl|qae o|pol|t|cal man
agets w|o 1om|nate1 Pentagon plann|ng |n t|e
postwat pet|o1, 1|sl||e1 t|e |1eas o| sac| Get
mans as Hal1et, Ze|tzlet, an1 Doen|tz T|ey
tatne1 to t|e bell|cose Ga1et|an |ot a tecom
men1at|on. Ga1et|an |sone o|vety |ew Getman
genetalsw|oa1vocatest|etotal|tat|anstate (an1
w|o |as been act|ve |n total|tat|an pol|t|cs s|nce
Wotl1 Wat II , .'
The Guderi an Pl an
1n )4, Congtess enacte1 a law aat|ot|z|ng
patt|al teotgan|zat|ono|t|e Atme1 Iotces along
t|e l|nes o| t|e mats|all Plan. T|e Navy De
pattment was te1ace1 |tom Cab|net level. T|e
Wat Depattmentwas c|ange1to Depattmento|
t|e Atmy an1 also te1ace1 |tom Cab|net level ,
an1 a new Depattment o| t|e A|t Iotce was
cteate1. T|e t|tee setv|ces wete calle1 7|e Na
t|onal m|l|taty stabl|s|ment, an1 wete an1et
one c|v|l|an |ea1, t|e new :ectetaty o| De|ense.
m|l|tat|ly, |owevet, t|e t|tee setv|ces wete 1|
tecte1 byajo|nt C||e|so|:ta|| (acomm|tteeo|
C||e|s o| :ta teptesent|ngt|et|tee btanc|es,.
Congtess, +|tet b|ttet conttovetsy, |a1 tej ecte1
t|e s|ngleC||e|o| :taattangement )ames Iot
testal ( last :ectetaty o| t|e ol1 Depattment o|
t|e Navy, was name1 t|e ftst :ectetaty o| De
|ensean |tony o| |ate ( ot a 1|splay o| Tta
man|sm, , becaaseIottestalwas t|e |otemost |oe
o| Atme1 Iotces an|bcat|on
T|e l )4 teotgan|zat|on was a comptom|se,
pas|e1 t|toag| Congtess am|1st a |aty o| con
|ase1 an1con|as|ngcon|l|ct Itpto1ace1 a cam
betsomesystem w||c| coal1 not wot|, ( 6) bat |n
l )4s, Getman Genetal Ga1et|an complete1 his
plan |ot teotgan|zat|on o| t|e Amet|can Atme1
Iotces.
T|e Ga1et|an Planwoal1cteate anallpowet
|al m|l|taty 1|ctatots||p w|t| t|e Ptes|1entas |ts
total|tat|an |ea1ot |ts tool. Ga1et|an woal1
not only establ|s| t|e ol1 Getman an|fe1 com
man1 svstem, bat woal1 also pat t|e m|l|tatv
|.g| commanc .n t.g|t conttol oi c|v|l|an av|a
t|on, c|v|l|an ttanspottat|on, an1 c|v|l|an comma-
Page 301
n|cat|ons ( comman|cat|ons |nc|a1|ng ta1|o, te|e
v|s|on, an1 ptess , an1 te|egtap| an1 te|ep|one
setv|ces,
T|eGa1et|anP|an|asbecomea b|aept|nt|ot
a|| L : m|||taty teotgan|zat|on p|ans ma1e ot
attempte1 s|nce l )4. T|e tota| P|an, not yet |n
eect, |s oe|ng ac||eve1 a step at a t|me Con
gtess|aspetm|tte1t|ese1angetoas1eve|opments
by ab1|cat|ng ( |n t|e Reotgan|zat|on Act o|
l )4) ) |ts own const|tat|ona| powets an1 tespon
s|b|| |t|es
J|e Const|tat|on g|ves to Congtess, exc|a
s|ve|y,t|epowetto|eg|s|ate, an1tot|ePtes|1ent
t|e negat|ve to|e o| apptov|ng ot veto|ng w|at
Congtess 1oes ven t|e negat|ve veto powet |s
| |m|te1. Congtess can |eg|s|ate |n 1euance o|
ptes|1ent|a| veto, || twot|.t1s o| oot| |oases
1es|te
T|e Reotgan|zat|on Act o| l )4) tevetses t||s
ptocess, w|t| tegat1 to cetta|nv|ta| mattets, pet
m|tt|ng t|e Ptes|1ent to legislate, te1ac|ng Con
gtess to t|e to|e o| veto|ng w|at t|e Ptes|1ent
1oes :pec|uca||y,t|eReotgan|zat|onAct o| l )4)
petm|ts t|e Ptes|1ent to teotgan|ze t|e execat|ve
estab| |s|ment (abo||s| agenc|es ot 1epattments
cteate1 by Congtess . cteate agenc|es ot 1epatt
ments not aat|ot|ze1 by Congtess , ttans|et te
spons|b|||t|es|toman agencyw|eteCongtess|a1
ass|gne1 t|em, to anot|et agency w|ete Con
gtess|a1not|nten1e1t|etespons|o|| |t|estotest j
T|e Ptes.1ent mete|y sen1s |.s Reo:gan.zat.on
P|ans ( | e , ptes|1ent.a| |eg|s|at.on , to Con
gtess I| Congtess 1oes not veto t|e P|ans w.t||n
6u 1ays, t|ey become |aw
T|e anconst.tat|ona| aat|ot|ty coa|ette1 on
t|e Ptes|1ent oy t|e Reotgan|zat|on Act o| l )4)
was itst ase1, |ot steps towat1 m|||taty centta||
zat|on, |n l ). Ptes|1ent |sen|owet appo|nte1
Ne|son A Roc|e|e||et (membet o| t|e Coanc||
on Iote|gn Re|at|ons, as |ea1 o| a comm|ss|on
to ma|e a sta1y an1 ptoposa| |ot m|||taty te
otgan|zat|on T|e Roc|e|e||et Repott, tecom
men1|ng mote centta|| zat|on o| powet, became
t|e bas.s o| an L.sen|owet Reotgan.zat|on P|an
( sent to Congtess on Apt|| u, l ), an1 no:
vetoe1, w||c| concenttate1 mote powet t|an
t|eteto|ote |n t|e :ectetaty o| De|ense an1 t|e
C|a|tmano|t|e)o|ntC||e|so|:ta( 6)
Step By Step
1tseeme1 at|m|1step moteptopagan1a wot|
on t|e Congtess an1 t|e pab||c was nee1e1 be
|ote bo|1et measates coa|1 be ta|en w|t|oat
atoas|ng t|e nat|on T|e Coanc| | on Iote|gn
Re|at|ons an1ettoo| t|eptopagan1a obsabt|y
an1 anobttas|ve|y, o|coatse.
j Robett Oppen|e|met (notot|oas |otmet as
soc|ateo|comman|stesp|onage agents an1 mem
bet o| t|e Coanc|| on Iote|gn Re|at|ons , wtote
an att|c|e |ot t|e ja|y, l ), |ssae o| Foreign
Afairs ( pt|nc|pa| pab||cat|on o| t|e CIR,, a1
vocat|ng 1eemp|as|s, an1 eventaa| e|.m|nat.on,
o| nac|eat weapons |tom Amet|can Atme1
Iotces, atga|ng|ot convent|ona| |otces an1 atm
aments w||c| m|g|t ( as Geneta| T|omas W||te
now p|tases |t, pto1ace stalemate w|t|, tat|et
t|an victory ovet, comman|st |otces( 7 ) In l )4,
t|eCIRotgan|ze11|scass|ongtoapstosta1y
|ote|gn po||cy an1 1e|ense |n t|e nac|eat age
A|| t|e emp|as|s was on ptevent|ng Amet|can
ptepatat|on|otanuclear wat
Goo1 sense an1 |og|c seeme1 to |ave mote
|n1aenceonpab||ct|oag|tt|anCIReotts|a1
It was obv|oas t|at Amet|ca coa|1 not matc|
t|e comman.s:s|aveemp|te .n manpower |ot t|e
|.n1 o| convent.ona| |otces t|at Oppen|e|met
an1 ot|ets atge1 as to 1epen1 on We coa|1,
|owevet. w|t| oat sapet|ot tec|no|ogy aa1 |n
1astt|a| capac|ty, oatstt|p t|e :ov|ets |n pto1ac
t|on o| nac|eat an1 ot|et new types o|weapons
ltwasobv|oast|att|enextwat woa|1 be|oag|t
w|t| t|e new weapons , t|at |t woa|1 be s|ott
an1 v|o|ent , an1 t|at |t woa|1 ptobab|y be ovet
be|ote mass|ve |an1 atm|es an1 ot|et conven
t|ona| |otces an1 weapons wete evet btoag|t
|nto act|on lntetnat|ona| po||t|ca| events a|so
ma1e |t obv|oas t|at Amet|can 1epen1ence on
|ote|gn bases |e|t as at t|e metcy o| |ote|gn
nat|ons w|o, even |n t|mes o| peace, w|en t|ey
weteont|eAme:.can 1o|e, oitenseeme1 i:|en1
| |ettot|e:ov|etst|antoas Depen1enceonsac|
Page 302
nat|ons fot ase of bases on t|e|t so|l, |n t|mes
oi wat w|en t|ey woal1 be an1et b|ac|ma| |
t|teats by t|e :ov|et Un|on, coal1 be1|sasttoas
A gtow|og pab| |c compte|ens|oo oi sac| ob
v|oas con1|t|oos |e1 to tev|va| oit|e tta1|t|ona|,
an1 soan1, Iotttess Amet|ca concept oi nat|ona|
1eiense. t|e concept t|at we mast 1eien1 oat
|ome|an1, becaase we |ave ne|t|et t|e tespon
s|b|||ty not t|e capab|||ty oi 1eieo1|og ao1 po
| |c|og t|e wot|1
lcaJ|ng m|||taty meo, w|t|combat expet|ence
l||e A1m|ta| Att|at W Ra1iot1pab||c|y
sappotte1 t|e | 1ea oi 1eemp|as|z|ng iote|go
bases an1 iote|gn m|||taty entaog|emeots, atga
|ogiotate1act|onoispen1|ngonconvent|ooa|
iotces so t|at oat tesoatces coal1 be 1evote1 to
pto1act|on oi sac| sapetweapons as m|ss||es
ao1 |ntetcont|oeota|, sapetsoo|c bombets, w||c|
woal1 1etet enemy aggtess|on by t|teaten|ng
enemy 1esttact|on |n t|e event oi wat
|e Coanc|| oo Iote|gn Relat|ons |ntens|ue1
|ts ptopagao1a eotts :ome oi t|e tesa|ts wete
Dt.HentyA K|ss|nget sboo|,Nuclear Weapons
and Foreign Policy, pab||s|e1 |o l ); ( 8) an1,
|n l )s, a Roc|eie||et Btot|ets Iao1 sta1y,
t|e Ga|t|et Comm|ttee Repott, ''' ao1 a Ran1
Cotpotat|on boo| iot t|e A|t Iotce oo |ow
Amet|can m|l|taty iotces coal1 sttateg|ca||y sat
ten1ettoavo|1bloo1s|e1
( ll )
I o esseoce, a|| oi t|ese sta1|es sappotte1
t|e t|es|s t|at conttol oi oat m|||taty estab||s|
ments s|oa|1 be t|g|t|y cooceottate1 at t|e top,
an1t|atemp|as|s | oweapons1eve|opment, sttat
egy, ttoop |o1octt|oat|on, an1 geneta| po||cy
s|oa|1 beon sta|emate an1 comptom|sew|t| t|e
enemy tat|et t|an v|ctoty.
Aat|ot|ze1 by a spec|nc |aw oi Congtess |n
l )s (Deiense Reotgan|zat|on Act, , |seo|owet
too| aoot|et step towat1 |mp|emeot|og t|e Ga
1et|an P|aniatt|et concenttat|ng powet |n
t|e:ectetaty oiDeiense an1 |nt|eC|a|tman oi
t|e )o|nt C||eis oi :ta, s||it|ng tespons|b|||ty
iot military p|ann|ng away itom ocets w|t|
combatexpetience,pattingitint|e|ancsoices|
ocets an1 clv|llans.
McNamara and Kennedy
|t| t|e gtoan1wot| ptepate1, Kenne1y
ao1 McNamata |ave ta|en g|ant stt|1es towat1
coovett|ng t|e Amet|can Atme1 Iotces |nto a
mammot| pol|t|ca|econom|c complex w | o se
spen1|ng 1om|nates t|e nat|onal economy, an1
w|ose pt|maty patpose ( as 1|ctate1 by |ntel|ec
taa|s at t|e top, appeats to be, not 1eiense of
t|e oat|on aga|nst iote|gn enem|es, bat 1eiense
oit|ea1m|n|sttat|on spo||t|ca|obj ect|ves aga|nst
t|e Amet|can peop|e
Ins|ott, Kenne1y an1 McNamata ate p|ac|ng
|o c|atge oi oat 1eienses, not expet|eoce1 m|l|
taty ocets, bat po||t|cal comm|ssats to ptomote
ptogtamsoit|ea1m|o|sttat|on.
Nextwee|. McNamatasComm|ssats
Bound Vol ume VI I I
|e yeat )64 may be t|e most |mpottaot
e|ect|on yeat |n t|e ||stoty oi t|e Uo|te1 :tates
Itomoow ant|| e|ect|on 1ay |o Novembet, l )64,
votets mast |ave iacts aboat w|at |s go|ng on.
Gett|og |at1 iacts aboat t|e pol|c|es an1 pto
gtams oi govetomeot |s becom|og |octeas|og|y
1|ca|t T|e ooose oi censots||p |s t|g|ten|ng.
consetvat|ve oews commentaty |s be|ng c|o|e1
o ta1|o ao1 te|ev|s|oo, majot magaz|oes ao1
oewspapets ate becom|ng mete oat|ets iot gov
etnmeota| ptopagao1a |an1oats
T||scon1|t|onteemp|as|zest|e|mpottance oi
sac| pab||cat|ons as t||s Re P01't w||c| pte
seot aovato|s|e1 ttat|, as|ng t|eConst|tat|on oi
t|eUn|te1:tatesast|etoac|stoneiotevalaat|on.
Iew sac| pab||cat|oos ate st| | | |o exlstence, an1
t|e oambe: |ss|t|n|lng
Oi spec|a| |mpottance ate t|e extenslvely ln
1exe1 boan1 vo|ames oi t|e Repo1't, T|e only
one st||l ava|lable |s Volame VIII ( conta|n|ng
a|| Repo1'ts pab||s|e1 |n l)6z , T||s volame ls
espec|a||y aseia|, ootoo|y iot sta1ents, teac|ets,
writers, and s
p
eakers, but for all who want facts
ioteo||g|teoe1 an1etstan1lng oi t|egteat lssaes
Page 303
oi oat t|me It conta|ns a wealt| oi 1ocamente1
|niotmat|on not ava|lable anyw|ete else |n one
pac|age,sac|as
vot|ng tecot1s oi membets oi t|e nat|onal
Congtessw|o w|ll stan1 iot teelect|on |n l )64,
an accoant oi soc|al|st conttol |n Was||ng
ton,
1eta|lson ie1etalweliateptogtams ,
t|e stoty oi oat NoW|n Pol|cy, an1 oi
steps towat1 satten1et oi nat|ona| sovete|gnty,
a set|es on t|e :apteme Coatts Ptayet De
c|s|on an1 tecommen1e1 act|on iot catb|ng t|e
Coatt ,
t|e iall text oi t|e L : Const|tat|on an1
all Amen1ments, ially |n1exe1, w|t| commen
taty telat|ng t||s ian1amental law to contem
potaty ptoblems
He|niotme1. aset|eBoan1Volameiotcon
stant teietencean1 sta1y, |now t|e bac|gtoan1
oi cattent |ssaes , |eatn to j a1ge yoat teptesenta
t|ve an1 senatots by t|e|t tecot1sso t|at yoa
can vote const|tat|onal|st |n l )64
A l|m|te1 sapply oi Boan1 Volame VIII 1S
st|ll|nstoc| Pt|ce tl c cc 1el|vete1.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "Ex-Naval Chief Blasts Pentagon," AP dispatch from Wash
ington, The Dallas Times Herald, September 5, 1 963, p. 4A;
"How Much is our Security 'Jeopardized' ?" U. S. News &
l odd Report, September 1 6, 1963, p. 24
( 2 ) Potl'e,' Polilics ill N(ltioll(ll Sec1lrity, by Eugene E. Wilson
and A. Winfield Chapin, The Barre Gazette Press, Barre,
Massachusetts, 1961
( 3 ) "Our Growing 'Prussian' Staff," speech by U. S. Representa
tive Thomas H. Werdel ( Republican, Californi a ) , Congres
SiOI/(// Recol'd, Apri l 3, 195 1 , pp. 3224-44 ( bound)
( 4 ) Memoirs, by Grand Admiral Karl Doenitz, World Publishing
Company, New York City, 1959, pp. 477-8
( 5 ) Germany's New Nazis, Anglo-Jewish Association, London,
1952, p. 46
( 6) Ulited Stales De/ense Policies Since TVorld TVaI' II, by
Charles H. Donnelly, House Document No. 100, 85th Con
gress, 1 957, pp. 17 ff.
( 7 ) "Atomic Weapons and American Policy," by J. Robert Op
penheimer, Foreign A/fain, Volume 3 1 , No. 4, July, 1953,
Pl
52 5- 35
( 8 ) " Introduction," Nuclear lVeapons and Foreign Policy by Henry
A. Kissinger, published for the Council on Foreign Relations
by Harper & Brothers, 1957
(9) "Report II, International Security; The Military Aspect,"
Prospect for America: The Rockefeller P(nel Reports, Double
day and Company, 1961 , Pl. 93- 1 5 5
( 1 0) Bllsiness l eek, January 1 1 , 1958, p. 26
( 1 1 ) "Review of the Book 'Strategic Surrender,' ' ' by Constantine
Brown, Congressiollal Record, September 1 1 , 1959, p. 1 7549
( dai l y)
WH O I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization,
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to ]. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 195 1, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues,
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales: sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism,
y
ou can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 304
M
III Smoot Repo,t
Vol. 9, No. 39 ( Broadcast 424)
September 30, 1963 Dallas, Texas ,
McNAMARA' S COMMISSARS
DAN SMOOT
tn ja|y .6, )6, Robett :. McNamata, :ectetaty o| De|ense, |ssae1a1|tect|ve, qaalOp
pottan|ty |n t|e Atme1 Iotces, ot1et|ngal| m|| |taty comman1ets to ta|e act|on |n an1 aga|nst
c|v|l|an comman|t|es atoan1 m|||taty bases, w|enevet t|ose comnan|t|es 1o not w|o|ly sappott
t|e Ptes|1ents tac|al ptogtam.
T|e aat|ot o| t||s 1|tect|ve | s A1aaYatmo||ns|y, w|ose patents ate notot|oas comman|st
|tontets an1 w|o |as a tecot1 o| patt|c|pat|on |n comman|st act|v|t|es s|nce ||s an1etgta1aate
1ays at Hatvat1.
T|eYatmol|ns|y1|tect|ve |mp|ements tecommen1at|ons o|t|e Ptes|1ents Comm|tteeonqaal
Oppottan|ty |nt|e Atme1 Iotces. Appo|nte1 |n janeo|| )6. ,t|.sComm|ttee|a1sevenmembets
t|tee o| w|om wete negtoes, t|e ot|et |oat be|ng connecte1, |n one way ot anot|et, w|t| t|e
Amet|cans |ot Democtat|c Act|on, t|e Ant|De|amat|on leagae, t|e Nat|onal Assoc|at|on |ot t|e
A1vancement o| Co|ote1 Peop|e, an1 t|e Nat|onal Ltban leagae
On jane , l)6, t|e Comm|ttee sabm|tte1 a )page tepott, popalatly |nown as t|e Gesell
Repott. a|tet t|e nameo|a Was||ngton, D. C. lawyet, Get|at1 A. Gesel|, Comm|ttee c|a|tman.
T|e Gesel| Repott was wt|tten by a :actamento, Ca|| |otn|a, negto attotney, Nat|an|e| : Co|
|ey, ao NAACP omc|a|. ''
1n|te1 :tates Reptesentat|ve joe D. Waggonnet, jt ( Democtat, loa|s|ana, utst btoag|t
t|e Gese|| Repott to pab||c attent|on In ||s ja|y, i )6, news|ettet, Reptesentat|ve Waggonnet
oatl|ne1 some o| t|e Repott s maj ot ptov|s|ons
- More recruiting should be directed toward Negroes, to get more into the services and to
increase the number of Negro ofcers.
- Negroes should be located in jobs throughout the services regardless of their individual
preferences in order to have a few everywhere and in all positions.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $1 8.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 305
-Promotion Boards should have more Negro
ofcers, fewer Whites.
-Special Ofcers should be appointed on every
base to handle all complaints of Negroes, and
such complaints should be "encouraged. "
-More Negro girls are to be brought on bases
for social functions and fewer girls who believe
in segregation.
-Negro hostesses should be considered rather
than White.
-Military Police patrols used in neighboring
communities should be integrated.
-Segregated busses should be boycotted.
-Base Commanders should appoint bi-racial
committees in the communities to break down
segregation practices.
-Civic clubs should not be joined if they are
segregated.
-The past policy of complying with local
segregation policies should be terminated.
-The practice of Negroes gravitating to one
base service club and Whites to another should
not be permitted, even though this might be of
their own choosing.
-Methods are suggested for getting around
local segregated housing by leasing homes in the
name of the government and moving Negroes in.
-ROTC units should be cancelled in segre
gated schools.
-The traditional function of the Base Com
mander and Senior Ofcer to run a military
establishment and maintain good community re
lations by staying out of local controversies is
misguided and should be stopped. They should
be encouraged to lead the way to full integration.
-Military personnel should be allowed to pa
tronize only those local establishments which are
integrated and have the "express approval" of
the Base Commander. All others should be placed
off-limits. Approved stores should display plac
ards or decals on their windows and doors to
show they have been approved by the military.
This gives the Base Commander life-or-death
control of the economic life of the community
and the right to subject to military discipline
all servicemen, their wives and children who
shop at other stores of their own choosing.
-Should all these eforts fail to bring about
integration, the Services must consider curtail
ing or terminating activities at these installations.
^ccot1|ng tot|eGese||Reott, m|||taty o
cets ate no |onget to be tate1 iot toiess|ona|
exce||ence, 1evot|on to 1aty, ot saet|ot etiotm
ance T|e|t cateets w||| 1een1 on t|e|t zea| tn
tomot|ng t|e Ptes|1ents o||t|ca| obj ect|ve oi
eniotc|ngtota||ntegtat|on,notj ast|nt|eAtme1
Iotces, bat on t|e c|v|||an oa|at|on oi t|e
nat|on
To gaatantee zea|oas an1 | 1eo|og|ca||y cot
tectbe|av|otont|eattoim|||tatycommaa1ets,
t|e Gese|| Reott tecommen1s ass|gnment oi
sec|a| com|a|nt ocets w|ose to|e |s v|tta
a||y |1ent|ca| w|t| t|at oi o||t|ca| comm|ssats
w|om comman|sts attac| to evety m|||taty com
man1|nt|e:ov|etLn|onT|eGese||Reotta|so
tov|1es iot an |niotmetsystem |ns|1eeac|m|||
tatycomman1s|m||attot|e|niotmetsystem|n
comman|statm|esenab| |ng|niotmetsaboatta
c|a| mattets to byass t|enotma| c|a|noi com
man1, an1 s||e|1|ng t|e |niotmets itom t|e
necess|tyoi|1ent|iy|ngt|emse|vesan1iac|ngt|e
etsonst|eya:case xam|net|eseassages itom
t|eGese||Reott
"Complaints, involving matters relating to a
single person, such as failing to be promoted,
cannot ordinarily be investigated without dis
closing the identity of the aggrieved individual.
This is not true, however, where the complaint
discloses a discriminatory condition on base, such
as a segregated NCO [ Non-Commissioned Of
fcers' ] club. Such conditions can be investigated
and eliminated without the need for identifying
a particular complainant . . . .
"In order to improve the processing of com
plaints at the base level, procedures must be
established which will encourage Negro person
nel to present complaints of discrimination while
eliminating the risk that they will be subject to
criticism or reprisal for so doing. In order to ac
complish this, an ofcer should be designated at
each base to receive such complaints. This of
fcer must have free access to the base com
mander or his deputy for the purpose of com
municating and discussing complaints of dis
crimination. Commanders at bases must, of
course, be held personally responsible for the
Page 306
efectiveness of the system and for conditions
on the base. Discriminatory conditions may exist
even where few complaints are made, and the
commander should be held accountable to dis
cover and remedy such conditions . . . .
"In view of his role as a confidential coun
selor, consideration should be given to the desig
nation of the local legal assistance ofcer as the
ofcer to receive such complaints, but the base
commander should be free to designate the ofcer
best qualifed for such duties, regardless of the
ofcer's other duties. However, the ofcer so
chosen must not be so burdened with other duties
that he cannot efectively deal with complaints
presented to him; he should be so situated that
servicemen can contact and consult him in
privacy; and he should be independent and free
from intimidation by any person in the per
formance of his duties.
"U nder this system, all base personnel should
be repeatedly and periodically advised of the
identity of the complaint ofcer, and further
advised of their right to present complaints.
Service regulations should forbid attempts to dis
courage the presentation of such complaints or
reprisals against complainants, and all person
nel should be advised that such attempts, in vio
lation of these regulations, will subject them to
disciplinary action.
"Such day-to-day eforts to discover and elimi
nate examples of discrimination at the base level
should be checked and supplemented by periodic
feld visits from personnel from the Department
of Defense who are skilled and sensitive in han
dling problems of discrimination and whose full
time energies are devoted to such problems. In
this way, commanders' eforts can be measured
\ T |
"I nfamous . . . Shocking
Omi nous"
. . .
to Aagast 7, l )6, Lo|te1 :ta:es Reptesent
at|ve I. Men1e| R|vets (Democtat, :oat| Cato
||na, |e1a1|scass|on, |nt|eHoase, o|t|eGese||
Repott Heteate exttacts |tom t|at 1|scass|oo.
REPRESENT A TIVE RIVERS: We will have
a number of contributors to this discussion . 4 .
of [ one of ] the most infamous documents ever
devised by human hand, known as the Gesell
report . . . .
Now, you spend over $52 billion a year on
the military. This destroys it . . . . We have
Armed Forces for one reason and one reason
alone, for the defense of the United States of
America . . . .
But . . . this highly infammatory, vicious, and
extremely prejudiced report . . . . takes the mili
tary out of the role of providing for the national
security and plunges them into the role of social
reformers . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE F. EDWARD HEBERT
(Democrat, Louisiana) : I want to read this shock
ing statement from the report . . . :
It should be made clear that ofcers, for show
ing initiative and achievement in this area [ the
area of integrating local communities] will en
hance their .performance ratings and obtain fa
vorable consideration for promotion and career
advancement . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE RI VERS: Anything
short of this will automatically identify this com
mander as uncooperative . . . .
If we live by this and the directives emanat
ing from it, what good is West Point, what good
is Annapolis, what good is the Air Force Acad
emy, what good is the science of warfare, com
bat efciency, combat readiness? . . .
The directive means only those who are will
ing to accept integration completely and without
reservation as a way of life will henceforth be
able to make a career of the Armed Forces of
the United States.
REPRESENT A TIVE H. R. GROSS (Repub
lican, Iowa) : After setting up what will become
a commissar on each base, an ofcer to hear
complaints, the report reads as follows:
All personnel, ofcers and enlisted men, should
be free to contact the ofcer designated to re
ceive complaints at any time without the con
sent, knowledge or approval in the chain of com
mand.
Communications between servicemen and this
commissar [ sic] should be privileged and service
regulations should prohibit the disclosure of such
communications, or the identity of the com
plainant without the serviceman's consent.
This will create . . . the biggest army of
snoopers and informers that the military has ever
heard of. This is an outrage.
REPRESENT A TIVE RIVERS: It could be
the beginning of SS troops in America . . 4 4
Page 307
REPRESENTATIVE DURWARD G. HALL
(Republican, Missouri ) : God forbid that we have
an OGPU or an SS in our military. I would l ike
to associate myself with the remarks of the gentle
man from South Carolina. I have serious doubts
about the military or the legal qualifcations of
this study . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE GEORGE W. AN
DREWS (Democrat, Alabama) : I would like to
ask . . . if this committee report recommends a
spy system to be called a monitor, with an es
pecially sympathetic monitor through the range
of troop levels in order to check on commanders
as to how they carry out this function . . . . Is
it not true that the Communists have such a spy
system and have had it since the beginning of
the Russian Revolution in 1 917? . . .
I can tell you . . . there is such a spy system
and it is directed by a man known as a political
commissar, whose business it is to watch all mili
tary commanders and to report to another agency
on the manner of the performance of that duty.
Mr. Speaker, in my humble opinion, if this
committee report is implemented, and certain
implementing orders have been issued . . . we
are well on the way to dictatorship in this
country . . . .
N ever has our Nation faced such a threat.
Never have we been faced with such devastat
ing implications. The President is playing with
an ominous toy. He would make the military a
political puppet controlled by strings pulled only
by the Executive.
REPRESENTATIVE JAMIE L. WHITTEN
(Democrat, Mississippi ) : One other thing that
has led to the destruction of so many nations is
the fact that instead of trying to have their de
fense establishment strong as can be, for the de
fense of their country, they have had mercenary
soldiers using their funds in foreign lands to get
someone else to do the defending of their coun
try . . . . We do this today . . . . We have about
let military spending be the dominant voice in
everything that goes on around us . . . . We are
spending something like 60 percent of our entire
national budget for what is called defense, much
of it not real defense at all . . . . Economic power
is the instrument of dictatorship j ust as much as
troops or marshals . . . .
The [ Gesell ] report culminates a series of
steps whereby the powers that be - and here
it happens to be the Secretary of Defense-use
the power of the purse, the power of the draft,
the power of the mili tary in the name of the
Commander in Chief, use these things that are
said to be needed to defend our country, in real
ity to destroy everything which we claim Russia
would destroy . . . .
Mr. Speaker, we destroy ourselves at home.
We do to ourselves what it is charged Russia
would do to us.
We see our leaders using troops, economic
pressure, the courts, the marshals, and all the
rest, all, in the fnal analysis, being steps to a
complete dictatorship . . . .
REPRESENT A TIVE LOUIS C. WYMAN
(Republican, New Hampshire) : It is clear from
Mr. McNamara's letter to the President [ Me
N amara's letter of July 24, 1 963, informing the
President that a directive implementing the
Gesell Report was being issued] that he is do
ing so on orders from the White House . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE HEBERT: Adam Yar
molinsky . . . is the author of the new directive
issued by the Secretary of Defense . . . .
Mr. Yarmolinsky has one objective in mind
with an almost satanic . . . zeal - the forced in
tegration of every facet of the American way
of life, using the full power of the Department
of Defense to bring about this change . . . .
I want to tell you something about Mr. Yar
molinsky . . . . He was down in Florida [ during
the Cuban crisis] and he ordered the troops in
tegrated in certain hotels that the military had
rented. He was informed that the Negroes did
not want to be integrated. He said he did not
give a damn whether they wanted to be in
tegrated or not, that they would be inte
grated . . . .
REPRESENT A TIVE MELVIN R. LAIRD
(Republican, Wisconsin) : I have served on the
Board of Advisors of the Air Force Academy, the
Naval Academy, and the U. S. Military Academy
at West Point . . . . It was j ust 2 years ago that
Adam Yarmolinsky made a recommendation to
the Chief of the Bureau of Naval Personnel
that the procedures for admittance to the service
Academies, particularly Annapolis, be changed
so that the college board exams and the other reo
quired examinations for admittance . . . be set
aside so that special examinations could be
given in order to aford preferential entrance
treatment . . . .
Page 308
REPRESENTATIVE HEBERT: I am not
as concerned about integration and segregation
as I am concerned about the paramount prin
ciple involved in what we are talking about to
day . . . . It is the principle of using the military
might and power of this country to enforce a
political philosophy of an administration that
is in power at the moment . . . . What General
Walker . . . [ was accused of doing] . . . . is
[ now] being ordered to be done by this Execu
tive order . . . .
The Defense Department is talking out of
both sides of its mouth. On the one hand they
are using the military to enforce these [ integra
tion] orders . . . . [ but] a little segregation
is being practiced [ as a matter of policy] . . . .
Right now on the desk of somebody in the De
partment of Defense are orders to all com
manders not to send Negroes to Iceland . . . .
In that same ofce are orders to commanders
not to send Jews to Egypt and Saudi Arabia . . . .
REPRESENT A TIVE LAIRD: Within the
last month in my State of Wisconsin, the De
partment of Defense has gone beyond its scope
and its responsibility in the awarding of Gov
ernment contracts on a competitive basis. The
clear intent of the Department was to bring
about economic and sociological change through
abuse of its power to review and award con
tracts.
In this case . . . . the low bidder happened to
be a concern in Wisconsin. The award of the
bid was delayed because in answer to a De
partment of Defense questionnaire, this corpo
ration showed that they had no Negroes on their
payroll . . . . In the community involved, there
could not be any Negroes on the payroll as there
are none in the area, and if this were required
by the Department of Defense, it would ne
cessitate the importation of individuals to work
in this community . . . .
It seems to me, this whole operation of the
Department of Defense in the economic and in
sociological areas must be brought under close
examination by the Committee on Armed Serv
Ices . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE HEBERT: The distin
guished Senator from Arizona [ Barry Gold
water] made the statement on the foor of the
other body that the Defense Department had
in its possession the income tax returns of in
dividuals. A denial was quickly and heatedly
issued from the Pentagon . . . . I make this un
equivocal statement here, that the Defense De
partment has in its possession right now dossiers,
little black books, if you please, on leading citi
zens of the State of Mississippi, and I challenge
them to deny it, because if they do I will release
the names and what has been said about them.
I further say to you that the Defense Department
has in its fles economic reports on military bases
in segregated areas and communities.
REPRESENT A TIVE GROSS: . . . . I will say
this, as I have said before, that after reading the
report and reading it thoroughly, if the report
and its recommendations are fully implemented,
and apparently it is going to be made completely
efective by the Secretary of Defense, if I were
a base commander . . . I would get my afairs in
order and resign immediately. I would not want
to be the commander of a single military base
in the United States and be compelled to sub
mit to this kind of a directive and the political
dictatorship recommended in the Gesell re
port . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE WYMAN: For the life
of me I cannot understand what appears to be
a deliberate and intentional scuttling of morale
and efciency in the Armed Forces in this
way . . . .
REPRESENTATIVE OTTO E. PASSMAN
(Democrat, Louisiana) : This is . . . a radical at
tempt to take over our Defense Establishment;
and, in the national interest, it must not be al
lowed to proceed. Upon sober refection the Sec
retary of Defense must surely recognize that i t
is hi s duty to rescind this unjustifed and un
justifable order and, then, promptly to act ac
cordingly . . . .
REPRESENT A TIVE WYMAN: The Con
gress can rescind this Executive order by legisla
tion right now. We ought to do this because
while it is patently a violation of the constitu
tional en joinder that legislation is for Congress
. . . I fear it will be a long day in Siberia before
the U. S. Supreme Court, as presently consti
tuted, . . . decrees [ it illegal ] . . for the mili
tary to legislate in this fashion . . . .
to :eptembet l, l)6, Repteseotat|ve Cat|
V|osoo ( a||beta|Geotg|aDemoctatw|o, |omost
mattets, saotts t|e Keooedy adm|o|sttat|oo,
|ottodacedHRs46cw||c|waswt|tteow|t| t|e
|e|p o| Reteseotat|ves )oe D. Waggoooet, )t. ,
Page 309
I. Idwatd Hebett, aod 1. Meodel R|vets. HR
-46c woald pteveot tbe |mplemeotat|oo of tbe
Gesell Repott, aod make |t a coattmatt|al oeose
fot aoy aembet of tbe Atmed Iotces to ase tbe
powets g|veo tbem by tbe vat|oas McNamata
d|tect|ves Repteseotat|ve Waggoooet sa|d tbete
|s sttoog sappott fot tbe B|ll. If pabl|c sappott
|s sttoog eooagb, |t w|ll pass
Long Chai n of Abuses
1t |s espec|ally |ofat|at|og to tecall tbat Keo
oedy aod McNamata, oow using tbe m|l|taty as
a c!ab aga|ost tbe c|v|!|ao popalat|oo |o coo
oect|oo w|tb tbe most del|cate aod daogetoas
po!|t|cal |ssae of oat t|me, muzzled tbe m|l|taty
w|tb tegatd to ct|t|c|z|ug commao|smptob|b|t
|og m|l|taty off|cets ftom mak|og speecbes tell|ug
tbe ttatb aboat commao|sm.
Tbe PeotagooState Depattmeot pol|cy of s|
leoc|og aot|commao|sts |o tbe m|l |taty setv|ces
became appateot |o )6c dat|og tbe I|seobowet
adm|o|sttat|oo. bat |t d|d oot becoae a coosp|ca
oas aod attogaot afftoot to tbe |ote!l|geoce aod
patt|ot|sm of tbe pab!|c aot|l Keooedy came to
powet.
It was |o jaoaaty, l)6i, aftet Keooedy s |oaag
atat|oo, tbat Adm|tal Atle|gb A. Batke was pto
b|b|ted |tom say|og |o a pabl|c speecb tbat tbe
Sov|ets ate aottastwottby lt was |u Apt|l, )6: ,
tbat Keooedy temoved Majot Geoeta! Idw|o
A Walket ftom commaod |o Getmaoy becaase
Wal|et bad cteated ao aot|commao|st ttoop
|odoctt|uat|oo ptogtam ba|!t oo tbe pos|t|ve
|dea!s o| Iove of God aod Iove of Coaotty It
was |o jaoe, )6 , tbat Seoatot j W|ll|am Ial
bt|gbt sabm|tted b|s |ofamoas memotaodam to
tbe Defeose Depattmeot, atga|og tbat tbe peop!e
sboa!d be kept |u |gootaoce of |ssaes |u tbe Co!d
Wat so tbat tbey w|ll bl|udly sappott wbatevet
pol|c|es tbe Ptes|deot ptoposes aod b
at, tbete
fote all aot|commao|sts aod otbet ctocs of ad ,
m|u|stta:|ou pol|c|es sboald be s|leuc
d ot t
t B
o
Tteaty. Adm|tal At!e|gb A Batke, wbo teoted I
Aagast, l )6l, a!!egedly becaase of b|s sttoug auo
commau|st v|ews aod b|s oppos|t|oo to defeuse
po!|c|es of ba|ld|og cooveot|ooal fotc
s at tbe
x
peose of geoa|oe oat|ooal defeose w|tb sapetot
oaval a|t aod oacleat powet , Geoetal Tbomas
D \b|tewbo tet|ted as A|t Iotce Cb|ef of Sta
|o jaly, )6 , alleged!y becaase be was c
|t|cal
of defeose po!|c|es wb|cb woald oot p
tm:t t.e
Uo|ted States to develop a defeose agaust m.s
s|les, ot to ase bet |odastt|al poteot|al to ptodace
tbe k|od of a|t powet aod weapooty tbat w
ald
g|ve as aoqaest|ooed sapet|ot|ty ovet tbe Soviets.
^s geua.ue mil itary men were u:ge1 i:o
b|gb p!ace, McNamata aod Keuoedy moved |oto
Page 310
pol|cymak|og posiooos, tbe eggbeadsmeo l|ke
Paal I N|tze, Roswell I G|lpatt|c, aod Coatles
j. H|tco of toe Coaoc|l oo Iote|go Relat|oos ,
Ala|o Iotooveo aod Heoty S Roweo ftom toe
Raod Cotpotat|oo ( ootot|oas fot |ts book |o l )-
oo oow Amet|cao Atmed Iotces coald satteodet
sttateg|callyj . aod wotsetoaoeggbeads meo
l|ke Adam Yatmol|osky.
As Geoetal Toomas D. Wo|te pats |t, toe de
feose pol|c|es of toe Uo|ted States ate oow be|og
fotmalated by p|pesmok|og, tteefallofowls . . .
ptofess|ooal . . |otellectaals, . . . ovetcoondeot,
somet|mes attogaot yoaog ptofesso.s, matoemat|
c|aos aod otoet toeot|sts ' '
1o May, i )6, aftet Geoetal Catt|s IeMay
( A| t Iotce Co|ef of Staj bad test|f|ed toat oe
opposed toe TIX f|gotet plaoe coottact awatd to
Geoetal Dyoam|cs bat was ovettaled by c|v|l|ao
adv|sots, Keooedy aoooaoced toat IeMay woald
be temoved oext yeat. Io toe sammet of l )6,
woeo toe Seoate was tty|og to get oooest m|l|taty
test|mooy cooceto|og tbe test bao tteaty, |t was
obv|oas toat Geoetal IeMay bad beeo told oow
to test|fy. Seoatot Goldwatet maoeaveted Geoet
al IeMay |oto adm|tt|og toat McNamata oad
oevet talked to toe jo|ot Cb|efs of Sta aboat tbe
tteaty IeMay cooceded toat oe woald be aga|ost
toe tteaty |f |t oad oot alteady beeo oegot|ated '
It |s tel|ably tepotted toat tbe jo|ot Co|efs of
ta, |o sec.et test|mooy befote a coogtess|ooal
body, opposed toe test bao tteaty aod eoaaetated
|ts daogets to toe Uo|ted States. Io pab||c test|
mooy, toe same |od|v|daals took a d|ffeteot l|oe.
Ao |onaeot|al segmeot of toe pabl|c |tself |s
also fotced to sappott key adm|o|sttat|oo pol|c|es
saco as fote|go a|d, fote|go ttade, tac|al |otegta
t|oo, aod appeasemeot of commao|sm. To|s |s
aco|eved by ecooom|c ptessates ftom tbe Defeose
Depattmeot (aod otoet b|g seod|og ageoc|es j .
toteats to caocel speod|og aod temove :ostalla
t|oos, ot ptom|ses of mote speod|og aod b|gget
|ostallat|oos.
1o soott . fotc|og m|l|taty meo |oto cootto
vets|al pol|t|cs, totoago |mplemeotat|oo of tbe
Gese| Repott ( wo|co was wt|tteo by a gtoap of
leftw|og tac|al ag|tatots j |s metely toe most te
ceot ev|deoce toat McNamata aod Keooedy ate
ttaosfotm|og oat Atmed Iotces |oto a m|l|taty
pol|t|calecooom|c ptessate complex woose pt|
maty m|ss|oo |s oot defeose of toe oat|oo, bat eo
fotcemeot of toe pol|t|cal ptogtam of Waso|og
too oc|aldom.
WH O I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization
.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative
.
assist
nt to J. Edgar Hoov
:
r on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases In vanous parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigne from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On
.
Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial lssues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a f
;
ee
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales: sales of The fan Smoot
.
eportJ a weekl
y
.
magaz
ne;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radlO and televlS1
n as an ad
ertlslUg vehl
le.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about l mportant lssues -the Slde
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Repo1t and broadcasts.
Page 311
What To Do
( l j Immed|ate| y aod spec|ncally, tbe pabl|c
sboald atge Coogtess to eoact tbe V|osoo B|ll
( HR 8460) wb|cb woald ptob|b.t .apleoeota
t|oo of tbe Gesell Repott.
( . j Iot tbe loog tao, tbe people sboald stady
tbe vot|og tecotds of Repteseotat|ves aod Seoa
tots to detetm|oe wb|cb ooes sbov aodetstaod|og
aod tespect fot tbe Coost|tat|oo. All wbo do oot,
sboald be voted oat of oGce Tbe Coost|tat|oo
places apoo Coogtess tbe powet aod tespoos|
b|l.ty of ptov|d|og oat|ooal defeose. A coogtess
composed of meo w|tb eooagb bta|os aod |oteg
t|ty to apbold tbe Coost|tat|oo, woald sctap oat
pteseot oow|o, oodefeose pol|c|es aod |o|t|ate a
ptogtam, .ouo|tely less expeos|ve tbao tbe pteseot
ooe, wb|cb woald defeod tbe Uo|ted :tates
aga|ost fote|go eoem|es.
( j Most |mpottaot of all . evety ooe wbo
|oows vbat .s bappeo|og sboald ma|e oax|
mam eott to |ofotm otbets so tbat tbete w|ll
be eooagb atoased aod |ofotmed Aaet|caos to
compel ptopet act|oo |o Wasb|ogtoo.
( 4j To tbe l|m|t of yoat ab|l|ty, d|stt|bate to
otbets sacb |ofotmat|oo as coota|oed |o tb|s
Report} |o tbe Report of last wee| eot|tled Re
otgao|z|og Iot Stalemate, aod |o tbe Report of
jaoe 3, 1 963, eot|tled Plaooed D|ctatotsb. p.
We oet tbese tbtee Reports as a set fot 50.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) "Gesell Report," discussion by 30 United States Representa.
tives led by Democrat Representatives L Mendel Rivers ( South
Carolina) and Joe D. Waggonner, Jr. ( louisiana ) ; Republican
Representatives H. R. Gross ( Iowa) and louis C. Wyman
( New Hampshire ) , including complete text of Gesell Report.
Congressional Record ( daily) , August 7, 1963, pp. 1 3548-99
( 2 ) Military Cold War Education alld Speech Re1'iew Policies,
Hearings before the Special Preparedness Subcommittee of the
Senate Armed Services Committee, 1962, Part IV, pp. 1491- 2
( 3 ) letter from Nathaniel S. Colley to The Dan Smoot Report,
September 10, 1963
( 4) "Strategy and the Defense Intellectuals," by General Thomas
D. White, The Satll1'day E11ellillg Post, May 4, 1963, pp. 1 0, 1 2
( 5 ) AP di spatch from Washington, The Dalias M01'l1illg News, Aug
ust 20, 1963, p. 1
( 6 ) "rashington Whispers," U. S. News & World Report, August
26, 1 963, p. 28
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Page 312
NAME (Please Print)
STREET ADDRESS
CITY STATE ZIP CODE
( Add 2% Sales Tax in Texas )
M
1tllmoot Rep" t
Vol. 9, No. 40 ( Broadcast 425)
October 7, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
WHISTLI NG PAST THE GRAVEYARD OF EXPERI ENCE
" W histling past the graveyard oj experience," as Barry Goldwate,' phrased it, Senators voted t o ratijy
the Test Ban Tfeaty -knowing that it Cfeates gfeat dangef jor OUf country, yet yielding conscience and
logic to something they vaguely called hope: hope that all will tum out well. Pefhaps it will: although the
intent oj the treaty is to begin the process oj Amefican surrender, the consequence oj .its " atijication may
put Ba1" Goldwatef in the White House.
As soonas t|eTest BanTteatywas slgne1 ln moscow, :tate Depattment oclals atge1 lm
me1late |eatlngs beiote Ialbtlg|t's Iotelgn Relatlons Commlttee, to iotestall eectlve |eat
lngs by t|e :tennls Commlttee. j. Wllllam Ialbtlg|t ( exttemlst |eitwlnget, w|o ls C|altman
oi t|e :enate Iotelgn Relatlons Commlttee, coal1 be 1epen1e1 on to sabpoena iavotable wlt
nesses. T|e :tennls Commlttee ls t|e Ptepate1ness Investlgatlng :abcommlttee oi t|e :enate
Atme1 :etvlces Commlttee, an1et t|e C|altmans|lpoi jo|n L. :tennls ( Democtat, mlsslsslppl ,
T|e two best consetvatlves ln t|e :enate (Batty Gol1watet an1 :ttom T|atmon1, ate on t|e
:tennls Commlttee :tennls |lmseli |as an aboveavetage consetvatlve votlng tecot1. T|e :tate
Depattment |new t|e :tennls Commlttee woal1 sabpoena oatstan1lng aat|otltles w|o woal1
evalaate t|e Tteaty sole|y ont|ebasls oilts eectont|esecatltyan1saietyoit|eLnlte1:tates.
T|e :tennls Commlttee woa|1 not be sllence1. It |e|1 |eatlngsan1 u|e1a tepott ( :eptembet
), l )6 , w|lc|waspatlnt|eRecot1an1 cal|e1 to t|e attentlon oi evety Lnlte1 :tates :enatot
beiote a vote on tatliylng t|e Test Ban Tteaty was ta|en.
( 2 )
T|e :tennls Commlttee atge1 t|e :enate not to tatliy t|e Test Ban Tteaty, saylng
"From the extensive evidence presented to us, we have come to the conclusion that the pro
posed treaty banning nuclear testing in the atmosphere, underwater, and in space will afect
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
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2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 313
adversely the future quality of this Nation's
arms, and that it will result in serious, and per
haps formidable, military and technical disad
vantages . . . . At the same time, we are not con
vinced that comparable military disadvantages
will accrue to the nuclear weapon programs of
the U. S. S. R. "( 2)
Tbe Steuu|s Comm|ttee obta|ued |ts |ufotma
t|ou ftom sacb meu as Adm|tal Atle|gb A. Batke
( fotmet Cb|ef of Naval Opetat|ous j , Adm|tal
Attbat W. Radfotd ( fotmet Cba|tmau of tbe
Jo|ut Cb|efs of Staj , Geuetal Natbau I. Tw|u
|ug ( fotmet Cba|tmau of tbe Jo|ut Cb|efs of
Staj meu wbo, uow ftee of pol|t|cal ptes
sates, sttougly deuoauced tbe Test Bau Tteaty
as batmfal to tbe m|l|taty secat|ty of tbe Uu|ted
States.
Geuetal Tbomas S. Powet test|ned tbat tbe Test
Bau Tteaty woald t|e oat bauds aud keep as ftom
develop|ug a m|ss|le system to defeud tbe uat|ou.
Geuetal Powet |s |u cbatge of sttateg|c bombets
wb|cb, aut|l uow, bave beeu tbe gteatest detet
teut to tbe statt of uacleat wat, bat wb|cb ate
alteady be|ug pbased oat, fot eveutaal el|m|ua
t|ou.
Geuetal Betuatd A. Scbt|evet, bead of tbe m|s
s|le developmeut ptogtam of tbe A|t Iotce, gave
tbe same k|ud of test|mouy.
Dt. Idwatd Tellet ( kuowu as fatbet of tbe
Hydtogeu Bombj sa|d.
"A test ban treaty with the Soviet Union would
prevent vital improvements of our atomic ex
plosives as well as foreclose the development of
antimissiles and systems like Nike-Zeus and Nike
X. It would not keep the Russians from cheat
ing. Such a treaty, in sum, would endanger our
security and help the Soviet Union in its plan to
conquer the world." ( 3
)
Spec|ncal|y, tbe Steuu|s Comm|ttee leatued tbat
tat|ncat|ou of tbe Test Bau Tteaty woald pteveut
tbe Uu|ted States ftom.
Testing the vulnerability of our missile-launch
ing systems to high-yield nuclear explosions;
Testing the vulnerability of tnissile warheads
and nose cones to nuclear explosions during at
mospheric re-entry;
Studying atmospheric and high altitude radar
blackout phenomena;
Studying communications blackout phenom
ena which result from high-yield nuclear ex
plosions;
Making full-scale operational tests of anti-bal
listic systems;
Developing high-yield warheads equal to what
the Soviets already have;
Testing the efects of high-yield nuclear weap
ons;
Testing underwater nuclear weapons for im
proved anti-submarine defense;
Making full-scale performance and reliability
tests of our Minuteman and Titan missile sys
tems ( the keystones of our present early warning
and continental defense, whose operational ef
fectiveness is unknown because it has never been
fully tested) ;
Testing the yield and efectiveness of our
largest stockpiled weapons;
Conducting troop training tactical exercises in
the use of nuclear weapons.
b|s ct|t|cally uecessaty teseatcb bas uot beeu
doue betetofote, becaase tbe Uu|ted States bas
doue uo test|ug of b|gby|e|d uacleat weapous
(tbose above i megatousj s|uce i )4. Tbe So
v|ets, |guot|ug tbe|t owu ptom|ses, bave bad a
cout|uaoas, aggtess|ve ptogtam of test|ug b|gb
y|eld weapous Tbe|t latest set|es of b|gby|eld
tests ( i )6i i )6. j ate bel|eved to bave ptodaced
all tbe teseatcb |ufotmat|ou tbe Sov|ets w|ll ueed
fot sevetal yeats.
We bave uoue of tb|s |ufotmat|ou. W|tb tbe
Test Bau Tteaty, we teuoauce oat t|gbt to de
velop |t. W|tboat |t, we coald be at tbe metcy
of tbe Sov|ets.
Why?
|tb all tbese facts befote tbem, 81 Uu|ted
States Seuatots apptoved tat|ncat|ou of tbe Test
Bau Treaty. Why ?
Seuatot Josepb S. Clat|, Jt. , exttem|st l|betal
Page 314
Democtat ftom Peoosylvao|a, stated tbe teasoo
blaotly. l|betals welcomed tbe Tteaty as a step
|owatd total teoaoc|at|oo of Amet|cao |odepeod
eoce, iot tbe |deal oi a ooewotld sapetstate,
pol|ced by a Uo|ted Nat|oos |otetoat|ooal atmy.
Hete |s tbe way Clat| pat |t.
"Personally, I hope that the next step will be
. . . . negotiation . . . of a treaty of general and
complete disarmament under enforceable world
law as advocated by President Kennedy and,
before him, by President Eisenhower . . . .
"This would require the elimination of mili
tary establishments all over the world, including
our own . . . .
"That this is the fxed long-range policy of the
United States was made clear by our President
. . . on September 25, 1 961 , in an address to the
General Assembly of the United Nations . . . .
"This treaty is a very small step in that direc
tion. . . `
bat |s wbat tbe Seoate d|d wbeo |t tat|ned
tbe Test Bao Tteaty. |t too| a step towatd Keo
oedy s obj ect|ve oi desttoy|og tbe Lo|ted States
as a itee aod |odepeodeot oat|oo. Bat oot maoy
Seoatots wbo voted iot tbe Tteaty seemed to
|oow wbat tbey wete do|og |i ooe cao j adge
ftom wbat tbey sa|d.
U. S Seoatot Habett H. Hampbtey ( Democtat,
M|ooesotaj sa|d.
"It is possible that the Soviets might test sub
kiloton devices or weapons in the atmosphere
and not be caught . . . .
"The risk of secret preparations for tests in
the atmosphere and surprise abrogation of the
nuclear test ban by the Soviet Union is one of
the risks which we will assume when we enter
into the treaty . . . .
"The Soviets could prepare in secret for an
extensive series of tests in the atmosphere and
then suddenly abrogate the treaty. Or they could
attempt a program of clandestine tests in the
atmosphere or in space. A third course would
be for them to secretly prepare for a large-scale
series of atInospheric tests while at the saDle tiDle
conducting very small clandestine tests with
limited objectives in the atmosphere which they
might feel had a good chance of escapmg de
tection . . . .
"The risks to our security from a sudden abro
gation of the treaty by the Soviets are derived
primarily from the lead-time the Soviets would
gain over our own testing . . . . `
Seoatot Hampbtey voted | o iavot of tbe Tteaty.
U. S. Seoatot Hagb Scott (Repabl|cao, Peoo
sylvao|a j sa| d.
"Let us never forget that when the Soviet
leaders signed, the mere afxing of a signature
changed nothing in their attitude toward the
United States or their determination to destroy
freedom wherever they could lay oppressive
hands upon it . . . .
"We cannot trust the Soviet Union. Their word
today is a broken promise of tomorrow . . . .
This treaty should be based on our hopes for
the future, our knowledge of the past, our
awareness that one of the signatories must be
constantly under surveillance for planned viola
tions. The security and the prestige of the United
States could hardly be more urgently involved.
"It is the desire of each of us to support the
President of the United States, to support the
foreign policy of the United States. It is my
hope that I can . . . . "( 6)
Seoatot Scott voted |o favot of tbe Tteaty.
U. S. Seoatot W|ll|am Ptoxm|te ( Democtat,
W|scoos|oj sa|d.
"I understand . . . that there are three possi
ble ways under this treaty in which the Soviet
Union, allegedly, could test, in the atmosphere
without being detected. These illegal tests might
give the Soviet Union an opportunity to advance
its art, to advance its knowledge, and advance its
military capability, as compared to ours.
"First, they could test our subkiloton explos
ions and antimissile systems to the extent of de
termining how a nuclear explosion, even a sub
kiloton explosion, might distort our capability
to determine the path of incoming missiles. It
was asserted that we have not conducted those
tests to the extent that we would have liked . . . .
"Dr. Edward Teller . . . raised several pro
found and disturbing questions . . . in the hear
ings. One of the questions he raised relates to
what tests we had planned that we now will
Page 315
cancel in view of the proposed agreement. As
I understand, the tests which he said we had
planned included tests which would develop our
skill in detecting incoming missiles and permit
us to develop a better antimissile system . . . .
"The danger of nuclear war might be greatly
enhanced if one side could obtain a sharp, de
cisive advantage, particularly in the area of an
antiballistic missile system so that that side would
be able virtually to eliminate the retaliatory
power of the other side . . . .
"The question may be raised, 'Are we going
to act the part of the hare and go to sleep by not
testing ourselves, thus giving the Soviet Union
the advantage of testing in the atmosphere in
violation of the treaty?'
"They may thus be enabled to develop a per
fect antiballistic misile defense system which
would give them a supreme advantage and the
opportunity to achieve victory . . e e
"We would not violate the treaty by testing
subkiloton bombs in the atmosphere. The Rus
sians could. If they did, they could do so with
out being detected . . . .
"Russia could be in a position to test during
a period of a very few days, and then fnd that
their system worked, and then initiate a war in
which they would be fairly certain to impose
on us far, far more destruction than we would
impose on them . . . . "( 7 )
Seuatot Ptoxm|te voted | u favot of tbe Tteaty.
U S. Seuacot j. Gleuu Beall (Repabl|cau, Maty
laudj sa|d.
"I frmly believe that the Soviets will not hesi
tate to break this treaty when it serves their pur
pose to do so. We are fully aware of Russia's
record of broken agreements . . . .
"I am mindful of the fact that the Prepared
ness Investigating Subcommittee has fled a re
port stating that the treaty will adversely afect
the future quality of the nation's arms and that
it will result in serious military disadvantages
"Let us place our trust in the path of strength
"( 8)
Seuatot Beall voted |u favot of tbe Tteaty.
U. S. Seuatot Sam j. Itv|u, jt. ( Democtat,
Nottb Catol|uaj sa| d.
"After much deliberation . . . I have decided
to vote to approve the test ban treaty. This is
the most difcult decision I have had to make
since coming to the Senate 9 years ago.
"Candor compels the confession that I shall
cast my vote for approval without great en
thusiasm . . . .
"Despite these assurances [ from the President
and others ] , I would vote without hesitation to
reject the proposed test ban treaty if my j udg
ment permitted me to base my decision solely
upon military considerations. The tragic truth
is that this particular test ban agreement should
never have been negotiated . . . .
"When a Senator votes . . . . in favor of ap
proval, he will vote for approval of an agreement
which imposes upon his country military dis
advantages. If he votes in favor of rejection, he
will vote to cast cold water upon the hopes of
mankind . . . .
"The men of the Kremlin have not changed
their hearts or their purpose . . . . They still
hold fast to their dream of world conquest . . e .
Seuatot Itv|u voted fot tbe Tteaty.
U. S. Seuatot jac| M|llet (Repabl|cau, Iowaj
sa|d.
"A massive series of atmospheric tests was
made by the Soviet Union in 1 961 . From them,
they could have obtained information - and we
have had testimony on this point - which might
have an impact on the security of the United
States . . . .
"There has also been the Cuban confronta
tion, in which the Soviet Union had covertly put
intermediate range ballistic missiles into Cuba;
and on that point Gromyko lied in his teeth to
the President of the United States. Khrushchev
said he would take the Soviet troops out of Cuba,
but he reneged on that. Khrushchev also agreed
to on-site inspections in Cuba, but he also re
neged on that . e e .
"I believe we should evaluate the treaty in
line with these [ events ] .
. .
1 )
Seuatot M|llet voted |u favot of tbe Tteaty.
Dat|ug debate ou Septembet l , l )6, Seuatot
A. W|ll|s Robettsou ( Democtat, V|tg|u|aj sa|d.
"I happen to know, from all the testimony and
also inside confdential advice, that not a single
Page 316
military expert has recommended the treaty to us
from a military standpoint. Is that correct?"
l 11)
Seuatot Heuty M. jac|sou ( Democtat, Wasb
|ugtouj ausweted Robettsou s qaest|ou.
"From a military standpoint, that is correct.
There is no doubt that there are military dis
advantages to the proposed treaty."(
1t
)
jac|sou voted fot tbe Tteaty. Robettsou was
oue of 1 9 wbo voted aga|ust |t.
U. S. Seuatot Romau L. Htas|a (Repab||cau,
ebtas|aj sa| d.
"It is in the spirit of hope . . . that I will cast
my vote in favor of ratifying this limited test
ban treaty . . . .
"Never, in my years of public service, has such
an outpouring of thoughtful, reasoned letters
reached my desk as those relating to the issue
before us . . . .
"Many of those speaking . . . have pointed out
that we cannot trust the Soviet Union to abide
by its terms. This Senator is in full agreement
with that view . . . .
"1 this treaty were dependent upon Soviet
good faith, then I would vigorously oppose it
. . . . But after careful and lengthy consideration
I am persuaded that the treaty does not depend
upon trusting the Russians. This is so because
of the safeguards provided in the President's
letters . .
_ ' J2}
Seuatot Htas|a voted to tat|fy.
U. S. Seuatot Ivetett M. D|t|seu (Repab||cau,
Ill|uo|s j sa|d.
"Think of the propaganda weapon that we
would give N ikita Khrushchev if we failed to
stand up and ratify the treaty. He could go into
all the areas of the world and say to their leaders,
'Did I not tell you for many years that they are
imperialists, capitalists, and warmongers? Here
is the proof. They refused to subscribe to a ces
sation of testing of the hideous weapons that can
snuf out so much life.' . . .
"The treaty will not necessarily stop war. We
hope it will. We hope it is in the direction of
peace. What else can we do except hope? But
is there assurance? None . . . . " (13)
Seuatot D|t|seu voted fot tbe Tteaty.
5euatots, wbo ac|uowledged tbat tbe Tteaty
|s daugetoas, apptoved |t fot tbe as|u|ue teasou
tbat tbe Uu|ted States mast sbow |tself devoted
to peace A gteat uat|ou wbose s|c| leadetsb|p
teuoauces uat|oua| stteugtb aud uat|oual pt|de
invites wat aud e||m|uates tbe poss|b|||ty of peace.
Seuatots, wbo bave cous|steut|y voted dat|ug
tbe past 1 5 yeats to p|audet tbe taxpayets of tb|s
uat|ou fot lav|sb sappott of ptact|cal|y evety otbet
uat|ou ou eattb, sappotted tbe Test Bau Tteaty
fot tbe teasou tbat tbe Uu|ted States mast do
something to w|u apptoval of wotld op|u|ou aud
to sbow tbat we ate well|uteut|oued'
Seuatots wbo |uow tbat |t |s a daugetoas dela
s|ou to t|s| tbe || fe of a uat|ou ou tbe | utegt|ty
aud good seuse of oue mau, aud wbo |uow
spec|uca||y tbat |t |s folly to assame tbat Ptes|deut
Keuuedy cau a|ways be ttasted to do wbat |s good
fot tbe Uu|ted States, voted fot tbe Test Bau
Tteaty becaase Keuuedy gave assatauces.
Tbey voted fot tbe tteaty to |eep Kbtasbcbev
ftom ct|t|c|z|ug as, |uow|ug tbat uotb|ug bat
deat| cau stop Kbtasbcbev' s l|es. Tbey voted fot
|t becaase of |ts po||t|cal advautages, bat uo
oue expla|ued wbat tbe pol|t|cal advautages
m|gbt be. Tbey voted fot |t becaase 80 ot mote
uat|ous bad alteady tat|ned, |uow|ug tbat tbe
tat|ncat|ous ate meau|ug|ess becaase of all tbe
uat|ous wb|cb tat|ned, ouly (tbe U. S. , tbe
U. S. S. R. , aud Gteat Bt|ta|uj ate capable of tbe
act|vity w||c| t|e Tteaty pto||bits.
Gol dwater
Hat most of tbe Seuatots seemed to vote fot
tbe tteaty, metely becaase tbey boped. Batty
Go|dwatet d|scassed tbat bopefaluess.
Of tbe l) Seuatots '' wbo stood aga|ust tbe
Test Bau Tteaty, Batty Goldwatet stood tallest
of all. He sa| d.
"In favor of it [ test ban treaty] , after all is
said and done, is a hope, usually described as a
faint glimmer, that this may be the frst step
toward easing tension in the world. It is difcult,
if not impossible, to argue with a hope. It is an
Page 317
emotional thing; and in its soft and gentle glow,
arguments appear harsh. The more fragile an
illusion, the more rude must seem the attempts
to shatter it.
"I have warned, and will continue to warn,
that nuclear weapons are not the cause of ten
sion in this world; that if all were to disappear
magically overnight, the tension would remain,
so long as world communism remains dedicated
to aggression and obsessed by i ts irrational vision
of man as a mere cog in the machine of history.
"But hope heeds only itself. How does one
remind hope that, hitherto, on-site inspection has
been the qualifcation of our trust of any arms
control scheme? How does one remind hope
that the technology of remote detection still has
not developed fully to a point where it can re
place such inspection? Or how does one tell
hope, sprung from fear, that fallout is less a
present threat than smog and fumes of everyday
life? If we say these things, hope -revulsed -
shrinks from our harsh words. One who says
these things stands alone, a sad, somber, and un
welcome guest in a house of celebrants.
"We are, apparently, well past arguing with
hope. The future will shatter the hope and will
sober the celebrants. But we must wait.
"For my part, and the part of the other few
who must heed other voices in their conscience,
there is only the time now to say why we will
vote, as we must, to oppose approval of this
treaty. I perceive two reasons, basically; and I
have based my decisions upon one.
"First, there is the reason that this treaty is a
political ambush, baited by the necessity of the
Soviet to ease the many pressures upon its tyran
ny . . . Why [ is ] freedom . . . aided by putting
salve on the wounds of tyranny? . . .
"I see no change in the future until or unless
!he objectives of communism . . . change. And
not even hope has spoken to us so far of a change
in those objectives. Rather, all say that the ob
jectives remain unchanged. But hope, it seems,
can hear that truth and still proceed, whistling
past the graveyard of experience . . . .
"But assurances are not facts, promises are
not performances; and I do not feel that free
dom's strength, in a time of freedom's peril, can
be armored by either. Such strength is a matter
of here and now, not of 'if and when.' Real
hope must be founded upon real strength . . . .
"Now the Senate must pardon me for speaking
of real weapons in the real world. As I have
said, the words sound harsh in the glow of hope.
Truth often does . . . .
"Ask the men who must man the missiles
[ about nuclear explosions distorting electronic
circuitry and electronic missile triggers] and
they say tests are needed. Ask if the Soviets
have not already tested in this area and we fnd
that we do not know - but there is ample evi
dence upon which to presume that they have.
"Ask the man upon whose command rests 90
percent of the strategic striking power of this
Nation: Ask General Power the impact of this
treaty upon the strength about which he knows
as much as any man. We have all heard his
answer. This treaty is not in the national in
terest.
"Ask the man whose job it has been to work
with the most advanced weapons system: ask
General Schriever the impact of this treaty. We
all have heard his answer. He felt he could
protect his country better without the treaty.
"And what of the Joint Chiefs of Staff alto
gether? Remember now, if you will, only that
they fnally supported the treaty because of many
safeguards, many promises, and political advan
tages of which others had spoken. But remember
every other day of your life, every day that the
time bomb of communist treachery ticks closer
to detonation, that they spoke and spoke clearly
of military disadvantages under this treaty.
"Pray God that we do not have to remember
that under attack, weakened and unprepared.
"Remember also their warning that a state
of euphoria would be the most deadly conse
quence of the treaty. Remember that as we now
ofcially study increased trade with the Soviets.
Remember it when the next steps are taken, the
pacts proposed, the agreements signed. It is not
too late to remember those things now, but other,
more popular tunes seem to dance in the air . . . .
"I will vote against this treaty because it will
erode our military strength. I will vote against
this treaty because it preserves the enemy's ad
vances in high-yield weaponry while freeing
them to overtake our lead in low-yield research.
We pay a price; they do not.
Page 318
"I do not vote against the hope of peace, but
only against the illusion of it. I do not vote for
war, but for the strength to prevent it.
"I have been told, as have others, I am sure,
that to vote against this treaty is to commit
political suicide.
"I will vote against this treaty because in my
heart, mind, soul and conscience, I feel it detri
mental to the strength of my country.
"If it means political suicide to vote for my
country and against this treaty, then I commit it
gladly. It is not my future that concerns me.
It is my country - and what my conscience tells
me is how best I may serve i t."( 15)
1 do oot agtee w|tb Batty Goldwatet s staod
ou some |ssaes. ( 16) I feel tbat coosetvat|ve eott
sboald be made, betweeo oow aod tbe pol|t|cal
cooveut|ous of l)64, to lay gtoaudwotk fot Io
depeudeot Ilectots ot Tb|td Patty pol|t|cal act|ou
|u case Goldwatet |s uot uom|oated.
Bat my most eatoest ptayet |s tbat tbe Repabl|
cau Cooveut|oo of l )64w|ll uom|oate Goldwatet
fot Ptes|deut. If be |s oom|oated, tbe people w|ll
elect b|m. I was coov|oced of tb|s |u l )6c. I
am eveu mote coov|uced of |t uow.
Goldwatet s speecb aboat tbe Test Bau Tteaty,
aud Ptes|deut Keuoedy's teact|ou, bave cleated
tbe pol|t|cal atmospbete |o tbe Uo|ted States.
Goldwatet spoke oo Septembet l). Oo Septembet
.6, Keooedy, at Salt Iake C|ty, laaucbed tbe )64
pol|t|cal campa|go aga|ust Goldwater. Tbe |ssae
|s oow cleat . |o l)64, tbe people of tbe Uu|ted
States w|ll dec|de. ( j to coot|uae tbe Keooedy
ptogtam of d|smaotl|ug tbe Uo|ted States aud
mak|og |t a belpless ptov|uce |u a ouewotld so
c|al|st system, ot ( z j to elect Batty Gold watet
aod begin the process of teestabl|sb|og tbe Uo|ted
States as a ftee aud |udepeudeut coust|tat|oual
Repabl|c.
1f Keooedy stays | o powet ( ot | f some l|betal
Repabl|cau |s elected to sacceed b|m) , tbe dt|ve
towatd wotld govetumeot w|ll qa|ckeo d|sas
ttoasly.
Tbe alt|mate solat|ou to tbe qaest|ou of bow
we sball tevetse tbe pol|c|es of tbe fedetal gov
etumeot, so tbat tbe Uo|ted States cau satv|ve
|u peace as a ftee oat|oo, w|ll be foaod wbeu tbe
people elect eooagb coust|tat|ooal|sts to couttol
Cougtess. Bat tbe uat|oo may uot last loug eooagb
to nud tbat solat|ou, aoless sometb|ug |s doue
WH O I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smoot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard U a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
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Page 319
1l l )64 to balt tbe Keuuedy ptogtam. Batty
Goldwatet as Ptes|deut coald balt |t.
Iot )cyeats, tbe ptest|ge, ptopagauda, aud pa
ctouage of cbe Wb|te Hoase bave beeu exetted
|u tbe caase of total|tat|au l|bet|al|sm Uudet tb|s
|unaeuce, m|ll|ous of Amet|caus bave qa|te fot
gotteu, aud mote m|ll|ous bave gtowu ap |u |g
uotauce of, cbe meau|ug of Amet|cau cousc|ta
t|oual pt|uc|ples. Tbe few wbo bave claug to
pt|uc|ples ( cous|steutly ct|t|c|z|ug tbe aucoust|ta
c|oual ptogtams of Roosevelc, Ttamau, I|seu
bowet, aud Keuuedyj bave beeu tteaced as oat
cascs, ctac|pocs, exctem|sts, aud ctoablema|ets
Cl|ug|ug to pt|uc|ple, bowevet, tbe few bave bad
|unaeuce ou pabl|c cboagbt . aud, |u teceut yeats,
cbey bave malc|pl|ed |u uambet. Tbe euotmoas
j ob of teedacat|ug tbe Amet|cau people to au
detscaud aud tespecc tbe pt|uc|ples of cbe|t owu
soc|ety |s audet way. Batty Goldwatet as Ptes|
deut coald complete cbe j ob |u t|me to testote tbe
Repabl|c.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Congrwiona/ Record ( dai ly) , September 1 6, 1963, pp. 1 61 76-7
( 2 ) Complete text of Stennis Committee Report COlg" essiona/
Record, ( daily) , September 1 3, 1 963, pp. 1 6072-5
( 3 ) COlgressional Record ( daily) , September 1 6, 1963, p. 1 62 19
( 4) COllg" essional Reco" d ( daily) , September 1 6, 1 963, p. 1 62 1 0-3
( 5 ) Congressional RecO"d ( daily ) , September 1 0, 1963, pp. 1 5755,
1 5763-4
( 6) Cong" essiolal Rec01d ( dai ly) , September 1 0, 1963, p. 1 5738
( 7 ) Congl'es.riolal Record ( daily) , September 1 0, 1963, pp. 1 5753-6
( 8 ) Congressional Record ( dai ly) , September 1 1 , 1963, pp. 1 5906.7
( 9) Congressional Record ( daily) , September 1 7, 1963, pp. 1 6242-3
( 1 0 ) Congressional Record ( daily) , September 10, 1963, p. 1 5750
( 1 1 ) Congressional Record ( daily) , September 1 3, 1963, p. 1 608 1
( 1 2 ) Cong" wional Rec01d ( daily) , September 19, 1963, pp. 1 6646-8
( 1 3 ) Congressiollal Record ( daily) , September 1 1 , 1963, pp. 1 591 2-6
( 1 4) Here are the 19 U. S. Senators ( 1 1 Democrats, 8 Republ icans)
who voted against the Test Ban Treaty: Barry Goldwater
( Republican, Arizona ) , John L. McClellan ( Democrat, Arkan
sas ) , RIchard B. Russell and Herman E. Talmadge ( Democrats,
Georgia ) , Len B. Jordan ( Republican, Idaho) , Russell B.
Long ( Democrat, Louisiana) , Margaret Chase Smith ( Republi
can, Maine ) , James O. Eastland and John L. Stennis ( Demo
crats, Mississippi ) Carl T. Curtis ( Republican, Nebraska) ,
Edwin L. Mechem ( Republican, New Mexico) , Frank J.
Lausche ( Democrat, Ohio) , Strom Thurmond (Democrat,
South Carolina ) , John G. Tower ( Republican, Texas) , Wal
lace F. Bennett ( Republican, Utah) , Harry Flood Byrd and
A. Wil l i s Robertson ( Democrats, Vi rginia) , Robert C. Byrd
( Democrat, West Virginia) , Milward L. Simpson ( Republican,
Wyoming)
( 1 5 ) COl?fsional Reco" d ( daily) , September 19, 1963, pp. 1 6654-6
( 1 6) See "Political Action For 1964," this Report, June 17, 1963,
pp. 1 89-90
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M
Itl Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 41 ( Broadcast 426) October 1 4, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
TRADI NG WITH THE ENEMY
tu Aagast 5 , l )6), Uu|ted States, Bt|t|sb, aud Sov|et oc|als s|gued tbe test bau tteaty |u
Moscow. Sbott|y tbeteaftet, tbe Sov|ets sold l b|ll|ou dol|ats' wottb of gold ou tbe Ioudou bal
l|ou mat|et. Iot tb|s gold, tbe Sov|ets obta|ued westetu mouey ( Bt|t|sb aud Aasttal|au poauds,
Amet|cau aud Cauad|au dollats, ot auy otbet catteuc|es des|tedj . (1) W|tb tbe westetu mouey, tbe
Sov|ets cau bay goods auywbete |u tbe wotld.
Ou Septembet ), i )6), U. S Seuate d|scass|ous aboat tat|fy|ug tbe test bau tteaty begau. Oue
wee| latet (Septembet l 6j , tbe Sov|ets coucladed a deal to bay 500 m|ll|ou dollats' wottb oi
wbeat |tom Cauada, 1 00 m|l||ou dollats' wottb ftom Aasttal|a.
D|scass|ou of tbe wbeat deal was |mmed|ately |uj ected |uto tbe Seuate tteaty debates. I|betals
|u favot of tbe test bau saw, |u tbe wbeat deal, ptoof of Sov|et softeu|ug. Tbey euv|s|oued a uew
eta of good feel|ug wb|cb w||l opeu ptontable mat|ets fot westetu goods beb|ud a melt|ug
|tou catta|u. Tbey meut|oued tbe satplas oi Amet|cau wbeat, tbe dw|udl|ug Amet|cau gold
tesetves, aud oat aufavotable balauce oi paymeuts . We sboa|d sell wbeat fot Sov|et gold,
tbas t|dd|ug oatse|ves of sometb|ug we bave too macb of, gett|ug |u excbauge sometb|ug we
bad|y ueed. Reiasal to tat|iy tbe test bau tteaty woa|d c|ose toe doot to tb|s goldeu iatate fot
Amet|cau ttade'
Tbe Seuate tat|ued tbe test bau tteaty by a staud oi - l to i) ou Septembet .4.
bat ate oat ptospects iot ptontable ttade w|tb tbe Sov|ets ? Tbey ate exactly wbat tbey
wete |u l ))) wbeu, teject|ug tbe lessous of b|stoty aud tbe adv|ce oi b|s owu State Depattmeut,
Itau|l|u D. Roosevelt exteuded d|plomat|c tecogu|t|ou to tbe Sov|et Uu|ou. Roosevelt, to w|u
acceptauce of b|s deal, also ptom|sed ptontable Amet|cauSov|et ttade. Tbe ttade uevet matet|
al|zed. Tbe Sov|ets d|d uot waut ttade. Tbey wauted Amet|cau tecogu|t|ou, becaase uotb|ug else
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
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Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Te7Ms.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 321
coald save tbe Sov|et tytaooy ftom collapse at
tbe t|me. Amet|cao d|plomat|c tecogo|t|oo gave
tbe desp|sed Sov|ets tespectab|l|ty |o tbe wotld,
saved tbem ftom attack by japao, fasteoed tbe|t
slavety oo tbe Rass|ao people, aod ptesetved tbe|t
opptess|ve teg|me as a tbteat to wotld peace.
Ooce tbey bad wbat tbey waoted |o l))), tbe
Sov|ets cyo|cally tefased to make aoy agteemeot
cooceto|og tbe|t debts to tbe Uo|ted States ( wb|cb
ate st|ll aopa|dj , aod tej ected all eotts to pto
mote commetce betweeo tbe two oat|oos.
Oo Matcb ), l ))), Alexaodet C. K|tk, Amet|
cao Cbatge d' Aa|tes |o Moscow, |o a coondeot|al
tepott to tbe Sectetaty of State, sa|d.
"The Soviet authorities still profess the theory
that . . . the world's economy [ is divided] into
two irreconcilable systems-one socialist and the
other capitalist, between which there is a con
stant struggle. This struggle is carried on by the
Soviet Union mainly by means of its foreign
trade monopoly, which is one of the principal
weapons utilized by the Soviet Union in its en
deavor fully to industrialize the country and to
liberate itself entirely from the necessity of pur
chasing any merchandise in capitalist coun
tries . . . .
"The foreign-trade policy of the Soviet Union
is still unalterably opposed in theory, as well as
in practice, to the foreign commercial policy of
the United States . . . . any deviation from the
Soviet policy which may be detected or surmised
from time to time must still be regarded as iso
lated exceptions to the general policy, which are
practiced for special reasons or purposes. "( 2)
bete bas beeo oo cbaoge |o tb|s Sov|et pol|cy.
Kbtasbcbev bas made tb|s fact abaodaotly cleat.
Iodeed, oo tbe occasioo of tbe s|go|og of tbe test
bao tteaty |o Aagast, l )6), Kbtasbcbev blaotly
told U. S Ambassadot Avetell Hatt|mao tbat
oegot|at|oo of tb|s tteaty tenected oo cbaoge |o
tbe pol|cy ot att|tade of tbe Sov|et Uo|oo.
Wbat spec|al teasoos ot patposes ptompt tbe
catteot Sov|et maoeavets |o fote|go ttade ? Ob
v|oasly, tbe Sov|ets waoted tbe test bao tteaty
because it imposes dangerous military d|sadvau
tages ou tbe Uu|ted States Tbey also waoted |t to
tel|eve tbe stta|o oo tbe|t owo ecooomy. Tbe
u. S. News & World Report oo Octobet , l)6),
tepotted tb|s |tem, as com|og ftom ooe of tbe
Wests best|ofotmed |otell|geoce aoa|ysts
"The U. S. has just about spent Russia out of
the arms race. High cost of space-age arms is
turning out to be too much for Khrushchev. He
cannot keep up the pace and still feed his people,
produce the consumer goods they want or buy
both food and consumer goods elsewhere. He is
desperate for a deal. . .
"Khrushchev is on the ropes. He wants the
U. S. and its allies to help him up. Before we do
that we had better be sure he will not slug us
again as soon as he has his second wind. "( 3)
The Wheat Deal -and Why
1btasbcbev bas adm|tted tbat tbete |s a ct|t|
cal sbottage of wbeat |o tbe Sov|et Uo|oo. If be
bays wbeat ftom as, be w|ll bay oo b|s owo tetms,
oot at ftee matket pt|ces, bat ftom tbe Uo|ted
States Govetomeot, at pt|ces below wbat Amet|
cao coosamets mast pay fot Amet|cao wbeat.
Aod b|s cattate pt|ce w|ll be sabs|d|zed by
Amet|cao taxpayets. Ivety basbel of wbeat tbat
tbe Sov|ets bay ftom as w|ll cost oat taxpayets
at least s|xty ceots.
It w|ll be a good deal fot tbe Sov|et Uo|oo,
bat bow w|ll tbe Uo|ted States ptont ?
Jbete |s pets|steot tamot, |o Wasb|ogtou aud
otbet westeto cap|tals, tbat Ptes|deot Keooedy |s
stt|v|og fot sometb|og to b|de tbe d|sasttoas fa|l
ates of New Itoot|et pol|c|es, aot|l aftet tbe
elect|oo of l )64 Keooedy feats tbat b|s baodl|og
of tbe Cabao ptoblem may caase b|s defeat |o
l )64 Heoce, |t |s bel|eved tbat be bas offeted
Kbtasbcbev a loao of ap to l c b|ll|oo dollats,
|f Kbtasbcbev w|ll get all Rass|ao ttoops oat of
Caba befote elect|oo t|me oext yeat.
It |s also bel|eved tbat Keooedy feats a sevete
ecooom|c deptess|oo, ot eveo collapse, |o tbe
Uo|ted States, becaase of tbe denc|ts |o oat oa
tional badgets aod |u oat balaoce of paymeots.
Tbe govetomeot coot|oaoasly speods mote tbao
|t takes | o, aod tbe oat|oo as a wbole coot|oaes
Page 322
to speod aod g|ve away abtoad mote tbao |t takes
|o ftom sales to fote|go castomets Cooseqaeotly,
oat gold tesetve bas beeo sbt|ok|og at ao alatm
|og tate W|tb oat gold tesetve already more
than totally mortgaged to foreign bankers, eco
oom|c cbaos coald come to tbe Uo|ted States at
aoy momeot. A mammotb ttade deal w|tb tbe
Sov|ets m|gbt tempotat|ly sbote ap fote|go coo
ndeoce |o tbe Amet|cao ecooomy, aod bold off,
at least aot|l aftet elect|oo day, l )64, tbe |oev|t
able cooseqaeoces of oat govetomeot s teckless
foll|es.
Maoy Amet|caos nod |t |mposs|ble to bel|eve
tbat tbe Ptes|deot of tbe Uo|ted States woald
j eopatc|ze tbe v|tal |otetests of b|s coaotty, fot
b|s owo pol|tical ga|o Tbe State Depattmeot bas,
|o fact, natly deo|ed tbat tbe Keooedy adm|o|stta
t|oo bas made aoy sectet deals w|tb tbe Sov|ets.
Tbe oc|al State Depattmeot teasoo fot waot
|og mote ttade w|tb commao|st coaott|es |s tbat
tbe cootacts betweeo Iast aod West wb|cb now
ftom ttade |o peacefal goods w|ll eoable tbe
Uo|ted States to exett |onaeoce oo develop
meots |o commao|st coaott|es aod to take ad
vaotage of aoy favotable aod l|betal|z|og tteods
|o tbe commao|st bloc.
Sacb teasoo|og |s |d|ot|c. Sately we bave bad
eooagb togetbetoess w|tb commao|sts to koow
tbat mote togetbetoess w|ll do ootb|og bat pto
mote tbe|t ptogtam of wotld cooqaest. No ooe,
w|tb aoy koowledge of b|stoty aod aoy seose of
teal|ty, cao bel|eve tbe oac|al Keooedy admio|s
ttat|oo teasoo fot tbe softeo|og att|tade towatd
tbe Sov|et Uo|oo.
1f we caooot bel|eve tbat Keooedy s sttaoge
pol|cy towatd tbe Sov|ets |s mot|vated by tbe
s|mple des|te to save Keooedy pol|t|cally , aod |f
we caooot bel|eve tbe oac|al teasoos fot tbat
pol|cy, wbat ate tbe teasoos ? Cetta|o facts lead
|oexotably to ooe cooclas|oo. tbe Amet|cao gov
etomeot |s detetm|oed to save tbe Sov|et Uo|oo
ftom collapse.
Note tbe follow|og patagtapb.
"Whether we admit it to ourselves or not, we
beneft enormously from the capability of the
Soviet police system to keep law and order over
the 200-million odd Russians and the many ad
ditional millions in the satellite states. The
break-up of the Russian Communist empire to
day would doubtless be conducive to freedom,
but would be a good deal more catastrophic for
world order than was the break-up of the Austro
Hungarian Empire in 1 91 8 + + e e " ( 6)
Tbat patagtapb |s ftom ao att|cle wt|tteo by
Waltet M|ll|s Tbe att|cle was ptepated aod pab
l|sbed ( Apt|l, i )6) j by tbe Peace Reseatcb Io
st|tate It was noaoced w|tb a gtaot of tax mooey
made by tbe Atms Coottol aod D|satmameot
Ageocy. ( 6)
Iot tbe Octobet, l )6), |ssae of Foreign Affairs,
Walt Wb|tmao Rostow, Cba|tmao of tbe State
Depattmeot s Pol|cy Plaoo|og Comm|ttee, wtote
ao att|cle called Tbe Tb|td Roaod. Amoog
otbet tb|ogs, Rostow tecommeods tbat tbe Uolted
States take a slow coatse of act|oo to belp com
mao|st oat|oos bave a place of d|go|ty amoog
otbet oat|oos of tbe wotld. Rostow says tbat tbe
Uo|ted States aod tbe Sov|et Uo|oo actaally d|s
agtee ooly ovet a vety oattow taoge of |ssaes. ' `'
Savi ng The Sovi et Union
Jbe gt|m fact |s tbat s|oce tbe |oaagatat|oo
of Itaokl|o D Roosevelt |o l))), tbe Uo|ted
States Govetomeot bas coos|steotly followed a
pol|cy of tasb|og a|d to tbe Sov|et Uo|oo |o t|mes
of ct|s|s.
Roosevelt saved tbe Sovlets ftom collapse, aod
ftom attack by japao, wbeo be exteoded d|plo
mat|c tecogo|t|oo |o Novembet, l ))). ' ' ' I|gbt
yeats latet, japao attacked tbe Uo|ted States.
Wbeo tbe japaoese sttack Peatl Hatbot, tbe m|l|
taty geo|as of Geoetal Doaglas MacAttbat saw
cleatly tbat japao bad tecklessly ovetexteoded
betself aod was |o mottal feat of attack ftom Ras
s|ao bases. Tbtee days aftet Peatl Hatbot, Geoetal
MacAttbat, |o a message to tbe Peotagoo, atged
ao |mmed|ate attack oo japao ftom tbe oottb.
Sacb a blow woald bave saved foat yeats of
savage ngbt|og |o tbe Pac|nc aod tbe loss of
tboasaods of Amet|cao l|ves. Tbe Sov|ets woald
Page 323
uot coopetate. Tbey woa|d uot |et as ase tbe|t
bases, eveu fot tefae||ug, |u aggtess|ve act|ou
aga|ust Japau.
We tespouded by tasb|ug a|d to tbe Sov|et
Uu|ou. Wbeu Amet|cau tett|tory aud Amer|cau
so|d|ets wete a|teady |u tbe bauds of Japauese,
wbeu tbe Amet|cau bome|aud |tse|f was exposed
to attac| we d|d uot seud oat ma|u fotce to
ngbt wbete we wete |u dauget. We ntst ctossed
tbe At|aut|c to save tbe Sov|et Uu|ou ftom Get
mauy.
Tbe Sov|e|s ma|uta|ued tbe|t tteaty of peace
aud ft|eudsb|p w|tb Japau aut|| s|x days befote
tbe eud. Tbeu, Sov|et atm|es eqa|pped w|tb
Amet|cau sapp||es at Amet|cau expeuse moved
|u aud auuexed tbe Cb|
~
ese ptov|uce of Mau
cbat|a. Io||ow|ug tbat, tbe Sov|ets atmed Cb|uese
commau|sts w|tb Amet|cau gaus aud matet|a| to
ma|e wat ou oat ft|eud aud a||y, Cb|aug Ka|
sbe|.
1qaa||y |ucted|b|e tb|ugs bappeued ou tbe
otbet s|de of tbe wot|d, |u tbe c|os|ug days of tbe
gteat wat.
Tbe Amet|cau N|utb Atmy was to|||ug towatd
Bet||u, meet|ug ||tt|e tes|stauce, s|owed dowu ou|y
by Getmau c|v|||aus c|ogg|ug tbe b|gbways, nee
|ug ftom tbe Rass|aus. Getmau soaud ttac|s c|t
ca|ated |u tbe Bet||u atea, coause||ug sttay ttoops
to stop tes|stauce aud satteudet to tbe Amet|caus.
Some tweuty ot tb|tty m||es east of Bet||u, tbe
Getmau uat|ou bad couceuttated .ts dy|ug
stteugtb aud was ngbt|ug savage|y aga|ust tbe
Rass|aus.
Oat N|utb Atmy coa|d bave beeu |u Bet||u
w|tb|u a few boats, ptobab|y w|tboat sbedd|ug
auotbet dtop of b|ood, bat Geueta| Dw|gbt D.
I|seubowet saddeu|y ba|ted oat Atmy. ( 8) He |ept
|t s|tt|ug |d|y oats|de Bet||u fot teu days wb||e
tbe Rass|aus s|agged tbe|t way |u, |||||ug, tap|ug,
p|||ag|ug We gave tbe Rass|aus coutto| of tbe
eastetu pott|ou of Bet||u aud of a|| tbe tett|
toty sattoaud|ug tbe c|ty.
To tbe soatb, Geueta| Pattou' s fotces wete
p|owiug |uto (zecbos|ova||a. Wbeu Pattou was
tb|tty m||es ftom Ptagae, tbe cap|ta|, I|seubowet
otdeted b|m to stop otdeted b|m uot to accept
satteudet of Getmau so|d|ets bat to bo|d tbem
at bay aut|| toe Rass|aus coa|d move ap aud ac
cept satteudet. As soou as tbe Rass|aus wete tbas
estab||sbed as tbe couqaetots of Czecbos|ova||a
I|seubowet otdeted Pattou to evacaate. (8) Uu|t
o Czecbos|ova||au patt|ots bad beeu ngbt|ug
.
ava|lable fot elect|ou |u l )64,bave a tespou
sibility to belp atoase aud |ufotm tbose wbo do
uot |uow.
Christmas Giving
Jb|s yeat, yoa cau g|ve Cbt|stmas g|fts tbat
w|ll uot ouly please yoat ft|euds, bat w|ll also
eut|cb tbe|t l|ves aud ma|e au |mpottaut coutt|
bat|ou to tbe gteat tas| of teedacat|ug Amet|
caus |u tbe pt|uc|ples of l|betty.
The Dan Smoot Report oets a vat|ety of g|fts,
ftom 4t ap, w|tb all pac|ag|ug aud ma|l|ug
baudled, postage ptepa|d to yoat g|ft l|st, w|tb au
apptopt|ate g|ft catd.
Iot tbe yoaugstets ou yoat l|st, g|ve a copy of
America's Promise, a class|c ou Amet|cau|sm.
Teeuagets aud tbe|t pateuts, al||e, w|ll euoy
tbe l|ttle boo|, The Hope of the World, wb|cb
comb|ues a s|mple, eloqaeut audetstaud|ug of
Cbt|st|au Ia|tb, w|tb a valaed exptess|ou of
Amet|cauism.
The Invisible Government, oue of tbe most as
tou|sb|ug aud |mpottaut boo|s of oat t|me, ptoves
w|tb au|mpeacbable docameutat|ou, tbat tbete |s
a
"
ot||ug plau to soc|al|ze tbe ecouomy of tbe
Uuted States
M
III Smoot lepolt
Vol. 9, No. 42 (Broadcast 427) October 21 , 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
FOREI GN AI D I S KI LLI NG AMERI CA
1o tbe sammet of l )6, foat Iatopeao oat|oos ( Getmaoy, Italy, Itaoce, aod Sw|tzetlaodj , de
maoded paymeot |o gold ftom tbe Uo|ted States Tteasaty fot 64 m||||oo Amet|cao do||ats beld
by bao||og |ost|tat|oos | o tbose oat|oos. Ieat|og tbat tbat macb go|d ta|eo oat of oat sbtao|eo
gold tesetve woa|d cteate ao ecooom|c ct|s|s |o tbe Uo|ted States, tbe Keooedy adm|o|sttat|oo
as|ed tbe Iatopeao oat|oos to accept sbotttetm ootes wb|cb w|l| be payable |o gold most of
tbem after tbe elect|oos of l )64. ' ' Cooceto|og tb|s deal, Uo|ted States Repteseotat|ve Jac| West
laod (Repabl|cao, Wasb|ogtooj sa|d.
"This is the frst time in living memory that we've had to borrow money from foreign gov
ernments. The American people are certainly unaware of this gimmick, which merely postpones
the day when our fscal chickens come home to roost. "( l )
Repteseotat|ve Westlaod as|ed a b|gb oc|al of tbe Iedetal Resetve Boatd bow |oog we cao
postpooe tbe day of tec|oo|og by g|v|og oat IOU s to fote|goets wbo bave c|a|ms oo oat gold
tesetve. Tbe oc|al sa|d.
"We are getting close to the end of the line right now."
Iatly |o Novembet, i)6, tepteseotat|ves of tbe teo most powetfa| |odastt|al oat|oos w|ll meet
at Pat|s to d|scass |otetoat|ooal noaoce. Tbe sabj ect of pt|maty |mpottaoce w|ll be tbe coot|oa|og
denc|ts |o Uo|ted States balaoce of paymeots. ' '' U. S. denc|ts tbteateo to wtec| tbe ecooomy of
tbe wotld.
Amet|ca a defcit oat|oo, wb|cb bas to bottow ftom otbets, oo a daytoday bas|s, to postpooe
collapse ? How d|d tb|s bappeo? It was plaooed at tbe Uo|ted Nat|oos Mooetaty aod I|oaoc|al
Coofeteoce, beld | o Btettoo Woods, New Hampsb|te, ftom ]a|y to ]aly .., )44. Hatty Dextet
Wb|te was bead of tbe Amet|cao delegat|oo to tbe Btettoo Woods Coofeteoce. Io i )44, tbe
Uo|ted States beld 6u7~ of tbe wotld's |oowo go|d tesetve, aod was tbe dom|oaot ecooom|c aod
noaoc|al powet. Heoce, Hatty Dextet Wb|te, oc|a|ly des|goated as pt|oc|pa| spo|esmao fot tbe
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12.50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5.50; 1 00 for $10. 00 -each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 329
Uuited States, couttolled tbe Btettou Woods
Coufeteuce. Wb|te, a membet of tbe Coauc|l ou
Iote|gu Relatious, was au audetcovet Sov|et es
piouage ageut. Oc|ally, be was Ass|staut Secte
taty of tbe Uuited States Tteasaty, bat be actaally
tau tbe Tteasaty Depattmeut. Heuty Motgeutbaa,
Roosevelt's Sectetaty of tbe Tteasaty, was a mete
ngatebead wbo eudotsed tbe plaus wbicb Wb|te
cteated, aud gave Wb|te fall aatbotity to |mple
meut tbem. ( 3)
Hatty Dextet Wb|tes Btettou Woods Coufet
euce of 1944 set tbe bas|c pol|c|es wb|cb oat gov
etumeut bas followed s|uce tbe eud of Woud
Wat II. Tbose pol|c|es wete |uteuded to accom
pl|sb foat majot obj ect|ves .
( 1 ) Strip the United States of the great gold
reserve (which had made our dollar the dominant
currency on earth) by giving the gold away to
other nations;
() Build up the industrial capacity of other
natIons, at our expense, to eliminate American
productive superiority;
( 3) Take world markets (and much of the
American domestic market) away from American
producers until capitalistic America would no
longer dominate world trade;
(4) Entwine American afairs - economic, po
litical, cultural, social, educational, and even
religious - with those of other nations, until the
United States could no longer have an independ
ent policy, either domestic or foreign, but would
become an interdepenent link in a world-wide
socialist chain.
Auy wbo doabt tbat tb|s foatpo|ut plau was
del|betately |uit|ated at tbe Btettou Woods Cou
feteuce sboald stady tbe speecb wbicb Ptes|deut
Keuuedy made |u Septembet, 1 963, to au Iutet
uatioual Mouetaty Iaud gatbet|ug at Wasb|ugtou.
Tbe Iutetuat|oual Mouetaty Iaud was plauued
by Hatty Dextet Wb|te at tbe 1 944 Btettou Woods
Coufeteuce, aud Wbite became tbe Iaud's ntst
d|tectot. Spea||ug to nuauce m|u|stets aud bau|
iug tepteseutat|ves of 1 02 uatious uow |uvolved
|u tbe IMI, Ptes|deut Keuuedy, ou Septembet
30, 1 963, said.
"Twenty years ago, when the architects of
these institutions [ the international monetary
organizations] met to design an international
banking structure, the economic life of the world
was polarized in overwhelming, and even alarm
ing measure on the United States. So were the
world's monetary reserves. The United States
had the only open capital in the world apart
from that of Switzerland. Sixty per cent of the
gold reserves of the world were here in the
United States . . . . There was a need for redistri
bution of the fnancial resources of the world . . . .
"This has come about. It did not come about
by chance but by conscious and deliberate and
responsible planning. Under the Marshall Plan
and its successors, liberal assistance was given to
the more advanced nations to help restore their
i
M
Dfi Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 43 ( Broadcast 428) October 28, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
LAWLESS GOVERNMENT
1ow macb tytauuy aud lawless bebav|ot ou tbe patt of tbe|t owu govetumeut w|!l tbe
Amet|cau people toletate ? Well, let as see.
Iet as sappose tbat tomottow motu|ug two welldtessed meu t|ug yoat dootbell aud |deut|fy
tbemselves as ageuts of tbe fedetal govetumeut. Tbey pol|tely exp!a|u tbat Ptes|deut Keuuedy bas
dec|ded to g|ve oue of yoat beds to tbe govetumeut of Iud|a aud tbey bave come to p|ck it ap. Yoa -
petbaps a typ|cal Amet|cau boasew|fe say.
"Wait a minute! The beds in this house are mine, and I need them! "
Tbe yoaug meu coatteoasly teply.
"No, we have already checked into that. We learned that you have a family of fve, and that
you have six beds. You can spare one. President Kennedy wants to give your spare bed to Mr.
Nehru in India, so that Mr. Nehru can give it to a big family of Indians who don't have any bed
at all - who obviously need the bed worse than you do."
Yoa say.
"Now look here! What I do with my furniture happens to be my business. Mr. Kennedy has no
right to send you in here to take my bed away from me! "
Tbe yoaug meu, st|ll qa|te pol|te, teply.
"Oh yes, Lady, he does. Congress has authorized the President to pursue this program in the
enlightened self-interest of the nation.
"You see, it promotes the general welfare and strengthens the defense of the United States for
Mr. Kennedy to take your bed away from you and send it overseas as a gift, because that helps to
check the spread of communism; and, of course, communism is the great enemy of this nation."
Yoa cetta|uly agtee tbat commau|sm |s a mousttoas ev|l aud yoa waut to belp ngbt |t , bat yoa
st|ll do uot audetstaud bow ta||ug yoat bed away ftom yoa cau acb|eve tbat eud.
Tbe yoaug fedetal ageuts, st|ll vety pat|eut aud petbaps w|tb ouly a ttace of coudesceus|ou |u
tbe|t mauuet, expla|u | t to yoa.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $l2.50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5.50; 1 00 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dn Smot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 337
"You see, Lady, there are millions of people
in India who do not have any bed at all, while
you have one bed more than you need. Now,
every time those Indians hear about this situa
tion, they are flled with envy and hatred of all
Americans.
"There are all those Indians, sleeping in the
streets or on straw or standing up (or however
they sleep), and here are you with a bed that
you are not even using.
"The communists keep telling the Indians
about this situation; Mr. Nehru himself tells
them about it; the Voice of America tells them
about it; and every time they hear about it, more
and more Indians become communists. As more
of them become communists, communism grows
stronger. And as communism grows stronger, the
United States is in more danger.
"But by taking your bed away from you and
sending it over to India, Mr. Kennedy is fghting
all of this.
"When that big family in India gets your bed,
they will realize that Americans are nicer people
than communists are, because the communists
have not given them any beds."
If, as we bave sapposed, yoa ate a typ|cal
Amet|cau boasew|fe, yoa w|ll ptobably at tb|s
poiut get oat of yoat cba|t aud say.
"Look! This is my house, and you get out of
it! "
Up to uow, tbe pleasaut yoaug fedetal ageuts
bave beeu sctapaloasly polite aud pat|eut. Bat
uow tbey cau uo louget be pol|te. Tbey ate uow
obl|ged to teveal tbe ua|ed powet of tbe pol|ce
state aud say to yoa.
"Lady, stand aside. We have come to take
one of your beds; and we are going to take it;
and if you resist, we will put you in j ail."
Jbat woald be bott|ble' If sometb|ug l||e
tbat bappeued to yoa tomottow, woald yoa be
l|eve tbat fteedom |s st|ll al|ve |u tbe Uu|ted
States ? Woald tbe Amet|cau people pat ap w|tb
it ? Iot mauy yeats, tbe Ameticau people bave
beeu patt|ug ap w|tb a wotse coud|t|ou tbau tb|s.
Tbe govetumeut bas beeu se|z|ug yoat mouey
(a patt of yoat salaty, tbe ptodact of yoat labot
ta||ug |t oat of yoat paycbec| befote yoa evet
see |t, ot add|og b|ddeu tax costs to tbe pt|ce of
food yoa bay) , aud w|tb yoat mouey, tbe gov
etumeut bas beeu bay|og beds aud battet aud
wbeat aud gaus aud evetytb|ug e!se |mag|uab!e,
aud bas beeu seud|og tbose tb|ogs as g|fts to
fote|gu govetumeuts.
Wbat |s tbe d|eteuce betweeu tbe govetu
meuts ta||og $75 . 00 oat of yoat paycbec| to bav
a bed fot Iuc|a, aud tbe govetumeut s actaal!y
com|ug |uto yoat bome aud se|z|ug yoat $75 . 00
bed fot Iud|a Tbe d|eteuce |s tbat yoa woa!d
be bettet o || tbe govetumeot too| yoat bed.
If tbe govetumeut woald !|m|t |tse!f to ta||ug
tbe sb|tt o yoat bac|, ot se|z|ug att|cles of yoat
boasebo!d fatu|tate, to seud abtoad as g|fts, tbe
govetumeut woa!d do fat !ess damage to yoa, to
tbe uat|ou, to tbe caase of fteedom |u tbe wotld,
tbau |t does |o se|z|ug yoat mouey to seud auy
aud evetytb|ug abtoad as g|fts Wby ? Becaase
tbe govetomeot, |u mauy cases, g|ves away abtoad
matet|a!s tbat may someday be ased by yoat most
|mplacable euemy to desttoy yoa
B|!l|ous of do!lats wottb of Amet|cau m|l|taty
batdwate aud otbet goods ate go|ug to tbe com
mau|st d|ctatot of Yagoslav|a. Yoat govetumeut
bas g|veu ueatly a b|!l|ou dollats |u a|d to com
mau|st Po!aud aud bas be!ped ba|ld sacb tb|ugs
as a stee! galvau|z|ug !|ue |u a plaut at Nowa
Hata, Polaud. Yoat govetumeut |s pteseutly
cous|det|ug uotmal telat|ous w|tb tbe bloody gov
etomeut of commao|st Haugaty. At tb|s mo
meut, yoat govetumeot |s cous|det|ug feed|ug
commau|st Czecboslova||a, commau|st Huugaty,
aud tbe Sov|et Uu|ou w|tb sabs|d|zed Amet|cau
wbeat. Wb|le tbe U S. Sapteme Coatt bas tt|ed
to oat!aw tecogo|t|ou of God |u tbe pabl|c scbools
of tbe Uu|ted States, oat tax mouey ba|lds Romau
Catbol|ccouttol!ed cbatcb scbools |u Iat|u Amet
|ca. Tbe Ptes|deut calls tb|s All|auce fot Ptog
tess. ( 3)
Jbe wotst aspect of fote|gu a|d tbe aspect
most damag|ug to Amet|cau pt|uc|ples of ftee
dom |s tbat tbe ptogtam |s |llegal aud aucou
st|tat|oua! . Notb|ug |u tbe Coust|tat|ou aatbot
Page 338
izes oat govetomeot to plaodet tbe peop|e fot
baodoats to fote|goets, ot aoyooe e|se. Yet, sioce
1 946, tbe fedeta| govetomeot bas tobbed as of
1 48 b||l|oo, 456 m|||ioo dollats fot foteigo aid.
Tbe Nat|ooa| Coaoc|l of Cbatcbes ( wbicb
cla|ms to speak fot some 1 37 mil||oo Ameticao
Ptotestaots j j o|os w|tb otbet advocates of tota|i
tat|ao l|beta|ism to demaod mote aod b|gget fot
eigo a|d ptogtams. Do tbey aodetstaod tbat evety
dol|at tbas giveo away mast ntst be takeo away
ftom Amet|cao taxpayets, agaiost tbeit w|ll ? Do
tbey teal|ze tbat, wbeo govetomeot coonscates tbe
eatoiogs of its owo c|tizeos fot patposes wbicb
bave ootbiog to do w|tb tbe coost|tat|ooal faoc
tioos of govetomeot, tbe peop|e tbas tobbed ( to
tbe degtee tbat tbey ate tobbedj become slaves
of tbe|t owo govetomeot ?
We bave so loog petmitted govetomeot to
opetate lawlessly to do tbiogs oot aatbot|zed
by tbe Coostitatioo tbat tbe leadets of oat so
c|ety seem to bave oo aodetstaod|og of, ot tespect
fot, tbe ptioc|ples of ||betty. To setve some pat
pose wb|cb they |magioe to be desitable, aoywbete
oo eattb, tbey btazeoly advocate ptogtams wbicb
bave oo coostitatiooal aatbotizatioo. aod wb|cb
cao be foaoced oo|y by tbe tytaoo|ca| ptactice of
tobb|og Ameticaos of tbe ftaits of tbeit owo
|abot. Iawless govetomeot bas become so com
mooplace tbat tbe oat|oo seems to bave fotgotteo
tbe meao|og of coost|tat|ooal govetomeot. We
bave saok to tbe |evel wbete polit|cal talets scoto
all lega| testtaiots apoo tbeit actioos. Tbey do
aoytbiog, to setve tbeit owo eods, tbat tbey cao
get away witb. It woa|d take sevetal vo|ames to
oatl|oe a|l tytaoo|ca| ptact|ces tbat oat political
ta|ets are gettiog away witb, bat a few specincs
may be be|pfally |od|cat|ve.
Aiding Communi st Countries
1o 1954, Coogtess eoacted Pablic Iaw 480,
koowo as tbe Agtica|tatal Ttade Deve|opmeot
aod Assistaoce Act. Tbis |aw aatootizec toe
Ptesideot to dispose of satplas agtica|tatal goods
to fote|go govetomeots, aodet tbe ptetext of sell
|og tbem fot |oca| catteoc|es.
Tbe ptogtam is disgaised fote|go aid. Recog
o|z|og tbis, Coogtess ptovided tbat tbe ptogtam
is avai|ab|e ooly to ftieodly oatioos to pto
b|bit tbe Ptes|deot ftom giviog Ameticao agt|
caltata| goods to commaoist coaott|es
Ptes|deot Iiseobowet vio|ated tbe |oteot of
Pabl|c Iaw 480 by dec|atiog commaoist Yago
s|+via aod commaoist Polaod ftieod|y oatioos ,
aod ao eod|ess stteam of aid, d|sga|sed as agti
caltata| sales, bas gooe to tbose commaoist oa
t|oos.
Io passiog Ptesideot Keooedy s foteigo aid bil|
|o 1961, Coogtess desigoated 19 commao|st oa
t|oos ( iocladiog Po|aod aod Yagos|avi aj wb|cb
sboald oot teceive aoy kiod of Amet:cao a|d
ao|ess tbe Ptes|deot foaod sacb aid vital to tbe
secatity of tbe Uoited States. Keooedy, ta||og
tbat a|d to commao|st oat|oos is v|tal to oat se
catity, kept seodiog agticaltatal goods to Po|aod
aod Yagoslavia.
Io pass|og Keooedy' s Agtica|tatal Act io 1 961 ,
Coogtess exptessed disapptoval of agt|caltata|
ttade witb commao|st coaott|es. Keooedy |gooted
tbis pott|oo of tbe law.
1o 1 962, Coogtess, tespoodiog to law|ess ptes
sates exetted by tbe Keooedy admioisttat|oo, eo
acted tbe Ttade Agteemeots Act. Coog:ess tbas
abdicated its coostitatiooal tespoosibility to tega
|ate tatis aod foteigo ttade, giviog tbe Ptesideot
a|most ao|imited powet to maoage tbe fote|go
ttade of tbis oat|oo to sait bimse|f. Coogtess d|d
wtite ioto tbe Ttade Agteemeots Act, bowevet,
a ptovisioo tbat tbe Ptesideot coald oot g|ve
mostfavotedoatioos tteatmeot to commaoist
coaott|es Mostfavotedoat|oos tteatmeot meaos
p|aciog oat |owest tati tates aga|ost tbe goods
of a oatioo wbic| applies its |owest tati tates
to oat goods
Commaoist
|
ovetomeots ase fote|go ttade as
a pol|tical weapoo. Commaoist goods ate pto
cacec oy s|ave |aoot (o:, at best, under couc
tioos of eofotced setvitadej . Heoce, it is absatd
Page 339
to assame tbat tbete cau evet be leg|t|mate, ftee
ttade betweeu commau|st uat|ous aud tbe Uu|ted
States. Iu add|ug tbe abovemeut|oued mostfa
voteduat|ous ptov|s|ou to tbe Ttade Agteemeuts
Act of 1 962, Cougtess was tecogu|z|ug tbese facts,
aud was oc|ally tel||ug tbe Ptes|deut tbat be
coalc uot ase tbe powet gtauted b|m |u tb|s Act
to ma|e ttad|ug deals w|tb commau|st coautt|es.
Iu |ts deals w|tb commau|st Yagos|av|a aud
commau|st Polaud, tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou
cout|uaoas|y v|o|ates tbe Ttade Agteemeuts Act
of 1 962 aud also tbe Ttade Developmeut aud
Ass|stauce Act of 1 954, tbe Agt|caltatal Act of
1 961 , aud tbe Iote|gu Ass|stauce Act of 1 961 .
Tbe wbeat dea| w|tb tbe Sov|et Uu|ou w||| |ucat
eveu mote attogaut v|o|at|ou of a|| tbese |aws.
Uu|ted States Seuatot Itauk J. Iaascbe ( Demo
ctat, Ob|oj says tbat tbe Ttade Developmeut aud
Ass|stauce Act of 1 954 des|guates tbe Sov|et Uu
|ou as uot a ft|eudly uat|ou, aud tbas, spec|n
cally ptob|b|ts sacb deals as Keuuedy' s wbeat sale
to tbe Sov|ets. Seuatot Iaascbe says tbe wbeat
deal w|l| opeu tbe doot fot s|m||at a|d to com
mau|st Cb|ua aud commau|st Caba.
epteseutat|ve Cbatles A. Hal|ec| (Repab||
cau, Iud|aua, Hoase M|uot|ty Ieadetj says tbat
Cougtess, wbeu euact|ug fote|gu a|d apptopt|a
t|ous fot nscal yeat 1 963, natly ptob|b|ted m|l|taty
a|d to 1 9 euametated commau|st uat|ous Ha||eck
sa|d tbe patpose of tb|s ptob|b|t|ou was to stop
m|l|taty a|d to commau|st Yagoslav|a oue of
tbe commau|st uat|ous spec|ncally euametated.
Ou May 14, 1 963, Ptes|deut Keuuedy made a
sectet tal|ug tbat Yagoslav|a |s uot couttolled
by tbe |utetuat|oua| commau|st cousp|tacy, aud
|s, tbetefote, el|g|ble fot m|l|taty aud ecouom|c
a|d. Hav|ug tbas ovett|ddeu tbe j adgmeut of
Cougtess, tbe Ptes|deut set as|de tbe |aw. He
s|gued au execat|ve otdet ( ou May 14, 1 963 )
petm|tt|ug tbe sa|e of 2 m||l|ou dollats |u m|||taty
sappl|es to Yagoslav|a. Tbe State Depattmeut
c|ass|ned tbe otdet sectet. ' Cougtess |uew
uotb|ug aboat tbe ta||ug ot tbe execat|ve otdet au
t|l tbe Passmau Comm|ttee aucoveted tbe facts.
The I ndian Steel Mi l l
epteseutat|ve Ha|lec|, tboagb coucetued pt|
mat|ly w|tb tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou s |l|egal
a|d to commao|st coautt|es, meut|oued auotbet
|ustauce of tbe adm|u|sttat|ou s denauce of |aw.
"The House of Representatives has stricken
authorization in the foreign aid bill for a steel
mill in India, but Ambassador Chester Bowles is
already publicly assuring India the lack of Con
gressional authorization will be circumvented
and the mill will be built. . . . "( 6)
Mt. Ha|lec| posed a qaest|ou.
"Can this country long continue as a constitu
tional government if the acts of Congress can be
ignored or circumvented by the Executive
Branch?" ( 6 )
Gol d Reserve
Jbe Amet|cau gold tesetve |s d|v|ded |uto
two p||es . tbe ftee p|le, aud tbe aucbot
p||e. Tbe ftee p|le of gold |s tbe gold |u oat
tesetve wb|cb tbe Tteasaty Depattmeut cau sell,
ot ase to tedeem fote|gubeld Amet|cau do||ats.
Tbe aucbot p||e of gold |s tbe go|d wb|cb oat
govetumeut mast keep |u stotage aud uot ase |u
auy way. It |s be|d to falnll tbe teqa|temeut tbat
25 of oatstaud|ug Iedeta| Resetve uotes aud
||ab|||t|es be bac|ed by go|d. C|t|zeus cauuot tatu
|u tbe|t papet mouey aud get auy gold ftom tbe
aucbot p|le , bat, as loug as |t |s tbete, |t g|ves
some stab|l|ty to oat |utetua| catteucy, becaase
c|t|zeus fee| tbat tbe|t mouey |s uot wottb|ess . a
spec|ned amoaut of go|d (wb|cb bas petmaueut,
au|vetsal valae, tegatdless of wats, tevolat|ous,
deptess|ous j |s beb|ud evety papet dol|at tbey
owu.
Iu May, 1 961 , foat moutbs aftet Keuuedy' s
|uaagatat|ou, tbe Amet|cau gold tesetve tota|ed
1 7. 3 b|l||ou do||ats. Of tbat amoaut, 1 2 b|ll|ou
do||ats was |u tbe aucbot p||e as bac||ug fot
oat |utetua| catteucy. Tb|s |eft 5 . 3 bi|||ou do||ats
1l tbe ftee p||e of go|d wb|cb tbe Tteasaty
Page 340
Depattmeut coald ase fot tedeem|ug fote|gu
cla|ms. ( 9) At tbat t|me, fote|gu cla|ms aga|ust oat
gold tesetve totaled apptox|mately 23 b|ll|ou dol
lats.
Jbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou ptoposed a law
to el|m|uate tbe teqa|temeut tbat gold be beld
to bac| oat |utetual catteucy. Tb|s woald uot
stop tbe n|gbt of oat gold to fote|gu lauds ot
el|m|uate tbe denc|ts |u oat balauce of paymeuts,
bat |t woald telease 1 2 b|ll|ou dollats wottb of
gold fot tbe govetumeut to poat oat to fote|gu
ets aut|l all of oat gold tesetve |s goue.
Ou May 9, 1961, Uu|ted States Repteseutat|ve
Abtabam Maltet ( Democtat, New Yot|j |utto
daced a B|ll to el|m|uate tbe aucbot p|le of
gold. Mt. Maltet sa|d tbe |uteut of b|s B|ll was
to ma|e,
" . . . perfectly clear by statute that our entire
gold stock . . . is available to meet liquid dollar
holdings of foreign countries . . . . "( 9)
Jbe -tb Cougtess tefased to pass tbe Maltet
B|ll. Ou Jauaaty 9, 1 963, Maltet tesabm|tted b|s
B|ll ( uow des|guated HR 642 ) . Bat tbe Keuuedy
adm|u|sttat|ou does uot plau to wa|t fot Cou
gtess to act. Iu test|mouy befote tbe Seuate Jo|ut
Icouom|c Comm|ttee, |u 1 963, Keuuedy' s Secte
taty of tbe Tteasaty ( Doaglas D|llouj sa| d.
"While our laws require a 25 percent cover for
our currency in Federal Reserve deposits, our
laws also provide that the Federal Reserve System
in time of emergency has the right, on its own
recognizance, to waive that requirement and to
allow the sale of gold to continue.
"The chairman of the Federal Reserve has
stated that if the situation should arise, it would
be his intention to make use of this authority. "( 10)
Iu otbet wotds, tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou,
wb|le as||ug Cougtess fot a law to aatbot|ze
el|m|uat|ou of tbe aucbot p|le of gold, setves
uot|ce tbat |t bas alteady te|utetpteted ex|st|ug
law to aatbot|ze wbat it wauts to do, wbeu
|t wauts to do |t.
Peace Corps
tu Matcb 1, 1 961, Ptes|deut Keuuedy, by
execat|ve otdet, establ|sbed tbe Peace Cotps He
d|d uot as| Cougtess to cteate tbe Peace Cotps
legally aut|l May 30, 1 961 . Cougtess d|d uot
euact a b|ll to cteate tbe Peace Cotps aut|l Sep
tembet 2 1 , 1 961. By tbat t|me, Keuuedy s Peace
Cotps ( audet tbe d|tect|ou of b|s btotbet|ulawj
was alteady |u fall sw|ug b|t|ug appl|cauts by
tbe tboasauds, ma||ug comm|tmeuts to fote|gu
uat|ous all ovet tbe globe.
( 1 l )
Iu b|s State of tbe Uu|ou Message ou jauaaty
14, 1 963, Ptes|deut Keuuedy ptoposed a Domes
tic Peace Cotps Nat|oual Setv|ce Cotps. B|lls
to cteate a Nat|oual Setv|ce Cotps wete uot |utto
daced |u Cougtess aut|l Matcb 1 1 , 1963. Tbe
Seuate B|ll bas beeu passed, bat tbe Hoase B|ll
|s st|ll |u Comm|ttee. Tbete |s cous|detable doabt
tbat tb|s sess|ou of Cougtess w|ll evet aatbot|ze
Keuuedy' s Domest|c Peace Cotps Bat tbe oatnt
bas beeu |u opetat|ou s|uce late last yeat, | llegally
as|ug tax mouey apptopt|ated fot otbet patposes ,
aud p|lot peace cotps ptoj ects ate spt|ug|ug ap
all ovet tbe coautty.
( l2)
Ou Iebtaaty 6, 1 963, Uu|ted States Seuatot
Itau| J Iaascbe tevealed tbat Assoc|ated Com
mau|t|es Team, Iuc (ACTj , of Hatlem, New
Yot|, was opetat|ug as a p|lot ptoj ect of tbe
Nat|oual Setv|ce Cotps ( befote B|lls to aatbot
|ze tbe Cotps bad evet beeu sabm|tted to Cou
gtess j . Accotd|ug to Seuatot Iaascbe, Adam
Claytou Powell ( Democtat Repteseutat|ve ftom
Hatlem, wbo bas mauy commau|st ftout couuec
t|ous j was ou tbe boatd of d|tectots of Assoc|
ated Commauit|es Team, Iuc , tbat Powell bad
obta|ued $250,000 of fedetal tax mouey fot ACT
( ta|eu ftom fauds wb|cb bad beeu apptopt|ated
to ngbt j aveu|le del|uqaeucyj , aud tbat ACT
w
-
s as|ug ptopetty aud ba|ld|ugs owued by oue of
Powell s bas|uesses.
( l2)
Posse Comitatus Act
Jbe Coust|tat|ou ( Att|cle 4, Sect|ou 4 ) cleatly
ptob|b|ts tbe Ptes|deut ftom seud|ug m|l|taty, ot
Page 341
otbet fotces, |uto a State to act aga|ust domest|c
v|oleuce auless be |s spec|ncally teqaested to do
so by tbe govetumeut of tbat State. Tb|s coust|
tat|oual ptob|b|t|ou |s te|ufotced by tbe Posse
Com|tatas Act of 1 878, wb|cb makes |t a ct|m|ual
oeuse (pau|sbable by a nue of $1 0, 000 aud a
pt|sou seuteuce of 2 yeats j fot auyoue to ase
auy patt of tbe Atmed Iotces to execate tbe laws
|u auy State, auless sacb ase |s exptessly aatbo
t|zed by tbe Coust|tat|ou ot by au Act of Cou
gtess. ( 13)
Ptes|deut I|seubowet |u seud|ug ttoops to I|t
tle Rock |u 1957, aud Ptes|deut Keuuedy |u seud
|ug ttoops to Oxfotd |u 1962, v|olated botb tbe
Coust|tat|ou aud tbe Posse Com|tatas Act. ''
And So On
1ete ate a few mote wellkuowu |ustauces of
lawless bebav|ot by ageuc|es of tbe fedetal gov
etumeut .
Iu tbe spt|ug of 1963, tbe Keuuedy adm|u|s
ttat|ou v|olated tbe Hatcb Act nagtautly by otdet
|ug oc|als aud employees of tbe Agt|caltate
Depattmeut ( aud of otbet ageuc|es as well j to
patt|c|pate |u pol|t|cal aud lobby|ug act|v|t|es |u
tbe couttovets|al Wbeat Refeteudam Gteat sams
of tax mouey wete speut ( ausaccessfallyj to pet
saade, aud |ut|m|date, wbeat fatmets |uto vot|ug
fot cout|uaed fedetal couttols. Iedetal oc|als
eveu pat |llegal ptessate ou btoadcast|ug stat|ous,
to get ftee t|me fot ptogtams |u sappott of wbeat
couttols, aud to d|scoatage btoadcasts wb|cb ct|t|
c|zed tbe adm|u|sttat|ou's ptoposed ptogtam
by tem|ud|ug stat|ou owuets tbat tbe|t ICC l|
ceuses wete good fot ouly tbtee yeats.
Iu tbe apptopt|at|ous act fot tbe Commetce
Depattmeut |u 1960, Cougtess spec|ncally pto
b|b|ted d|splay of tbe Pauamau|au nag |u tbe
Uu|ted States Pauama Caual Zoue I|seubowet
v|olated tb|s law ou Septembet 17, 1960, wbeu
be otdeted tbe nag of Pauama to be nowu |u oat
Canal Zone. On October 29, 1 962, Kennedy vio
lated tbe law by otdet|ug tbe Pauamau|au nag
to be nowu alougs|de tbe Stats aud Stt|pes ovet
tbe Uu|ted States Adm|u|sttat|ou Ba|ld|ug |u tbe
Caual Zoue.
Iu Septembet, 1962, Idw|u A. Walket was
a
, p. A 1086
( 1 3 ) "The little Rock Case-Authority Of The President To Use
Federal Troops In A State Of The Union," by W. Scott Wilkin
son, Congressional Record ( dai ly ) , September 26, 1 962, pp.
19654-9
( 14) "Arm Twisting on the Wheat Vote," by Richard Wilson, The
Wasbilgto/I Evening Star, June 19, 1963
( 1 5 ) "Congress Must Save The Panama Canal," speech by U. S.
Represen
1
I
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 345
1 tty to keep Saudy oat of my memoty. Tbe
tboagbt of b|m, aftet mote tbau tb|tty yeats,
stlll pats a lamp lu my tbtoat. Yet be comes
|uexotably to m|ud evety t|me I beat someoue
l|ke Adla| I. Steveusou talk aboat tbe Uu|ted
Natlous.
I dou' t teckou tbete' s auy teal slm|latlty be
tweeu Adla| I. Steveusou aud Saudy Backmau.
I uevet beatd auyoue call Saudy a wlt, aud I've
uevet beatd auyoue call Steveusou a balfw|t.
Yet |u evety Steveusou speecb aboat tbe UN,
tbete |s sometblug tbat tem|uds me of Saudy.
Mt. Steveusou says tbat lf we dld uot bave a
UN, we woa!d bave to iuveut oue, becaase tbe
UN |s |ud|speusable to wotld peace. Mt. Steveu
sou aud otbets llke blm ased to couceuttate ou
Palestlue wbeu talklug aboat peacemaklug ac
compl|sbmeuts of tbe UN. Ivety tlme tbete was
au apsatge of ct|tlclsm of tbe UN, tbe Coauc|ls
ou Wotld Aa|ts, tbe Ametlcau Assoclat|ou fot
tbe Uulted Nat|ous, aud otbet sem|oc|al al|
ates of tbe Coaucll ou Iote|gu Relatlous woald
stage meetlugs tbtoagboat tbe uat|ou, featatlug
ptom|ueut petsoual|tles talk|ug aboat bow tbe
UN stopped a wat |u Palestlue aud tbas avetted
a wotld catasttopbe.
Tbat' s tbe same l|ue of tbluklug tbat got poot
old Saudy Backmau nted. Tbete wasu't auy btok
eu batuess to nx, bat Saudy cat ap a few p|eces
so tbat be' d bave some to nx. Tbete wasu't auy
Palestlue wat to stop, bat UN statesmeu made
oue wbeu tbey catved tbe modetu state of Istael
oat of tbe beatt of tbe Atab bomelaud. Tbls bas
g|veu tbem a peacemaklug j ob to wotk ou pet
petaally. Auy t|me tbey ueed auotbet UN peace
maklug accompllsbmeut, some U oclal cau
make au expeus|ve New YotkIstael| toaud ttlp.
Ptess teleases ate lssaed. Resolatlous ate lutto
daced lu tbe Geuetal Assembly. Aud auotbet wat
ls stopped by wbat Mt. Steveusou calls a dlalogae
|u tbe UN.
1n recent months, UN spokesmen have been
bold|ug tbe evetteady Palest|ue ptoblem lu te
setve fot ueedy tlmes. Nowadays, tbey talk pt|u
clpally aboat tbe UN peacemaklug accompllsb-
meut |u tbe Belg|au Cougo. Tbat s wbat Mt.
Steveusou sttessed lu Dallas.
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I(I Smoot Repolt
Vol. 9, No. 45 ( Broadcast 430) November 1 1 , 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
Does The U.. Oppose Communist World Conquest?
ast wee|, we tept|nte1 itoo t|e Congressional Record an att|cle by Constant|ne Btown,
aboat:ov|etplans |nlat|nAoet|ca.( 1) mt. Btown got ||s |niotoat|on |n West Getoany itoo a
oanw|o was tecently a||g| oii|c|al |n t|e coooan|st govetnoent oi Czec|oslova||a. T|oag|
|e1eiecte1 itoocoooan|sobecaase|e coal1 no longet en1atet|el|es an1 |ntt|gaes an1 tteac|
et|esoicoooan|sts, t|eCzec|ieelst|at|ej o|ne1t|elos|ngs|1ew|en|eile1tot|eWest. Coo-
oan|sow|ll w|n, |e sa|1, becaase Westetn lea1ets ( patt|calatly|nt|eLn|te1:tates , do not want
to believe t|att|e:ov|etsateplann|ngtoconqaett|e wotl1. K|tas|c|ev |nows t|at t|e Ln|te1
:tates w|ll oiietonly to|enoppos|t|on to t|e :ov|etplanoiconqaest|nlat|nAoet|ca, patt|calat
ly |i Kenne1y teoa|ns |n powet. In1ee1, K|tas|c|ev expects |elp itoo t|e Kenne1y a1o|n|s
ttat|on ( tesaopt|on oi 1|plooat|c telat|ons w|t|Caba,w||c|woal11ecteaseoppos|t|onto coo
oan|so |n all lat|nAoet|cannat|ons, . Hence, t|oag| :ov|et plans iot lat|n Aoet|can conqaest
|avealtea1ybeen oa1e, an1 1|scasse1 w|t| Castto, K|tas|c|ev|asot1ete1Castto to 1onot||ng
tas| ant|l aitet t|e Aoet|can elect|ons oi l)64. ' Ii Kenne1y |s te-electe1, K|tas|c|ev expectsto
cooplete t|e coooan|st conqaest oi lat|n Aoet|caby )6s
T|eseassett|onsan1pte1|ct|onsw|llsatpt|senoone w|o |as sta1|e1 t|e tecot1. It | seasy, by
telat|ngt|eiactsoitecent ||stoty,tos|owt|att|eAoet|cangovetnoent, an1etbot||sen|owet
an1 Kenne1y ( bat oost oattageoasly an1et Kenne1y, , |as cons|stently a|1e1 t|e caase oi coo
oan|so, an1 oppose1 ant|coooan|sts. Bat w|y : T|at |s1| ii|caltto answettot|esat|siact|onof
t|e Aoet|can pabl|c. I i|tst encoantete1 t||s baiil|ngqaest|on |n l )4 w|en, as an IBI Agent, I
was g|ven t|e j ob oi |nvest|gat|ng coooan|st act|v|t|es |n nott|etn O||o. Beiote t|en, I |new
not||ng aboat coooan|so. W|at I ioan1 oat wasas|attet|ngexpet|enceiotoe.
tneoioyIBIcases|nvolve1awell|nowncoooan|st,iotoetlyoiClevelan1, O||o,w|owas
t|en|ol1|ngana1o|n|sttat|vejob|nasens|t|vewat agency |nWas||ngton. :|x wee|s aitet I |a1
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
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copy for 25 ; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5.50; 1 00 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 353
wt|tten an ex|aas|ve tepott deta|l|ng t|e oan's
ptovable coooan|st act|v|t|es ovet a pet|od oi
yeats, t|e coooan|st tece|ved an |opottant pto
oot|oo |ngovetnoent setv|ce. T|ete wete ot|et,
s|o|lat cases. I developed a|tt|g|t petjaty cases
aga|nst |opottant coooan|st an|on oii|c|als |n
Cleveland.Aiewoont|saitetoyIBItepottson
t|eo wete sent to t|e Depattoentoi)ast|ce, t|e
IBI tece|ved tetse not|ces itoo t|e Depattoent
say|ngt|atptosecat|onoit|e|nd|v|daalswasnot
deeoedto be|n t|enat|onal|ntetestat t|at t|oe.
T|ey nevetwete ptosecated.
On t|e ot|et |and, I not|ced t|at petsons
w|o spo|e oat sttongly and pla|nlyagainst coo
oan|so wetebladgeoned w|t|pabl|cslandet |n
tended to d|scted|t and desttoy t|eo. :landet
aga|nstant|-coooan|stseoanateditoot|eW||te
Hoase,itooomcesoiCab|netoeobets,itoot|e
|allsoiCongtessandwastepeatedandaopl|
ued itoo palp|ts, spea|ets' platiotos, ed|tot|al
pages,andtad|oo|ctop|onesallovett|ecoantty.
motet|ant|at,Inot|ced|n1 943 t|att|esaoe
|ntellectaal and pol|t|cal leadets w|o seeoed to
iavotcoooan|soand|adanobv|oas,|oplacable
|atted oi ant|coooan|sts, wete also conteopta
oasoit|eAoet|canconst|tat|onalsysteo. Iotpo
l|t|cal ot sttateg|c teasons, t|ey pabl|cly pta|sed
oat glot|oas |et|tage, bat t|e|t |ost|l|ty towatd
Aoet|caosw|oteallybel|eved|noatconst|tat|on
alsysteowas iatgteatett|ananybost|l|tyw||c|
t|ey evet d|splayed towatd coooan|so.
I was bew|ldeted by all t||s ant|l I teal|zed
why.
RooseveltNewDealets|n1943 l||eTtaoan
Ia|t Dealets, |sen|owet modetn Repabl|cans,
and Keonedy New Itont|etsoen latetwete
sens|t|veaboatanyiandaoentalct|t|c|so oicoo
oan|so, becaase t|e l|betal|so w||c| |as doo|
natedt|e|ntellectaalaodpol|t|call|ieoiAoet|ca
s|nce 1 933 |as t|e saoe goal as t|e annoanced
goal oicoooan|so t|e establ|s|oent oi soc|al
|so. W|eteast|e Ioand|ngIat|ets w|o cteated
our constitutional system in 1 787 distrusted gov
etnoent and ieated pol|t|cal powet, oodetn l|b
etals, wbo |ave |eld govetnoental powet smce
1933, wots||p govetnoent and want |t to |ave
anl|o|ted powet to do anyt||ng w||c| govetn
oent oc|alscla|oto be good.
Our Constituti onal System
J|e Ioaod|ng Iat|ets wete conitooted w|t|
a gteat d|leooa. T|ey |new t|at ao |nexotable
law oi|aoaonatate caases oen to abase pol|t|
cal powet.T|ey|oewt|at all govetnoeots w|ll,
| i peto|tted, waste t|e sabstance oi t|e people
and alt|oately enslave t|e people, always andet
t|e ptetense oi |elp|ng t|e people Yeats latet,
T|ooas)eetsonsaooedapt|e|tatt|tadew|eo,
lnessence,besa|d. Ioqaest|oosoipo||t|calpowet,
donottal|aboatconudence |noen, donotttast
aoyonew|t|pol|t|cal powet , b|nd a|l govetnoeot
oc|als dowo itoo o|sc||ei w|t| t|e c|a|ns oi
aConst|tat|onsot|att|eycannot|atot|epeople.
Yet, |twas |optact|cal to wt|te a Const|tat|oo
l|st|ng |o deta|l all powets w||c| govetnoeot
s|oald|ave|otal| t|oesandalloccas|ons.Atany
g|ven oooent |n ||stoty, |t oay be annecessaty,
anddangetoas, iot a govetnoeotal agencyto eo
gage |n act|v|ty w||c| oay becooe, at a latet
t|oe, a ptopet aod needed ianct|on oi govetn
oent. In a cooplex and gtow|ng soc|ety, sooe
govetnoenta| powet oast be 1ex|ble, btoad, and
genetal .
Ii sac| 1ex|blepowet wete leit w|t| stategov
etnoents, |t coald be, and woald be, abased by
stateoc|als,bat|it|estatesweteboandtoget|et
|n a an|on, so t|at tbe|t c|t|zens all |ad coooon
c|t|zens||p |o a nat|onal systeo, t|ete woald be
sooe testta|o|ng and cottect|ve iotce Ii a state
govetnoent abased |tspowet, |twoald losegood
and ptodact|ve c|t|zeos and pt|vate otgan|zat|ons
tootbetstates xpet|enceandcoopet|t|onaoong
t|estateswoaldeventaally iotce cottect|onoit|e
wotstev|lsow|ng itooabaseoipowet by state
oc|als, and woald enable t|e people to und,
by trial and error, sooeteasooableanswet to tbe
qaest|onoi|owoac|govetnoental |ntetvent|on
|nt|e pt|vateaa|ts oic|t|zens |snecessaty.
Page 354
:
.
Ii t|e iedetal govetnoent wete g|ven ex|ble
powetstoaseatt|ed|sctet|onoiiedetaloc|als,
t|e iedetal govetnoentwoald |nev|tably becooe
a d|ctatots||p a pol|t|cal and econoo|c colossas
asatp|ng powets and tevenae oi t|e states andet
t|e ptetext oig|v|ng t|eo a|d, tobb|ng and en
slav|ng t|e people, andet t|e ptetext oi ta||ng
cate oi t|eo. T|ete woald be no coopet|t|ve
iotce (asaoongt|estates , to testta|n ot cottect
t|etytannyandioll|esoit|eiedetalgovetnoent,
becaase t|ey woald be |oposed on t|e w|ole
nat|on, an|iotoly, and t|ete woald be no way
iot c|t|zens to escape.
tat Ioand|ng Iat|ets solved t|e cooplex
ptobleobywt|t|ngab|nd|ngconttactoigovetn
oentt|e Const|tat|onl|st|ng |n deta|l, all
t|e powets oi t|e iedetal govetnoent, l|o|t|ng
|ttot|eexetc|seoit|osespec|uedpowets,leav|ng
all ex|ble, genetal powets oigovetnoent to t|e
states.
T||s was t|e pol|t|cal systeo w||c| leit t|e
Aoet|can people so itee oi |atassoent by t|e|t
owngovetnoent and, t|as, teleased sooac| |a-
oanenetgyand|ngena|ty,t|atAoet|cansqa|c|ly
convetted t|e|t pott|on oi t|e bac|watd, andet
developed Nott| Aoet|can Cont|nent |nto t|e
oostpowetial and ptospetoas nat|on |n ||stoty.
Yet, by 1943, t|e l|betal leadets oi Aoet|ca
|ad tej ected t|e systeo and wete btand|ng |ts
advocatesctac|potsandttoableoa|ets. By 1961 ,
t|e Attotney Genetal oi t|e Ln|ted :tates was
cons|det|ng a tecoooendat|on, oade by one oi
t|e nat|ons ioteoostsoc|al|sts, t|at advocates oi
t|eoldconst|tat|onalsysteobeiotoally btande1
tad|calt|g|tw|ngextteo|sts andplace1ont|e
Attotney Genetal s l|st oisabvets|ves.
The Total i tari ans
Aoet|cas total|tat|an l|betals donot, iot t|e
oost patt, ado|t to be|ng soc|al|sts, becaase t|e
genetal Aoet|can pabl|c t||n|s |t |s oooosed to
soc|al|so. Iot yeats, soc|al|sts patt|c|pated m
Aoet|canelect|onsopenlybatnevettece|vedoote
t|an to|en sappott at t|e polls. ventaally con
v|ncedt|atAoet|canswoald notwittingly accept
soc|al|so, t|e soc|al|sts c|anged tact|cs. T|ey |n
ulttatedt|eoaj ot pol|t|cal patt|esand ptesented
t|e|t old |deas andet decept|ve, new labels. In
steadoideoand|ngacenttal|zedgovetnoentw|t|
absolate powet to conuscate and ted|stt|bate t|e
wealt| oit|e people, t|ey claooted iot govetn
oent w|t| a |eatt, govetnoent w|t| powet to
act |nt|e|ntetests oit|e w|ole people, |ndas
tt|al deooctacy, soc|al teioto, a weliate
state.
T|eyabandonedt|eoatx|stslogan, itooeac|
accotd|ng to ||s oeans, to eac| accotd|ng to ||s
needs, and advocated a oote steeply gtadaated
|ncooetax, tota|eitoot|osew|o canaotd to
pay iot beneuts to t|ose |n need.
J|ec|ange|nslogansandlangaageoadeno
c|ange |n alt|oate goal . t|e a|o oi soc|al|sts
and oi oatoodetn l|betals ( w|et|etNew Deal
ets, Ia|t Dealets, modetn Repabl|cans, ot New
Itont|etsoen, |s an allpowetial iedetalgovetn
oentw||c|canconuscatet|eeatn|ngsandsav|ngs
oi t|e people, conttol t|e|t bas|ness opetat|ons
w|t|taxes and tegalat|ons ant|l t|e iecetal gov
etnoent becooes t|e doo|nant pattnet w|o
ta|esootet|an|alit|eptoutoit|eoostptodac
t|ve bas|ness otgan|zat|ons, ta|e so oac| ooney
itoot|e taxpayetsoieac|statet|atstategovetn
oents, leit w|t|oata1eqaate tevenae, tatn to t|e
allpowetial iedetal govetnoent iot gtants |n
a|d w||c| ate always accoopan|ed by d|ctat|on
itoot|eiedetalbateaactacy.
:oc|al|sts bel|eve t|at a centtal govetnoent
oast |ave absolate powet to conuscate itoo t|e
people w|atevet oc|aldoo cla|os |t needs, to
attange and ptov|de iot t|e people w|atevet
oc|aldoo cla|os to be |n t|e |ntetest oi t|e
genetal weliate. Oat oodetn l|betals, t|oag|
deny|ng t|ey ate soc|al|sts, bel|eve |n t|e saoe
t||ng.
mo1etn l|betals an1 soc|al|sts deny t|at t|ete
|sanys|o|lat|tybetweent|e|tptogtaoan1coo
Page 355
oan|so, bat t|e obj ect|ve oicoooan|so ( |n t|e
Ln|onoi:ov|etSocialist Repab||cs, |ncoooan|st
C||na, |nYagoslav|a and |n all ot|et coooan|st
nat|ons , |s |dent|ca| w|t| t|at oioodetn Aoet|-
can| |betalsandoisoc|al|sts.T|eobj ect|ve|stotal
e||o|nat|onoi t|e systeo oiptoutoot|vated pt|
vatecap|tal|so,|niavotoiasysteow|ete|nevety
|nd|v|daal w|ll wot| not iot ptout bat iot
ase, w||c|oeanst|att|ew|o|e oisoc|etyw|||
opetate l||et|eco|lect|ve iatos oi coooan|so.
all people|abot andet t|e conttol oi soc|ety, t|e
ptodact|on oi al| goes |nto a coooon p|le, t|e
omc|alsteptesent|ng soc|ety d|stt|batepart oit|e
tota| ptodact|on to t|e people w|o ptodaced |t,
not on t|e bas|s oi |ow oac| eac| contt|bated
to t|e tota| ptodact|on, not on t|e bas|s oi |ow
oac| eac| t||n|s |e needs, bat on t|e bas|s oi
ofcial deteto|nat|on oi w|at eac| s|oald |ave.
Patt oit|etotal ptodact|on oisoc|ety |s not d|s
tt|bated tot|osew|optodaced |t, bat|sasedby
omc|aldooiotot|etpatposesw||c|omc|alsdeeo
beneuc|al iot t|e genetal weliate.
Iasc|so(w||c|1oat|s|ed|nGetoanyandIta|y
beioteWotldWatII , wasoetelyanot|etnaoe
iot soc|al|so. Its alt|oategoalwas |dent|calw|t|
t|at oi coooan|sts, soc|al|sts, and Aoet|can l|b
eta| s. a total|tat|an state w||c| d|tects and con
ttols t|e peop|e iot patposes w||c| omc|aldoo
cla|osto be good iot t|e people.
J|oag| soc|al|so, coooan|so, and iasc|so
|ave a|ways |ad t|e saoe obj ect|ve, t|ete |as
beenb|tteteno|tybetweenpeop|ew|o |dent|ued
t|eoselvesase|t|etsoc|a||sts, coooan|sts, ot ias
c|sts. Pattoi t|e eno|ty tesalted itoo t|valty iot
poweta t|va|ty as eleoental and as easy to
andetstandas t|e t|valtyaoongt|teedogs ug|t
|ng iot t|e saoe bone. Yet, patt oi t|e eno|ty
between t|e t|tee oajot btanc|es oi soc|al|so
atoseitood|etences |noet|odsasedto accoo
pl|s|t|ecoooonobj ect|ve.
H|stot|cally, soc|al|sts bel|eved t|at a oajot|ty
oi people coald be petsaaded t|at soc|al|so |s
goodandcoald, t|eteiote, be led tovote iot es
tabl i shment of soc|a||so by |eg|slat|ve ptocess.
:oc|al|stswetenot |onest |n t|e|t cla|o oiwant
|ngt|asto |nst|tatesoc|al|so |nt|eLn|ted:tates
by legal oeaos Ii t|ey |ad been |onest, t|ey
woald |ave statted by advocat|ng aoendoent oi
t|eConst|tat|on, t|toag| dae const|tat|onal ptoc
ess,tog|vet|ecentta|govetnoentabsolatepowet
to do anyt||ng t|e Ptes|dent and a oajot|ty o|
bot| Hoases oi Congtess want to do. As oat
Const|tat|on stands, t|e iedeta|govetnoent does
not |ave enoeg| powet to |nst|tate soc|a||st pto
gtaosIe gall YJ even |it|eent|tepopa|at|ons|oald
wantsoc|al|so.Const|tat|onalpto||b|t|onsaga|nst
an a||powetia| soc|al|st govetnoent ate asaally
|gnoted, |owevet , and soc|al|sts ate, geneta||y,
tegatdedaswant|ngto|nst|tatesoc|al|soby legal
oeans.
H|stot|ca|lycoooan|stsbe| |evedt|atsoc|a||so
oast be |nst|tated by illegal oeans. Kat| matx
bel|eved (and a|| sabseqaentcoooan|sts ptetend
to be||eve, t|at t|e people can nevet be led to
|nst|tate soc|a||so by legal, leg|slat|ve ptocess.
matx t|oag|t t|e people ate contto||ed by t|e
ptopaganda,t|ewealt|,andt|eenttenc|edsoc|al
andpol|t|ca|powetoicap|tal|sts. T|eteiote,coo
oan|sts ttad|t|onal|y advocate se|zate oi powet,
t|toag| v|olent oeans, by a soa|l e||te oi coo
oan|sts w|o w|ll t|en govetn as a d|ctatots||p
oit|epto|etat|atant||t|elastteonantoicap|tal
|so, and all cap|ta||sts, ate el|o|nated and ant|l
t|epeople|avebeen tta|nedto l|veandwot||n
apatesoc|al|stsoc|ety.T|ent|ed|ctatots|.p w|l|
bed|ssolvedandpeoplew|ll||veandwot|andet
t|ebenevo|entcontto|soi soc|ety.
T|e oatx|an ieat oi cap|tal|st|c tes|stance to
t|e estab||s|oent oi soc|a||so oade coooan|so
an |ntetnat|onal ooveoent. matx bel|eved t|at
even |i a coooan|st el|te coald se|ze powet | n
one nat|on and |nst|tate a soc|al|st d|ctatots||p,
cap|tal|stsoiot|etnat|onswoaldcoob|netooa|e
wat on t|e soc|al|st state and desttoy |t. matx
was conv|nced, t|eteiote, t|at soc|al|so woald
notbesaie (andt|att|ed|ctatots||p oit|epto
letat|at coald not be d|ssolved |n any soc|al|st
nat|on, ant|lallnat|onsoit|ewotldweteandet
a soc|a||st d|ctatots||p. T||s |s w|y coooan|sts
ate ded|cated to a ptogtao oiworld conqaest.
Page 356
Iasc|sts also bel|eved t|at t|e people coald
nevetbeopenlypetsaaded to apptove |nst|tat|on
oi t|e total|tat|an soc|al|st state, bat t|e iasc|st
oet|odoiconqaestwasless d|tectt|ant|ecoo
oan|stoet|od w||c| matx ptesct|bed. H|tlet |n
Getoanyandmassol|n||nItalycteatedw|atcan
bestb
M
.fi Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 46 ( Broadcast 431 ) November 1 8, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
HOW DI D SOCIALISM GROW | N THE U. S.?
tu Septembet .4, i 64, Katl Matx fotme1, at St ]ames' Hall iu Iou1ou, tbe Iutetuatioual
Wot|iugmeu's Associatiouau otgauizatiou iuteu1e1 to fostet tbe wotl1wi1e socialist tevolatiou
wb|cb Matx au1 Iugels ba1 atge1 iu tbeit Commauist Mauifesto ( oab||sbe1 iu i 4 j . Beiug tbe
f|tst |utetuat|oual otgau|zat|ou cteate1 fot sacb patoose, tbe IW A |s geuetally kuowu, |u tbe bis
toty of socialism, as tbe First Socialist International. (1) Iu ]auaaty, i 6, tbe Socialist Patty was
foau1e1 iu New Yot| City, au1 bea1qaattets of tbe Iitst Iutetuatioual was ttausfette1 ftom Iou-
1ou to New Yot|. ( 1) Tbis was tbe fotmal begiuuiug of tbe social|st movemeut |u tbe Uuite1 States
(tboagb tbete ba1 ptevioasly beeu sevetal ausaccessfal expetimeuts iu commaual liviug, socia|istic
commauities, au1 so ouj Tbe Socialist Patty was auable to accomplisb auytbiug iu electious. It
was tefotme1 as Iabot Uuiou No. of New Yot|, bat tbe vatioas factious au1 iu1|vi1aa|s iu
tbe socia||st movemeut, altboagb tbey all ba1 a commou goal, coal1 uot agtee ou metbo1. Tbe
Iitst Socialist Iutetuatioual was 1issolve1 at Pbila1elpbia ou Iebtaaty i , i 6, au1 weut oat of
existeuce. ( 1)
Tbe Secou1 Socialist Iutetuatioual was otgauize1 at Patis ou ]aly i4, i ), by 4uu 1elegates ftom
tweuty coautties. Wbeteas Matx's I|tst Socialist Iutetuatioual ba1 beeu fotme1 ou tbe assamotiou
tbat wot|ets of tbe wotl1 woal1 auite to tbtow o tbe cbaius of capita|ism, tbe Secou1 Social
|st Iutetuat|oual tecoguize1 tbat wotkets mast be otgau|ze1 au1 mauipalate1 iuto saopottiug
socia||sm. Tbe Secou1 Socialist Iutetuat|oual |uteu1e1 to accomplisb wotl1 tevolatiou by otgau-
|ziug au1 couttoll|ug labot au|ous. Heuce, |t |s ofteu callec tbe Iabot Iutetuat|oual. Tbe Secou1
Iutetuatioual stil| exists as a small spliutet gtoap of tbe ovetall commauistsocialist movemeut. It is
tepteseute1 |u tbe Uuite1 States by tbe ol1 Soc|al|st Iabot Patty, wb|cb was actaally otgau|ze1
befote tbe Secou1 Socialist Iutetuatioual itself was fotme1. Iu accomplisbmeut, bowevet, tbe Sec-
ou1 Iutetuat|oual fa|le1 as completely as tbe fitst. ( 1 )
By tbe eu1 of tbe i )tb ceutaty, most socialists, evetywbete, ba1 come to tealize tbat socialism
coal1 be impose1 ou tbe wotl1 ouly tbtoagb v|oleuce, tteacbety, au1 1eceptiou. Tbe Tbit1 Social
ist Iutetuatioual ( ofteu calle1 Re1 Iutetuatioual au1 Moscow Iutetuatioual j was fotme1 at Mos-
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
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Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 361
cow, Matcb z6, 1919, au1et tbe lea1etsb|p ot
bolsbev||s wbo ba1 se|ze1 powet |u Rass|a. Tbe
Tb|t1 Iutetuat|oual couvette1 Rass|a |uto au euot
moas powet base tot tbe |utetuat|oual soc|al|st
movemeut au1 spawue1 commau|st patt|es all
ovet tbe wotl1, bat tbe tecbu|qaes ot tbe Tb|t1
Iutetuat|oual woal1 uot wot| |u tbe Uu|te1
States.
Fabians
Jbe Bt|t|sb tab|aus 1ev|se1 tbe tecbu|qaes tba|
wot|e1 |u tbe Uu|te1 States. A small gtoap of
soc|al|sts totme1 tbe Iab|au Soc|ety at Iou1ou |u
1 883, tot tbe auuoauce1 patpose ot couvett|ug
tbe Bt|t|sb ecouomy ttom cap|tal|sm to soc|al|sm.
Tbe uame au1 tact|cs ot tbe Iab|au Soc|ety wete
|usp|te1 by Qa|utas Iab|as Max|mas, a geuetal ot
auc|eut Rome, wbo, attet 1|sasttoas 1eteats 10
opeu battle, 1evelope1 a saccesstal sttategy of
1elay, 1ecept|ou, au1 |unlttat|ou.
Geotge Betuat1 Sbaw, a lea1|ug membet ot
tbe Iab|au Soc|ety, sa|1 tbe Soc|ety ma1e |t pos
s|ble tot tespectable c|t|zeus to sappott soc|al|sm
w|tboat auy sasp|c|ou ot lawless 1es|te to ovet
tatu tbe ex|st|ug ot1et. Tbe tab|au att|nce ot
fe|gu|ug tespectab| l|ty wb|le sabvett|ug soc|ety
tot tevolat|ouaty patposes, gave soc|al|sts easy
eutty |uto govetumeut, bau|s, stoc| excbauges,
au|vets|t|es, au1 all otbet tespecte1 ceutets ol
powet au1 |unaeuce.
l 1. 7)
Tbe tab|aus wete mote teal|st|c tbau otbet so
c|al|sts. Tbey au1etstoo1 tbat |t |s macb eas|et
to sabvett sous, 1aagbtets au1 w|ves ot tbe ptom
|ueut au1 wellto1o tbau |t |s to |mptess tbe labot
|ug classes. Tbey also au1etstoo1 tbat soc|al|st
movemeuts spt|ug ttom tbe m|11le au1 appet
classes au1 uot ttom tbe ptoletat|at.
A tau1ameutal pt|uc|ple ot tab|au|sm |s tbat
a select brain trust sboal1 plau tot, au1 1|tect,
all ot soc|ety. Tb|s coucept ot au el|te atttacte1
people ttom tbe ol1 Eugl|sb uob|l|ty, wbo begau
to j o| u tbe Iab|au Soc|ety, tenect|ug aucousc|oas,
somet|mes cousc|oas, attempts to tega|u tbe|t lost
powet. ( 2)
Tbe pol|cy ot b|1|ug beb|u1 tbe s||tts ot te
spectab|l|ty 1|1 uot, bowevet, 1etet tbe tab|aus
ttom cousott|ug w|tb au1 belp|ug tbe|t mote
v|oleut btetbteu |u tbe soc|al|st movemeut. Iu
tact, tbe tab|aus a|1e1 au1 abette1 Rass|au bol
sbev||s loug oetote tbe tevolat|ou |u 1917.
1ab|aus, l:|e all otbet soc|al|sts, cla|m to tepte
seut a ptogtess|ve soc|ety, bat, l||e commau|sts,
tbey ate 1evote1 to total|tat|au 1|ctatotsb|p.
Geotge Betuat1 Sbaw pat |t tatbet blautly.
"I also made it quite clear that Socialism means
equality of income or nothing, and that under
Socialism you would not be allowed to be poor.
You would be forcibly fed, clothed, lodged,
taught, and employed whether you liked it or
not. If it were discovered that you had not
character and industry enough to be worth all
this trouble, you might possibly be executed in
a kindly manner; but whilst you were permitted
to live you would have to live well."( 2)
LID
tu Septembet 12, 1905, a small gtoap ot so
c|al|sts ( au1et tbe lea1etsb|p ot Jac| Ioucou,
Uptou S|ucla|t, au1 Clateuce S. Dattow) met at
Pec|s Restaataut |u New Yot| C|ty. Oat ot tb|s
meet|ug came tbe Iutetcolleg|ate Soc|al|st Soc|ety
altboagb tbe tab|aus ot Euglau1 ba1 atge1
tbat tbe wot1 socialist be |ept oat ot v|ew. Tbe
Iutetcolleg|ate Soc|al|st Soc|ety was toau1e1 tot
tbe state1 patpose ot ptomot|ug au |utell|geut
|utetest |u soc|al|sm amoug college meu au1 wom
eu . . . au1 tbe eucoatagemeut ot all leg|t|mate
eu1eavots to awa|eu au |utetest |u soc|al|sm
amoug tbe e1acate1 meu au1 womeu ot tbe coau
tty.' ( 1, 3)
Tbe Rau1 Scbool ot Soc|al Sc|euce, totme1 by
tab|au soc|al|sts, became tbe New Yot| bea1
qaattets ot tbe Iutetcolleg|ate Soc|al|st Soc|ety.
Hatvat1 was selecte1 as tbe pt|maty ceutet tot
uoat|sb|ug ao1 sptea1|ug tbe v|tas ot soc|al|sm.
By 1 91 5, tbe Iutetcolleg|ate Soc|al|st Soc|ety ba1
cbaptets ou 60 college campases. ( 1)
Tbe bolsbev|| se|zate ot powet |u Rass|a, | u
1917, st|malate1 a tetmeut ot act|v|ty amoug so-
Page 362
cia|ists iu tbe Uuite1 States Some, |i|e Jobu Ree1
( Hatvat1, )l uj , j oiue1 tbe bo|sbevi| movemeut
oattigbt Wbi|e mauy Ameticau fabiau socia|ists
tetaiue1 tbeit covet of tespectabi|ity au1 sectet|y
sympatbize1 witb tbe bo|sbevi|s, mauy otbets
abau1oue1 tbe 1eceptive covet au1 be|pe1 fotm
tbe comoauist oatty of tbe Uuite1 States.
Tbe socia|ist b|oo1batb iu Rassia, au1 tbe activ
ities of Ameticau socia|ists, caase1 sacb teseut
meut au1 augty teactiou iu tbe Uuite1 States tbat
Ameticau fabiaus tat1i|y too| tbe a1vice of tbeit
Btitisb ftieu1s to pasb tbe wot1 socialist iuto
tbe bac|gtoau1 Iu ). l , tbe Iutetco||egiate So
cia|ist Society became tbe Ieagae fot Iu1asttia|
Democtscy ( IIDj , bat its patpose 1i1 uot
cbauge. IID temaius tbe o|1est, au1 petbaos
sti|| tbe most impottaut, socia|ist otgauizatiou iu
tbe Uuite1 States a pateut gtoao fot most of
tbe otbet ftouts wbicb bave beeu set ap siuce, to
sptea1 tbe poisou of socia|ism auti| tbe tboagbt
stteaos of tbe eutite uatiou bave beeu ba1|y cou
taoiuate1
He|ow ate uames of a few ptomiueut iu1i
vi1aa|s wbo ate, ot wete, iunaeutia| io IID
l1, ", )
CPR aftet a uame iu1icates tbat tbe oetsou is a|so
a membet of tbe Coauci| ou Ioteigu Re|atious ,
ADA meaus membetsbip iu Ameticaus fot Demo
ctatic Actiou.
Roger N. Baldwin-founder and head of Ameri-
can Civil Liberties Union
Charles A. Beard-historian
Daniel Bell-labor editor, Fortune
John K. Benedict-professor, Union Theological
Seminary
John C. Bennett-Dean, Union Theological Semi
nary ( CFR)
Andrew J. Biemiller-former U. S. Representa
tive, founding member of ADA, now AFL-CIO offi
cial
Carroll Binder-editor of the Minneapolis Tribune
Ella Reeves ( "mother") Bloor-communist party
official
Ralph J. Bunche-UN Under Secretary General,
NAACP official ( CFR)
James B. Carey-Secretary-Treasurer, AFL-CIO,
ADA founder
Everett R. Clinchy-first President, National
Conference of Christians and Jews, now head of
Conference on World Tensions ( World Brotherhood,
Inc. ) ( CFR)
George S. Counts-author, educator
Babette Deutch-writer, mother of Adam Yar
molinsky
John Dewey-"father" of progressive education
Paul H. Douglas-Democrat Senator from Illinois,
former professor at University of Chicago, ADA
founder
David Dubinsky-head of Garment Workers
Union, head of New York Liberal Party, ADA
founder, ( CFR)
W. E. B. DuBois-communist party member, of
ficial of NAACP, author
George Clifton Edwards, Jr.-Kennedy nominee
for federal judgeship, ADA founder
Morris Ernst-chief attorney for American Civil
Liberties Union, NAACP official, ADA founder
Samuel A. Eliot, Jr.-author, educator
James Farmer-head of the Congress on Racial
Equality ( CORE)
Felix Frankfurter-former Harvard professor,
Supreme Court Justice, ( CFR)
Lewis S. Gannett-author, editor of New York
Herald-Tribune, NAACP official, ( CFR)
Reverend Donald Harrington-fficial of United
World Federalists
Albert J. Hayes-International President, Inter
national Association of Machinists Union, ADA
founder
Sidney Hook-author, educator
Quincy Howe-author, radio commentator
Hubert H. Humphrey-Democrat Senator from
Minnesota, founding member of ADA ( CFR)
Jacob K. Javits-Republican Senator from New
York, ADA member
Nicholas KelJey-retired vice president, Chrysler
Corporation ( CFR)
William H. Kilpatrick-educator
Freda Kirchwey-publisher of The Nation
Corliss Lamont-President Roosevelt's secretary,
communist
Joseph P. Lash-UN correspondent for the New
York Post, former intimate of the late Eleanor
Roosevelt, ADA founder
Harold J. Laski-professor, Harvard University
and London School of Economics
Owen Lattimore-author, educator, alleged com
munist ( CFR)
Herbert H. Lehman-retired investment banker,
former Democrat Governor of New York and for
mer Senator, ADA founder, NAACP official, ( CFR)
Max Lerner-writer
Alfred Baker Lewis-Preside'nt, Union Casualty
Company, NAACP official
Walter Lippmann-author, columnist ( CFR)
Robert Morss Lovett-author, educator
Jay Lovestone-founder of U.S. communist party,
now International Representative for AFL-CIO
George Meany-President, AFL-CIO
Wayne Morse-Democrat Senator from Oregon,
ADA official
Page 363
Will Maslow-Director, Commission on Law and
Social Action, American Jewish Congress
Lewis Mumford-author ( CFR)
A. J. Muste-official of National Council of
Churches
Reinhold Niebuhr-Vice President of Union The
ological Seminary, ADA founder ( CFR)
Harry A. Overstreet-author, educator, official
of United World Federalists
Victor G. Reuther-assistant to Walter Reuther
Walter P. Reuther-President, United Auto Work
ers, Vice President of AFL-CIO, ADA founder, of
ficial of United World Federalists
Will Rogers, Jr.-ADA founder, actor, official of
United World Federalists
Eleanor Roosevelt
Harold O. Rugg-author, educator
Stanley Ruttenberg-Director of Research and
Education, AFL-CIO
William L. Shirer-author, radio commentator
( CFR)
George Soule-educator
Monroe Sweetland-editor, Oregon Democrat,
ADA founder
Norman Thomas-long-time head of socialist
party
Alexander Trachtenberg-communist party offi
cial
Rexford G. Tugwell-Roosevelt "brain-truster"
Harry F. Ward-former president of Union The
ological Seminary
James Wechsler-editor, New York Post, ADA
founder
Charles Zimmerman-Vice President of Garment
Workers Union, NAACP official
ACLU
Mav|ug foaud tbat Amet|caus coa|d be |ed
to sappott soc|a||st caases ou|y |f soc|a||sm wete
fa|se|y ca||ed sometb|ug e|se, Amet|cau soc|a||sts
cteated mauy ftouts wb|cb appea|ed to some pat
t|ca|at emot|ou ot ptej ad|ce of fact|oua| gtoaps
|u tbe popa|at|ou. Ieadetsb|p aud tact|cs of so
c|a||st ftouts came |atge|y ftom tbe pateut gtoap,
tbe Iutetco||eg|ate Soc|a||st Soc|ety ( |uowu as
Ieagae fot Iudastt|a| Democtacy s|uce i )z i j .
Iot examp|e, Roget N. Ba|dw|u, ptom|ueut |u
tbe ISS, was oue of tbe |u|t|a| foaudets of a
soc|a||st ftout wb|cb a|t|mate|y became tbe Amet|
cau C|v|| I|bett|es Uu|ou Iu au adv|soty |ettet
to a soc|a|ist ag|tatot, Ba|dw|u sa|d.
"Do steer away from making it look like a
Socialist enterprise . . . . We want also to look
[ like] patriots in everything we do. We want to
get a good lot of fags, talk a good deal about the
Constitution and what our forefathers wanted
to make of this country, and to show that we are
really the folks that really stand for the spirit of
our institutions."( 1 )
Iotmed |u tbe spt|ug of i )l , tbe Roget Ba|d
w|u gtoap was ntst ca||ed Amet|cau Uu|ou
Aga|ust M|||tat|sm It pteteuded to be a pac|nst
otgau|zat|ou, devoted to defeuse of a|| wbo ob
ected to tbe dtaft dat|ug Wot|d Wat I bat |u , ,
tea||ty, |t was a |ega| w|ug of tbe soc|a||st patty.
Jaue Addams, Ado|f A Beue, Max Iastmau,
Notmau Tbomas, aud Rabb| Stepbeu S. W|se
wete amoug tbe ptom|ueut soc|a||sts wbo j o|ued
Roget Ba|dw|u |u foaud|ug Amet|cau Uu|ou
Aga|ust M|||tat|sm Ou Novembet 1 , i )i, tbe
otgau|zat|ou became tbe Nat|oua| C|v|| I|bett|es
Bateaa It bad euotmoas |unaeuce dat|ug Wot|d
Wat I, becaase. ( i j |t tece|ved tbe sappott of
|ud|v|daa|s powetfa| |u tbe W||sou adm|u|stta-
t|ou, sacb as, Wa|tet I|ppmauu, Ie||x Itau|fat
tet, Itedet|c| Keppe|, aud Co|oue| Idwatd Mau
de| Hoase, aud ( z j |t tece|ved mouey ftom tbe
Catueg|es. ( 1)
Ou Jauaaty iz, i )zu, tbe Nat|oua| C|v|| I|bet
t|es Bateaa was teotgau|zed as Amet|cau C|v||
I|bett|es Uu|ou, audet tbe ga|dauce of Roget N.
Ba|dw|u, Ie||x Itau|fattet, Ioa|s I. Badeuz,
W||||am Z Iostet, I||zabetb Gat|ey I|yuu, Jaue
Addams, Attbat Gatne|d Hays, Robett Motss
Iovett, A J Maste, Notmau Tbomas, Hato|d J.
Ias||, aud otbets. Badeuz, Iostet, aud I|yuu
wete ptom|ueut ouc|a|s of tbe Amet|cau com-
mau|st patty.
NAACP
Jbe Nat|oua| Assoc|at|ou fot tbe Advauce
meut of Co|oted Peop|e was otgauized |u New
Yot| C|ty, |u l )u). As eat|y as i)zu, a Jo|ut
Ieg|s|at|ve Comm|ttee of tbe New Yot| State
Ieg|s|atate tepotted tbat NAACP, wb||e pteteud
|ug to wot| fot tbe advancement of co|oted peo-
p|e, was a ttout to ptomote soc|a||sm amoug
uegtoes aud amoug wb|tes wbo e|tbet wauted to
Page 364
exploit, ot wete emotioual aboat, wbat tbey cou
sideted tbe pligbt ot uegtoes iu tbe Uuited
States. W. I. B. DaBo|s was ptiucipal toaudet ot
NAACP. ( 1 ) DaBois, a membet ot tbe Iutetcol
legiate Socialist Society, bad a loug cateet as a
commauist leadet, uot ouly iu tbe Uuited States
bat elsewbete. He died iu Attica iu 1 963, a beto
ot tbe wotldwide commauist movemeut
Brotherhood Among the Leftists
be Ieagae tot Iudasttial Democtacy ( IIDj ,
tbe Natioual Associatiou tot tbe Advaucemeut ot
Coloted People ( NAACPj , aud tbe Ameticau
Civil Iibetties Uuiou (ACIUj ate tbe most im
pottaut socialist ttouts cteated iu tbe Uuited States
datiug tbe ntst qaattet ot tbis ceutaty. Tbe tec
otd ot tbeit totmatiou teveals bow closely `so
cialists aud commauists wot|ed togetbet tot
tbeit commou obj ective Tbe togetbetuess ot tbe
lettist tactious tesalted ttom tbe tact tbat all ot
tbem, iucladiug avowed commauists, adopted tbe
tabiau tecbuiqae ot deceptiou.
Siuce tbe eud ot Wotld Wat I, commauists aud
all otbet socialists bave wot|ed batmouioasly to
getbet tot tbeit commou caase by settiug ap
ttouts witb uames aud stated patposes wbicb ap
peal to tbe ctasadiug, aplittiug, belpiugtby
ueigbbot spitit ot latge uambets ot Ameticaus.
Tbe deceptiou uot ouly euabled socialists to dtaw
tespected Ameticau uames iuto socialist ttouts,
bat also cteated a ttemeudoas lobby tot tedetal
ptogtams wbicb violate tbe Coustitatiou aud, tbas,
elimiuate coustitatioual gaatautees agaiust a total
itatiau ceuttal govetumeut Socialists aud com
mauists cousisteutly sappott all tedetal ptogtams
wbicb teqaite taxiug aud speudiug by tbe tedetal
govetumeut, iu denauce ot coustitatioual limita
tious Tbis gives commauists aud socialists appeal
as advocatots ot weltate tot tbe dowuttoddeu,
aud it does sometbiug tat mote impottaut tbau
tbat tot tbe caase ot socialism. it couceuttates
ecouomic aud political powet iu tbe ceuttal gov
etumeut, to tbe dettimeut ot state govetumeuts
As oat edeta| system toas ctamo|es, toe Waso
iugtou bateaactacy becomes so colossal iu powet
aud tauctiou tbat oat coustitatioual legislative
system becomes iuadeqaate Uuable to opetate
eucieutly iu its coustitatioual tole as totmalatot
ot uatioual policy, tbe Cougtess satteudets its
tespousibility to tbe Ptesideut, settiug ap gigautic
bateaas aud cotpotatious wbicb ate mauaged by
au elite ot appoiuted expetts, wbo ma|e aud eu
totce admiuisttative law iu denauce ot cousti
tatioual ptovisious Tbas, tbe socialists aud com
mauists, by sappottiug tedetal weltate, aud otbet
speudiug ptogtams, gtadaally ttaustotm tbe ted
etal govetumeut iuto a totalitatiau bateaactacy ad
miuisteted by a select gtoap ot btaiu ttastets,
dedicated to tbe matxiau ideal ot etectiug social
ism ou tbe asbes ot tbe capitalistic system.
veutaally, btotbetbood witb commauists be
came au embattassmeut to tespectable Ameti
cau socialists Wbeu tbe Soviet Uuiou iuvaded
Iiulaud iu 1939, tot example, mauy Ameticau
socialists wiuced at beiug pablicly associated witb
commauists w|o sappotted tbe baugliug bat
bloody Soviet tytauuy. Tbey wete tattbet embat
tassed wbeu tbe Soviets sigued a tteaty ot ttieud
sbip aud uouaggtess|ou witb tbe uazis.
Wbeu tbe Uuited States euteted Wotld Wat
II as au ally ot tbe Soviets, Ameticau commauists
euj oyed auotbet petiod ot opeu ttatetuizatiou aud
coopetatiou witb most otbet socialist gtoaps iu
tbe Uuited States Bat by 1946, tbe Ameticau
pablic bad come to tbe sic|euiug tealizatiou tbat
oat Soviet socialist ally was a mote mousttoas
tytauuy aud a tat gteatet tbteat to oat owu peace
aud secatity tbau tbe socialist euemy wbicb we
bad beeu ngbtiug.
Tbe admiuisttatiou iu Wasbiugtou, aud ptac
tically all toaudatious aud iustitatious devoted
to tbe sabtle apptoacb towatd socialism, bad beeu
iunlttated by commauists aud wete losiug tbe
tespect aud sappott ot tbe pablic. It libetalism
wbicb teally meaus tabiau socialism wete to
satvive aud noatisb, it bad to tid itselt ot tbe
taiut ot commauism.
ibetals did uot cbauge tbeit tactics ot ob
j ectives , ueitbet did commauists. Tbey all cou-
tiuaed to wot| tot tbe totalitatiau state, wbile
Page 365
pteteud|ug to wot| fot we|fat|sm, ap||ft, iudas
tt|a| democtacy, aud govetumeut w|tb a beatt , bat
l|beta|s became oatspo|eu aut|commau|sts. CIO
au|ous, wb|cb wete |uowu to be couttol|ed by
commau|sts, wete expe||ed ftom tbe CIO Tbe
CIO |tsel|, aud tbe au|ous wb|cb wete expelled,
cout|uaed to wot| tbe same as befote, fot tbe
same obect|ve, bat uow tbey ca||ed eacb otbet
d|tty uaoes. Tbe CIO, fotmed by soc|a||sts aud
commau|sts aud ded|cated to tbe tota||tat|au so
c|a||st state, load|y ptoc|a|med |tself a staaucb
foe of commau|sm S|m|lat tb|ugs bappeued to
otbet lead|ug, tespectab|e left|st otgau|zat|ous
tbe Aut|Defamat|ou Ieagae, tbe Amet|cau C|v|l
I|bett|es Uu|ou, tbe Nat|oua| Assoc|at:ou fot tbe
Advaucemeut of Co|oted People.
I|betal otgau|zat|ous cla|m|ug to be aut|com
mau|st, c|aug to fab|au tact|cs aud goals tbat
commau|sts bad adopted, aud tbey bad sometb|ug
else |u commou w|tb commau|sts . tbey wete all
v|taleut aut|aut|commau|sts. Commau|sts aud
soc|al|sts aud total|tat|au l|betals may ngbt amoug
tbemselves aboat tact|cs aud sttategy, bat tbete
seems to be a code of tbe pol|t|ca| audetwot|d
wb|cb au|tes tbeo |u a t|gbt boud to fgbt aut|
commau|sts, tbe|t commou euemy
ADA
Jb e Ame t | caus f ot Democt at| c Act|ou
( ADAj was tbe most spectaca|at, aud |mpottauc,
ptodact of tbe eatly postwat pet|od wbeu Amet|
cau total.tat|au ||betals acted to patge tbemse|ves
of tbe ta|ut of commau|sm
Tbe ADA was foauded |u ]auaaty, 1947. Oue
of tbe pt|uc|pal foaudets was Itauc|s B|dd|e
(wbo bad beeu Itauk||u D Roosevel: s Attotuey
Geueta| j B|ddle sa|d tbe ADA was cteated `to
sp||t ftom tbe l|betal movemeut |u Amet|ca tbose
e|emeuts of commau|sm aud fe|low ttavelets
wb|cb . . . d|d gteat batm to tbe l|beta| move
meut '' B|ddle was a membet of tbe Coauc|l
ou Iote|gu Relat|ous Hete ate some of tbe otbet
ptom|ueut foaudets of tbe ADA ( CIR aftet
a uame |uc|cat|ug memoetso|p u tue Council on
Iote|gu Relat|ous j .
Joseph Alsop
Stewart Alsop
Barry Bingham ( CFR)
Chester Bowles ( CFR)
James B. Carey
Marquis Childs ( CFR)
David Dubinsky ( CFR)
Morris Ernst
J. Kenneth Galbraith ( CFR)
A. J. Hayes
Joseph P. Lash
Reinhold Niebuhr ( CFR)
Walter P. Reuther
Eleanor Roosevelt
Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr.
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. ( CFR)
James Wechsler
Paul H. Douglas
Herbert H. Lehman ( CFR)
Hubert H. Humphrey ( CFR)
0 get some |u|l|ug of tbe powet wb|cb tbe
ADA bas exetted |u Amet|cau l|fe, oue ueeds
ouly to |oo| at tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou
Tboagb Ptes|deut Keuuedy |s uot |uowu to be a
membet of tbe ADA, be was a spec|a| pap|| of
Bt|t|sb soc|al|st leadet Hatold ] Ias|| at tbe Iou
dou Scbool of Icouom|cs , ' aud be bas placed
ADA membets at tbe belm of powet |u Wasb|ug
tou Hete |s a patt|al ||st o| ADA membets |u tbe
Keuuedy ado|u|sttat|ou ' ( CIR aftet a uame
|ud|cat|ug meobetsb|p |u tbe Coauc|l ou Iote|gu
Relat|ous j .
Theodore C. Sorensen-Special Counsel to the
President
Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.-Special Assistant to the
President ( CFR)
Harris L. Wofford-Special Assistant to the Pres
ident
Archibald Cox-Solicitor General of the United
States
Arthur J. Goldberg-Associate Justice of the Su
preme Court ( CFR)
G. Mennen Williams-Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs
Philip H. Coombs-Assistant Secretary of State
for Educational and Cultural Affairs ( CFR)
Chester Bowles-Ambassador to India ( CFR)
Orville L. Freeman-Secretary of Agriculture
Charles S. Murphy-Under Secretary of Agri
culture
Robert C. Weaver-Administrator, Federal Hous
ing and Home Finance Agency
Thomas K. Finletter-Permanent Representative
to NATO ( CFR)
All ADA members of Congress are, of course,
sttoug sappottets of tbe Keuuedy adm|u|sttat|ou.
Page 366
Hete ate Uuited States Seuatots |uowu to tbe
membets of tbe ADA ( all Democtats except
Javits j .
Joseph S. Clark, Jr. ( Pa. )
Paul H. Douglas ( Ill.)
Hubert H. Humphrey (Minn., CFR)
Jacob K. Javits (N.Y., CFR)
Eugene J. McCarthy ( Minn.)
Wayne Morse ( Ore.)
Maurine B. Neuberger ( Ore. )
Harrison B. Williams ( N.J.)
Tbe followiug Uuited States Repteseutatives
(all Democtats j ate ADA membets .
Henry B. Gonzales ( Tex.)
Robert Kastenmeier ( Wis. )
James Roosevelt ( Calif.)
William Fitts Ryan ( N.Y.)
1uited States Repteseutative Btace Alget
(Repablicau, Texas j bas giveu a tetse, aud cot
tect, sammaty of ADA beliefs, iu tbese wotds
"That it is possible for a police state to be obe
dient to the popular will; that the apparatus of
such a state can be so affected by benevolence
that it can produce-through such coercive mea
sures as compulsory union membership, enforced
fraternization, a compulsory share-the-wealth tax
system and a strong centralized bureaucracy-a
guaranteed annual tax wage for everybody, com
plete freedom from fear, want and anxiety for all,
and total economic welfare from the cradle to
the grave for the entire populace. "( 7
)
Attbat Scblesiuget, Jt. ( advisot, special as
sistaut, aud speecb wtitet fot tbe Ptesideut j , is
cousideted tbe pbilosopbet of tbe ADA aud of
tbe Keuuedy admiuisttatiou. Uuited States Repte
seutative Ricbatd H. Poff (Repablicau, Vitgiuiaj
qaotes Scblesiuget as sayiug.
"Ofcial liberalism was the product of the en
lightenment, cross-fertilized with such things as
science, bourgeois complacency, and a belief in
progress. It dispensed with the absurd Christian
myths of sin and damnation and believed that
what shortcomings man might have were to be
redeemed, not by Jesus on the cross, but by the
benevolent unfolding of history. Tolerance, free
inquiry, and technology, operating in the fralle
work of human perfectibility, would in the end
create a heaven on earth, a goal accounted much
more sensible and wholesome than a heaven in
heaven. "( 8)
Iu 1947, Scblesiuget made a statemeut ou Tbe
Iatate of Soc|al|sm. Tbe ADA bas eudotsed tbe
statemeut , aud Scblesiuget teceutly sa|d tbat be
st| ll bel|eves wbat be wtote iu 1947. ( 7 ) Hete ate
exttacts ftom Scblesiugets statemeut .
"1 socialism (i. e. , the ownership by the state
of all significant means of production) is to pre
serve democracy, it must be brought about step
by step in a way which will not disrupt the fabric
of custom, law, and mutual confidence upon
which personal rights depend. That is, the tran
sition must be piece-meal; it must be parliamen
tary; it must respect civil liberties and due proc
ess of law. Socialism by such means used to seem
fantastic to the hard-eyed melodramatists of the
Leninist persuasion, but even Stalin is reported
to have told Harold Laski recently that it might
be possible.
"The classical argument against gradualism
was that the capitalist ruling class would resort
to violence rather than surrender its preroga
tives. Here, as elsewhere, the Marxists enorm
ously overestimated the political courage and
will of the capitalists. In fact, in the countries
where capitalism really triumphed, it has yielded
with far better grace (that is, displayed far more
cowardice) than the Marxist scheme predicted.
The British experience is illuminating in this
respect, and the American experience not unin
structive. There is no sign in either nation that
the capitalists are putting up a really determined
fght . . . . the bourgeois fears more than any
thing else - violence . . . .
"There seems no inherent obstacle to the grad
ual advance of socialism in the United States
through a series of new deals . . . .
"Government ownership and control can take
many forms. The independent public corpora
tion, in the manner of TVA, is one; State and
municipal ownership can exist alongside Federal
ownership; the techniques of the cooperatives
can be expanded; even the resources of regula
tion have not been fully tapped . . . .
"That doyen of American capitalists, Joseph
P. Kennedy, recently argued that the United
States should not seek to resist the spread of com
llunisll. Indeed, it should 'perlIlit cOllunisl
to have its trial outside the Soviet Union if that
shall be the fate or will of certain peoples . .
Page 367
"Can the United States conceive and initiate
so subtle a [ foreign] policy? Though the secret
has been kept pretty much from the readers of
the liberal press, the State Department has been
proceeding for some time somewhat along these
lines . . . . to be frm without being rancorous,
to check Soviet expansion without making un
limited commitments to an antiSoviet crusade . . .
to encourage the growth of the democratic left
. . . . Men like Ben Cohen, Dean Acheson,
Charles Bohlen [ all members of the CFR] have
tried to work out details and whip up support
for this admittedly risky program . . . . "( 7
)
1ast wee|, we commeuted ou a colamu by
Coustaut|ue Btowu, sett|ug oat |ufotmat|ou ftom
a fotmet omc|al of tbe Czecbos|ova||au com
mau|st govetumeut to tbe eect tbat tbe Uu|ted
States, fat ftom oet|ug teal oppos|t|ou to com
mau|st wotld couqaest, |s expected to belp tbe
commau|sts, patt|calatly | f Keuuedy |s te-elected.
Ivety Amet|cau sboald tenect ou tb|s assett|ou, |u
tbe l|gbt of wbat Attbat Scbles|uget, jt , pb||os
opbet of tbe New Itout|et, sa|d |u b|s statemeut
aboat tbe fatate of soc|al|sm.
More
Iu a sabseqaeut Report, we w|ll g|ve deta|ls ou
soc|al|st accomp||sbmeuts |u tbe Uu|ted States.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) Revolutionary RadicaliJm: Part One -Subversive Movemellts,
Report of the Joint Legislative Committee of the State of New
York I nvestigating Seditious Activities, Albany, 1920, Two
Volumes, pp. 41 86; 5059, 41 393; 1 4586; 1 1 1920, 1 24750;
1 280. 62930; 1 088; 1 101 , 197989; 1 5 1 820
( 2 ) KeYlles at Harvard: Ecollomic Deception as d Political C" edo,
Veritas Foundation, P. O. Box 340, New York, 1 0005, 1 14pp.
( 3 ) The L.I.D. -Fifty Yean of Democratic Education, 1 905 1 955,
by Mina Weisenberg, League for Industrial Democracy, 1 1 2 East
19th Street, New York, New York, 10003
( 4) Americalls For Democratic Actioll -Its 0l'igin, Aims, and
Character, and Its Desiglls Upon the Demon'atic Pm'ty, Staff of
the Senate Republican Policy Committee, April 1 9, 1 955
( 5 ) "The ADA: I t s Impact on the New Frontier," series of articles
by Robert T. Hartmann, The Los Angeles Times, September 3-8,
10, 1961
( 6 ) "Kennedy as President," by Selig S. Harrison, The New Republic,
June 27, 1960, p. 1 0
( 7 ) Speech by U. S. Representative Bruce Alger, C01g1'essional Recol'd
( daily ) , May 28, 1963, pp. 9086-98
( 8 ) Newsletter of U. S. Representative Richard H. Poff, November
4, 1963
WHO I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he j oined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a dotorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an ad ministrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 195 1, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales : sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 368
M
/(I Smoot Report
yol. 9, No. 47 (Broadcast 432) November 25, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
b LL | L N Nb k L
DAN SMOOT
1u i), tbe Iegislative Refeteuce Setvice of tbe Iibtaty of Cougtess sabmitted a tepott eutitled,
Advetse Iects Of Tbe Ixpaudiug Activities Of Tbe Natioual Govetumeut Ou Tbe Ptivate
Icouomy Aud Tbe Iedetal System. Tbe Case Iot Itee Iutetptise Aud Iocal Govetumeut. ' ' ' Tbe
tepott |s )6 pages loug, iu ) sectious. Tbe ) atticles followiug ate coudeusatious of all ) sec
tious. ''
ADVERSE EFFECTS OF HI GH TAXES( 2)
Itom i). , taxes too| mote tbau .)~ of uatioual iucome Tbe fedetal taxta|e is gtowiug
almost 6 times as fast as uatioual iucome. Betweeu i ).) aud i) , uatioual iucome qaadtapled,
bat fecetal taxes iucteased .) fold. Sacb tax tates bave daugetoasly decteased tbe iudividaals iu
ceutive to wot|, save, aud iuvest. Oat ecouomy wil l uot satvive if we coutiuae to pile evet beaviet
tax batdeus ou people wbo wot| batdest to acbieve sometbiug.
Iu oat gtowiug popalatiou, uew j obs fot au additioual oue milliou people ate ueeded evety yeat.
Iot evety uew j ob cteated, someoue mast iuvest ftom siu,uuu to s.u,uuu iu plauts, tools, eqaipmeut,
baildiugs, aud so ou. Wbete cau ptivate iudastty get tbis uecessaty i u to .u billiou dollats a
yeat fot expausiou to meet tbe uew demaud?
1 . From the savings of individuals? Higb taxes discoatage iudividaal saviugs. if a mau wot|s
batd aud ecieutly to ma|e mote tbau a modest liviug, ptogtessive tax tates peualize bim. Iot
example, iu i )i ) i a coaple eatuiug siu,uuu a yeat paid ouly s6u iu fedetal taxes. Tbey coald
accamalate cousidetable saviugs to iuvest iu tbeit owu basiuess, to leud to bau|s, ot to iuvest iu
stoc|s aud bouds of otbet basiuesses. Iu i)6, a coaple eatuiug siu,uuu paid si , )u iu fedetal
iucome tax uot to meutiou a maltitade of otbet fedetal, state, aud local taxes. Tbeit dollats, left
aftet taxes, bay less tbau balf as macb as a compatable amoaut iu i )i ) i , becaase bigb taxes aud
iunatiou bave cbeapeued tbe dollat.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18. 0 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10.00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 369
Moteovet, tbe 1956 coaple woald bave l|ttle
|uceut|ve to ecouom|ze ou comfotts aud laxat|es
|u otdet to save, becaase |unat|ou evety yeat de
cteases tbe valae of dollats |u sav|ugs.
if a taxpayet does get |uto tbe appet btac|ets,
b|gb ptogtess|ve taxes ( ap to 91 ~j d|scoatage
b|m ftom patt|ug b|s mouey |uto expaus|ou of
bas|uess aud |udastty H|gb taxes eucoatage b|m
to pat b|s mouey |uto taxexempt state aud mau|c
|pal bouds a ||ud of |uvestmeut wb|cb does
l|ttle to ptov|de uew tools, plauts, aud eqa|p
meut ueeded fot a m|ll|ou uew j obs a yeat.
2. Can private industry accumulate from its
own projits enough capital to meet its needs jor
expansion? H|gb taxes ma|e tb|s |mposs|ble, too.
iu 1955, cotpotat|ous coald |eep less tbau balf
tbe|t ptohts fot te|uvestmeut and fot tbe pay
meut of d|v|deuds to stoc|boldets. Iedetal taxes
too| mote tbau balf tbe|t ptohts
3. Why can
}
t business borrow the money
needed for growth? G|aut cotpotat|ous asaally
cau. Small aud uew compau|es do uot bave tbe
cted|t Heuce, b|gb taxes d|scoatage tbe gtowtb
of small, |udepeudeut bas|uesses aud favot mam
motb cotpotat|ous We ate do|ug wbat Katl
Matx pted|cted |u 1 848 desttoy|ug pt|vate
cap|tal|sm by desttoy|ug tbe m|ddle class
ADVERSE EFFECTS OF PUBLIC HOUSI NG( 2 )
Pabl|c boas|ug begau, w|tb PW A, fot tbe pat
pose of belp|ug tbe cousttact|ou |udastty Tbe
patpose cbauged. Now, pabl|c boas|ug a|ms to
cleat slams aud ptov|de lowcost boas|ug fot low
|ucome iamilies , bat pabl|c boas|ug ptoj ects
do uot teally el|m|uate slams . tbey metely sptead
slam coud|t|ous to otbet patts of a c|ty, aud tbe
ptoj ects tbemselves fteqaeutly become slams
Segtegat|ug low|ucome fam|l|es |u pabl|c
|oas|ug pto ects petpetaates |udoleuce, ct|me,
|lleg|t|macy, aud hltby l|v|ug bab|ts, becaase, fot
oue tb|ug, |t temoves tbe |uceut|ve of fam|l|es to
get oat oi tbese coud|t|ous. W|ves qa|t wot| aud
basbauds teftaiu ftom eotts to eatu mote mouey,
becaase, |f tbe|t eatu|ugs go ap, tbey w|ll be ma|
|ug mote tbau some bateaactat says tbey cau ma|e
|f tbey stay |u tbe ptoject.
A vast aud costly fedetal bateaactacy bas gtowu
ap to adm|u|stet tbe 490,000 lowteut pabl|c
dwell|ug au|ts uow |u ex|steuce Iacb boas|ug
ptoj ect |s a sepatate poc|et of govetumeut, dom|
uated by fedetal tales aud tegalat|ous, pay|ug uo
taxes to tbe local commau|ty, aud beyoud tbe cou
ttol of local govetumeuts. Yet, local taxpayets
mast ptov|de all commau|ty setv|ces pol|ce, nte
ptotect|ou, sewage, scbools tbat tbey ptov|de
fot pt|vate boas|ug wb|cb pays |ts sbate of local
taxes
Pabl|c boas|ug uevet pays fot |tself. Iu fact,
teuauts |u pabl|c boas|ug do uot eveu pay euoag|
teut to ma|uta|u aud opetate tbe ptojects Iocal
ptopetty owuets aud |ucome taxpayets foot tbe
b|ll uot ouly fot ba|ld|ug tbe ptoj ects, bat fot
opetat|ug tbem.
All taxpayets become, |u patt, slaves ( s|uce tbe
meau|ug of slavety |s to be compelled to wot| fot
someoue else w|tboat pay j to sabs|d|ze boas|ug
fot selected fam|l|es Mauy of tbese fam|l|es ate
baudp|c|ed, uot fot tbe|t ueeds, bat fot tbe|t
votes. Pabl|c boas|ug teuauts become patt slaves,
becaase bateaactats wbo tau pablic boas|ug bave
gteat powet ovet teuauts.
Tbas, pabl|c boas|ug fteqaeutly becomes au
aatoctat|c, soc|al|st|c system |u wb|cb a few pol|t
ical bateaac:ats decide wbat ||ud of boas|ug
cetta|u gtoaps of people sboald bave at tbe
expeuse of all taxpayets |u tbe uat|ou
ADVERSE EFFECTS OF FEDERAL AID TO
EDUCATION( 2)
Tbe Coust|tat|ou ma|es uo meut|ou of edaca
t|ou. Tbe Teutb Ameudmeut ptov|des tbat
powets not dele gated to tbe fedetal govetumeut
ate tesetved to tbe states ot to tbe people. Heuce,
fedetal act|v|ty |u tbe neld of edacat|ou |s aucou
st|tatioual. Nevettbeless, tbe fedetal govetumeut
bas alteady assamed a gteat uambet of tespou
s|b|l|t|es |u tb|s neld.
Page 370
States aud commauities tbat coald nuauce tbeit
edacatioual ptoblems sometimes do little ot uotb
iug, becaase tbey waut mouey ftom tbe fedetal
govetumeut. Tbas, fedetal activity tetatds tbe
developmeut of edacatioual facilities.
Iedetal aid to edacatiou bas belped altet fau
dameuta| Ameticau attitades, uot ouly iu edaca
tiou, bat iu all nelds bas decteased tbe self
teliauce of people aud desttoyed tbe legitimate
powet aud impottauce of local aud state govetu
meuts.
Iedetal aid to pablic scbools bas eucoataged
demauds fot fedetal aid to ptivate scbools. Tbis
eudaugets tbe ptiuciple of sepatatiou of cbatcb
aud state.
Despite atgameuts aud claims to tbe couttaty,
tbe fedetal govetumeut does exetcise couttol wbeu
it gives aid. Tbis is desttoyiug states tigbts -
aud tbete is uo ptovable ueed fot it.
DETRIMENTAL EFFECTS OF FEDERAL
CREDIT AGENCI ES(
2
)
Today, tbe fedetal govetumeut ditectly leuds
si fot evety s leut by ptivate bauks. Ptessate
ou tbe govetumeut to go deepet iuto tbe baukiug
basiuess is gteat aud gtowiug.
Tbe Iedetal Natioual Mottgage Associatiou,
cbatteted Iebtaaty 1 0, 1938, does uot make boas
iug loaus ditectly, except iu Alaska It bays IHA
iusated aud Vetetaus Admiuisttat|ougaatauteed
mottgages. Ou ]aue 30, 1956, INMA beld oat
staudiug mottgages totaliug s. billiou.
IHA Iedetal Hoasiug Admiuisttatiou iu
sates ptivate mottgages, tbas telieviug ptivate
leudets of majot tisk.
Vetetaus Admiuisttatiou gaatautees boasiug
loaus, basiuessloaus, aud fatmloaus wbicb pti
vate leudets make to Wotld Wat ii aud Koteau
vetetaus. It also makes ditect bomeloaus iu ateas
wbete its gaatautees will uot stimalate euoagb
ptivate loaus.
Public Housing Administration, although not
ptimatily a leudiug ageucy, does make loaus aud
gtauts to belp local aatbotities baild pablic boas
iug ptojects.
Utbau Reuewal Admiuisttatiou leuds to ma
uicipalities |ot slam cleatauce. Iu some cases,
URA also gaatautees tempotaty ptivate loaus.
Commauity Iacilities Admiuisttatiou leuds to
colleges, fot stadeut aud facalty boasiug aud
otbet edacatioual facilities , aud it leuds to state
aud local govetumeuts, fot pablic wotks.
Ratal Ilecttincatiou Admiuisttatiou makes
loaus ( aboat 200 milliou dollats a yeat j , cbieny
to coopetatives, fot cousttactiug electtical powet
facilities, aud fot tbe cousttactiou aud imptove
meut of telepboue systems.
Iatmets Home Admiuisttatiou, daplicatiug
some of tbe activities of Commodity Ctedit Cot
potatiou, makes loaus to fatmets, ptesamably au
able to obtaiu ctedit elsewbete.
Iatm Ctedit Admiuisttatiou sapetvises vatioas
govetumeutal leudiug ageucies . Iedetal Iaud
Bauks, Bauks fot Coopetatives, Iedetal Iutetme
diate Ctedit Bauks, Ptodactiou Ctedit Cotpota
tious. Tbese ageucies make loaus ou fatm teal
estate, aud loaus to fatm coopetatives aud uamet
oas ptivate fatm ctedit associatious.
Small Basiuess Admiuisttatiou makes basiuess
loaus aud disastetloaus to small basiuesses.
Matitime Admiuisttatiou iusates ptivate cou
sttactiou loaus aud mottgages ou most types of
catgo aud passeuget vessels.
Tbe IxpottImpott Bauk of Wasbiugtou, es
tablisbed iu 1934, makes loaus to foteiguets to
euable tbem to bay Ameticau goods.
Iutetuatioual Bauk fot Recousttuctiou aud De
velopmeut is au iutetuatioual ageucy. Tbe Uuited
States govetumeut is a majot stockboldet. It
makes loaus all ovet tbe wotld fot vatioas basi
uess, ttade, iudasttial, aud pablic wotks patposes.
Bureau of Indian Afairs makes loans to start
Iudiaus iu agticultate.
Page 371
Jbete ate sevetal otbet fedetal leudiug ageu
cies. Wbat ate some eects of all tbis fedetal
activity io tbe baukiug basiuess ? Govetumeut
leudiug ageucies, uot coottolled by ueed fot ptont,
geoetally make loaos fot tbe patpose of politics
ot favotitism. Coufettiug special belp ot favots
apou a patticalat gtoap ot iodastty ot tegiou is,
iu fact, tbe ocial patpose of govetumeut leud
iug. Malptactice, cottaptioo, aud waste ate
bouud to tesalt.
Govetomeut leodiug stimalated a boasiog
boom aftet Wotld Wat II. By tbe fall of i ) ,
total bome mottgage debt was apptoximately 6
billiou dollats aboat ) audetwtitteu by
govetumeut. Tbis govetomeotmade boom caased
skytocketiug costs aod ptices. Govetumeut-fi
oauced sabatbau developmeots decteased valaes
of
tbau ptope
M
Itl Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 48 (Broadcast 433) December 2, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
1 Hb bbb b N1 | LN
tu Novembet . l , l )6), Ptes|deut aud Mts. Keuuedy aud V|ce Ptes|deut aud Mts. Jobusou,
accompau|ed by Govetuot aud Mts. Couually aud otbet Texas po||t|cal ngates, a|des, aud mem
bets of tbe ptess, begau a toat of Texas.
Govetuot Couua|ly bad opposed tbe Texas toat, tb|u||ug |t pol|t|cal|y auw|se. Tbe Demo
ctat Patty |u Texas was |u gteat tatmo|l, totu by |utetual d|sseus|ou. A teceut spec|al elect|ou
bad tevealed astou|sb|ug Repabl|cau Patty stteugtb |u Dallas. Iact|ous aud petsoua||t|es of tbe
Democtat Patty, j oc|ey|ug fot pos|t:ou aud ptest|ge, wete blam|ug eacb otbet becaase Texaus
geuetally seemed to be |u a mood to tepad|ate uew ftout|et|sm at tbe pol|s |u tbe uext elect|ous.
Ne|tbet tbe gtow|ug stteugtb of cousetvat|sm uot tbe fact|oual stt|fe amoug l|betals |u tbe
Democtat Patty cteated auy spec|al danger fot tbe Ptes|deut |u Texas Tbete was uo exttaotd|
uaty aux|ety aboat b|s safety, bat Govetuot Couual|y d|d feel tbat a Keuuedy v|s|t at tb|s t|me
woald cteate mote aud deepet cleavages |u tbe tau|s of tbe Democtat Patty. ( 1)
Ptes|deut Keuuedy, bowevet, dec|ded to come to Texas as a peacema|et fot b|s owu pol|t|
cal patty.'
Tbe toat begau |u Sau Autou|o. Tbe ctowds wete latge, ft|eudly aud otdetly. It was tbe same
|u Hoastou aud |u Iott Wottb. Tbe ptes|deu|tal eutoatage att|ved at Iove I|eld, Dallas, at l . )
a.m. , It|day, Novembet . ., gteeted by a latge, ft|eud|y gatbet|ug of Dallas|tes. Tbe Ptes|deut aud
tbe Govetuot, aud tbe|t w|ves, got |uto au opeu l|moas|ue fot a patade tbtoagb Dallas. Tbe Ptes|
deut aud Mts. Keuuedy sat |u tbe teat seat, tbe Ptes|deut ou tbe t|gbt s|de. Ou j amp seats |u ftout
of tbem wete Govetuot aud Mts. Couually, tbe Govetuot d|tectly |u ftout of tbe Ptes|deut.
Tbe mototcade fotmed w|tb tbe ptes|deut|al cat immed|ately oeb|ud tbe lead cat, tbe V|ce
Ptes|deut aud otbet d|gu|tat|es aud membets of tbe ptess fo||ow|ug. It made a l .m|le dt|ve |u
to aud tbtoagb dowutowu Dallas, aloug a toate wb|cb bad beeu w|dely pabl|c|zed fot days
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 1 00 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1 963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 377
by stoties aud maps pab|isbed iu botb maj ot uews
papets. Tbe toate was liued by cbeetiug, ftieudly
people.
Aftet passiug tbtoagb dowutowu Dallas, tbe
mototcade made a |eft tatu ftom Hoastou Stteet
ou to Ilm Stteet. Tbe Texas Scbool Boo| De
positoty Baildiug is at tbat cotuet, to tbe tigbt
of tbe passiug mototcade. Au assassiu waited at
au opeu wiudow ou tbe sixtb noot of tbat seveu
stoty baildiug. He was atmed witb a 6 mm ,
o|d model, Italiaumade, boltactiou tine, a 4
powet scopesigbt moauted ou tbe teceivet. Pte
samab|y, at tbat secoud, be was loo|iug ditect|y
dowu ou tbe Ptesideut, bat did uot fte. Tbe ptesi
deutial cat moved aboat 1 00 yatds dowu Ilm
Stteet away ftom tbe baildiug. Mts. Couual|y
tatued iu bet seat aud said
"Mr. President, you can't say Dallas doesn't
love you! "
A splitsecoud latet 1 2 : 30 p. m. tbe as
sassiu nted tbtee sbots iu qaic| saccessiou. Tbe
ntst sbot appateutly bit Ptesideut Keuuedy iu
tbe uec|. He clatcbed bimself aud pattially tose,
as tbe secoud sbot sttac| bim iu tbe bead, iunict
iug tbe mottal woaud.
As Govetuot Couually tatued to see wbat bad
bappeued, tbe tbitd sbot ftom tbe assassiu's gau
sttac| bim iu tbe bac|, ttavetsed tbe cbest atea
witboat eutetiug tbe body cavity, spliuteted a
tib, emetged, sttac| tbe Govetuot s tigbt wtist,
ticocbeted, aud lodged iu tbe Govetuots lef|
tbigb. Had tbe Govetuot uot tatued, tbe ballet
woa|d ptooaoly bave pietced bis beatt.
Tbe mototcade momeutatily slowed dowu, al
most to a balt, befote a Sectet Setvice ageut iu
tbe Ptesideut s cat gave otdets ovet tbe cat tadio
to ptoceed to tbe ueatest bospital Tbe lead cat
|auged fotwatd at bigb speed, swaug outo Stem
mous Iteeway a few yatds abead, aud tasbed te
CityCoauty Hospital, |uowu as Pat|laud Mem
otial, tbe Ptesideuts cat fol|owiug close, tbe te
maiudet of tbe mototcade ttailiug Ou tbe way,
tbey passed tbe Ttade Matt, wbete a ctowd was
waitiug to beat tbe Ptesideut ma|e a |aucbeou
speecb.
Tbe Ptesideut' s cat attived at tbe bospital at
1 2 : ), five miuates aftet tbe sbootiug. Tbe Gov
etuot, stil| couscioas, belped move bimself to a
sttetcbet He was ta|eu to oue emetgeucy toom,
tbe Ptesideut to auotbet Two ptiests, wbo bad
beeu watcbiug tbe patade ou televisiou, tasbed to
Pat|laud aud wete admitted sbottly aftet tbe
Ptesideuts attival. Tbey admiuisteted tbe |ast tites
of tbe Romau Catbo|ic Cbatcb. At 1 : 30 p. m ,
it was ocial|y auuoauced tbat tbe Ptesideut was
dead.
Vice Ptesideut jobusou |eft a|most immediately
fot tbe aitpott At 2 : OS p m , Mts Keuuedy fol
|owed iu a beatse beatiug tbe body of tbe Ptesi
deut. Tbe body, iu a btouze cas|et, was pat ou
tbe ptesideutial plaue at Iove Iie|d. Ou tbe plaue,
befote ta|eon, Iedetal jadge Satab T. Hagbes
admiuisteted tbe ptesideutial oatb of oce to
Iyudou B. jobusou.
At 2 4 p.m. , Ait Iotce l left Iove Iield fot
Audtews Ait Iotce Base ueat Wasbiugtou. Ait
Iotce 1 is tbe special ptesideutial p|aue, a big
silvetblaeaud wbite j et.
At Pat|laud Hospital, Govetuot Couually te
maiued ou tbe ctitical list wbile audetgoiug sat
gety fot foat boats He tespouded well aud was
expected to be teleased ftom tbe bospital witbiu
l4 days, witboat siguiicaut tesidaal eects ftom
bis woauds.
At tbe sceue of tbe ctime sevetal spectatots
|ad loolec ao |u time to see t|e matdet weapou
ptoj ectiug ftom a wiudow. Tbe baildiug was
qaic|ly sattoauded by atmed ocets Otbets, witb
gaus dtawu, seatcbed iuside. Imployees of tbe
Texas Scboo| Boo| Depositoty wete ou tbeit
laucb boat, most of tbem oatside watcbiug tbe
patade. Oue of tbe police ocets wbo seatcbed
iuside tbe baildiug was accompauied by R. S.
Ttaly, a sapetvisot of tbe boo| depositoty ntm.
Tbey eucoauteted Iee Hatvey Oswald, wal|iug
towatd au euttauce, to |eave tbe baildiug. Tbe
ocet asled wbo be was. Mt. Ttaly said Oswald
Page 378
wot|ed tbete. He was petmitted to leave.
Ou tbe sixtb noot, at au opeu w|udow ovet
loo|iug Ilm Stteet, pol|ce ocets foaud tbe
suipets uest coucealed ftom tbe test of tbe
latge stotage toom by cattous of boo|s. Au im
ptovised gautest was at tbe wiudow sill. Ou tbe
noot wete tbtee empty t| fle catttidges, tbe te
ma|us of a pac|aged ftiedcbic|eu laucb, aud
a softdt|u| bottle. Neat tbe doot lead|ug iuto
a sta|twell ou tbe s|xtb noot, actoss tbe latge
toom ftom tbe su|pet's w|udow, ocets foaud a
t|ne, staed audet some boxes.
Notmally, ouly employees woald bave access
to tbe sixtb noot of tbis ba|ld|ug, ot woald |uow
tead|ly bow to teacb |t. Tbe wbole noot is ased as
dead s:otage, aud eveu employees iufteqaeutly
go tbete.
Tbese citcamstauces led police to couc|ade tbat
all employees ou daty tbat day sboa|d be exam
|ued immediately. All wete soou located, except
Iee Hatvey Oswald. A desctiptiou aud attest
otdet wete btoadcast.
At 1 : 00 p m , Mts Iatleue Robetts, boase
keepet of a toom|ug boase at 1 026 N. Beckley
Aveuae, saw Iee Hatvey Oswa|d dasb tbtoagb tbe
liv|ug toom, |uto bis owu toom, tbeu leave tbe
boase |u gteat baste, bav|ug cbauged ackets iu
b|s toom Oswald ( as|ug tbe alias, O H. Ieej
bad l|ved aloue |u a small toom at tbis toomiug
boese fot two moutbs. Tbe p|ace is iu tbe Oak
C|iff sectiou of Dallas, less tbau a mi|e west of
tbe sceue of tbe assassiuatiou
At 1 : 1 5 p. m. , Oucet j. D. Tippit, cta|siug iu
a po||ce cat ueat Oswald s Beckley Aveuae toom
|ug boase, ou tbe loo|oat fot au assass|u saspect
wbose desctiptiou bad beeu btoadcast, saw Os
wald Mts. Heleu Mat|bam, au eyewituess, sa|d
tbat Oucet Tippit palled b|s cat to tbe catb.
Oswa|d wa||ed to tbe cat aud leaued iu tbe
w|udow. Oucet T|pp|t got oat aud wal|ed
atoaud bebiud tbe cat. jast as be stepped ou tbe
sidewalk fac|ug Oswald, Tipp|t stopped. At tbat
iustaut, Oswald nted tbtee sbots ftom a baud
gau, at po|uto|auk tauge, k|l||ug Omcet 1|pp|t
iustautly.
At 1 : 1 8 p m. , a passetby ased tbe police tad|o
|u Tippit s sqaad cat to uotify police beadqaattets
tbat au ou.cet was lyiug tbete dead aud tbat tbe
assailaut bac tau away. Sqaad cats couvetged ou
tbe place. Meauwbile, po|ice wete tece|viug ua
metoas calls tbat a mau was tauu|ug wildly
tbtoagb tbe sect|ou ( teload|ug b|s gau as be tauj ,
catt|ug tbtoagb pat|iug lots, datt|ug iu aud oat
of stotes.
W|tb sacb leads, police fol|owed tbe ttail to
tbe Texas Tbeatte ou West j eetsou Aveuae,
wbete tbe casbiet tepotted tbat a mau bad tau iu
a few momeuts befote aud was st|ll iuside.
Ou a postet ad at tbe tbeatte euttauce was tbis
motto.
"There are some things that only the people
that do them understand."
Iuside, au old nlm, War Is Hell
}
was ou tbe
scteeu. Tbe tbeatte was almost desetted. Oswald
s
M
Iti Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 49 (Broadcast 434) December 9, 1 963 Dallas, Texas ,
b1kNbk N 1Hb k N 51
DAN SMOOT
Ptesideut Jobu F. Keuuedy was matdeted by a commauist iu Dallas. Dallasites, botb lib
etal aud cousetvative, wete mote completely tbaudetsttac| by tbe ctime tbau auy otbet people iu
tbe wotld, becaase mauy wete actaal eyewituesses , all bad a feeliug of closeuess to tbe deed. Yet,
all ovet tbe wotld, Dallasites wete accased of batemougetiug fauaticism, of baviug molded tbe
twisted miud of Iee Hatvey Oswald, a sttauget iu tbeit midst.
1ee Hatvey Oswald was botu iu New Otleaus, Ioaisiaua, Octobet 18, 1 939. His fatbet died
befote be was botu. His motbet wot|s as a ptactical uatse. ( 1)
A patt of bis boybood was speut iu Fott Wottb, Texas, wbete be weut to pablic scbools. iu
1953, be aud bis motbet moved to New Yot| Oswald atteuded a j auiot bigb scbool iu tbe Btoux
fot a few wee|s. He was attested fot ttaaucy aud giveu a psycbiattic examiuatiou. Psycbiattists
tecommeuded tbat be be committed, sayiug be was a poteutially daugetoas scbizopbteuic. He was
uot committed. He aud bis motbet also lived btiefly iu Nottb Dakota.
Oswald said be became iutetested iu matxism wbeu be was 1 5 , aftet teadiug a pampblet aboat
Jalias aud Itbel Roseubetg ( Ameticau commauists, execated as spies ) .
Iu 1 956, at tbe age of 1 7, Oswald eutolled as a ftesbmau iu Atliugtou Heigbts Higb Scbool,
Iott Wottb. He dtopped oat aftet 23 days, aud j oiued tbe Matiue Cotps. lu boot camp, be
qaalifed as sbatpsbootet ou tbe tine tauge, bat be uevet adj asted to life iu tbe Matiues, as be
uevet adj asted to life auywbete else. He was fotevet iu ttoable He setved iu tbe Pbilippiues aud
iu Japau as a tadat opetatot, witb tbe tauk of Ptivate Fitst Class. He was twice coattmattia|ed
wbile iu ]apau. tbe ftst time fot catty|ug au auteg|steted pistol , tbe secoud time, fot sweatiug at
a uoucommissioued ocet.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14.50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 0 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No rprouctions permitte.
Page 385
Claimiug tbat bis motbet was ill aud ueeded
bis belp, be applied fot, aud teceived, a batdsbip
discbatge ftom tbe Matiues iu Septembet, l )),
aud was assigued to tbe Matiue Cotps iuactive
Resetve, bat iustead of goiug bome to bis motbet,
be boatded a sbip fot tbe Soviet Uuiou, witb
sl 6uu be bad somebow acqaited. Tbis was a
move be bad beeu ptepatiug fot datiug bis last
two yeats |u tbe Matiues. He attived iu Moscow
ou Octobet l , l)), aud told Ameticau tepottets
tbete tbat it was li|e gettiug oat of ptisou. Soou
aftet bis attival, be petitioued tbe Sapteme Soviet
fot Soviet citizeusbip.
Altboagb Rassiau ocials watued bim tbat
Soviet citizeusbip was uot easy to obtaiu, Oswald
tefetted to tbe Soviet govetumeut as my govetu
meut' aud said eveu if I am uot accepted, ou uo
accoaut w|ll I go bac| to tbe Uuited States. '' ''
Ou Octobet u, l )), be weut to tbe Ameticau
Imbassy iu Moscow to teuoauce bis Ameticau
citizeusbip He told ocials be was a matxist. ( 1)
Ou Novembet ., l)), Oswald fotmally as|ed
tbe U. S. Govetumeut to tevo|e bis citizeusbip.
He sigued au adavit statiug.
"I afrm that my allegiance IS to the Soviet
Socialist Republic. "( 3)
Oswald was bittet becaase tbe Uuited States
Cousal iu Moscow saggested tbat be tbiu| ovet'
bis decisiou to ta|e au oatb teuoauciug Ameticau
citizeusbip He tatued iu bis passpott to Imbassy
ocials aud left, sayiug be woald let tbe Soviet
govetumeut baudle legal details wbeu, aud if, be
became a citizeu of tbe Soviet Uuiou
Upou beatiug of Oswald s defectiou, tbe Ma
tiue Cotps gave bim au audesitable discbatge
ftom tbe Matiue Resetve Wbeu wotd of tbis
teacbed Oswald iu Rassia, be wtote a lettet to
Jobu Couually, Sectetaty of tbe Navy, sayiug.
"I shall employ all means to right this gross
mistake or injustice to a bonafide U. S. citizen
and ex-serviceman."
Connally, who had j ust resigned to run for
Govetuot of Texas, tatued Oswald's |ettet ovet
to bis saccessot, Ited Kottb, aud uo actiou was
ta|eu
Iu Aptil, l)6l, Oswald met Matiua Nicbolaev
ua Ptoosa|ova, a bospital wot|et iu Mius|. Aftet
six wee|s, tbey wete mattied iu a state cetemouy.
Iu Jauaaty, l)6., Oswald, still iu Mius|, wtote
Seuatot |obu G. Towet ( Repablicau, Texas j ,
claimiug tbat be, a Uuited States citizeu, was
beiug beld iu Rassia agaiust bis will, aud as|iug
Towet to iutetcede. Towet did uot iutetcede He
metely seut Oswald s lettet to tbe State Depatt
meut.
Iu Iebtaaty, l )6., Oswald wtote tbe U. S.
Imbassy iu Moscow, as|iug fot a passpott to
tetatu to tbe Uuited States Rassiau aatbotities
bad uot accepted bis teqaest fot citizeusbip, aud
Oswald tefased to stay iu tbe Soviet Uuiou as a
tesideut alieu
ot teasous uot yet made pablic, tbe U. S.
Imbassy iu Moscow ( actiug ou otdets ftom tbe
State Depattmeutj ou May .4, l )6., teuewed
Oswald s passpott, aud ameuded it to iuclade au
iufaut daagbtet ( botu iu Iebtaaty of tbat yeatj ,
gave Oswald s Rassiau wife a uouqaota visa to
eutet tbe Uuited States , aud advauced Oswald
s4 . l fot ttavel expeuses bac| to Ametica.
Oswald aud bis family attived iu tbe Uuited
States at tbe Pott of New Yot| ou |aue l ,
l )6.. ' Datiug tbe late sammet of l )6., be alleg
edly was iu tbe DallasIott Wottb atea, calliug
ou uoucommauist tefagees, see|iug tbeit belp iu
nudiug employmeut. Noue woald bave auytbiug
to do witb bim, becaase tbey feated bim as a
dedicated commauist. Tbey feated tbat Oswald
was ttyiug to get iufotmat|ou aboat tbem fot tbe
Soviet sectet police wbicb is |uowu to opetate
iu tbe Uuited States, audet Uuited Natious
covet.
Iatly iu l)6, Oswald was iu New Otleaus,
wbete be became active ( audet tbe uame of A. J.
Hidel l j iu tbe Iait Play Iot Caba Committee
This organization was founded in New York in
l )6u to sappott Iidel Castto. Accotdiug to tbe
Page 386
Seuate Iutetual Secatity Sabcommittee, fotmatiou
of tbe otgau|zatiou was nuauced by mouey ftom
tbe Cabau m|ss|ou to tbe Uuited Natious. ( 7 )
Datiug tbis petiod ( eatly l )6) j , Oswald wtote
tbe State Depattmeut applyiug fot auotbet pass
pott, sayiug be wauted to visit Iuglaud, I|ulaud,
Itauce, Getmauy, Hollaud, Italy, Polaud, aud
Rass|a. Tbe uew passpott was issaed to Oswald
at New Otleaus ou Jaue . , l )6). ' ' '
Catlos Bt|ugaiet, a Cabau autiCastto pattiot,
told Associated Ptess tepottets tbat Oswald bad
attempted to iunlttate a Cabau autiCastto ot
gauizat|ou, by onet|ug bimself (as a fotmet Ma
t|uej to tta|u Cabaus fot au |uvas|ou of tbe
|slaud. Btiugaiet sa| d
"I was suspicious of him from the start .
Then a few days later, I encountered him on
Canal Street distributing 'Viva Castro' literature.
We took all his propaganda away from him.
Then the police came and arrested a lot of us . . . .
The charges against all of us but Oswald were
dismissed."< l )
Oswald was nued si u fot distatbiug tbe peace,
aud teleased.
Ou Aagast . l , l )6) ( sbottly aftet bi s attest
iu tbe stteet ngbtj Oswald appeated as a gaest ou
a New Otleaus tad|o ptogtam |uowu as Cou
vetsatiou Catte Blaucbe, statiou WDSU. Dat
|ug tbe btoadcast, Oswald |deut|ued b|mself as
a matxist.
Tbe Cabau Stadeut D|tectotate |u M|am| te
potts tbat Oswald was Ptes|deut of tbe New
O:leaus Ia|t Play Iot Caba Comm|ttee, aud tbat
tbe uat|oual otgau|zat|ou ttausfetted bim ftom
New Otleaus to Dallas, late |u Aagast, l )6), fol
lowiug b|s iutetview ou tbe tadio ptogtam.
( 1)
Tbe exact t|me of Oswald s move ftom New
Otleaus to Dallas |s uot geuetally |uowu. Mts.
Ratb Paiue, of Itv|ug, Texas ( wbo bad met tbe
Oswalds iu Dallas j , somebow beatd tbat Mts.
Oswa|d was dest|tate |u New Ot|eaus, w|tb oue
small cbild, expectiug auotbet. Mts. Pa|ue says
tbat, wb|le dt|v|ug bac| to Dallas aftet a vacat|ou
iu tbe Iast, sbe stopped on iu New Otleaus to see
Mts. Oswald. Ou Septembet .), l )6), sbe btoagbt
Oswald s wife aud cbild to bet bome iu Itviug.
Mts. Paiue, fotmetly a Rassiau laugaage teacbet,
sa|d sbe tboagbt sbe aud Mts. Oswald coald belp
eacb otbet.
tu Septembet .6, l )6), The Dallas Morning
News pabl|sbed au atticle ou William J. Iowety,
a Dallas salesmau wbo bad beeu opetat|ug as au
audetcovet |ufotmaut fot tbe IBI ou commauist
act|vities. Iowety sa|d tbe commauist patty, cou
ceuttatiug tecta|tiug enotts ou college stadeuts,
m|uotity gtoaps, aud labot auious, bas bad a gteat
deal of saccess aud is gtowiug |u Texas.
Ou Septembet .6, l )6), Dallas uewspapets also
pabl|cized Ptesideut Keuuedy s scbedaled visit to
Dallas iu Novembet. Ou tbat same day, Oswald
ctossed tbe botdet iuto Mexico at Naevo Iatedo.
Ou Septembet ., be tal|ed witb tbe Cabau
cousal at Mex|co City, teqaest|ug a v|sa fot
ttavel to tbe Soviet Uu|ou, via Caba. Wbeu
told tbat be mast wait aboat tbtee wee|s fot
cleatauce ftom tbe Cabau fote|gu m|uistty, Os
wald left iu auget. Ou Septembet ., be v|sited
tbe Soviet Imbassy |u Mex|co C|ty teqaestiug tbe
visa, ideutify|ug b|mself as `a m|litaut comma
uist, mattied w|tb a Soviet citizeu, aud say|ug
tbat be bad tesided tbtee yeats iu tbe Soviet
Uu|ou. Wneu told tbat be mast wa|t fot cleatauce
ftom tbe Sov|et fote|gu m|u|stty, Oswald |eft -
agau u auget.
tswald att|ved |u Dallas ftom Mexico ou Oc
tobet 4, aud stayed at tbe YMCA. Ou Octobet
l 4, l )6), |u tbe m|dd|e of tbe u|gbt ( as|ug tbe
alias, o. H. Ieej , be teuted a toom at l u.6 Nottb
Bec|ley Aveuae, fot s. uu a wee|. Tbis toomiug
boase |s less tbau a mile west of tbe Texas Scbool
Boo| Depos|toty ntm (Ilm aud Hoastou Stteets,
ou tbe edge of dowutowu Dallas j wbete Oswald
got a ob, as stoc| clet|, ou Octobet l , l)6).
Tbe fact tbat Oswald, ou Octobet l , got a
j ob iu a ba|ld|ug tbat was ou Ptes|deut Keuuedy's
Page 387
patade toate s|x wee|s |atet bas g|veu t|se to
macb speca|at|ou, bat |t may bave beeu au acc|
deut of |ate. Tbe pab||c d|d uot |uow tbat tbe
ptes|deut|a| patade woa|d pass tbe cotuet of
I|m aud Hoastou aut|| Novembet 16, 1963. Au
exact map of tbe toate was pab||sbed ou Novem
bet . l , tbe day befote tbe v|s|t.
R. S. Tta|y, sapet|uteudeut of tbe boo| de
pos|toty ftm, |atet sa|d of Oswa|d.
"He was a pretty quiet individual. His work
was fne and I had no reason to believe . . . no
idea the man had ever been in Russia. "
Tbete bave beeu pets|steut tepotts tbat tbe
IBI |uew a|| aboat Iee Hatvey Oswa|d' s bac|
gtoaud, |uew wbete b|s w|fe tes|ded |u ltv|ug,
aud |uew wbete be wot|ed |u Da||as. Iu tb|s
tegatd, tbe ou|y tb|ug wb|cb tbe pab||c |uows as
a cetta|uty |s tbat tbe Da||as po||ce d|d uot |uow
of commau|st Oswa|d s emp|oymeut |u a ba||d
|ug ou tbe ptes|deut|a| patade toate ot eveu
of b|s pteseuce |u Da||as Accotd|ug to tepotts,
tbe po||ce d|d bave, bowevet, a ||st of petsous
btauded as extteme t|gbt|sts, wbo wete to be
|ept aucet satve|||auce dat|ug tbe Ptes|deut s
v|s|t.
Aftet Oswa|d's attest, po||ce aud sbet|'s
depat|es foaud amoug b|s eects nve ot s|x meta|
n|es couta|u|ug uotes aud cottespoudeuce. Tbey
a|so foaud sl u.uu, a|tboagb Oswa|d eatued ou|y
si . . au boat at tbe boo| depos|toty. Tbe Os
wa|d f|es wete a|| g|veu to tbe IBI, aud tbe pab
||c does uot |uow wba: tbey couta|ued. Po||ce
satm|se, bowevet, tbat tbey couta|ued a wea|tb of
|ufotmat|ou aboat tbe maus commau|st act|v|t|es
aud poss|b|y aboat b|s coutac:s, aud tbe soatce
of b|s mouey.
Ass|staut D|stt|ct Attotuey W||||am I. A|ex
audet bas tevea|ed tbat some of tbe cottespoud
euce foaud |u Oswa|d s eects cous|sted of |et
tets ftom |eadets of tbe commau|st patty of tbe
Uu|ted States, tbau||ug Oswa|d fot b|s act|v|t|es.
Otbet |ettets wete ftom tbe Ia|t P|ay Iot Caba
Comm|ttee, tbau||ug Oswa|d fot past setv|ces.
g|v|ug b|m saggest|ous aboat otgau|z|ug cbaptets
of tbat otgau|zat|ou.
Dat|ug tbe 4boat pet|od betweeu Oswa|d' s
attest ou Novembet .. aud b|s matdet ou Novem
bet .4, be uot ou|y adm|tted, bat attogaut|y
boasted to po||ce, tbat be was a matx|st.'
The Haters
Nost of tbe |ufotmat|ou aboat Oswa|d s
commau|st act|v|t|es ( sammat|zed abovej was
pab||c|zed w|tb|u a few boats aftet b|s attest ,
bat tb|s d|d uot seem to mattet to | |beta|s aud
se|fsty|ed aodetates ( |u Da||as aud e|se
wbetej , wbo, fot mauy days, poated oat au |u
cted|b|e vo|ame of bate, uot aga|ust commau|sts,
bat aga|ust coust|tat|oua| cousetvat|ves ca||
|ug tbem t|gbtw|ug exttem|sts, b|gots,
t|gbtw|ug fauat|cs.
Immed|ate|y aftet tbe Ptes|deuts assass|uat|ou,
tbe Vo|ce of Amet|ca (U. S. Govetumeut ovet
seas btoadcas:|ug ageucyj uot|ned tbe wot|d tbat
tbe Ptes|deut bad beeu ||||ed |u Da||as, ceutet
of tbe extteme t|gbtw|ug movemeut. Tb|s of
nc|a| btoadcast of tbe U.S. Govetumeut was ta|eu
ovetseas, of coatse, to meau tbat Amet|cau aut|
commau|st cousetvat|ves ate auatcb|sts aud as
sass|us, tbat Da||as |s a botbed of sacb peop|e, aud
tbat tbe U.S. Govetumeut ptesamed tbem ga||ty
of matdet|ug tbe Ptes|deut. ( 8)
As soou as Oswa|d was attested aud | deut|fed,
VOA de|eted, ftom |ts ovetseas btoadcast, tef
eteuce to t|gbtw|ug exttem|sts |u Da||as, bat
was catefa| not to meut|ou tbat tbe attested as
sass|u was au adm|tted commau|st. It was ap
ptox|mate|y . boats aftet Oswa|d's attest be
fote VOA to|d tbe wot|d tbat tbe mau was a
matx|st.
Wbeu as|ed to exp|a|u, Mt. Heuty Loom|s,
D|tectot of Vo|ce of Amet|ca, defeuded tbe
ot|g|ua| btaud|ug of Da||as as a ceutet of tbe
extteme t|gbtw|ug movemeu: by say|ug
"It was a fact. Tass [ Soviet news agency] knew
this beforehand . . . . Things were running in
circles." ( 8)
Page 388
Coucetu|ug VOA' s l .boat delay |u btoad
cast|ug tbe known fact tbat tbe assass|u was au
adm|tted commau|st, Mt Ioom|s sa|d.
"We bend over backward to be carefu1 . "( S)
Uu|ced States Repteseutac|ve Hatty R. Sbep
patd ( Democtat, Cal|fotu|aj desct|bed b|s ftst
teact|ou co cbe uews of cbe Ptes|deut's assass|ua
c|ou.
"The frst impression I had - a hasty one at
that - was that I had never liked the tenor of
the so-called Dan Smoot writings of that area.
He's an extremist whose writings are not only
famboyant, but are inclined to be of a violent
nature and inclined toward character assassina
tion.
"Further, in that general area you have a con
siderable grouping of a socalled Welch crowd.
It has been apparent that it is a very infammable
area . . . . Be it right or wrong, that was my frst
basic thinking e . . . `
Ou Novembet .4, l)6), The Daily Sentinel}
Gtaud Jauct|ou, Colotado, ed|tot|al|zed ou tbe
assass|uac|ou, w|tboat meut|ou|ug tbe uame of
tbe assass|u ot eveu b|ut|ug tbat be was a com
mau|st. T he Daily Sentinel pat all tbe blame ou
Dallas cousetvat|ves
"It is not surprising that the assassination
took place in a city where . . . . the heat of
hatred and vilifcation has run so high that
special security precautions were necessary."
Ocbets vagaely |uc|aced commau|sts |u cbe|t
deuauc|ac|ou of Da||as by say|ug tbat bocb cbe
extteme left aud tbe extteme t|gbt wete te
spous|ble, bat cbey couceuttated tbe|t batted ou
tbe extteme t|gbt seem|ug to eqaate ct|t|
c|sm oi cbe ialleu Ptes|ceuc wicb cteasou aud
bom|c|dal teudeuc|es.
Petbaps tbe most tegtettable temat|s wete
mace by cbe Reveteuc W|l||am A Holmes, pas
cot of tbe Nottbaveu Metbod|st Cbatcb |u Dal
las. Mt. Holmes spo|e ou a uat|oual CBS tele
v|s|ou ptogtam ou Novembet .6, l)6), a|leg|ug
tbat cb|ldteu |u Dallas scbools cbeeted wbeu
cbev beatd oi the President's assassination. Mr.
Holmes' poiuc was cbac cbese cb| ldteu wete ftom
tbe fam|l|es oi pol|t|cal cousetvat|ves wbo bad
taagbt tbe|t yoaugstets to bate tbe leadets of oat
uac|ou Mauy petsous wbo watcbed tbe btoadcast
felt cbat Mt Ho|mes b|mse|f oozec batted wb|le
deuoauc|ug tbe alleged t|gbt|st batets of Dal
las.
Iu oue Da|las sabatbau gtade scbool, tbe
pt|uc|pal was so sba|eu by tbe uews of tbe Ptes|
deuts assass|uat|ou, tbat be seut cb| ldteu bome
w|tboac cell|ug cbem wby. A few cb|ldteu left,
sboat|ug g|eefally, We ate ftee' Bat uo Dallas
scboo| cb||dteu cbeetec tbe deacb of Ptes|deut
Keuuedy Tbete was uo accatacy |u Mt. Holmes'
stoty Nouetbeless, Metboc|st pteacbets of Dal
las, ac a basc||ycouveuec coufeteuce ou Novem
bet .), fotma|ly acopted a teso|ac|ou exptess|ug
wbolebeatted|y oat defeuse of oat btotbet W|l
l|am A Ho|mes t|gbc aud evety otbet m|u|stet's
t|gbt to tbe fteedom of cbe palp|c co cec|ate tbe
m|ud aud sp|t|t of Cbt|st |u evety atea of bamau
l|fe.
( 10)
As | f auyoue bad eveu b|uted tbat a pteacbet
sboa|d be ceu|ed fteedom to declate tbe m|ud
aud sp|t|t of Cbt|st '
Mt Holmes m|gbt bave exptessed sottow ovet
tbe fact tbat pab||c scbool ouc|als coalc uot, | u
cbe boat of uat|oual sboc| aud sottow, call cb|l
dteu togetbet fot ptayet, becaase tbe Sapteme
Coatc bas oatlawec sacb ptayet |u oat pabl|c
scbools Mt Ho|mes d|d uot do tbat He, aud
mauy ocbets l||e b|m, cbose, tacbet, to del|vet
t|tades aboat po||c|ca| cousetvac|ves.
Io||ow|ug tbe matcet of Oswald, K. W.
Cotuel|, Assoc|ated Ptess sta wt|tet, wtote au
atc|c|e fot The Dallas Times Herald (Mouday,
Novembet ., )6) j based ou |utetv|ews w|tb
uametoas cletgymeu. Hete |s a seuteuce ftom tbe
lead patagtapb.
"But the nation's moral leaders said this
killing, like the assassination of the President,
refected a blight in the temper of the people."
Oswalc was a psycbot|c m|sautbtope. He m|t
toted tbe bate aud |awless v|oleuce cbataccet|s
tic of communism; but it is an insult to the United
Staces co say cbac be |u auy way, ot co auy degtee,
tenected cbe tempet of tbe people.
Page 389
Constitutional Conservatives
Iallas cousetvatlsm 1oes uot tepteseut auy
speclal gtoap. It ls a pto1act oi ludlvldaal taste
au1 btee1lug. It ls a way oi llie, a spltlt, a ialtb.
It ls a couvlctlou wblcb ueltbet sptlugs itom
blgotty uot pto1aces lt It ls tbe ptogeuy oi
Ametlcau betltage Tbe stteugtb oi cousetvatlve
couvlctlou lu Dallas ls uoatlsbe1 by toots plaute1
lu tbe Texas itoutlet. Iu tbat seuse, w ate aulqae,
bat lu a |atget seuse, coustltatloual cousetvatlves
oi Dallas ate ll|e coustltatloual cousetvatlves
evetywbete else lu Ametlca. tbey tevete tbe
Ioaudlug Iatbets oi tbls uatlou au1 waut to te
establlsb tbe coustltatloual system wblcb tbey
cteate1.
Toe Wat iot Ametlcau Iu1epeudeuce (wolcb
tbe Ioau1lug Iatoets le1 to a saccessial cou
claslou, was aull|e auy otbet socalle1 tevo
latlou lu blstoty Tbe Iteucb Revo|atlou oi tbe
l tb Ceutaty was coucelve1 lu bate au1 execate1
lu vloleuce Its patpose was tbe same as tbat oi
tbe bolsbevl| tevolatlou lu .utbceutaty Rassla.
to ovettatu au1 1esttoy tbe exlstlug ot1et oi
tblugs aud to mat1et tbe exlstlug leadets oi so
clety Tbe Ametlcau Revolatlou was uot tluge1
wltb saco patpose. Toe Ioau1lug Iatoets, lu te
be||lug agalust Iuglaud, wete teslstlug polltlcal
tytauuy to preJerve and improve toe exlstlug
ot1et.
Toey |eated couceuttatlou oi polltlcal powet,
aud tbey ieate1 auatcby. Oat oi tbelt wls1om
aud toeit ieats, tbelt expetleuce aud tbelt gteat
leatulug, tbey cteate1 tbe most matveloas govetu
meutal system evet coucelved lu toe mlu1s oi
meu. Bellevlug lu govetumeut by law, au1
uot govetumeut by tbe wblms oi meu, tbey
wtote toe Coustltatlou wblcb was a blud
lug couttact uot ouly apou govetumeut
bat apou tbe people as well. By testtlctlug gov
etumeut to tbe exetclse oi speclfcallygtauted
powets, toe Coustltatlou was luteude1 to ptoolblt
govetumeut omclals itom asatplug powet aud
toas becomlog lawless tytauts, audet ptetext oi
oelplug tbe people L!timate powet to coauge
tbe otgaulc sttactate oi govetumeut was leit lu
tbe bau1s oi tbe people, bat tbe meaus oi ma|lug
sacb cbauge ( ameu1lug tbe Coustltatlou, was
cateially ptesctlbe1 to mllltate agalust basty, au
wlse 1eclslous by tbe people Tbls system, aulqae
lu olstoty, was 1eslgued to pteveut botb tytauuy
by govetumeut, au1 tec|less tebelllou by tbe peo
ple.
1ot )u yeats, Ametlcau llbetals bave sap
potted lawleSJ government govetumeut uot
boau1 by tbe speclfc tetms oi toe Coustltatlou,
bat asatplug powet to do auytblug wblco oclal
1om clalms wlll ptomote tbe geueta| weliate.
Coustltatloual cousetvatlves teslst lawless gov
etumeut. becaase tbey |uow lt pto1aces a lawless
soclety Tbe eu1 ls eltbet wll1 auatcby ot opptes
slve dlctatotsolp. Toe ietvot aud 1e1lcatlou oi
coustltatloua! cousetvatlves stems uot itom oate,
bat itom a seuse oi atgeucy. tbey waut to testote
lawful coust|tatloual govetumeut, by lawful
meaus, beiote lt ls too late.
The Harvest?
Joe catteut iatot oi llbetal batted iot cou
setvatlves may couceal a seuse oi gallt. Tbe watpe1
mlu1 oi Iee Hatvey Oswa|1 was ftst atttacte1 to
commaulsm by commaulst ptopagau1a leanets.
Cousetvatlves abbot govetumeutal ceusotsblp
(eveu oi commaulst ptopagau1a, wblco vlolates
coustltatloual gaatautees oi iteedom oi speeco
aud iteedom o| toe ptess Cousetvatlves a!so ab
bot tbe 1lsttlbatlou oi commaulst ptopagau1a lu
toe Luited States at taxpayets expeuse Ilbetal
lsm, bowevet, 1ectees tbat comma:ilst ptopagau1a
mast be 1lstt|bate1 lu tbe Lulted States, wltboat
testtlctlou, at tbe expeuse oi toe Ametlcau peo
ple
l11)
Coustltatloual cousetvatlves 1o uot belleve lu
vlolatlug tbe coustltatloual tlgbts oi auyoue, uot
eveu oi commaulsts , bat toey bave iot yeats cou
teu1ed tbat commaulsts sboal1 uot be glveu ptei
eteutlal tteatmeut. Cousetvatlves bave beeu pat
tlcalatly coucetued aboat State Depattmeut soit
uess towatd commau|sm Woat else, oat to|s lio
etal attlta1e oi speclal itleu1lluess towat1 com
Page 390
mau|sts, coa|d bave ptompted tbe State Depatt
meut to teuew Oswa|d' s passpott aud pay b|s way
bac| to toe Uu|ted States, aftet be bad teuoauced
Amet|cau c|t|zeusb|p aud |beu, a yeat |atet,
gtaut b|m auotbet passpott to go to tbe Sov|et
Uu|ou?
Iat|ug tbe |ast tbtee yeats, v|ttaa||y a|| | |beta|
spo|esmeu |u tbe Uu|ted States betate extteme
t|gbt|sts fot assett|ug tbat commau|sm |s dau
getoas |u tbe Uu|ted States Tbe ||beta| ||ue |s
tbat commau|sts ate not daugetoas tbat, |u
deed, t|gbtw|ug exttem|sts ate fat mote batm
fa| tbau commau|sts.
Coa|d tbat exp|a|u wby Da||as po||ce bad a
||st of soca||ed t|gbt|sts to watcb bat wete uot
to|d tbat a |uowu commau|st, au expett t|nemau,
wot|ed |u a ba||d|ug ou tbe ptes|deut|a| patade
route?
As po|uted oat befote, tbe pab||c does uot |uow
wbat tbe IBI |uew, ot bad doue, aboat Oswa|d
Oswa|d |oad|y ptoc|a|med b| s batted of tbe
Uu|ted States, aud boasted of b|s commau|st ac
t|v|t|es. Heuce, |f tbe IBI d|d not |uow wbete be
l|ved aud wot|ed ftom Octobet 1 5 to Novembet
22, tb|s fact a|oue mast tenect tbe att|tade of
Robett Keuuedy, Attotuey Geueta| of tbe Uu|ted
States Note a Uu|ted Ptess Iutetn+t|oua| d|spatcb
ftom Wasb|ugtou, pab||sbed Matcb , 1 962, au
det tbe bead||ue U S. Reds Hatm|ess Says Bob
Keuuedy Hete ate passages ftom tbe att|c| e.
"Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy said
yesterday the U. S. Communist party is a 'wind
mill' virtually powerless to hurt the government.
He criticized 'hysteria' about the party's activities.
'They can't do anything to us' . . . the President's
brother said."
A|| IBI tepotts go to tbe Attotuey Geueta| , wbo
is boe the FBI Director, in the chain of com
maud. if tbe IBi did tepott tbat commau|st Os
wa|d was wot||ug |u a ba||d|ug ovet|oo||ug tbe
ptes|deut|a| patade toate |u Da||as, wby d|d At
totuey Geueta| Robett Keuuedy uot do sometb|ug
aboat | t? Becaase ou|y t|gbtw|ug exttem|sts
ate cous|deted daugetoas ?
Oue seuteuce |u a |ettet ftom a sabsct|bet to
tb|s Report sams ap a |ot .
"If our leaders had fought communism instead
of McCarthyism, there would have been no
Castro in Cuba, and no castroite Oswald in the
United States to murder President Kennedy."
Cover Up?
Lu Novembet 26, 1 963, Ptes|deut Jobusou
otdeted tbe IBI to ta|e cbatge of a|| ev|deuc
aud to ma|e a tbotoagb |uvest|gat|ou of tbe as
sass|uat|ou, aud of tbe sabseqaeut matdet of tbe
assass|u. He ptom|sed tbat IBI tepotts woa|d be
made pab||c |mmed|ate|y.
Ou tbe same dayNovembet 26-The Worker
( commau|st patty uewspapetj , |u a |oug ed|tot|a|
pta|s|ug tbe po||c|es of tbe |ate Ptes|deut Keu
uedy aud p|ac|ug b|ame fot b|s deatb ou tbe
a|ttat|gbt, tecommeuded tbat Ptes|deut Jobu
sou appo|ut a spec|a| comm|ss|ou, audet Cb|ef
Jast|ce at| Watteu, to coudact tbe |uvest|gat|on
Tbtee days |atetNovembet .)Ptes|deut
Jobusou appo|uted a spec|a| mau comm|ss|ou,
beaded by Cb|ef Jast|ce Iat| Watteu, to |uvest|
gate tbe assass|uat|ou aud tbe matdet of Oswa|d.
Tbe otbet s|x meu ou tbe comm|ss|ou.
Allen W. Dulles, former President of the
Council on Foreign Relations and a director of
the CFR since 1 927; Representative Hale Boggs
(liberal Democrat, Louisiana) ; Representative
Gerald R. Ford ( liberal Republican, Michigan) ;
Senator John Sherman Cooper (liberal Repub
lican" Kentucky) ; John J. McCloy, Chairman of
the Board of Directors of the Council on Foreign
Relations since 1 953, former Disarmament
Page 391
Agency head; Senator Richard B. Russell (Demo
crat, Georgia), the only one of the group with
perceptible conservative tendencies.
Ou Decembet 2, 1963, a stoty iu The Dallas
Morning News teveale1 tbat tbe IBi tepotts will
uot be ma1e pablic, as Ptesi1eut jobusou ba1
ntst ptomise1 All iuvestigative tepotts will be
tatue1 ovet to Watteu s commissiouwbicb will
evalaate au1 tepott to tbe pablic
ill tbe pablic evet get tbe fall, ttae stoty ?
Motives
As tepotte1 last week, citcamstaoces gave
tise to tbe ptesamptiou tbat jack Rabeosteio au1
Oswal1 wete iovolve1 togetbet, witb otbets ao
kuowu, iu a plot to assassioate Ptesi1eut Keu
ue1y, au1 tbat Rabensteiu mat1ete1 Oswal1 to
sileuce bim iu1icatious uow ate tbat tbis pte
samptiou may uevet be ptove1. Histoty may te
cot1 tbat tbe assassiuatioo au1 tbe mat1et wete
isolate1 acts of psycbotics, witb uo calcalated
motives ot patpose.
FOOTNOTES
( 1 ) The Dallas Moring News, November 23, 1963, Section 1 ,
p. 6
( 2 ) The Dallas 10ming News, November 24, 1963, Section 1 ,
p. 3
( 3 ) The Dallas Times Hel'ald, November 23, 1 963, p. 6A
( 4) Time, Vol . ' 82, No. 22, November 29, 1 963, p. 27
( 5 ) UPI story from Moscow, The Dallas Morning News, Decem
ber 2, 1 963, Section 1, p. 5
( 6) "A Variety of Red Spy Networks Cover U. S. ," by Henry J.
Taylor, The Los Angeles Times, October 1 2, 1962; The Epi
sode of the Russian Seamen, Report of the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee, May 1 2, 1 95 6, 2 1 pp.
( 7 ) Fail' Play For Ctba Committee, Hearings before the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee, February 27, 1961, 128 pp.
( 8) "In the Nation: The Modem Miracle and the Ancient Curse,"
by Arthur Krock, The New York Times, November 26, 1963,
p. 36; "Broadcast to World: Voice of America Explains
'Far Right' Tag, " by John Mashek, The Dallas Moring
News, November 28, 1963, Section 1 , p. 5
( 9) "Rep. Sheppard Shocked At Death of President," The San
Berardino Daily Stn, November 23, 1963, p. A-2
( 1 0) "Methodists Back ' Freedom of Pulpit, ' ' ' The Dallas Morning
New.r, November 30, 1963, Section 1 , p. 6
( 1 1 ) For a detailed discussion of communist propaganda distribu
tion through American mail, see this Report, "We Pay For
Communist Propaganda," May 28, 1 962.
WHO I S D A N S MO O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degres in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard as a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a dotorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years on FBI headquarters staff in Washington; and almost four years
on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951, Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum_ On Facts Forum radio and television pro
grams, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business - a fre
enterprise operation financed entirely by profits from sales: sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business firms, for use on radio and television as an advertising ve
hicle. The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues - the
side that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts
are available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smot is providing effective tols for Americans fighting soialism and communism, you can
help immensely - by helping him get more customers for his Report and brodcasts.
Page 392
M
1(1 Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 50 (Christmas Broadcast) December 1 6, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
THE HOPE OF THE WORLD
DAN SMOOT
Iu tbis pablisbed Report aud iu my btoadcasts evety wee|, I tty to ase faudameutal Ameticau
coustitatioual ptiuciples as tbe yatdstic| fot measatiug tbe political aud socia| aud ecouomic ptob
lems of oat time. Heuce, it is impottaut to me tbat Iset aside oue Report eacb yeat iu wbicbiustead
of ctiticiziug tbe people aud policies wbicb viol ate tbose ptiuciples i teamtm my faitb iu tbe
ptiuciples . testate my owu couclasious aboat tbe otigius of tbe gteat Ameticau ideal.
Cbtistmas is au apptoptiate seasou fot tbis positive teautmatiou, becaase, as I see it, tbe begiu
u|ug o| tbe Uuited States of Ametica was tbe most dtamatic aud siguihcaut episode iu a loug
pi|gtimage tbe pilgtimage of tbe Cbtistiau idea of law, libetty, aud selfgovetumeut. Cbtis|iau
ity |s tbe mastet pt|uciple of oat otgauic docameuts of govetumeut tbe Declatatiou of Iude
peudeuce, tbe Coustitatiou, aud tbe Bill of Rigbts.
T be act of iuhuite love aud metcy wbicb seut jesas iuto tbe wotld to save meu ftom siu im
plauted iu tbe miuds of meu tbe idea tbat iudividaal mau is a cteatate of iuhuite impottauce. Tbe
life aud teacbiugs of jesas, aud tbe wot| aud examole of His Disciples, maguify tbe impottauce of
tbe bamau individual, miuimize tbe impottauce of bamau masses aud bamau society aud bamau
government.
Wbeu Jesas selected bis disciples, be did uot go to tbe gteat auivetsities, to tbe ceutets of iu
tellectaalism. He did uot tty to cteate a saddeu mass movemeut by pic|iug a latge uambet of oat
staudiug people. He cbose a dozeu obscate meu, mostly hsbetmeu, wbo lived by beavy labot.
Aftet tbe Ctacihxiou, wbeu Petet stood ap amoug tbem, to coudact tbe basiuess of cboosiug
a disciple to teplace tbe ttaitot Jadas, tbe uambet of uames togetbet wete aboat oue baudted aud
tweuty.
Wbat coald tbis small gtoap of people do iu a wotld tbat was pagau, wbete Cbtistiaus wete,
iu a seuse, oatlaws, bated aud petsecated? Tbey temade tbe wotld, aptootiug aucieut aud powet
fal civilizatious, plautiug tbe seeds of uew oues. Nowbete iu tbe auuals of mau|iud cau tbete be
foaud mote tbtilliug ptoof of tbe powet, impottauce, aud aulimited possibilities of tbe bamau
individual wbo is hted by faitb.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates : $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 'months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues : 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1. 00; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 393
Neltbet Paal not any oitbeotbet eatly Cbtls
tlansba1 anypattlcalat lntetest lnsoclal teioto
otpolltlcaltevolatlon.Tbelt1e1lcatlonwasspltlt
aal , yet, attbecoteoiCbtlstlanialtblstbemost
tevolatlonaty l1ea evet concelve1. tbe l1ea tbat
ln1lvl1aal oan, tegat1less oi wbo be ls, ls lnu
nltelylmpottant.
many Cbtlstlan 1enoolnatlons an1 sects be
lleve, oicoatse, lnotlglnal sln. tbatoan lsbotn
lnslnan anwottby, cottapt belngwbo can be
save1 only by tbe Gtace oi Go1, tbtoag| )esas
Cbtlst. All Cbtlstlans wbo cllng to ian1aoental
ttatb bellevetbatmanlslopetiect, bopeless, an1
lost, wltboattbe:avlngGtaceoi)esas.
Yet lt was Cbtlstlanlty wblcb gave blttb to
individualism bellei ln tbe sacte1 lopottance
oi tbe baoan ln1lvl1aal. How?
I n1lvl1aal oan ls lopetiect, yet Go1 cteate1
blo an1 so love1 blo tbat He sent Hls only
begotten :on to save blo itoo sln. Tbat ls tbe
baslc Cbtlstlan l1ea. Aitet sacb an l1ea ba1
wot|e1 iotcentatles lntbehnlteoln1soimen,
lt le1 to an obvloas conclaslon. ln1lvl1aal man,
tbeobject oi sacb lnnnltegtace an1 metcy, oast
be lopottant, tbe oost lmpottant cteatate on
eattb. Tbls ls tbe otlgln oi tbe baslc Aoetlcan
political l1eal . tbat oan gets all bls tlgbts an1
powets itoo Go1, tbe Cteatot , tbat govetnment
ls awea|etan1 less lopottantcteatatetbanoan,
becaase govetnoent was cteate1 by man. It was
cteate1, lniact, asaoetetooltosetvetbeslople
an1llolte1patposeoisecatlngiotoantbeGo1
glvenblesslngstbatwetealtea1ybls.
M an,wltballblscottaptlonan1lopetiectlons,
can becooe a son oi Go1, by tbe slmple act oi
belngbotnagalnlnialtb.
Tbete ls anotbet ptoioan1 Cbtlstlan ttatb.
Go1' sptomlseoi salvatlonlscon1ltlonal tbat ls,
lt 1epen1s on man 1olng sometblng. Man mast
volantatllyacceptGo1' sgtace.Go11oesnotiotce
lt apon blo, an1 oan mast, as a tesponslble ln
dividaal, to tbe llmit of bls abilit, consciously
an1etstan1 wbat be ls 1olng wben be accepts
Gtacetbtoagb ialtb.
TbatlstbeCbtlstlanl1eaoiln1lvl1aaltespon
slblllty, wblcb ls lnsepatable itoo ln1lvl1aal lo
pottance an1 ln1lvl1aal itee1oo. Tbls Cbtlstlan
concept (beatlngovettonesoitbetbteelnone, ot
ttlnlty,l1eaoiGo1, caoetobe|nownaslndlvl1
aallso, an1Cbtlstlanln1lvl1aallsowas the be1
toc|onwblcb tbeAoetlcannatlonwas ioan1e1.
* * * * *
AMERICA: Culmination of the
Christian Ideal
T be beginnlngs oi Aoetlca weteCbtlstlan.
Most otgan|c 1ocaments o| govetnment ln
Ametlcat|e May1owet Compact oi 1 620; t|e
Declatat|on oi In1epen1ence oi 1776; tbe Con
stltatlon oi 1787 g|ve tecognltlon to Go1o
Wblle tbeMayfower to1e at ancbot ln Ptov
lnce:own Hatbot, neat Cbtlstoastloe, 1 620, tbe
Pllgtlos aboat1 1ecl1e1 to ioto a govetnoent
beiote golng asbote ln tbe new wotl1. Hence,
tbey wtote an1 slgne1 tbe maynowet Coopact.
Tbey1ate1lt"Anno Domini, 1620. " Tbatpbtase,
iteelyttanslate1toglvetbeiallmeanlnglnten1e1,
says, ln tbe slxteenban1te1an1twentletb yeat
oioatIot1an1:avlot,)esasCbtlst.
Hete lsbowtbeMayowet Compact beglns
"In the name of God, amen, we whose names
are underwritten . . . having undertaken for the
glory of Go, and advancement of the Christian
faith, and the honor of our King and country,
a voyage to plant the frst colony in the norther
parts of Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly
and mutually in the presence of Go and one
another, covenant and combine ourselves to
gether into a civil body politic."
W ben tbe Constltatlonal Conventlon oet at
Pblla1elpbla ln 1 787, tbe 1elegates coul1 teacb
noagteementontbe|ln1oinatlonalgovetnment
nee1e1a |ln1 wblcbwoal1 bln1tbe ln1lvl1
ual statestogeter in a union for protetion against
iotelgn powets an1 iot pteventlng wats among
Page 394
c|emselves, bac w||c| woal1, ac c|e same c|me,
ptesetve c|e sovete|gncy oi c|e |n1|v|1aal scaces,
leav|ng co c|e people c|e|t Go1g|ven t|g|cs co
govetn c|emselves |n c|e|t own scaces, w|c|oac
|ncetietenceitomc|enac|onalgovetnmenc
T |eConsc|cac|onalConvenc|onwasonc|epo|nc
oi btea||ng ap. Benjam|n Itan|l|n palle1 c|e
c||ng cogec|et. A11tess|ng c|e Convenc|on on
]ane., i , Itan|l|nsa| 1.
"How has it happened, Sir, that we have not
hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the
Father of lights to illuminate our understand
ings? . . .
"I have lived, Sir, a long time, and the longer
I live the more convincing proofs I see of this
truth; that God governs in the afairs of men.
And if a sparrow cannot fall to the ground with
out His notice, is it probable that an empire can
rise without His aid?
"I . . . believe that without His concurring aid
we shall succeed in this political building no
better than the builders of Babel."
In c|e beqaesc c|ac escabl|s|e1 Hatvat1 Col
lege, ol1 ]o|n Hatvat1 la|1 1own cetca|n tales
an1 ptecepcs c|ac wete co be obsetve1. One oi
c|emtea1.
"Let every student be plainly instructed and
earnestly pressed to consider well the main ends
of his life and studies; to know God and Jesus
Christ which is eternal life and therefore to lay
Christ in the bottom as the only foundation of all
knowledge and learning and see the Lord only
giveth wisdom. Let everyone seriously set himself
by prayer in secret to seek Christ as Lord and
Master."
We |eat a loc oi cal| aboac Americanism. Ii
yoawancco|noww|ac|cteally| s, tea1c|eDecla
tac|on oi In1epen1ence. There |s c|e essence oi
Amet|can|sm, an1 c|eessence oic|eDeclatac|on
|saC|t|sc|anassampc|on.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident: That
all men are . . . endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable rights."
T |ete we:e no atgamencs ot comm|ccee meec
| ngs ot panel 1|scass|ons aboac | c. :|mply, we
ptocla|m c|ese c||ngs as ctac| becaase we |now
c|em co be ctac|' Hete, |n patap|tase, ate c|e
ctac|s w||c| c|ey ptocla|me1
Government derives its j ust powers from us,
the governed. We want it clearly understood,
moreover, that the grant of power which we make
to government is very limited. Even though we
must delegate to government enough power to
protect all of us from one another, and from
possible foreign enemies, we have certain rights
which we are not willing to surrender or modify
for any purpose whatever. We call these rights
unalienable because God, our Creator, endowed
us with them: we consider them sacred. Each one
of us as an individual, whether rich or poor, weak
or strong, has certain rights that God has given
him and that no power on earth can take away,
neither government, nor an organized group, nor
an overwhelming majority of the people them
selves.
Among these sacred rights are Life, Liberty,
and the Pursuit of Happiness. Initially, we said
Life, Liberty, and Property; but we changed
Property to Pursuit of Happiness to enlarge the
area of rights which we consider sacred.
Aicet w|nn|ng c|e |n1epen1ence c|ey |a1 1e
clate1, an1 aicet wt|c|ng a Consc|cac|on coma|e
c|e necessaty gtanc oillm|ce1 powet co a cenctal
govetnmenc, c|eIoan1|ngFac|ets wott|e1 aboac
c|acmaccetoic|e|tsacte1an1anal|enablet|g|cs.
In c|e utsc secc|on oi c|e|t Consc|cac|on, w|ete
c|eygtance1powet co c|enewgovetnmenc, c|ey
scatce1obysay|ng,' T|epowetsherein gtance1. '
T|ey meanc c|ac c|e govetnmenc s|oal1 |ave
no powets excepc c|ose spec|ucally l|sce1 |n c|e
Consc|cac|on. Bac was c|ac samc|encly cleat an1
emp|ac|c ? Pet|aps noc. T|e Foan1|ng Fac|ets
1ec|1e1 co ma|e cetca|ncy 1oably cetca|n. T|ey
wtoce a B|lloiR|g|cs ( c|eutsc cen amen1mencs
coc|e|t Consc|cac|on, , nocas||ng c|egovetnmenc
iotanyt|g|cs, bacspec|hcallyl|sc|ngcetca|nGo1
g|vent|g|csan1 cell|ng govetnmenc c|ac |cmasc
noc, coal1noc, campet w|c| c|em.
Congress shall make no law abridging these
Page 395
specifc, sacred rights of ours.
T hat |st|emeanlngoit|eAmetlcanConst|ta
tlonand Blll oiRlg|ts.
W|ete dld sac| notlons oi govetoment come
itom? T|ey wete sent lnto t|e wotld at Bet|le
|em, on a nlg|t t|at was sllent and |oly, on t|e
utstdayoit|eutstyeatoiOatLotdand:avloat
)esas C|tlst.
T|eC|tlstlanconceptoieqaallty (alsowtltten
lnto t|e Declatatlon oi Independence. All men
atecreated eqaal , lsnottalntedwlt|matetlallsm.
jesas tat|et lmpatlently sald t|at t|e poot ate
always wlt| as Hls concept oi eqaallty |ad
not|lngto do wlt| mans p|yslcal atttlbates and
possesslons, ot wlt| t|e genetal dlsttlbatlon oi
woudy goods. T|e teac|lngs oi jesas dld not
lmply mass otganlzatlon and standatdlzatlon oi
people, ot wotldwlde anliotmlty, ot a anlvetsal
levellng oi man|lnd. T|ey lmplled t|e opposlte.
)esas taag|tt|at t|e cteatates oi God ate eqaal
beioteGod,regardless of their status on earth.
T|e C|tlstlan concept oi eqaallty ls spltltaal.
It|asnot|lngtodowlt|mylncomeotmy|ealt|
otmyenvltonment. It slmplyglvesmea llttle,
lmpetiect man, botn lnslnanlndlvldaal, pet
sonaltelatlons|lpwlt|God. a telatlons|lpeqaal
to t|at oi any otbet man on eatt|. In s|ott,
C|tlstlanltyexaltslndlvldaallsm,sttesslngt|elm
pottance and t|e exclaslve dependence on God
and selioit|e|amanlndlvldaal.
T|ese C|t|stlan ldeas oi t|e sactedness and
lnunltewott|oit|e|amanpetsonallty|ad tolle
getmlnatlng ln|e mlnds oi men iot elg|teen
centatleslong enoagb to iotm iandamental
t|oag|t pattetnsbeiote t|ey ioand exptesslon
ln a cbattet oi govetnment iot a gteat natlon.
Ametlca.
* * * * *
THE I RREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT
T |e sttengt| and caltate oi Ametlca, ballton
ialt|ln)esasC|tlst, wlllstattdegenetatlngw|en
Ametlcansnolonget|oldaloitt|ecenttaltenetln
C|tlstlanialt|namely,t|att|e|aman|ndlvld
aal (nott|emasses otsociet) batt|eindividual)
|s a dlvlnely lmpottant belng, becaase God sent
Hls only begotten :on lnto t|e wotld to ma|e a
bloodatonementiott|e s|ns oi |ndlvldaals
T|esttengt| and caltateoicommanlsmsoclal
lsmiasclsm, ballt on ialt| |n t|e almlg|:y state,
ot govetnment, woald dle li |eavlly lnulttated
wlt| C|tlstlan lndlvldaallsm, becaase t|e centtal
tenetoicommanlstsoclallstiasclstialt|lst|att|e
lndlvldaallsnot|lng,t|e:tate (otsoclety, ott|e
masses,otgovetnment , lsevetyt|lng.
Hltlet and |ls |enc|men sald lt blantly a
t|oasand tlmes .
"Der einzelner ist nichts; das volk ist alles; Heil
Hitler! "
Inat|oasanddletentwaysandona t|oasand
dletent occaslons, Matx, ngels, Lenln, :talln,
K|tas|c|evsald t|esame t|lng. To commanlsts
soclallsts iasc|stsnotteatmentoianlndlvldaalls
consldetedabase, l imetedoattosetvet|esoclal
lstlc caase. matdet, |ldnapplng, atson, tobbety,
blac|mall, tteasonall ate j astlued li comm|t
ted ln t|eln:etests oi t|e matetlallstlc ia|t| t|at
t|elndlvldaal ls not||ng, soclety lsevetyt|lng.
T|as, t|e cattent conlct between t|e Lnlon
oi:ovletSocialist Repabllcsandt|eLnlted:tates
ls notoetelya tlvaltybetweentwo natlons. Itls
a clas| oi two opposlte ldeologles, oitwo lttec
oncilable iait|s, one of which is doomed to de
sttactlon. :oclallsm can nelt|et be appeased not
contalned, becaase lt ls ballt on t|e notlon t|at
lt mast conqaet all ot dle. All comman|st tal|
aboatwantlngpeaceialcoexlstencewlt|tbewest
lsa lle lntendedto dlsatmand coniase. Comma
nlsts not only do notwant peaceial coexlstence.
t|ey don'teven t|ln| lt posslble.
T|ey ate ptobably tlg|t. :oclallsm coald not
survive, in an intellectual climate where Christian
ldeals ptevall,becaasesoclallsm ls iandamentally
Page 396
at|e|st|c |t|sabe||ei|na||powetia|govetnoent
tat|et t|an |n a||powetia|God Aoet|ca, on t|e
ot|et|and,coa|dnotsatv|ve|it|eC|t|st|anbase
oi |et |nst|tat|ons wete desttoyed, becaase t|e
ioandat|on oi Aoet|can|so |s C|t|st|an
T |e gteat batt|e iot iteedoo |s pt|oat||y a
batt|e iot t|eo|nds and soa|s oi oen. It can be
won on|y |i itee oen ate a1aoe w|t| a ia|t|
gteatet t|an t|a: oi t|e|t eneo|es
Coa|d t|e |ott|b|e soc|a||stconceptoi oan as
anan|opottantan|t|nasoa||esssooet||ngca||ed
the masses, w|nconvettsaoong iteeoen? Coa|d
oatet|a||st|cia|t||nsoc|a||soevet|aveasttonget
appea| to itee oen t|an C|t|st|an ia|t| |n t|e
d|v|ne|opottanceoi|nd|v|daa|s ?
It |as
T |e b|ossoo|ng oi soc|a||so occatted | n t|e
oodetnwot|d a|oost s|oa|taneoas|y w|t| exp|o-
s|ve|y sadden, wot|dw|de deve|opoents |n t|e
p|ys|ca| sc|ences ln t|e new ent|as|aso iot sc|
ence,aoon|ey|||eaoazeoentat||sown|nven
t|ve c|evetness tep|aced oan's anc|ent awe iot
t||ngssp|t|taa| Int|etwent|et|centaty, t|eeasy
oatet|a| ptoo|ses oi soc|a||so ptesented t|eo
se|ves as a new ia|t| and captated sooe oi t|e
oost ca|t|vated o|nds |n t|e C|t|st|an wot|c
* * * * *
SOCIALIZING THE GOSPEL
We will fnd our most fertile feld for infltra
tion of Marxism within the feld of religion, be
cause religious people are the most gullible and
will accept almost anything if it is couched in
religious terminology.
en|n oade t||s pted|ct|on to t|e stadents oi
tevo|at|on | n moscow aitet t|e bo|s|ev||s |ad
ioand |t|oposs|b|eto desttoy t|ec|atc|es itoo
w|t|oat.
T|eycoa|dse|zet|e c|atc|ba||d|ngs and d|s
petse t|e congtegat|ons anc ma|emen afraid to
attend pab||c wots||p setv|ceand t|ey d|d.
T|ey coa|d convettsanctaat|es|ntoso|d|ets' bat-
tac|s, and tavetns, and dance |a||sand t|ey
d|d T|ey coa|d |opt|son, tottate, and oatdet
c|etgyoenand t|ey d|d. Bat t|ey coa|d not
iotce C|t|st|an ia|t| oat oi t|e |eatts and o|nds
andsoa|soioen
Hence,len|notdetedac|angeoitact|cs |nu|
ttate t|ec|atc|es so t|at t|e|t desttact|on coa|d
be petiotoed gtadaa||y, itoo w|t||n, by c|atc|
peop|e t|eose|ves. Re|ntetptet t|e :ct|ptates |n
sac| a way as to1eoove t|e d|etyoiC|t|st and
convett H|o |ntoa soc|a||st. D|stottB|b||ca| set
oonsonc|a:|tyto ptovet|atgovetnoents|oa|d
ta|eoveta||ptopettyandd|v|de|taptoac||eve
econoo|ceqaa| |ty iota||.
In s|ott, ||yoa w||| stta|n a|| sp|t|taa| content
oat oi :ct|ptate, yoa can btea| te||g|ons |o|d
apon t|e peop|e God |s c|anged itoo an a||
powetia|,a|||now|ng,andvetypetsona||eaven|y
Iat|et|ntosooe||nd oivagae, andeuned an|
vetsa| iotce. )esas |s no |onget a De|tyGod
H|ose| i. )esas becooes oete|y a gteat oan, a
teac|et,ap|||osop|et,asoc|a|teiotoet
A c|atc| estab||s|oent ba||t on sac| not|ons
as t|ese |s not an |nsatooantab|eobstac|e|nt|e
pat| oi t|e soc|a||st tevo|at|on On t|e conttaty,
|t can becooe a vety aseia| |nsttaoent iot pto
oot|ngsoc|a||so
oa coa|d a||a toom ia|| oi te||ab|e stat|st|cs
to s|ow t|at t|oasands oi c|atc| peop|e |ave
sappotted |andteds oi coooan|st caases Bat |t
woa|dntdoany good
Noonewoa|dpayany attent|ontoyoa except
sooetop omc|a|soigteatc|atc| otgan|zat|ons
|||e t|e Nat|ona| Coanc| | oi C|atc|es , and t|ey
woa|d oete|y |ow| yoa down as a ioo| and
ttoab|eoa|et
Inaway,c|atc|omc|a|satecottect|nbe||tt||ng
t|e |opottance oi t|e coooan|st itonts
|he important question is whether Christian
pteac|ets |ave tej ected ot cottapted t|e ianda
Page 397
oental 1octt|nesoitbe|tia|tb.
Tbe |an1aoental 1octt|ne oi Cbt|st|an|ty |s
tbat|opetiectoancanbesave1onlybytbegtace
oi)esas C|t|st.
Tbe ian1aoental 1octt|ne o| soc|al|so |s tbat
allo|oanss|nsallev|lsoneattbtesaltitoo
oan's pbys|cal env|tonoent. Conseqaently, gov
etnoent can cteate pata1|se by ta||ng total con
ttol oi tbe l |ves oi all tbe people, all tbe ev|ls
on eattb can be leg|slate1 away |i govetnoent
basenoagb powettocteatetbet|g|tenv|tonoent
enoagb powet to tegalate an1 conttol an1 te
1|stt|bate ant|l evetyone bas an eqaal sbate o|
evetytb|ng'
It|sattb|spo|nttbatpteacbetswbotegat1tbeo
selves as Cbt|st|an soc|al|sts beg|n to sabst|tate
govetnoent iot Go1. It |s at tb|s po|nt tbat tbe
soc|al gospel becooes soc|al|so.
T be soc|al gospel ot|g|nate1 |n tbebel|e| tbat
Cbt|st|ansoastbe|nownbytbe|twot|s. It' snot
enoagb |ot a oanto bel|eve |n )esas. He oast
also be|ave l||e a Iel|evetoast catty oat
)esas' |nsttact|ons to all bel|evets tteat otbets as
yoawoal1l||etbeototteatyoa,loveyoatne|gb
bot as yoatsel i , sbate yoat bless|ngs w|tb people
less iottanate tbanyoatseli.
Hence, tbe typ|cal ol1|asb|one1 soc|algospel
pteacbet wasonewbo exbotte1 b|s congtegat|on
tolea1bettetl|ves. atastbeyeatstolle1 byan1
people |ept on s|nn|ng, t|e newet ctop oisoc|al
gosoelpteacbetsseeoe1toloseia|tb|nexbott|ng
an1ptay|ng.manyoo1etnl|betalcletgyoentatn
to govetnoent, an1 not to Go1, to cottect ev|ls
|nt|esoc|etyatoan1tbeo
many oo1etn l|betal o|n|stets seeo to bave
lost coni1ence |n Go1. T|ey teact to ptobleos
atoan1 t|eobyexett|ng ptessate, |ntbenaoeoi
Cbt|st|an cbatcbes, iot |e1etal laws wb|cb w|ll
|opose t|e|t not|ons oi eqaal|tyan1ootal|tyon
tbe ent|te nat|on. Tbey 1o not bel|eve |n volan-
taty,|n1|v|1aalCbt|st|ang|v|ngexcepttotbe|t
ownc|atcbes T|eybel|eve|notgan|ze1pol|t|cal
pressures for legislation which will force other
peopletog|ve
Gteat naobets oi oo1etn cletgyoen appat
entlybavecooeto tegat1 tbe|t j ob as be|ng, not
o|n|stetsoi tbe Gospel oi)esas, bat |otoalatots
o|pabl|cop|n|onontbeeconoo|can1soc|alptob
leos oi oat t|oes Tbey bave becooe classcon
sc|oas pol|t|cal tob|nboo1s . petpetaally pet|t|on
|ng govetnoent to ta|e ooney away itoo one
gtoapoic|t|zensiot1|stt|bat|ontoanotbetgtoap.
One o11 t||ng aboat tbe a1vance1 t|eolog|cal
e1acat|on wb|cb bas taagbt Aoet|cas oo1etn
cletgyoen to1esp|seAoet|ca s ptoutoot|ve eco
noo|csysteo. |tbas|a|le1to telltbeowbattbey
atego|ng to 1o iot c|atcb ba|l1|ngs, an1 cbatcb
pt|nt|ng ptesses, an1 c|atcb eqa|poent, an1
cbatcb salat|es aitet tbey bave el|o|nate1 tbe
Aoet|can systeo oiptoutoot|vate1 cap|tal|so
vetyc|atcbptopettyan1evetypteacbet ssa|
aty |n tbe Ln|te1 :tates ate pto1ace1 by |n1|v|
1aal people wot||ng |ot a ptout.
Well|n|otoe1|nvest|gatotsan1sc|olats|nt|e
secat|ty uel1ategtavelyconcetne1aboatwbat|s
go|ngon|ntbetel|g|oas uel1 T|eyatenotwot
t|e1aboattbe25,000 |1ent|uableoeobetso|tbe
Coooan|st Patty, L:A. Tbey ate not gtavely
wott|e1 aboattbecletgyoenw|obaveba1 sooe
connect|on w|tb coooan|st act|v|t|es
mosto|tbeselattetateloyaltoGo1an1coan
tty. many oitbeogot |nto coooan|st itonts be
caase t|ey coal1n t tell tbeo itoo tespectable
otgan|zat|ons
T here |s tbe 1anget tbe langaage oi oo1etn
l |betal|so |s so s|o|lat to tbe langaage oi coo
oan|so tbe toot |1eas oi soc|al|so ate so close
,
ly a||n to conteopotaty 1octt|nes oi tbe soc|al
gospel tbat oanycannottell tbe 1|etence.
* * * * *
HOPE
Cbt|st|an lea1ets ate concetne1 aboat conteo
Page 398
potaty attac|s on t|e C|t|st|an c|atc|es. I s|ate
t|at concetn.
Catp|ngandanjast|uedct|t|c|sooioatc|atc|es
ptov|des ioddet iot t|e ptopaganda o|lls oit|e
eneoy.Yet,|iC|t|st|ancongtegat|onsoiAoet|ca
do not oecooe ct|t|cally consc|oas oi t|e bas|c
|ssaes |nvolved |n t|esttaggle oi oat t|oes, and
do not exett evety eiiott to cottect gtave ettots
on t|e patt oi t|e ptoiess|onal and lay leadet
s||p oi t|e c|atc|es, t|egteat C|t|st|an |nst|ta
t|onsw|ll,atbest,benot||ngbettett|anpleasant
soc|al otgan|zat|ons. At wotst, t|ey can becooe
dangetoas ptopaganda centets iot soc|al|so.
T |egteatsttaggle oioat t|oe |sawat to t|e
deat| between t|e C|t|st|an iotces oi iteedoo
andt|eat|e|st|ciotcesoislavety. It|s,t|eteiote,
dangetoasly s|gn|ucant t|at Aoet|can C|t|st|ans
w|lltoletateanygestateon t|epattoit|e|town
c|atc|otgan|zat|onstoannoanceneattal|ty|nt||s
gteatsttaggle, ot toletate any it|endly itatetn|z
|ng w|t| t|e |nown agents oi coooan|so, ot
toletatea btot|et|oodbta|nwas|w||c| tesalts
|nt|eoatlaw|ngoiC|t|st|an|nsttact|oniott|e|t
c||ldten.
Hav|ng been teated and edacated |n t|e in
tellectaa| atoosp|eteoi t|e twent|et| centaty
an atoosp|ete laden w|t| t|e v|tas oi soc|al|so
oany oi oat C|t|st|an leadets seeo nevet to
|ave leatned, otto |ave iotgotten, t|at t|e Gos
pel oi)esas |ssp|t|taa| . T|ey t||n||t|s oetely a
ootal oessage to |elp oen solve t|e oatet|al
ptob| eo oi laoan te|at|ons Hence, t|ey eas|ly
|dent|iyt|eteac||ngsoi)esasw|t|t|esoc|al|st|c
|deal oi eniotced oatet|al|st|c eqaal|ty iot t|e
|aoan tace T|ey s|ow oote zeal iot btot|et
|ood and toget|etness t|an iot t|e sav|ng
gtace oi oat lotd )esas.
T||s w|t|et|ng oi sp|t|taal|ty and gtowt| oi
oatet|al|so ate pt|oaty c|atactet|st|cs oi t|e
twent|et| centaty
Howlate|st|e|oat|nt|en|g|toioat||stoty ?
Not too late.
T|e|opeoioat t|oest|e |ope oi oan||nd
iotall iatateages|st|atC|t|st|ans ( |nAoet|
ca, at least, |aveatlong lastbeganto tetatn to
t|e Ia|t| oi t|e|t iat|ets.
Aoet|cansatebeg|nn|ngto|angetiotsp|t|taal
sastenance. Intell|gentoen ate teal|z|ng t|at sc|
ence |s a o|g|ty tool w||c| God ptov|ded. In-
stead oi attogantly tej ect|ng God, becaase t|ey
now|avesc|ence,t|eyategtow|ngoote|aoble
becaase|ttoo|t|e|aoantacesolongtodevelop
sooet||ng t|at God oade poss|blew|enHe cte
ated t|e |aoano|nd.
W H A T Y O U C A N D O
Washington oficialdom uses your taxes for programs that are creating vast cesspools of waste and corruption
-and dragging our Republic into the quicksands of socialism. What can you do about it?
You can help educate and arouse the people who elect men responsible for harmful programs of government.
When enough other Americans know and care as you do, political action to restore our Republic will come.
If The Dan Smoot Report was instrumental in bringing you to the point of asking what you can do about
saving the country from mushrooming big government, here is a checklist for you: Have you urged others to
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Page 399
Instead ot accept|ng t|e soc|a||st|c ctedo t|at
oan w|t| sc|ence and w|t| sc|ent||c po||t|ca|
otgan|za:|on no longet needs God bat can
| |tt ||ose|t by ||s bootsttaps, |ntell|gent Aoet|
cans ate beg|nn|ng to tea||ze t|at a wots||p ot
:c|ence and ot :c|ent|nc po||t|ca| otgan|za
t|on' w|ll cteate a Itan|enste|noonstet capab|e
otdesttoy|ngtbebaoan tace.
Is|tnotobv|oast|atevety oajot o|taca|oas
btea|t|toag| |n sc|ent|nc d|scovety, t|oag| |t
oay solve a oa|t|tadeot oatet|a| ptob|eos tot
oen, cteates oote teatta| dangets tott|e|aoan
tace t|an t|e oost anen||g|tened savage coa|d
evet|aag|ne|nt|edat|togot||ssapetst|t|ons ?
Is not t|e wotld today a oote tt|g|tened, d|s
ttaag|t, ttenz|ed, and |nsecate place t|an evet
betote|nt|elong,ttag|c||stotyota+n ssttagg|e
tot en||g|tenoent ?
Peop|e w|o |ave tot a |ong t|aeoat ot
|gnotance, ot |nd|etence, ot sooet||ngto|
|owed t|e leadets||p ot o|sga|ded aen, |nto a
deadend ot ttasttat|on and doabt and teat, ate
now beg|nn|ng to seatc| tot t|e anseatc|able
t|c|es ot C|t|st.
Itcaoeapont|eo|dn|g|tcleat. As t|ewb|te
noc|s lay s|eep|ng along tbe ||lls ot Ga||lee,
Cbt|st was botn.
And there were in the same country shepherds
abiding in the feld, keeping watch over their
fock by night. And, 10, the angel of the Lord
came upon them, and the glory of the Lord
shone round them; and they were sore afraid.
And the angel said unto them:
"Fear not, for behold, I bring you good tidings
of great j oy, which shall be to all people. For
unto you is born this day in the city of David a
Saviour, which is Christ the Lord."
T |at |s t|e |opeott|ewot|d.
* * * * *
THIS ISSUE
T||s |ssae ot t|e Report |s ta|en ttoo Dan
:ooots utst boo|, T he Hope of T he World.
Pt|ce $2. 00, postpa|d byoa|l ttoot|e oce ot
T|e Dan :ooot Repott
WH O I S D A N S M O O T ?
Born in Missouri, reared in Texas, Dan Smot went to SMU in Dallas, getting BA and MA degrees in 1938 and
1940. In 1941, he joined the faculty at Harvard a Teaching Fellow in English, doing graduate work for a doctorate
in American Civilization.
In 1942, he left Harvard and joined the FBI. As an FBI Agent, he worked for three and a half years on communist
investigations in the industrial Midwest; two years as an administrative assistant to J. Edgar Hoover on FBI headquar
ters staf in Washington; and almost four years on general FBI cases in various parts of the nation.
In 1951 , Smoot resigned from the FBI and helped start Facts Forum. On Facts Forum radio and television
programs, Smoot spoke to a national audience, giving both sides of controversial issues.
In July, 1955, he resigned and started his present independent publishing and broadcasting business -a free
enterprise operation fnanced entirely by profts from sales: sales of The Dan Smoot Report, a weekly magazine;
and sales of a weekly news-analysis broadcast, to business frms, for use on radio and television as an advertising vehicle.
The Report and the broadcast give only one side in presenting documented truth about important issues -the side
that uses the American Constitution as a yardstick. The Report is available by subscription; and the broadcasts are
available for commercial sponsorship, anywhere in the United States.
If you think Dan Smoot is providing efective tools for Americans fghting socialism and communism, you can
help immensely -by helping him get more customers for his Report and broadcasts.
Page 400
M
I(I Smoot Report
Vol. 9, No. 5 1 (Broadcast 435) December 23, 1 963 Dallas, Texas
1Hb L b W N
There is no terror in your threats . . . for I am armed so stmng in honesty that they
pass by me as the idle wind, which 1 respect not. Shakes
p
eare
DAN SMOOT
Jop lea1ets oi t|e Kenne1y a1o|n|sttat|on ielt t|at stt|ct const|tat|onal l|o|tat|ons ten1ete1
t|e ie1etalgovetnoent |ncapableoioeet|ngt|e nee1s oi t|e nat|on, an1 oi t|e wotl1, |n t||s
centaty.T|eyoitenscotne1t|eol1Aoet|canie1etalsysteo (w||c| leit state govetnoents w|t|
sovete|gn t|g|ts an1, t|as, pto||b|te1 concenttat|on oi powet |n t|e centtal govetnoent , be
caase t|ey 1|1 not bel|eve t|at sac| itagoentat|onoipol|t|ca|powetwasa1eqaateiott|enee1s
oisoc|ety |n t|eoo1etn wotl1.
Ptogtaos oit|eRepubl|cana1o|n|sttat|onoi iotoet Ptes|1ent |sen|owet tenecte1 t|e saoe
conv|ct|ons , bat |sen|owet spo|esoen wete less iott|t|g|taboatt|e|tconv|ct|ons. t|eygenetally
gaveoote l|p setv|cetoAoet|can const|tat|onal pt|nc|ples t|an new itont|et lea1ets 1|1.
Dat|ng t|e |sen|owet teg|oe, t|eteiote, pol|t|cal apat|y an1 conias|on wete w|1esptea1. be
caase|twas|at1tocooetogt|psw|t||sen|owet. Iiyoaweteconsetvat|ve ( w|t|oattealan
1etstan1|ngoit|eteto, yoacoal1un1cooiott|npabl|cptonoanceoents oi consetvat|ve bas|
nessoenont|e|sen|owetteao. Ot,|iyoawete l|betal, yoacoal1un1 cooiott |n|sen|owet
ptogtaos w||c| |gnote1 const|tat|onal l|o|tat|onsan1 pat t|e |e1etalgovetnoent|nt|e to|e oi
a total|tat|an weliate state.
T|e telat|ve can1ot oi new itont|etsoen, |n a1vocat|ng t|e saoe ||n1s oi ptogtaos w||c|
|sen|owet |a1 a1vocate1, cteate1 s|atp conttovets|es w||c| t|e |sen|owet vagaeness nevet
atoase1 Conseqaently, new itont|et ptogtaos, t|oag| not 1|etent |n ||n1 itoo t|ose oi t|e
ptev|oas a1o|n|sttat|on, evo|e1 oote oppos|t|on.W|eteasptog:aosoitotal|tat|anl|betal|sooet
l|ttle 1eteto|ne1 tes|stance 1at|ng e|g|t |sen|owetyeats, t|esaoe, ots|o|lat, ptogtaos wete
apptoac||ngstaleoate aitetlesst|an t|teeyeatsoi||s saccessot.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1 -2303 ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue ) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.0; 50 for $5. 50; 100 for $10. 00 each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reproductions permitted.
Page 401
T|e Congressional Quarterly, Novembet 22,
i )6), teveals t|at, oi 25 majot p|eces oi leg|sla
t|onsappotte1 by t|e a1m|n|sttat|on, 7 wete en
acte1 |nto law. T|ete was l|ttle l||el||oo1 t|at
t|e I|tst :ess|on oi t|e sst| Congtess woal1 ap
ptoveonemotet|anonet||t1oit|eKenne1ya1
m|n|sttat|on's leg|slat|ve ptogtam.
T|e ma|n oppos|t|on to te late Ptes|1ents
ptogtams was not patt|san|n t|e sapethc|al
senseoiRepublicans oppos|ngmeasatesptopose1
by Democrats. Iot t|e most patt, consetvat|ve
Repabl|cans |nCongtess w|o oppose1 new iton
t|et measates |a1 t|esame mot|ves as Democtats
w|o j o|ne1 t|em t|ey cons|1ete1 t|e measates
|atmial, anconst|tat|onal
Pabl|coppos|t|onto t|enewitont|etwascom
pletely 1|votce1 itom patt|san pol|t|cs Const|ta
t|onalconsetvat|vesatenotpt|mat|ly|nteteste1|n
t|eweliateoipol|t|cal patt|es T|eycl|ngto t|e
ian1amentalpt|nc|plesoigovetnmentwt|tten |n
to t|eConst|tat|onan1 B|ll oiR|g|ts T|ey sap
pott pol|t|c|ans w|o ap|ol1 t|ose pt|nc|ples, be
caaset|eyt||n| agteatnat|on s|oal1 c|et|s| t|e
ioan1at|ons oi |tsgteatness
|t|Ptes|1entKenne1y|nt|eW||teHoase,
t|e gteat pol|t|cal |ssaes wete becom|ng w|1ely
an1etstoo1. Beiote t|e assass|nat|on, t|etewas a
gtow|ng sense oiopt|m|sm, almost oi j ab|lat|on,
among Amet|can consetvat|ves T|e ptospect
was bt|g|t t|at t|e ptes|1ent|al elect|on oi i)64
woal1 oet t|e people oi Amet|ca, iot t|e htst
t|me |n t||s genetat|on, a cleat c|o|ce between
total|tat|an l|betal|sm an1 const|tat|onal consetv
at|sm. Const|tat|onal consetvat|ves wete elate1
byt||s ptospect, becaase t|ey bel|eve t|at votets,
|i g|ven a cleat c|o|ce, w|ll vote iot can1|1ates
w|o stan1 htmly on t|e Const|tat|on. T|e same
ptospect seeme1 to hll l|betals w|t| b|ttetness,
poss|bly becaase l|betals also teal|ze t|at t|e|t
pol|t|cal p||losop|y w|ll be tejecte1, |i pat to a
ia|t contest at t|e polls One |n1|cat|on t|at l|b-
etal lea1etsatecom|ngtosac|teal|zat|onmaybe
ioand |nt|e Ialbt|g|t memotan1am oi i)6i
in woico :enatot j. W|ll|am Ialbt|got ( Demo
ctat, At|ansas, a1m|tte1 t|at t|e people, | i g|v
en a c|o|ce, woal1 teject sac| l|betal ptogtams
as iote|gn a|1
J|oag|Ptes|1entKenne1ywast|eatc|pol|t
|cal ioe oi const|tat|onal consetvat|sm, consetv
at|ves wete s|ncetely s|oc|e1 an1 sa11ene1 by
t|eassass|nat|on L|betals,w|o|1ol|ze1t|ePtes
| 1ent, exptesse1 l|ttle tesentment iot t|e mat
1etet bat |eape1venom on consetvat|ves.
T|e Reveten1 ) Claa1e vans, C|apla|n oi
:oat|etn met|o1|st Ln|vets|ty, Dallas, 1el|vete1
a uemot|al setmon iot Ptes|1ent Kenne1y,
saymg.
"The word of President Kennedy's assassina
tion came to me while I was . . . in Chicago . . . .
Could it be true that Dallas who had spit on a
vice-presidential candidate, clobbered with a
picket sign the country's Ambassador to the
United Nations, had now killed the President
of the United States? The reality of the fact
lent unreality to the moment.
"I hastened to the airport hoping to catch an
early plane back to Dallas . . . . An airport
limousine driver preached a short sermon to
those of us on his bus. 'Jesus Christ, what's wrong
with people who would do something like that?'
. . . I did not tell him I was from Dallas . e .
"How long will it take for us in Dallas to see
that we participate in the crucifixion of Jesus
by a cultural climate so
.
conc
rne
.
d about self
that it unleashes a demomc radIcahsm that ends
in the murder of the President? The cross of
Jesus is nailed up afresh by the radical rightists
who use freedom to deny freedom to alternate
views . . . .
"It is ironic that a maniac of the radical left
perpetrated the actual assassination of Presient
Kennedy. But this is no argument
.
fo the rIght
ness of the right . . . . The radIc
,
hsm
.
of
he
extreme leftist of the forties, the radIcal rIghtIsts
of today are blood brothers . . . .
"Whatever else President Kennedy stood for,
he did stand for the free discussion of issues in
a free and open society. And this s what we are
in danger of losing . . . . We are bemg th
eate
.
ned
by those who operate in the dark, who slmk mto
deserted buildings with high-powered guns and
ammunition, who write anonymous letters at
tacking professors at Southern Methodist Uni
versity and circulate them among the student
Page 402
body and potential contributors. We are in dan
ger of being frightened into silence by being
labelled 'socialists' or 'do gooders' or communist
influenced . . . . "
( 2)
Dt. vans, pta|s|ng itee d|scass|oo oi |ssaes
|oa itee aod opeo soc|ety, seeos oattaged tbat
consetvat|ves bave iteedoo to d|scass anytb|ng.
Tb|s ooed|oens|onal v|ewpo|ot typ|ues l|betal
|so |noat t|oe.
Tbe Sacramento ' Cal|iotn| a] Bee sa| d.
"He came t o the Presidency, did Kennedy, in
an hour of rising extremism and in an hour
when the preachers of hate were spreading their
gospels of Fascism across the land and because
this is a free land they were permitted to speak.
Now Kennedy is dead and a piece of America
died with him."( 3)
TbeBee asesfascism asalabeliotcoost|tat|on
al coosetvat|ves.
Rabb| me|t Ias|et, oi Teople)adea Congte
gat|on |n Pb|ladelpb|a, sa|d.
"For in our hearts, we know, that we cannot
throw the entire guilt upon the head of the young
assassin, nor even upon the shoulders of the white
council groups - who undoubtedly infuenced,
by their corrupt standards, this irrational act.
For in truth we are all somewhat responsible
. . . permitting such conditions to develop -that
lawlessness was bound to raise its ugly head. "( 5)
Note tbatRabb|Ias|et d|dnotcalltbePtes|
deot's oatdetet a coooan|st. He called b|o a
yoaog assass|o. Tbe Rabb| exptessed a sent|
oent tbat was v|ttaally an|vetsal |n tbe pto
noanceoents oi l|betals. oaoely, tbat tbe wbole
oat|on oast sbate tbe blaoe iot cteat|og an at
oospbete wb|cb encoataged a oao|ac to ||ll.
Tb|s |s nonsense, and a gtata|toas |nsalt to tbe
people oi Aoet|ca. Tbe beat eogendeted by po
l|t|cal coon|ct between l|betals aod coosetvat|ves
badnotb|ogtodow|tb tbeiacttbatacoooan|st
sbottbe Ptes|dent.
Ii tbete is any conoect|oo between a national
att|tade and tbe oatdet oi Pres|dent Kennedy,
tbose |ovolved |n tbat connect|oo ate l|betals.
Iotyeats, l|betals bave oa|nta|ned tbat coooa
nists in t|eUnitec :tates atenot caogetoas, anc
bave sneeted at wbat tbey called consetvat|ve
bystet|a aboat tbe daogets oi coooao|so At
totney Genetal Robett I. Kenedy bas been
blantly vocal |n tb|s tegatd. Intbe iall oi 1 961 ,
Attotoey Genetal Kennedy |nv|ted Waltet Rea
tbet to sabo|t tecoooeodat|ons aboat conttol
l|ng and s|lenc|ng tbe tad|cal t|gbt. Tbe Rea
tbet oeootandao to Robett Kennedy ( sabo|t
ted Deceobet 19, 1 961 ) , tecoooeoded, aoong
otbet tb|ngs, tbat tad|calt|gbt|sts be placedon
tbeAttotoey Genetal's sabvets|ve l|st. Accotd|ng
to Reatbet, a bas|c iallacy oi tbe tad|cal t|gbt
a oa|n teasoo wby coosetvat|ves ate danget
oasandsboaldbedeclatedsabvets|ve |s tbe|t
ovet-eopb+s|s oo tbe dangets oi dooest|c coo
oao|so. ''
Coocetn|ng tbe genetal l|betal allegat|oo tbat
Dallas eov|toooent sooebow caased a coooa
n|sttooatdettbePtes|dent . |t|snotewottbytbat
Dallas booes wb|cb Iee Hatvey Oswald |s te-
potted to bave v|s|ted wete booes oi l|betal |n
tellectaals. Tbe only oeet|ng tbat Oswald |s
|nowotobave attended |nDallaswasa oeet|ng
oitbe Aoet|can C|v|l I|bett|es Lo|on, at :oatb
etn metboc|st Ln|vets|ty, oo tbe n|gbt oi Octo
bet 25 , 1963. Tbe ACILoeet|ngtbat o|gbt iea
tated a ulo potttay|ng tbe ev|l oi t|gbtw|ng
extteo|so |n tbe :tate oi Wasb|ngton, wbete,
|n 1 962, a state teptesentat|ve was deieated iot
teelect|on becaase t|gbtw|ngets d|sclosed tbe
iact tbat tbe teptesentat|ve's w|ie bad once beeo
a oeobet oi tbecoooan|st patty. ' ''
Maki ng The Most Of I t
1itbePtes|dentbadbeenoatdetedbyaoan|
acwbo cla|oed to bea )obo B|tcbet ot a tac|al
segtegat|on|st, tbe v|g|laotes oi l |betal|so woald
teallybestal||ng tbeland. BattbePtes|dentwas
oatceted by a coooao|st. Tboagb tb|s iact
seeos patt|calatly d|scoocett|ng to l|betals, | t
basoot|epttbeoitoocap|tal|z|ngontbeeveot.
On Noveobet 29, 1 963, Lo|ted :tates Repte
sentative R|cbatc Boll|ng ( l|betal Deooctat
ltoo Missoati , cemancec t|at seniotity ptivi
leges on cooo|ttees be den|ed Deooctats wbo
Pae 403
teiase co sappotc all pollcles and candldaces oi
c|e naclonal Deooctac Patcy. Bolllng called
soac|etn consetvaclve Deooctacs sabvetslves
and qalsllngs oi c|e Deooctaclc Patcy.
''
Lnlced :caces Reptesencaclve Hatty R. :|ep
patd ( llbetal Deooctac itoo Calliotnlaj pte
dlcced c|ac a c|ascened Congtess, sobeted by
c|e assasslnaclon oi c|e Ptesldenc, wlll ptobably
pass c|e Kennedy clvll tlg|cs and cax-cac pto
posals beiote c|e end oi c|e yeat. '''
T|ls was c|e appeal c|ac Ptesldenc )o|nson
oade, ln|ls speec| coa j olncsesslonoiCongtess
on Noveabet z, i )6). Ptesldenc)o|nson atged
Congtess co |onot c|e lace Ptesldenc by passlng
|ls clvll tlg|cs and cax bl|ls. W|lle pleadlng iot
|atoony and naclonal anlcy, and c|e ellolnaclon
oi |ace and blccetness, c|e Ptesldenc atged pte
clplcace acclon on leglslaclon w|lc| oany tegatd
asdlvlslve and|ace-lnclclng.
lg|c days beiote c|e assasslnaclon, c|e
:enace voced apptoval oi :enacot Katl mandcs
aoendoenc co c|e Fotelgn Ald Accpto|lbl
clng c|e xpotc-Iopotc Ban| itoo gaatanceelng
ctedlc co coooanlsc naclons iot patc|ases ln c|e
Lnlced :caces. Iacet, :enacot mandc (Repabll
can, :oac| Da|oca, , ln tesponse co adolnlscta
clon pleas, wlc|dtew |ls aoendoenc and tesab
olcced lc as a sepatace blll. T|e mandc ptoposal
was noc lncended co pto|lblc sales co coaoanlsc
naclons,bacoetelycoteqaltecas|paymencsitoo
c|eo.
Foat days aicet c|e assasslnaclon, c|e mandc
Blll ( w|ose baslc ptovlslons c|e :enace |ad al
teady apptovedj caoeco avoce. :enace maj otlcy
Ieadet ml|e mansneld tead co c|e :enace a
leccet itom c|e deceased Ptesldenc atglng deieac
oi c|e Blll. Ic was deieaced by a voce oi 57 co
35. ( 10)
1n )anaaty, i)6i, Lnlced :caces Reptesenca
clve Vlccot I. Aniaso (l lbetal Deooctac, New
Yot|j lnctodaced a blll teqaltlng Aoetlcan
clclzens co teglscet c|elt |andgans wlc| c|e Fed
etal Bateaa ot invest|gat|on. 1oe bill lay penc
lng ln c|e Hoase )adlclaty Coooltcee iot oote
c|an a yeat. In matc|, i)6z ( w|en c|ete wete
lndlcaclons oi eotc co |ave c|e blll tepotced
oac oi cooolcceej , an lssae oi c|ls Report dealc
wlc| c|e sabj ecc, Rlg|c To Keep And Beat
Atos.
T|e :econd Aoendoenc co c|e Consclcaclon
pto|lblcsc|e iedetalgovetnoenc itoo lnit|nglng
apon c|e tlg|c oi c|e people co |eep and beat
atos. Fedetal uteatos conctol cleatly v|olaces
c|ls consclcaclonal ptocecclon iot law-abldlng clc
lzens, bac does noc co any degtee tedace ctloes
oivlolence by ptevenclng ctlolnals itoo acqalt
lng deadly weapons. Indeed, ctloes oi vlolence
genetally lnctease w|en law-abldlng clclzens ate
denled oeans oi seli deiense.
Pabllclcy aboac c|e Aniaso Blll pteclplcaced
oasslve pabllc ptocesc. T|e Blll dled ln cooolc
cee w|en c|e sc| Congtess adj oatned ln l)6z.
Dtew Peatson, ln a syndlcaced colaon daced
Deceobet ), i)6) ( |eadllned, by sooe papets
w|lc| ptlnced lc, as Hace Gtoaps' Role lnKen
nedysDeac|j , sal d.
"1 hate groups had not pressured Congress
against passage of an arms registration act, Pres
ident Kennedy might still be alive today. Early
in 1 962, Representative Victor Anfuso, the
Brooklyn Democrat, introduced a bill requiring
individuals to register frearms with the FBI . . . .
There was a storm of criticism from the right
wing and a food of letters to Congress. It's sig
nifcant that part of the opposition came from
Dallas where Dan Smoot . . . conducts a right
wing radio program and sends a newsletter to
gullible readers . . . .
"What motive, ulterior or otherwise, the pro
fascists had in opposing the registering of fre
arms is not known. At any rate, the pressure was
so great the bill did not pass . . . v
T|ePeatsoncolaonlspatcoialeitwlngeotc
co ase c|e Ptesldencs assasslnaclon as ptopa
ganda iotleglslaclon w|lc| vlolac
s a i
'
ndaoen
cal tlg|c oi c|e people and w|.c|, m caloet
clmes, c|e people and c|e Congtess sceadiascly
opposed.
1.the political arena, also, liberals are trying
cocaplcallzeonc|eoatdetoiPtesldencKennedy.
Page 404
Tbe most disttessiug examp|e, to date, is iu Loa
isiaua. Befote tbe assassiuatiou, tbe govetuot's
tace iu Loaisiaua (ntst ptimaty of tbe Democtat
Pattyj was alteady iuteuse. No caudidate was
exptessiug batted of Ptesideut Keuuedy, bat
tbe Keuuedy admiuisttatiou was tbe ptedomi
uaut issae. Astate obsetvets felt tbat au auti
Keuuedy caudidate was boaud to wiu, becaase,
amoug tbe peop|e of Loaisiaua, tbete was ttemeu
doas oppositiou to ptactica||y al| uew ftoutiet
ptogtams.
Iollowiug tbe assassiuatiou, libeta|s a||eged|y
couvetted tbe Loaisiaua political tace iuto a bate
campaigu. Accotdiug to tepotts, sappottets of
|ibeta| caudidates tau ads iu uewspapets, sayiug
tbat a vote fot au autiKeuuedy caudidate woa|d
be `au eudotsemeut of tbe Da||as ttagedy aud a
coudemuatiou of tbe lawfa| ptocesses of govetu
meut. ' '''
Ou Decembet , i)6), The Shreveport Times
said, editotially.
"During the fnal few days of the state primary
campaigns, a revolting efort is being made in
some parts of the state actually to capitalize on
the horrible and tragic assassination of a presi
dent of the United States.
"This is being done in an obvious efort to
create hate in the hearts of voters for two specifc
candidates who are described falsely and with
out one iota of documentation as 'haters' of John
Fitzgerald Kennedy . . . e
"Every individual who voted for Mr. Kennon
or Mr. McKeithen [ anti-Kennedy candidates] is
damned as 'endorsing' the assassination of a
'd t " prest en . . . .
Tbete wete seveu majot caudidates iu tbe Loa
isiaua gabetuatotia| ptimaty, beld ou Decembet
, i )6). DeLesseps Mottisou ( ptoKeuuedy cau
didatej nuisbed ntst , ]obu ]. McKe|tbeu ( auti
Keuuedy caudidatej nuisbed secoud. Tbete
wi|| be a secoud, ot tau-oh, ptimaty e|ectiou
betweeu tbese two, uext ]auaaty.
President Johnson
T
u ois ntst majot speeco as Ptesiceut, Mt. ]oou
sou, witb ptacticed attistty, played apou tbe ovet
wtoagbt emotious of Cougtess aud tbe peop|e
as|iug apptova| of couttovetsia| |egis|atiou as a
ttibate to tbe fa||eu Ptesideut. Wi|| tbe Ptesi
deut coutiuae iu tbis veiu? Wi|| be, too, iu i)64,
tty to ma|e po|itica| capita| of tbe assassiuatiou?
Mt. ]obusou's tecotd iudicates tbat be w||l.
Iu tbe sptiug of i)6, tbe ptimaty e|ectious iu
Texas wete a coutest, betweeu tbe |ibeta| fotces
of Lyudou B. ]obusou aud tbe cousetvative fot
ces of A||au Sbivets, fot coutto| of tbe Democtat
Patty. Tbe ]obusou fotces wou. Iu a speecb to a
B'uai B' titb couveutiou iu Wasbiugtou ( Hay 8,
i)6j , ]obusou said tbat tbe victoty of bis |ibeta|
fotces was a tej ectiou of `tbe vicioas attempt to
iuj ect tacial batted iuto Texas politics. (12) Bat
cousetvatives bad uot taised tbe tacia| issae' It
was ]obusou's |ibetals wbo tal|ed aboat taci '
batted.
Mote teceut|y, iu tbe Ptesideutia| campaigu of
i )6u, Mt. ]obusou tepeatedly iusiuaated tbat
auyoue opposed to bim aud Mt. Keuuedy was
autiCatbo|ic. ]obusou te|eut|ess|y ased tbe `te
|igioas issae iu i )6u, wbi|e accasiug Repab|i
caus of taisiug |t, tboagb Repab|icaus catefa||y
avoided tbe issae tbtoagboat tbe campaigu.
1s Ptesideut ]obusou mote cousetvative tbau
Ptesideut Keuuedy was ? He is uot. Iusofat as
tbeit votiug tecotds iu tbe Seuate cau be com
pated, tbe tecotds teveal tbat Seuatot ]obu I.
Keuuedy voted mote cousetvative|y tbau Seuatot
]obusou. A taba|atiou of 4) |ey votes wbicb
]obusou cast iu tbe Seuate datiug i)) aud i )6u
(wbeu be was maj otity |eadetj teveals tbat be
voted witb cousetvatives ) times, witb |ibetals
4u times wbicb gave bim a cousetvative tat
iug of .
His tbtee cousetvative votes .
( I ) for retaining anti-communist loyalty oaths
required by the National Defense Education Act;
(2) for retaining cloture rules which permit
"flibuster" in the Senate; (3) against increasing
appropriations for the United States Informa
tion Agency.
]oousou s 4u |ibeta| votes iu toe Seuate catiug
i)) aud i )6u.
Page 405
( 1 ) 10 votes for foreign aid; (2) 4 votes for
public housing; ( 3) 7 votes for subsidies to pri
vate industry; (4) 1 vote for subsidies to local
governments; ( 5) 1 vote for liberal labor legisla
tion; (6) I vote for federal aid to education; ( 7) 7
votes for social legislation - such as, federal aid
to depressed areas, Youth Conservation Corps,
the food stamp program, federal aid for sewage
plants and other public works, extensions of
Social Security benefts; (8) 2 votes for aid to
communist nations; (9) 2 votes for civil rights
measures; ( 1 0) I vote for federal hydro-electric
power dams; ( 1 1 ) 1 vote for federal control
.
of
elections; ( 1 2) 3 votes for measures promotmg
the cause of world government.
Jobnson |s a s||llial mo1etacot an1 compto
m|set. W||| be, tbeteiote, be mote to|etant oi
ct|c|c|sm cban tbe |ate Ptes|1ent was, tbas ma|
|ng poss|b|e iotcbt|gbc 1|scass|on oi bas|c |ssaes,
w|tb |ess b|ttetness tban bas pteva||e1 |n tecenc
yeats ? Ptes|1enc)obnson |s not a to|etant man. It
|s |ncetesc|ngco compate b|sacc|ca1ecowat1 con
st|tac|onal consetvac|ves (wbom be ca||s t|gbc
w|ng exctem|scs, w|cb tbat oi Ptes|1enc Ken
ne1y. Tbe |ace Ptes|1enc 1|1 spea| |atsbly, an1
oicen, |n1enanc|ac|onoit|gbcw|ngexttem|sts.
I niacc, tbe speecb beba1 scbe1a|e1 iot Dal|as
on tbe 1ay oi b|s assass|nat|on was on cbac sab
j ecc , bac Ptes|1enc Kenne1y nevet
.
ab||c|y
cbteatene1 tos||ence b|s t|gbc-w|ng ctt.cs. On
cbeotbet ban1, noce some temat|s by Mt. )obn
son, |n May, l )6, 1at|ng a speecb co a gtoap
oi new itonc|et lawyets at Wasb|ngcon D. C.
Mt. )obnson accase1 t|gbt-w|ngets oi |tte
spons|b|||cy, say|ng.
"But we cannot aford paralysis, and paralysis
is what this irresponsibility will bring if it is
not checked. I do not accept the counsel of those
who continue to say that irresponsibilit
y
.
shou!d
be left to run its own course. By defmtIon, Ir
responsibility has
o s
lf-limiti
g
.
cpaci
y. There
is no point at whIch Irre
M
I(I Smoot le,o,t
Vol. 9, No. 52 ( Broadcast 436) December 30, 1963, Dallas, Texas
DAN SMOOT
FOURTH ROLL CALLS
1ete|n |s taba|ated tbe ioattb gtoap oi to|| ca|| votes oade |n tbe Ln|ted :tates Congtess
dat|ng 1 963 : 1 4 to| | ca||s |n tbe :enate, 1 1 |n tbe Hoase. Tbese, p|as otbets tepotted dat|ng
tbe yeat, oa|e 64 to| | ca| | votes taba|ated iot tbe I|tst :ess|on oi tbe sstb Congtess 34 |n tbe
:enate, 30 |n tbe Hoase
Coopat|ng petcentages on a|| 34 :enate to|| ca||s taba|ated tb|s yeat, we hnd tbat Ln|ted
:tates :enatots bave a consetvat|ve vot|ng tecotd oi 80ro ot bettet .
Strom Thurmond (Dem., S. C.) -94%; Barry Goldwater ( Rep., Ariz. ) - 93%; John G. Tower
( Rep., Texas) - 88%; Carl T. Curtis ( Rep., Neb. ) - 86%; Milward L. Simpson ( Rep., Wyo.)
82%.
Coopat|ng petcentages on a|| 30 Hoase to|| ca||s taba|ated to date, we und tbat 19 Ln|ted
:tates Reptesentat|ves bave a consetvat|ve vot|ng tecotd 90ro ot bettet. :eventeen oi tbe best
L. : Reptesentat|ves ate Repab||cans , 2 ate Deooctats .
100% -Ralph F. Beermann ( Rep., Neb. ) , August E. Johansen ( Rep., Mich. )
97% -John M. Ashbrook ( Rep., Ohio) , Joe Pool ( Dem., Texas)
96% -Clarence E. Kilburn ( Rep., N.Y. )
93% -Bruce Alger ( Rep., Texas) , Donald C. Bruce ( Rep., Ind. ), Durward G. Hall ( Rep., Mo. ) , Elmer
J. Hoffman ( Rep., Ill. ) , James B. Utt ( Rep., Calif. )
92% -Homer E. Abele ( Rep., Ohio) , Ed Foreman ( Rep., Texas) , Dave Martin ( Rep., Neb. ) , Wil
liam E. Minshall ( Rep., Ohio)
90% -Donald D. Clancy ( Rep., Ohio) , Glenn Cunningham ( Rep., Neb. ) , James A. Haley (Dem.
Fla. ) , James H. Quillen ( Rep., Tenn. ), M. G. Snyder ( Rep., Ky.)
I nternational Coffee Agreement
On may 2 1 , 1 963, tbe Ln|ted :tates :enate ( by a stand oi 74 to 2 2 ) tat|ued tbe Intetnat|ona|
Coee Agteeoent Tteaty wb|cb, |n eect, eopowets an |ntetnat|ona| catte| to contto| pt|ces and
sb|poents oi coee tbtoagboat tbe wot|d. Tbe Tteaty gaatantees |atge annaa| coee sa|es iot
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, a magazine published every week by The Dan Smoot Report, Inc., mailing
address P. O. Box 9538, Lakewood Station, Dallas, Texas 75214; Telephone TAylor 1-2303 ( ofice address
6441 Gaston Avenue) . Subscription rates: $10.00 a year, $6.00 for 6 months, $18.00 for two years. For frst
class mail $12. 50 a year; by airmail ( including APO and FPO) $14. 50 a year. Reprints of specifc issues: 1
copy for 25; 6 for $1.00; 50 for $5.50; 100 for $10. 00 -each price for bulk mailing to one person. Add
2% sales tax on all orders originating in Texas for Texas delivery.
Copyright by Dan Smoot, 1963. Second class mail privilege authorized at Dallas, Texas.
No reprouctions permitted.
Page 409
coooan|st Caba, wb|le 1eny|ng gaatantees to
)apan an1 Nat|onal|st Cb|na.
OnNoveobet 14, 1963, tbeHoase ( byastan1
o| 203 to 1 66) passe1 HR 8864, to |opleoent
tbe Coee Agteeoent |ot two yeats. Tbe votes
ate tecot1e1 |n colaon 2 1 an1et Senate ; |n col
aon 27 an1et House. C |n1|cates a consetvat|ve
stan1 against tb|s |ntetnat|onal pt|ce ux|ng.
Manpower Training
On:epteobet 4, 1 963, tbe:enate ( by a stan1
o|61 to 28) apptove1 S 1 71 6, exten1|ng tbean
const|tat|onal manpowet Tta|n|ng ptogtao |ot
two yeats an1 |ncteas|ng tbe cost to 326 o|ll|on
1ollats. On :epteobet 6, 1 963, tbe :enate ( by
a stan1 o| 5 8 to 33) apptove1 : 1 831 , expan1
|ng tbe manpowet ptogtao an1 aatbot|z|ng an
otbet 1 00 o|ll|on 1ollats. Tbese votes ate te
cot1e1 |n colaons 22 an1 23 an1et Senate. C |s
a consetvat|ve stan1 against.
Aid To Education
On:epteobet 1 2, 1 963, tbe:enate ( by a stan1
o| 85 to 1 0) passe1 HR 1 2, aatbot|z|ng ( 1 ) an
l|o|te1 |an1s |ot loans to oe1|cal sta1ents, an1
( 2 ) $1 75,000,000 |otgtantsto consttactoe1|cal
scbool |ac|l|t|es. Tb|s vote |s tecot1e1 |n colaon
24 an1etSenate. C |sa consetvat|vevoteagainst.
HR 495 5 : (1 ) |nctease1 annaal aatbot|zat|on
|ot gtants to state an1 local vocat|onal scbools
|too 57 o|ll|on to 243 o|ll|on 1ollats, ( 2 ) ex
pan1e1 tbe scope o| vocat|onal e1acat|on act|v
|t|es, ( , exten1e1 tbeNat|onal De|ense 1aca
t|onAct|otanotbettwoyeats ,an1 ( 4, exten1e1
|otanotbet two yeats tbeptogtaoo| |e1etal a|1
to scbools |n |e1etally |opacte1 ateasateas
wbete latge naobets o| |e1etal petsonnel, c|v|l
|an ot o|l|taty, cteate spec|al scbool ptobleos.
Tbe:enateapptove1tb|sB|llonOctobet8, 1 963 ;
bat |t was 1|etent |too a vets|on apptove1 by
tbeHoase. A con|etence, otcooptoo|se,vets|on
wasaoptove1by tbe:enateon Deceobet 1 3 ; by
tbeHoaseon Deceobet 1 2. Tbe:enatevote, te
cot1e1 |n colaon 28 an1et Senate, teects tbe
stan1 o| :enatots on HR 495 5 as ot|g|nally
apptove1, an1 on tbe con|etence vets|on. Tbe
Hoasevote,taba|atec|nco|aon 30 ancetHouse,
teects tbe stan1 o| Keptesentat|ves on tbe con
|etence vets|on o| HR 495 5 . C |n1|cates a con
setvat|ve stan1against HR 495 5 .
Disarmament Agency and Test Ban Treaty
OnNoveobet20, 1 963, tbeHoase ( by astan1
o| 257 to 1 38) passe1 : 777, aatbot|z|nga 1 0000
|nctease |n D|satoaoent Agency |an1s |ot tbe
nexttwo yeats. Tbe vote |s tecot1e1 |n colaon
28 an1etHouse. C |saconsetvat|vestan1against.
On:epteobet 24, 1 963, tbe:enate ( by a stan1
o| 81 to 1 9) tat|ue1 tbe Test Ban Tteaty. Tb|s
was one o| tbe utst tesalts o| tbe D|satoaoent
Agency s act|v|t|es. Tb|s vote |s tecot1e1 |n col
aon 25 an1et Senate. C |s a consetvat|ve stan1
against.
Fishi ng Boat Construction Subsidies
OnOctobet 2, 1 963, tbe:enate ( by a s:an1 o|
77 to 1 7) passe1 : 1 006, exten1|ng sabs|1|es |ot
tbe consttact|on o| new usb|ng boats |ot anotbet
5 yeats. Tb|s ptogtao was |n|t|ate1 1at|ng tbe
|senbowet a1o|n|sttat|onas a tesalto| unanc|al
1|calt|esencoantete1byAoet|canusbetoenbe
caase o|beavycoopet|t|on |too |ote|gn nat|ons,
espec|ally )apan.
Tbe vote |s l|ste1 |n colaon 26 an1et Senate,
C |n1|cat|ng a consetvat|ve stan1 against.
Civil Rights Commission
On Octobet 1 , 1 963, tbe :enate ( by a stan1
o| 80 to 1 7 ) vote1 to exten1 tbel| |e o| tbe C|v|l
K|gbts Cooo|ss|on |ot one yeat. Tb|s extens|on
was |n tbe |oto o| an aoen1oent, ot t|1et, by
:enatot vetett mcK|nley D|t|sen (Repabl|can,
Ill|no|s , to a pt|vate b|ll ( HR 3369) .
Tbe t|1et tecbn|qae ptob|b|te1 tbe Hoase
|too ta||ng a sepatate vote on tbe C|v|| R|gbts
Cooo|ss|on qaest|on. Hence, HR 3369, s|gne1
|nto law ( PI 88- 1 5 2 ) on Octobet 7, 1963, ex
ten1e1 tbe l||e o| tbe C|v|l R|gbts Cooo|ss|on,
w|tboatspecific apptovalo|tbeHoaseo|Repte
sentatves. Tbe :enate vote |s tecot1e1 |ncolaon
27, an1etSenate. C|saconsetvat|vestan1against.
Water Pol l ution Agency
On Octobet 1 6, 1 963, tbe :enate ( by a stan1
ot84 to 1 2 ) passec S 649, establis|ing a tecetal
WatetPollat|onContto| Agency. Tb|s leg|slat|on
Page 410
aacbotlzescbe:ectecatyoiHealcb,Ldacaclon,and
Weliatecolssaetegalaclonsptevenclngcbemana
iaccate and ase oi decetgencs he decetmlnes wlll
conctlbacecolncetscacepollaclonoiscteamsand
wacet. Tbe :ectecaty ls also empoweted co ob
caln coatc otdets compelllng scaces co comply
wlcb his tegalaclons Tblsvocelstecotded lncol
amn 29 andet Senate. C ls a consetvaclve scand
against.
Foreign Aid
On Aagasc 23, 1 963, cbe Hoase passed cbe
IotelgnAsslscanceAccoi1 963 ( HR7885 )
,
aacb
otlzlng 3. 5 bllllon dollats ln iotelgn ald iot cbe
comlng uscal yeat.
Incbe :enace, eotcswetemadeco amend cbe
Accbeiotelcwaspassed:enacotItan|).laascbe
( Democtac, Oblo, ptoposed an amendmenc co
ptevenc cbe Ptesldenc itom conclnalng co glve
mosciavoted-naclons catl cteacmenc co com
manlsc Yagoslavla and commanlsc Poland. Most
favored-nations cteacmencmeansplaclngoatlow
esccatltacesagalnsccbegoodsoianaclonwblcb
applles lcs lowesc catl taces co oat goods. Tbe
:enace rejected cbe laascbe amendmenc. Tbe
:enaceadopted anamendmenccocbeIotelgnAld
Acc ptoposed by :enacot Habetc Hamobtey
( Democtac, mlnnesoca,, exempc|ng cbe Peace
Cotps and cbe Calcatal Lxcbanges Ptogtam itom
anytesctlcc|onslmposedbyCongtessonanyocbet
iotelgn ald acclvlcles
On Novembet 1 5, 1 963, cbe :ena:e passed lcs
tevlsed vetslon oi cbe Iotelgn Ald lll, aacbot
lzlng 3. 7 bllllon dollatszcc ml|llon dollats
mote cban cbe Hoasehad aacbotlzed on Aagasc
23.
On Decembet 9, 1963, cbe Hoase apotoved a
conietence vetslon oi cbe Iotelgn Ald lll Tbe
:enace apptoved cbe conietence vetslon on De
cembet 1 5 .
Tbtee :enace toll callson cbe Iotelgn Aldlll
atecabalaced below. Incolamn 30, andetSenate,
C lndlcaces a consetvaclve scand for cbe laascbe
amendmenccoendmosc-iavoted-naclonscteacmenc
oi commanlsc naclons. In colamn 3 1 , andet
Senate, C indicates a conservative vote against
cbe Hampbtey amendmenc. In colamn 32, andet
:enace, C lndlcaces a consetvaclve voce against
cbe Iotelgn Ald lll lcseli.
Incolamnzc, andetHouse, C lndlcaces a con
setvaclve voce against cbe Iotelgn Ald lll, as lc
was otlglnal|y oassed ln cbe Hoase and as lc was
tevlsed ln conietence.
District of Col umbia Welfare
On Novembet 18, 1963, :enacot Abtabam
Rlblco ( Democtac, Connecclcac, sponsoted an
admlnlsctaclon amendmenc co a Hoase lll ( HR
75 31 ) , accempclng co excend genetal iedetal pab
llc weliate asslscance ptogtams co cbe Dlsctlccoi
Colambla. Tbe :enace ( by a scand oi c co 4c,
rejected cbls move~ptlmatlly becaase oi tecenc
dlsclosates aboac cottapclon and abase ln cbe
Dlsctlcc oi Colambla weliate ptogtams. Tbe
:enace voce ls cabalaced ln colamn 33 andet
Senate. C lsaconsetvaclvevoceagainst excendlng
iedetal weliate ptogtams co cbe Dlsctlcc.
Data Processing
HR 5 1 71 aacbotlzed cbeGenetal :etv|ces Ad
mlnlsctaclon co patcbase and malncaln all daca
ptocesslngeqalpmencasedbyall iedetalagencles.
Ptlmaty opposlclon co cbe lll tesalced |tom se
catlcyconsl1etaclons. Wlcballclasslued1acacon
ctolled by one agency, a secatlcy lea| ln cbac
agency coald endangeta|lclassluedsecte:s oicbe
iedetal govetnmenc. Iot cbese teasons, sacb agen
cles as cbe Naclonal Aetonaaclcs and :pace Ad
mlnlsctaclonopposed HR 5 1 7 1 . Tbelll was also
opposed on gtoands oi economy. Unlced :caces
Reptesencaclve)oePool ( Democtac,Texas, noced
cbac cbe lll does noc ptovlde iot compeclclve
blddlng. Tbe Compctollet Genetal cesclaed cbac
cbegovetnmencls alteady loslng mllllons oi dol
lats a yeat by negoclaclng conctaccs iot daca pto
cesslng macblnes, lnscead oi patcbaslng cbem
cbtoagb cbe ptocess oi compeclclve blds.
Nonecbeless, cbeHoase ( byvolcevoce on)aly
1 8, 1 963 ) apptoved HR 5 1 71 , alcboagb many
agencles and depatcmencs aecced bad noc been
glven anoppotcanlcycocescliy lnbeatlngs on cbe
lll.
Unlced :caces Reptesencaclve Aagasc L. )oban
sen (Re
p
ublican, Michigan) introduced a motion
cotecommlcHR 5 1 7 1 , saylnglcwassobadlywtlc
Page 411
cen and so sctongly opposed by oany iedetal
agenc|esonsecat|cygtoandscbaciatcbetbeat|ngs
sboald be beld. Tbe Hoase, by a scand oi 263 co
1 01 , deieaced cbe )obansen ooc|on co tecooo|c
Tb|svoce|scabalaced|ncolaon2 1 andet House.
C |nd|caces a consetvac|vevoceagainst HR 5 1 71 .
Hoase Resolac|on 31 4 woald bave aacbot|zed
a ct|p (by Rooan 1. Pac|ns|| and ioat ocbet
oeobets oi a sabcooo|ccee on dacac|on and
labotj co moscow iot a scady oi cbe :ov|ec
Ln|on s daca ptocess|ng cencet. Tbe patpose oi
cbe ptoposed ct|p was co gec |niotoat|on wb|cb
o|gbc encoatage Congtess co unance a s|o|lat
daca ptocess|ng cencet iot cbe Ln|ced :caces.
On Occobet 28, 1 963, cbe Hoase (by a scand oi
1 99 co 1 54) rejected HoaseResolac|on 314. Tb|s
voce | s tecotded |n colaon 25 andet House. C
|nd|caces a consetvac|ve voce against send|ng cbe
Hoase gtoap co moscow.
National Science Foundation
OnNoveobet 20, 1 963, cbe:enace (by ascand
oi 65 co 2 2 ) deieaced an ado|n|sctac|on eotc
co |nctease iands iot cbe Nac|onal :c|ence Ioan
dac|on by $49,800,000. Tb|s voce |s tecotded |n
Colaon34 andetSenate. C |sa consetvac|vevoce
a gainst |ncteas|ng cbe iands.
Mental Health Funds
On :epceobet 1 0, 1 963, cbe Hoase passed :
1 576, aacbot|z|ng 238 o|ll|on dollats iot a cbtee
yeat ptogtao oi iedetal a|d co consctacc local
oencal bealcb cencets and teseatcb iac|l|c|es, and
co cta|n ceacbets iot cbe oencally tecatded. T|e
B|llwastev|sed |nconietencecooa|e|cco|nc|de
w|cb a :enace vets|on Tbeboasepassedcbecon
ietence vets|on oicbe mencal Healcb Iands B|ll
onOccobet 21 , 1 963. TbeHoasevoce |stecotded
|n colaon 22 andet House. C |s a consetvac|ve
voce against cbe B|ll.
Tax Cut
On:epceobet 25 , 1 963, cbeHoase (by a scand
oi272 co 1 5 5 ) passed HR 8363. Tb|s B|ll, ptes
encly scalled |n cbe :enace, was one oi cbe lace
Ptes|denc Kennedy s cwo oosc |opotcanc b| lls.
Although |twould, presumably, lower some per
sonalandcotpotac|on|ncooecaxes,|cwoaldta|se
caxesonoanylowetand o|ddle|ncooe |nd|v|d
aals. A oa|n consetvac|ve obj ecc|on co cbe B|ll
|s cbac |c tedaces tevenae w|cboac tedacc|on |n
spend|ng, cbascaas|ngoote deuc|cunanc|ng and
|ncteased debc Voce on cbe B|ll |s tecotded |n
colaon 23 andet House. C |s a consetvac|ve voce
against.
History Control
On Occobet 1 5 , 1 963, cbe Hoase (by a scand
oi 185 co 1 81 ) passed HR 6237, aacbot|z|ng
$500,000 ayeat, iotuveyeats,coiedetalagenc|es,
scaceand local agenc|es, andnonptoucotgan|za
c|ons iot cbe collecc|ng, desct|b|ng, ed|c|ng, and
pabl|sb|ng . . . oidocaoencatysoatcess|gn|ucanc
cocbeb|scotyoic|eLn|ced :caces. Ln|ced:caces
Reptesencac|veR|cbatdH. Po ( Repabl|can. V|t
g|n|aj , atga|ngcbacsacbscbolasc|cptoj eccssboald
be unanced pt|vacely, sa|d cbe B|ll coniets apon
iedetal agenc|es cbe powet co tewt|ce cbe b|scoty
oi cb|s coancty. Voce on cb|s B|ll |s tecotded |n
colaon 24 andetHouse. C |sa consetvac|vevoce
against. TbeB|ll |s pend|ng|ncbe :ena|e.
National Debt
On Noveobet 7, 1 963, cbeHoase (by a scand
oi 21 0 co 202) passed HR 8969, aacbot|z|ng an
ocbet (cbecb|td |n cb|s sess|onj ceopotaty |n
ctease |n cbe nac|onal debc (co 3 1 5 b|ll|on dol
latsj . Tbe voce |s cabalaced |n colaon 26 andet
House. C |nd|caces a consetvac|ve scand against.
Tbe :enace bas also passed tbe B|ll. Tbe :enate
vocew|ll be tecotded |n a sabseqaenc Report.
D. C. Subway
On Deceobet 9, 1 963, cbe Hoase ( by a scand
oi 285 co 83) tej ecced HR 8929. Ot|g|nally pto
posed by Ptes|dencKennedy |na spec|al oessage
co Congtess on may 27, 1 963, and endotsed by
Ptes|denc )o|nson, cb|s B|ll woald bave aacbot
|zed a pabl|clyowned sabway ta|l ctans|c sysceo
iot cbe c|cy oi Wasb|ngcon. Tbe ptojecc woald
bave teqa|ted d|tecc iedetal expend|cates oi 1 20
o|ll|on dollats, and iedetal andetwt|c|ng oi
$258,900,000 |n bonds. Tbe voce |s cabalaced |n
column 29 under Houe. C is a conservative vote
against.
Page 412
R O L L C A L L V O T E S
P 'L' 1nd1cateS a cOnSez\at1\e Stand. Pn 'L' 1nd1cateS a I1Deza1 Stand. P 'C' 1nd1cateS that the benatOz waS aDSent Oz d1d nOt take a puDl1c Stand. P '-' 1nd1cateS the
benatOz waS nOt a DeDDez at the t1De O the \Ot e.
S E NA T E
LO1uDn #21 - - 1nte1nat1OnaI LOee Pq1eeDent zeat\. eC m, #22 ~ ~ NanDOwe1 1a1n1nq tenS1On. b 1716; H23 - - NanDOwe1 1a1n1nq He\1S1On, b 1831; #24 - - Ned1caI
bchOOI 1undS, mH 12; 125 -- eSt 1an zeat\, tec N. 126 ~ 1:Sh1nq 1OatLOnStzuct1On buDS1d1eS, b 1 006; #27 - ~ L1\1I H1qhtS LODD1SS1On Henewa1, mH 3369; #28 - -
NOcat1OnaI Lducat1On 1undS and He\1S1On, mH 4955; #29 - - Yatez 1OIIut1On Pqenc\. b 649; 130 - - ' DOSt-1a\ozed-nat1On' tzeatDent Oz cODDun1St nat1OnS. mH 7885; f3I
~ ~ 1eace LOzDS and LuItu1aJ chanqe eeDDt1OnS . mH7885; f3Z - - 1Oze1qn P1 dPuthO112at1On, mH7885; f33 - - L. L. Da1t1c1Dat1On 1 nede1aI weIa1e D1Oq1aDS,mH 7431;
f34 -- Iat1Onal bC1ence 1Oundat1On 1UndS . mH 8747
21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34
PLP1PNP NLIPIP
Mi1I, Lister L]
bDazkDan, JOhn J. L]
PLPbbP
1aztIett, I . L. L]
Lzuen1nq. zneSt L]
PH1ZLIP
LOIdwatez, 1az1\ H]
ma\den, Laz1 L]
PHbPIbPb
1u1D11qht, J. Y11I1aD L]
NcL1eIIan, JOhn L. L]
LPLI1LHIIP
nq1e, L1a1z L]
bucheI. hODaS m. H]
LLLLHPLL
P1IOtt, LOzdOn H]
LOD1n1ck, ete1 m. H]
LLIILLIL\
LOdd, hODaS J. L]
H1D1cO. PDzahaD P. L]
LLPYPH
1OqqS , J. La1eD H]
Y111taDS , JOhn J. H]
1LLHILP
mOIIand, bDeSSazd L. L]
bDathe1S. LeO1qe P. L]
LLHLIP
I, H1cha1d 1. L]
a1Dadqe, mezDan . L]
mPYPII
, m11aD L. H]
InOu\e, Lan:eI b. L]
ILPmL
zch, 1zank L]
JOzdan, Len 1. H]
1LL1ILIb
L1zkSen, \ezett N. H)
LOuq1aS, rauI m. L]
IILIPIP
11zch L]
maztke. H. Nance L]
ILYP
ckenIOOpez, 1Ouzke 1. H]
N1IIez, Jack H]
bPIbPb
SOn, |zank H]
ea1SOn, JaDeS 1. H]
bI\LbX
LOODez, JOhn bhezDan H]
NOztOn, JhzuStOn 1. H]
LL\1bIPIP
1Iendez. PIIen J. L]
LOnq, HuSSe11 1. L]
NPIL
kie, dDund b. L]
GD1th. Nazqazet LhaSe H]
NPHXLPIL
1eaII, J. LIenn H]
1zewStez, Lan1e1 1. L]
NPGGPC!OGE3G
benned\, dwazd N. L]
baItOnSta1, Le\ezett H]
NILm1LPI
mazt, 1h1I1D P. L]
NcIaDaza, at L]
NIIIbLP
muDDhze\. muDe1t m. L]
NcLazth\, uqene J. L]
NIGGIGGII
aStIand, JaDeS L. L]
btenn1S , JOhn L]
NIbbL\HI
dwa1d N. L]
b\D1nqtOn, btuazt L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NanSfieId. NichaeI J. (D)
L L C L L L L L L L L L L L NetcaI. Lee L]
I1HPbbP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L Luzt1S. Laz1 . H]
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L mzuSka, HODan L. H]
INPLP
L L L L L L L L C L L L L C 11DIe, P1an L]
L C L L L L C L L L L L L C LannOn, mOwa1d Y. L]
IY mPN1bmIH
L C C L L L L L I L L L L C LOttOn. IO111S H]
C L L L L L L L L L L L L L Nc1nt\1e. hODaS J. L]
ILY JHbX
L L L C L C L L L L L L L C LaSe, L11O1d 1. H]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L Y1II1aDS , mazz1SOn P. , J1.
IY N71LL
L L L L L C L L L L L L L L Pnde1SOn, LI1ntOn r. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NecheD, dw1n L. H]
IY XLHb
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C Ja\1tS. JacOD b. H]
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L beat1nq, benneth 1. H]
ILHm LPHLL1IP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L t1\1n, baDue1 J. Jz. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L JOzdan, 1. \e1ett L]
ILHm LPbLJP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L 1uzd1ck, Luent1n I. L]
L L L L L L C L L L L L C L XOunq, N1ItOn H. (R)
LmIL
L L L L L L L L L C L L L C uSche, 11ank J. L]
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L XOunv, bteDhen N. L]
LbLPmLNP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L dDOndSOn. J . mOwazd L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NOnzOne\, P. b. N1ke] L]
LHLLI
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NOzSe, Ya\ne L]
L C L L L L L L L L L L L L IeuDe1qe1, Nau11ne 1. L]
1IIbXLNPI1P
L L L L L L L L C L L L L L LIazk, JOSeDh b. Jz. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L bcOtt, muqh H]
HmLL IbLPIL
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L aStOze, JOhn L. (D)
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C e1I. LIa1DOzne L]
bL\m LPHLL1IP
L L L L L C L L L L L L L L JOhnStOn, LI1n O. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L hu1DOnd. J. bt1Or L]
bL\m LPbLP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NcLO\ezn, LeOzqe L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L Nundt, bazI . H]
IIbb
L L L C L L L L L L L L L L LOze. PIDezt L]
C L L L L L L L L L L L L L YaIte1S. mezDezt b. L]
2Pb
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L ez, JOhn H]
L C L L L L L L L L L L L L XazDOzOuqh. HaIDh Y. L]
\Pm
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
-
nnett, YaIIace 1. H]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NOSS, 11ank L. L]
NHNLI
L L L L L L L L L L L L L ( Gcorsc L. (R)
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L 11Out\, Y1nStOn L. H]
N1HLII1P
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C ma1z\ 11OOd L]
L C C L L L L L C L L L L L HODe1tSOn. P. Y1I11s L]
YPbm1ILLI
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L JackSOn. men1\ N. L]
L L L J J L L L L J L L L L NaqnuSOn, Yazzen G. L]
YLb NIHL1IIP
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L 1\zd, HODezt L. (D)
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L HandOIDh, Jenn1nqS L]
WISCON5Il
L L L C L L L L L L L L L L IeISOn, La\1Ozd P. L]
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L zOD:ze. Y11I1aD L]
YXLN1IL
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L NcLee, La1e Y. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L b1DDSOn, N1Iwazd L. H]
H O U S E
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L] L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L C C C L L L L L L L L L L
L C C C L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L C L L L L L L L C L L L L
L C L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L C L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L C L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L l L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L C L L L L L L L L
L L L L L O L L L L L L L C
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L C L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L I L L L L L C
L L L L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L L L L L L L L L C
C L L L L L L L L L L L L L
P 'L' indicateS a cOnSez\at1\e Stand. Pn 'L' 1nd1cateS a 1iDezaI Stand. P 'C' ind1cateS that the He]zeSentat1\e vaS aDSent Oz d1d nOt take a DuDI1c Stand. P '- ' 1nd1-
cateS the HcD1eSentat1\e waS nOt O DeDDez at the t1De O the \Ote.
LOIuDn fZO ~~ 1Oze1qn P1d PuthOz1zat1On, mH 7885; HZ I -- ata zOceSS1nq Lent1aI1zat1On, mH 5 1 7 1 ; fZZ -- NentaI meaIth 1undS. b 1 576; HZ3 - - a Lut and He\1S1On,
mH 8363; fZ4 ~~ P1d tO m1StO1\. mH 6Z37; fZ5 -- NOScOw Lata 1OceSS1n z1D, m HeS 3 14; HZ6 -- Iat1OnaI LeDt InczeaSe , H 8969; HZ7 -- 1nteznat1Ona1 LOee Pqzee-
Dent LawS , mH 8864; IZ8 ~ ~ L1Sa1DaDent Pqenc\ undS, b 777; 129 - ~ L. L. buDwa\, mH 89Z9; #30 - - NOcat1Ona1 Lducat1On 1undS and tenS1On. mH 4955
20 2 1 22 23 24 2 5 26 27 28 29 30 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30
PLP1PNP PHI7LIP
PndzewS , LeOzqe Y. L]
II1Ott. La1I L]
Lzant, LeOzqe N. L]
muddIeStOn, LeOzqe, Jz. L]
Jo.cs , oocxt F. (L)
Ha1nS . P1De1t L]
HODe1tS. Yenneth P. L]
be1den, PzD1Stead I , , Jz. L]
PLPGbP
H1\ezS, HaIDh J. L]
L L L L L L L L L L L
L L L L L
L
L
L L L O
L L L L
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CALIFORNIA (cont ' d)
Bell, Alphonzo E. , Jr. (R)
Brown, George E . Jr. {D}
Burkhalter, Everett G. (D)
Cameron, Ronald B. (D)
Clausen, Don H. (R)
Clawson, Del (R)
Cohelan, Jeffery (D)
Corman, James C. (D)
Edwards, W. Donlon (D)
Gubser, Charles S. (R)
Hagen, Harlan (D)
Hanna, Richard T. (0)
Hawkins. Augustus F. (D)
Holifield, Chet (D)
Hosmer. Craig (R)
Johnson, Harold T. (0)
King, Cecil R. (D)
Leggett, Robert L. (D)
Lipscomb, Glenard P. (R)
Mailliard, William S. (R)
Martin, Minor C. (R)
McFall, John J. (D)
Miller. George P. (D)
Moss, John E. (D)
Roosevelt, James (D)
Roybal, Edward R. (D)
Shelley, John F. (D)
Sheppard, Harry R. (D)
Sisk, B. F. (D)
Smith, H. Allen (R)
Talcott, Burt L. (R)
Teague, Charles M. (R)
Utt, James B. (R)
Van Deerlin, Lionel (D)
Wilson, Bob (R)
Wilson, Charles H. (D)
Younger. J. Arthur (R)
COLORADO
Aspinall, Wayne N. (D)
Brotzman, Donald G. (R)
Chenoweth, J. Edgar (R)
Rogers , Byron G. (D)
CONNECTICUT
Daddario, Emilio L. (D)
Giaimo, Robert N. (D)
Grabowski, Bernard P. (D)
Monagan, John S. (D)
St . Onge, William (D)
Sibal, Abner W. (R)
DELAWARE
McDowell, Harris B. , Jr . (D)
FLORIDA
Bennett, Charles E. (D)
Cramer, William C. (R)
Fascell, Dante B. (D)
Fuqua, Don (D)
Gibbons , Sam M. (D)
Gurney, Edward J. (R)
Haley, James A. (D)
Herlong, A. Sydney, Jr . (D)
Matthews, D. R. (D)
Pepper, Claude (D)
Rogers, Paul G. (D)
Sikes , Robert L. F. (D)
GEORGIA
Davis , John W. (D)
Flynt, John J . , Jr. (D)
Forrester, E. L. (D)
Hagan, G. Elliott (D)
Landrum, Phil M. (D)
Pilcher, J. L. (D)
Stephens , Robert G. , Jr. (D)
Tuten, J. Russell (D)
Vinson, Carl (D)
Weltner, Charles L. (D)
HAWAII
-r Thomas P. (D)
Matsunaga, Spark M. (D)
IDAHO
ding, Ralph R. (D)
White, Compton I . . Jr. (D)
ILLINOIS
Anderson, John B. (R)
Arends, Leslie C. (R)
Collier, Harold R. (R)
Dawson, William L. (D)
Derwinski, Edward J. (R)
Findley, Paul (R)
Finnegan, Edward R. (D)
Gray, Kenneth J. (D)
HoHman, Elmer J. (R)
Kluczynski, John C. (D)
Libonati, Roland V. (D)
McClory, Robert (R)
McLoskey, Robert T. (R)
Michel, Robert H. (R)
Murphy, William T. (D)
\' 1I1<1, Iw11b J. (z)
O'Hara, Barratt (D)
Price, Melvin (D)
Pucinski. Roman C. (D)
Reid, Charlotte (R)
Rostenkowski, Daniel (D)
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ILLINOIS (cont'd)
Rumsfeld, Donald (R)
Shipley, George E. (D)
Springer, William L. (R)
INDIANA
Adair. E. Ross (R)
Brademas, John (D)
Bray, William G. (R)
Bruce, Donald C. (R)
Denton. Winfield K. (D)
Halleck, Charles A. (R)
Harvey, Ralph (R)
Madden, Ray J. (D)
Roudebush. Richard L. (R)
Roush, J. Edward (D)
Wilson, Earl (R)
L C L
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C L IOWA
C L --omwell. James E. (R)
o L Gros s , H. R. (R)
C C Hoeven, Charles B. (R)
L L L C O O C O O C C Jensen, Ben F. (R)
C C L C C C C C C C L Kyl, John H. (R)
L L L L L L L L L L L SChwengel. Fred (R)
L C L L L L L C L L L Smith, Neal (D)
L C L L L L L L C L L KANSAS
L C L L L L L C L C L YI William H. (R)
L C L L L L L L L C T Dole, Robert (R)
L C C L C L L C C C C Ellsworth, Robert F. (R)
L C L L L C L L L e o Shriver, Garner E. (R)
L L L L L C L L L L L Skubitz, Joe (R)
C \ L C C C C C C C C KENTUCKY
C L L C C C C C C C L Chelf, Frank (D)
C L L C C C C L L L C
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MISSISSIPPI (cont'd) OIlO
Whitten, Jamie L. (D) C C C C C C C L C C C -ele, Homer E. (R)
Williams , John Bell (D) C L C L C C C C C L C Ashbrook, John M. (R)
Winstead, Arthur (D) C C L C C C C C C C C Ashley, Thomas L. (D)
MISSOURI Ayres , William H. (R)
Bolling, Richard (D) L L L L L C L L L C C Betts , Jackson E. (R)
Cannon, Clarence (D) C L L L L L C L L C L Bolton, Frances P. (R)
Curtis, Thomas B. (R) C L L C C C C L C C C Bolton, Oliver P. (R)
Hall, Durward G. (R) C C L C C C C C C C C Bow, Frank T. (R)
Hull, W. R. , Jr. (D) e L L L C C L L e e C Brown, Clarence J. (R)
Ichord, Richard (D) C L L L L C L L L C L Clancy, Donald D. (R)
Jones, Paul C. (D) C L L C C C C L L C C Devine, Samuel L. (R)
Karsten, Frank M. (D) I L L L L I L L L C I Feighan, Michael A. (O)
Randall, William J. (D) L L L L L C L C C C L Harsha, William Ho , Jr,
Sullivan, Leonor K. (D) L L L L L L L L L L L Hays, Wayne L. (D)
MONTANA Kirwan, Michael J. (D)
Battin, James F. (R) C I L C C C C C C C L Latta, Delbert L. (R)
(R)
Olsen, Arnold (D) L C L L L L L I I C L McCulloch, William M. (R)
NEBRASKA Minshall, William . (R)
Beermann, Ralph F. (R)
Cunningham, Glenn (R)
Martin , Dave (R)
NEVADA
Baring, Walter S. (D)
NEW HAMPSIlRE
Cleveland, James C. (R)
Wyman, Louis C. (R)
NEW JERSEY
Auchincloss , James C. (R)
Cahill, William T. (R)
Daniels, Dominick V. (D)
Dwyer, Florence P. (R)
Frelinghuysen, Peter, Jr. (R)
Gallagher, Cornelius E. (D)
Glenn, Milton W. (R)
Joelson, Charles S. (D)
Minish, Joseph G. (D)
Osmers, Frank C . , Jr. (R)
Patten, Edward J. , Jr. (D)
Rodino, Peter W. , Jr. (D)
Thompson, Frank, Jr. (D)
Wallhauser, George M. (R)
Widnall, William B. (R)
NEW MEXICO
Montoya, Joseph M. (D)
Morris, Thomas G. (D)
NEW YORK
Addabbo, Joseph P. (D)
Barry, Robert R. (R)
Becker, Frank J. (R)
Buckley, Charles A. (D)
Carey, Hugh L. (D)
Celler, Emanuel (D)
Delaney, James J . (D)
Oerounian, Stephen B. (R)
Dulski, Thaddeus J. (D)
Farbstein, Leonard (D)
Fino, Paul A. (R)
Gilbert, Jacob H. (D)
Goodell, Charles E. (R)
Grover, James R. , Jr. (R)
Halpern, Seymour (R)
Healey, James C. (D)
Horton, Frank J. (R)
Kelly, Edna F. (D)
Keogh, Eugene J. (D)
Kilburn, Clarence E. (R)
King, Carleton J = (R)
Lindsay, John V. (R)
Miller, William E. (R)
Multer, Abraham J. (D)
Murphy, John M. (D)
O' Brien, Leo W. (D)
Ostertag, Harold C. (R)
Pike, Otis G. (D)
Pillion, John R. (R)
Pirnie, Alexander (R)
Powell, Adam C. (D)
Reid, Ogden R. (R)
Riehlman, R. Walter (R)
Robison, Howard W. (R)
Rooney, John J. (D)
Rosenthal, Benjamin S. (D)
Ryan, William Fitts (D)
St. George, Katharine (R)
Stratton, Samuel S. (D)
Wharton, J. Ernest (R)
Wydler, John W. (R)
NORTH CAROLINA
Bonner, Herbert C . (D)
Broyhill, James T. (R)
Cooley, Harold D. (D)
Fountain, I. H. (D)
Henderson, David N. (D)
Jonas , Charles Raper (R)
Kornegay, Horace R. (D)
Lennon, Alton (D)
Scott, Ralph J. (D)
Taylor, Roy A. (D)
Whitener, Basil L. (D)
NORTH DAKOTA
Andrews , Mark (R)
Short. Don L. (R)
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Mosher, Charles A. (R)
Rich, Carl W. (R)
Schenck, Paul F. (R)
Secrest, Robert T. (D)
Taft, Robert, Jr. (R)
Vanik, Charles A. (D)
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L OKLAHOMA
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Albert, Carl (D)
Belcher, Page (R)
Edmondson, Ed (D)
Jarman, John (D)
Steed, Tom (D)
Wickersham, Victor (D)
OREGON
Duncan, obert B. (D)
Green, Edith (D)
Norblad, Walter (R)
Ullman, Al (D)
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Barrett, William A. (D)
Byrne, Jares A. (D)
Clark, Frank M. (D)
Corbett, Robert J . (R)
Curtin, Willard S. (R)
Dague, Paul B. (R)
Dent, John H. (D)
Flood, Daniel J. (D)
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Fulton, James G. (R)
Goodling, George A. (R)
Holland, Elmer J. (D)
Johnson, Albert W. (R)
Kunkel, John C. (R)
McDade, Joseph M. (R)
Milliken, William H. , Jr. (R)
Mooreheaq, William S. (D)
Morgan, "Thomas E. (D)
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Rhodes , George M. (D)
Rooney, Fred B. (D)
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Schneebeli, Herman T.
Schweiker, Richard S.
Toll, Herman (D)
Weaver, James D. (R)
Whalley, J. Irving (R)
(R)
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L C L L L L L C C C C RHODE ISLAND
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I SOUTH CAROLINA
Ashmore, Robert T. (D)
Dorn. W. J. Bryan (D)
Hemphill, Robert W. (D)
McMillan, John L. (D)
Rivers, L. Mendel (D)
Watson, Albert W. (D)
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Berry, E. Y. (R)
Reifel, Ben (R)
L TENNESSEE
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Baker, Howard H.
Bass, Ross (D)
(R)
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L L L L L C C C L C L Brock, William E. , U (R)
L L L L L L L L L C L Davis, Clifford (D)
L L L L L L L L L C L
Everett, Robert A. (D)
I I L C C I L L L I L
Evins , Joe L. (D)
C L C C C C C C C C L Fulton, Richard (D)
L C L L L L L L L C C
Murray. Tom (D)
C O L C C C C C C C L Quillen, James H. (R)
L C L L C C C C L C L TEXAS
-- er, Bruce (R)
C O L L L C L L C C L Beckworth, Lindley (D)
C O L C C C C C C C L Brooks , Jack (D)
L L C L L C L L L C C Burleson, Omar (D)
C L L L C C C C L C L Casey, Robert R. (D)
C C L L C O L C O L L Dowdy, John (D)
C O L C C C C C C C L Fisher, O. Clark (D)
C L L L L C C C I C L Foreman, Ed (R)
C I L C C C C C C C L Gonzalez, Henry B. (D)
C O L L C C C C C C C Kilgore, Joe M. (D)
C L L L C C C C L C L Mahon, George H. (D)
e e L L L C C L e L L
Patman, Wright (D)
Poage, William R. (D)
C C C C C C Pool, Joe (D)
C C L C C C C C C C C
Purcell, Grahan> (D)
Roberts, Ray CD)
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C C L C C C C L C C C
C L C C C C C C C C C
L L L L L L C L L C L
L L L L L L L L L L L
C L C L L L C L C C C
C C L L L L C L C C C
C I C L C C C C C C L
C L C C C C C L C C C
C L C C C C C C C C C
I I L I I C I L I L L
C I L I I C C I C C I
I C L C I C L L C C L
L L L L L I I L L C I
C C C C L C L L C L L
C C C C C C C C C C C
L C L L L C L L I L L
C C I L L C L I e C I
0 I 3 4 5 ? 9 30
TEXAS (cont'd)
ers. Walter (D) C L C L L C L L C C C
Teague, Olin E. (D) C C C C C C C L C C C
Thomas. Albert
(D) C L L L L L L L L C L
Thompson, Clark W.
(D) L L L L L C L L L C C
Thornberry Horer (D) L L L L L C L L L L L
Wright, James C. (D) C L L C L C C L L C C
Young. John (D) L L L L L L L L L L L
UTAH
-Urton, Laurence J .
(R) C C L C C C C C C C C
Lloyd, Sherman P. (R) L L L C C C C L C C L
VERMONT
Stafford, Robert T. (R) L L L L C C C C L C L
VIRGINIA
Abbitt, Watkins M.
(D) C L C C C C C C C C C
Broyhill, Joel T. (R) C L L C C C C C C L L
Downing. Thomas N.
(D) C L
Gary, J. Vaughan
(D) L L
Hardy. Porter. Jr.
(D) L L
Jennings y W. Pat (D) C L
Marsh, John C. Jr. (D) C L
PofI. Richard H.
(R) C L
Smith, Howard W. (D) C L
Tuck, William M. (D)
WASHINGTON
Hansen, Julia B. (D)
C L
L L
* * * *
Consequences
L
L
L
L
L
L
C
C
L
L L C L L L C
C L C L L L C
L L L L L L C
L L C L L C C
C L C C C C C
C C C C C C C
C C L C C L C
C C C C C C L
L L L L L L L
* * * *
W|en oeobets o| Congtess voce |ot |e1etal
a|1 co e1acac|on, |e1etal wacet pollac|on conctol,
|ote|gn a|1, |e1etal sabs|1|es co c|e us||ng |n
1asctyc|eyvoce |otanconsc|cac|ona|ptogtams,
becaase oat Consc|cac|on 1oes noc aac|ot|ze sac|
|e1etal acc|v|c|es. No oaccet |ow a1m|tab|e c|e
intent o| sac| ptogtaos, w|en we petm|c c|e
|e1etal govetnoenc co engage |n acc|v|c|es |ot
w||c| |c |as no consc|cac|onal aac|ot|cy, we eo
1otselawlessgovetnmencw||c| w|l| eveocaally
become cocal 1|ccacots||p.
Bound Vol umes
L
L
L
L
C
L
C
C
C
In c|e coo|ng oonc|s o| |ace|al pol|c|cal
sctaggle, Boan1 Vo|aoes o| c||s Report w|ll be
|nvalaable te|etence boo|s |ot all w|o wanc
enl|g|cene1 an1etscan1|ng o| c|e gteac |ssaes.
Volaoes pt|ot co 1 962 ate so|1 oac an1 cannoc
betept|nce1. Volaoe VIII |s s:|llava|lable, |ow
evet. Ic conca|ns all Reports pabl|s|e1 1at|ng
c|e 1 962 calen1at yeatoote c|an 400 pages
o| teseatc| an1 analys|s, boan1 |noatoon |abt|
|o|1, excens|ve|y |n1exe1, an1 w|c| a cab|e o|
concencs. Vo|aoe VIII ptesencs
0 I 3 4 5 T 9 30
WASHINGTON (cont'd)
Horan, Walt (RJ C C L C C C C L C C C
Ma y, Catherine
(R) C C L C C C C L L C L
Pelly. Thomas M. (R) C L L C C C C C L C L
Stinson, K. William (R) C L L C C C C C C C L
Tollefson, Thor C. (R) C L C L C C C C L C L
Westland, Jack (R) C C L C C L C C C C C
WEST VIRGINIA
IIechler. Ken (D) L L L L L C L L L L L
Kee, Elizabeth (D) L L C L C L L C C C L
Moore. Arch A . Jr . (R) C C L L C C C C L C L
Slack, John M . Jr. (D) L C L L L L L L L C L
Staggers. Harley O. (D) L C L L I C L L L C L
WISCONSIN
Byrnes . John W.
(R) L L L C C C C C L C C
Johnson, Lester R. {D} L L L L L C L C L C L
Kastenreier. Robert W. (D) L C L l L L L C L C L
Laird, Melvin R. (R) C L L C C C C C L C C
O'Konski, Alvin E.
(R) C L L L C C C C C C L
Reus s , Henry S.
(D) L L L L L L L C L L L
Schadeberg. Henry C. (R) C C L C C C C C C C C
Thomson, Vernon W. (R) C L L C C C C C C C L
Van Pelt, William K. (R) C C L C C C C C C C C
Zablocki, Clement J . (D) L L L L C L L L L L L
WYOMING
Harrison, William Henry
(R) C L L C C C C C C C L
* * * * * * * *
relating this basic law to contemporary problems.
( 4) A series of Reports on the Supreme Court's
Prayer Decision, with historical research tracing
revolutions in constitutional doctrine which have
corrupted the meaning of our organic law - to
gether with recommended action for curbing the
Court and restoring law.
(5) Extensive discussions of such subjects as:
Withholding Tax, Mississippi Tragedy, Berlin,
Cuba, Laos, Congo, Council on Foreign Rela
tions, Progressive Education, European Common
Market, World Government, Wages of Socialism.
uoan1 Vo|ame IX (conca|n|ng all Re portJ
pab||s|e1 1at|ng 1 963 calen1at yeat) w|ll be
ava||able|ot1el|vetyaboacIebtaaty 1 5 , 1964. Ic
w||l be boao1 co macc| ptev|oas e1|c|oos, an1
w||| be exceos|ve|y |n1exe1 Boan1 Vo|aoe IX
w|l| ptesenc
( 1 ) Tabulations of 64 important roll call votes
in the U. S. Congress during 1 963.
( 2) Documented discussions of great controver
sies which will be issues in the 1 964 elections,
including Urban Renewal, Socialized Medicine,
Alliance for Progress, General Foreign Aid, Def
icit Financing, Tragedy of U. S. Membership
in the UN, Disarmament, Civil Rights, Political
Use of the Military Forces, Growing Strength of
( 1 ) Tabulations of 16 important roll call votes
the Conservative Movement and Liberal Eforts
in the U. S. Senate during 1 962, of 22 in the
to Suppress It.
House.
( 3) A clear account of the assassination of Presi-
( 2) Ratings of all Senators and Representa- dent Kennedy, and of the aftermath.
tives, based on their actual votes, for the year
Bound Volume I
X (1963 calendar year) may
1 962.
be ordered now for late February delivery: $10. 00
( 3) The full text of the U. S. Constitution and
postpaid. Bound Volume VIII (1962) may be
amendments, fully indexed, with commentary ordered for immediate delivery, same price.
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT, BOX 95 38, DALLAS, TEXAS 75 214 TAYLOR 1 -2303
Page 416
A
ABC
Harriman on TV program of, quoted
on India 9
ABOLISH THE WHOLE SYSTEM
article 95- 6
ACCELERATED PUBLIC WORKS
article on 1 63
ACCRA (GHANA) CONFERENCE ON
AFRICA
African violence planned by Soviets
at 1 1 5
Acheson, Dean G.
co- authors report for international
control of atomic energy 142
law firm of, received money from
Betancourt 53
Special Advisor to Kennedy 53
ACLU
see AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
article 364 - 5
ACTION
American Council to Improve Our
Neighborhoods full name of 30
membership of Board of Directors 30
purposes of 30
ADA, s ee AMERICANS FOR
DEMOCRATIC ACTION
article 366- 8
Adai r, E. Ross
introduces Bill to repeal Agricultural
Adjustment Act of 1 938 1 28
ADMINISTRATIVE LAW, see
BUREAUCRACY
ADMINISTRATIVE LAW AND HEALTH
FOODS
article 2 2
"ADVERSE EFFECTS OF THE
EXPANDING. ACTIVITIES OF THE
NA TIONAL GOVERNMENT ON THE
PRIVATE ECONOMY AND THE
FEDERAL SYSTEM: THE CASE FOR
FREE ENTERPRISE AND LOCAL
GOVERNMENT"
report by Library of Congres s ,
brief of 369- 73
ADVERTISING COUNCIL
part of Invi sible Government network
30
sponsors free radio and TV announce
ments for ACTION promoting urban
renewal 30
AFL-CIO OUTLINES THE PLAN
article 76 - 7
AFL-CIO
tCOtOttiC theory of U | -
outlines Kennedy policy of planned
deficit, quotes 76- 7
Index t o Bound Volume IX of
THE DAN SMOOT REPORT
( 1 963)
AFRICA
problems, and UN actions
1 06 - 1 0 , 1 1 3 - 2 0
s lavery returning t o 1 14
violence in, planned by Soviets at
Accra Conference 1 1 5
AFRICA 'S RED HARVEST by Pieter
Les sing
footnoted 1 2 0
AFRO-ASIAN BLOC
power of, in UN 1 06- 8
AGRARIAN REFORMS
article 54 - 6
AGRICULTURAL ADJUSTMENT ACT
OF 1938
Adair introduc es Bill to repeal 1 28
provides for referendum votes by
farmers 1 2 1
AGRICULTURE ADJUSTMENT ACT OF
1 933
reduced gold backing of dollar 68
AGRICULTURE DEPARTMENT
defies Hatch Act in 1 963 wheat vote
342
AGRICULTURE, FEDERAL CONTROLS
OF
adverse effects of 373
AGRICULTURE TRADE DEVELOPMENT
AND ASSISTANCE ACT
see PUBLIC LAW 480
AID TO EDUCA TION
article 4 1 0
"AIDS TO YOUR COMMUNITY
PROGRAMS OF THE HOUSING AND
HOME FINANCE AGENCY"
booklet on urban renewal , quoted
3 1 - 2
ALABAMA
Kennedy quoted on sending federal
troops 1 72
Alessandri , Jorge
visit to Kennedy 6 1
Alger , Bruce
aims of ADA, quote 367
Bill to eliminate withholding tax
introduced by, in 1 9 62 24
introduces Bill to get U. S . out of
UN 1 04, 1 20
introduces Bill t o repeal Income Tax
96
on 1 964 Budget, quote 79
on withholding tax, quote 277
places material on defeat of urban
renewal in Congres sional Record
40
ALLEGHENY CONFERENCE ON
COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
supports urban renewal 30
ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS
actually started by Eis enhower
49 , 5 1
forcing communist dictatorships in
Latin America 62
Kennedy quoted on 5 1
origins of 49 - 5 2
preparing Latin America for
communism 1 08
promotes anti -American politicians
6 1
promotes socialistic agrarian reform
54- 6
provisions and purpos es 5 1 - 2
to expand gifts to Mexico 62
total foreign aid to countries of 64
uses Venezuela as showpiece 53- 4
ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS - - PART I
article 49 - 56
ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS -- PART II
article 5 7 - 64
ALLIANCE FOR POLITICIANS
article 6 1
ALLIANCE SHOWPIECE
article 53
ALLIED STORES CORP.
supports urban renewal 30
Almond, Lt . General Edward M.
testimony on Korean war 1 1
ALUMINUM CO. OF AMERICA (ALCOA)
supports urban renewal 30
AMARILLO, TEXAS
defeated urban renewal 40
AMENDMENTS TO U . S . CONSTITUTION,
s e e CONSTITUTION, U . S .
AMERICAN BROADCASTING COMPANY,
see ABC
AMERICA: CULMINATION OF THE
CHRISTIAN IDEAL
article 394- 6
AMEROCAN ABOUT FACE, AN
article 1 3 1
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
early history, founding 364
Founders listed 364
Oswald attends meeting of, at
SMU 403
relation to Socialist Party 364
shows film on evil of right-wing 403
supported by members of Wilson
administration 364
AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA
activities of 1 14- 5
affiliated with CFR 1 14
officials of 1 1 4
supports communist Holden Roberto
in Angola 1 14- 5
AMERICAN COMMITTEE FOR
INTERNATIONAL MUNICIPAL
COOPERATION, THE
part of " 1 3 1 3 Metro" interlocked
with CFR 29
AMERICAN COUNCIL TO IMPROVE
OUR NEIGHBORHOODS, see ACTION
AMERICAN DRUGGIST
warns of Drug Industry investigation,
quote 1 8
AMERICAN FEDERATIONIST, THE
recommends higher federal spending
and deficits , quotes 76- 7
AMERICAN MUNICIPAL ASSOCIATION
part of " 1 3 1 3 Metro" interlocked
with CFR 29
AMERICAN NEGRO PROBLEMS
communist book, quote 2 14- 5
AMERICAN PROSPERITY
article 67 - 8
Anfuso, Victor L. ASILOMAR NATIONAL STRATEGY
anti -firearms Bill of, dis cuss ed 404
SEMINAR
ANGOLA
communist actions against , history
of 1 1 5- 9
comIIunist terrorists in, based in
Congo, Guinea 1 1 5
communist terrorists in, get guns
from UN-Congo troops 1 1 8
description of terror in, by Gen.
Howley 1 1 6 - 7
importance of, i n Africa 1 1 9
problems , and U. S . action 1 09 - 1 0 ,
1 1 3 - 2 0
terror defended by Adlai Stevenson
1 1 7
terror in, described by American
Committee on Foreign Affairs ,
quote 1 1 7- 8
UN action condemned by Max Yergan,
quote 1 1 8
ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1 953, HOUSE
COMMITTEE ON UN- AMERICAN
ACTIVITIES
footnoted 24
Nitze , Rostow recoIendations at
148
ASSASSINA TION, THE
article 377 - 84
ASSOCIA TED PRESS
dispatch on gold quoted 1 82
ATLANTIC ALLIANCE, see NATO
ATLANTIC I PACIFIC TEA CO. (AIP)
supports urban renewal 3 1
AUSTRALIA
angry at U. S . 1 09
angry at U. S. for actions i n New
Guinea 42
little progres s made by negroes 2 14
AUTHORITY FOR URBAN RENEWAL
article 25- 6
B
AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR PUBLIC BACKGROUND
ADMINIS TRA TION
part of " 1 3 1 3 Metro" interlocked
with CFR 29
AMERICAN SOCIETY OF PLANNING
OFFICIALS
part of " 1 3 1 3 Metro" interlocked
with CFR 29
AMERICAN -SOVIET RELATIONS
background of 241 - 5
AMERICAN STANDARD
footnoted 72
AMERICAN TRAGEDY, THE
article 209 - 1 6
AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRA TIC
ACTION
aims and purpos es of 367- 8
endors ed statement by Schlesinger
on future of s ocialism, quote 367- 8
founders of , partial list 366
history of 366- 8
prai sed by communist party 225- 6
relation t o Socialist Party 366- 7
AMERICA'S RETREAT FROM VICTORY
by Joseph R. McCarthy
footnoted 1 6
Anderson, Admiral George W.
criticizes McNamara' s policies ,
quote 299
ANDREW JOHNSON: A STUDY IN
COURAGE by Lloyd Paul Stryker
footnoted 8
AND NOW
article 1 34
AND THEN THE MOON?
article D I
AREA REDEVELOPMENT, s e e also
PUBLIC HOUSING; URBAN RENEWAL
article 267- 8
ARGENTINA
article 43- 5
attitude of, toward American
Industry 44- 5
description of 44
Kennedy on U. S . relations with,
quote 43
labor unions dominate economy 43
U. S . foreign aid to 64
ARMED FORCES, U . S .
abus es of, by politicians 3 1 0 - 1 1
dependents of members to wear
uniforms 1 92
Guderian plan for reorganization of
3 0 1 - 2
land confiscation discussed 236- 7
McNamara and Kennedy implement
Reuther recommendations 290 - 1
McNamara' s abuse of, dis cuss ed
297 - 9
reorganization discuss ed 299- 303
Reuther recommends removal of
right -wing members 290 - 1
ARMED FORCES INTEGRATION, see
GESELL REPORT
ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT
AGENCY, see DISARMAMENT AGENCY
ARMY, U. S .
communists in 1 79- 80
AS BRAZIL GOES .
article 59 - 6 1
ASIA
communist China source and center of
communism in 1 0
article on Laos 1 29- 30
BAKER VERSUS CARR, see SUPREME
COURT DECISIONS - Tenne s s ee Election
Cas e
Bakewell , Paul , Jr.
author of Inflation i n the United
States 69
BALANCE OF PAYMENTS, see also
---
GOLD PROBLEM
discussed, defined 3 3 1
Baldwin, Hanson W.
article by, on McNamara' s Defense
Department, quoted 297- 8
Balewa, Sir Abubakar Tafawa
demands more UN power, quote 1 07
BALTIMORE, MARYLAND
urban renewal proj ect , cost 35
Baruch, Bernard M.
disarmament plan, in 1 945 1 41 - 2
Bates , Harry C .
member, Board of Directors of
ACTION 30
BAY OF PIGS, see also CUBA
John F. Kennedy' S betrayal called
"mistake" by Robert F. Kennedy 23
Kennedy brothers deny federal
government had hand in ransom of
pris oners 23
prisoners ransomed by promi se of
tax cut to Drug Industry if contribu
tions made 23
Beall , J. Glenn
statement in favor of test ban treaty,
quote 3 1 6
Becker, Frank J .
quoted on Kennedy tax reforms 85
quoted on 1 964 budget 89-90
Beebe , Lucius
quoted on Kuchel ' s attack on right
wingers 1 78- 9
Beesley, Eugene N.
opposition t o Kefauver Drug
Indus try Bill 1 9
BEGINNING, THE
article 253-4
"BEHIND THE TERROR I N AFRICAN
ANGOLA: REVERSION TO SAVAGERY"
by Brig . Gen. Frank L. Howley
footnoted 1 20
BELGRADE NEUTRALIST CONFERENCE
condemns U. S . 1 07
Bell , David E.
recommends deficit spending,
quote 76
Berl e, Adolf A.
quoted on troops from Ghana in Cuba
to invade Haiti 1 84
BESSENER SEC URI TIES CORP.
supports urban renewal 3 1
BETANCOURT, JIMENEZ , DREW
PEARSON, AND THE MONITOR
article 86-8
Betancourt , Romulo
a communist 52
communist record of 86, 88
defended by Drew Pearson 86- 7
defended by Erwin D. Canham 87
expelled from U. S . for communist
activities in 1 9 56 53
insults U. S. but praises Kennedy 54
story of, biographical 52 - 3
BIG JOB TO DO, THE
article 28- 9
BLACK MUSLIMS
beliefs of 1 74- 5
organizing an elite militia 1 74
Blair , John M.
author o f Seeds o f Destruction which
says private capitalism i s doomed
1 8
chief economist for Kefauver Drug
Industry Investigation 1 8
slants Kefauver Drug Industry
Investigation against big business
18
BLUEPRINT FOR SUICIDE, THE
article 77 - 9
B 'NAI B' RITH
Johnson speech to, in 1 9 56, quote 405
BOGOTA CONFERENCE
discussion of 50- 1
Bohlen, Charles
member, Council on Foreign
Relations 149
BOLIVIA
U. S . foreign aid to 64
Bolling, Richard
calls conservative Democrats
' subversives , ' quote 404
demands punishment of cons ervative
Democrats 403-4
BOUND VOLUME
article 1 6 , 56
BOUND VOLUME VIII
article 303-4
Bradley, General Omar
on cost of National Defense, quote
9 1
Brameld, Theodore
communist fronter used by Supreme
Court as authority for school
segregation decision 6
BRASILIA, BRAZIL
cause of Brazi l ' s inflation 57
described, discuss ed 57 - 8 , 6 1
example of socialist planned economy
57
BRAZIL
Are.rican businesslTIen in, activities
of 60 - 1
article 45- 6
communists and pro -communists work
with President Goulart 60
communist support for Kubitschek
and Goulart 59
confiscation of private property in,
good business 45- 6
gets U. S . tax money from UN
Special Fund, amount 98
Goulart becomes pro- communist
dictator 60
inflation caus ed by Brasilia .7
money exchange rates 57
political history, recent 59-60
proclaimed neutralist by President
Quadros 60
s eized I T&T properties 45- 6
study of, by Senator Mansfield,
quoted 62- 3
U. S. foreign aid to 64
BRETTON WOODS CONFERENCE OF
1 944, see INTERNATIONAL MONETARY
FUND
BRIEF CHRONOLOGY, A
article 1 41 -4
BRITAIN, s ee GREAT BRITAIN
BROADCASTING
article 2 9 1 - 3
BROCHURE ON THE 14TH AMENDMENT,
A, by John B. Mason
- footnoted 8
Brown, Constantine
D\1CO : Sovie\ Plans in 1D\11
America" 350 - 1
BROWN VERSUS BOARD OF
EDUCATION, see SUPREME COURT
DECISIONS - - school segragation case
Brizola, Leonel
communist Governor of Rio Grande
Do SuI in Brazil 45
Buckman, Sandy
story of 345
BUREAUCRACY
administrative laws of
unconstitutional 22
control of Drug Industry by 20
BUREAUCRATIC RIVALRY
article 2 5 1 - 2
BURMA
gets U. S . tax money from UN Special
Fund, amount 98
BUSINESS
hurt by Trade Expansion Act 1 83-4
BUSINESS ADVISORY COUNCIL, see
BUSINESS COUNCIL
BUSINESS COUNCIL
Weinberg, Sidney, member of 30
BUSINESSMEN, AMERICAN
activities in Brazil 60- 1
Bush, Dr . Vannevar
opposition to Kefauver Drug Industry
Bill of 1 9 6 1 1 9
Butler, John Marshall
describes Kefauver Drug Industry
Investigation, quote 1 8
Byrd, Richard E.
prediction on Income Tax, quote 273
C
CED, see COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT
CFR, s ee COUNCIL ON FOREIGN
RELATIONS
Cabell , Earle
c.ondemns cons ervati ves in Dallas 347
CABOT, CABOT & FORBES
supports urban renewal 3 1
CALIFORNIA FEPC
activities of 2 1 9
CAMBODIA
created a neutral nation by Geneva
Conference of 1 9 54 1 30
CAN WE TRUST OUR LEADERS ?
article 1 7 1 - 3
CANADA
U . S . State Department 111CI\C1CB 11
internal affairs of 4 1 . 48
Canby, Henry Seidel
member of CFR and American
Committee on Africa 1 1 4
Canham, Erwin D.
letter attacking Jiminez and defending
Betancourt, quote 87
letter to Dan Smoot, quote 87
Cannon, Clarence
on Kennedy' s 1 964 budget, quoted
70- 2
CAPE GIRARDEAU, MISSOURI
defeated urban renewal 40
Caplin, Mortimer M.
head of IRS on the powers of IRS
agents 1 63
Castro, Fidel
defended by foreign minister of
Colombia 50
CAUSE FOR ALL AMERICANS, A
article 1 27
CHAMIZAL, EL
discus sion of 2 38
Kennedy to give this Texas land to
Mexico 1 7 2- 3
Chao Fu
former Chinese communist official on
communist China and fear of
Chiang, quote 1 3
Chase , Salmon P.
refuses to hear injunction cases
against Reconstruction Act of
1 867 3
Chiang Kai - shek, see also CHNA,
NATIONALIST; FORMOSA
age of 14
believes Asians should fight Asia' s
wars 1 1
forbidden by U . S . to invade
communist China 1 0 - 1 1
forced off continent of Asia by State
Department 1 1
forced to negotiate with communists
by George C . Marshall 1 1
kept from invading communist China
by 7th Fleet under Truman's
orders 1 1
offer of troops during Korean War re
fus ed by Truman 1 1
refuses Eis enhower adm.inistration
deal on Quemoy and Matsu 1 2
speech t o National Ass embly of
China, 1 960, quote 1 2 - 1 3
warning by on false communist
China - U. S . S . R. split, quote 1 4
CHICAGO DAILY TRIBUNE
footnoted 104, 1 1 2 , 1 36
CHICAGO SUN- TIMES
article on Kennedy' s defense plans
quoted 149
CHICAGO TRIBUNE PRESS SERVICE
"Red China Said to Fear Invasion,
Revolt" story of, footnoted 1 6
CHILE
President Alessandri convinces
Kennedy he is not too conservative
61
U. S. foreign aid to 64
CHNA, COMMUNIST
afraid of Chiang Kai - shek, quote from
former com.munist Chinese official
1 3
can be defeated by Nationalist China
14- 1 6
Chiang Kai - shek on strength of,
quote 1 2 - 14
invasion of India discuss ed 9 - 1 0
prestige inflated by Korean war 1 2
source and center of communism in
Asia 1 0
split with U. S . S . R. false 1 4
tactics of, against U. S .
threatens t o take Formosa
1 0
1 2
CHINA, NATIONALIST, s ee also Chiang
Kai - shek; FORMOSA
..
can defeat communist China 1 4- 1 6
Eisenhower administration eager to
abandon Matsu and Quemoy in 1 9 58
1 2
Eisenhower administration willing to
make deal with communist China over
Matsu and Quemoy 1 2
military supplies given t o Asiatic
nations who will never fight com
munism should be given to 1 5- 1 6
should be permitted t o invade
communist China 1 5 - 1 6
U. S . military aid to consist of
obsolete equipment 14
CHINA STORY, THE by Freda Utley
footnoted 16
CHINESE NEWS SERVICE
pres s releases footnoted 1 6
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR, THE,
see also Canham, Erwin D.
..
leftwing propaganda force 53
CHRISTIANITY
magnifies the individual, not the
mas ses 393
m.aster principle of American
documents of government 393
socialization of, discussed 397- 8
CHRISTMAS GIVING
article 327- 8
CIVIL DEFENSE, see also OFFICE OF
EMERGENCY PLANNING
Eisenhower creates Office of Civil and
Defens e Mobilization 1 70
Eisenhower i ssues mock martia1 law
order during test in 1 955 1 69 - 7 0
CIVIL RIGHTS
Civil Rights Bill of 1 866 vetoed by
President JOI1SO:
CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1 963
article 2 0 1 - 08
CIVIL RIGHTS COMMISSION
article 41 0
CIVIL WAR, see WAR BETWEEN THE
STATES
Clark, Jos eph S . , Jr.
dedicated to socialist revolution 30
member , board of Directors of
ACTION
on Congres s , Constitution, quotes
227
statement i n favor of test ban
treaty, quote 3 1 5
Clark, Kenneth B.
evidence before Supreme Court
proven false 6
Clark, General Mark W.
testimony on Korean war 1 1
Cochrane, Dr . Willard W .
devised communist -fascist farm
system for Kennedy 1 26
Cohen, Israel
communist official , views on rac e,
quote 2 3 1 - 2
Colby, Bainbridge
reas ons for not recognizing Soviet
Union, quote 242
Colley, Nathaniel S .
NAACP official who wrote Gesell
Report 305
COLOMBIA
Foreign Minister of, defends Castro
50
U . S. foreign aid to 64
COLONIALISM
European versus Soviet, U. S .
attitude toward 1 14
COMMITTEE FOR ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT
control center, urban renewal
propaganda drive 30
description of programs for urban
renewal promotion 30
influential member of CFR network
2 9 - 30
COMMODITY CREDIT CORPORATION
article on, including cost of 1 63
subsidizes big farm operators ,
destroying free market 1 2 3
COMMUNISM, see also FASCISM;
..
SOCIALISM
Roosevelt administration attitude
toward 3 53- 4
same as fascism and s ocialisI
355- 60
same as socialism and fascism 83
COMMUNISM AND SOCIALISM
similarity of 365- 6
LLII1IlC LI|I/, CC LI
COMMUNIST
COMMUNIST FRONT MEMBERS
Brameld, Theodore , member of 1 0
communist fronts 6
Frazier, E. Franklin, has 1 8
citations 6
Lasagna, Louis , official of
Consumers Union 1 8
Weaver, Robert C . , Housing Adminis
trator for Kennedy administration 30
COMMUNIST FRONT ORGANIZATIONS
Consumers Union 1 8, 24
COMMUNIST INTENT
article 1 38-40
COMMUNIST MANIFESTO by Karl Marx
application of, to America, quoted
373- 5
article 37 - 8
article 373- 5
Point 9 of, on establishment of
metropolitan government -like
areas , quoted 37
COMMUNIST NATIONS
money received by, from UN
Special Fund, amounts 98- 9
COMMUNIST PARTY, U. S . A.
Hall directive on program of, 1 963
225 - 7
on race problem, quote 2 14- 5
prai ses Eisenhower 225
racial agitation program of , quote
2 1 7
COMMUNIST PERFORMANCE
article 140 - I
COMMUNIST TECHNIQUES
article 1 41
COMMUNIST TRADE GOODS
State Department requests American
business es to s ell communist goods
326
COMMUNISTS
Betancourt, ROITlUlo 52 - 3
Brizola, Leonel of Brazil 45
Cohen, Israel, quoted on race
program 2 3 1 - 2
DuBoi s , W. E. B. , NAACP founder
365
election of, i n India 3 58
favor TVA, quote 255
Foster, WilliaIl Z . , national chairIan
of communist party ( U. S . ) , quoted
2 5 , 32
in Brazil support Kubitschek and
Goulart in elections 59
in Brazil work with President Goulart
60
in Roosevelt-Wallace Dept . of
Agriculture initiate farm programs
1 23
Kallett, Arthur, named member 1 8 ,
24
Kong Le seizes power in Laos 1 3 1
Roberto, Holden, in Angela 1 14- 5
Sukarno of Indonesia 1 08
COMPULSORY WHEAT CONTROLS
article 1 22- 3
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA
former members placed under military
dictatorship by Reconstruction Act of
1 867 3
re- established legitimate governments
as States of United States 2
CONFISCA TING THE LAND
article 233-40
CONGO
Angola terrorists bas ed in 1 1 6
South Kasai province revolt put
down by UN 1 0 1
UN admits lying about operations in
1 0 1
UN troops in give guns to Angola
terrorists 1 1 8
CONGO CRISIS AND THE NEED FOR
C ONCILIA TION
speech by Senator Dodd, footnoted
48
CONGRESS, U. S .
delays Kennedy legislation in early
1 963 1 6 1 - 2
illegal i n 1 865 - 1 867 2 - 3
members of Congres s who are mem
bers of ADA listed 367
New Deal socialists gain control by
1 938 1 7
no authority t o coerce action on
Amendments 3
roll call votes during 1 963 1 6 1 - 8,
265- 72, 2 8 1 - 8 , 409 - 1 6
roll call votes , explanation of 1 6 1
CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY,
see CORE
CONGRESSIONAL FUND
article by Mabeth E. Smoot 47 - 8
CONGRESSIONAL QUARTERLY ALMANAC
1%1
--otnoted 24
CONGRESSIONAL QUARTERLY
WEEKLY REPORT
footnoted 8, 24, 40, 88, 96, 104
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
footnoted 32 , 40, 48, 56, 72, 88, 96,
1 04, 1 1 2 , 1 28, 1 36, 1 52 , 1 60, 1 76,
1 84, 200, 208, 232, 247, 264, 296,
304, 3 1 2 , 320, 336, 344, 3 5 1 , 360,
368, 408
CONNALLY 'S RESERVATION
article 258 - 9
efforts to repeal 259- 61
Eisenhower favors repeal of 260
CONNECTICUT BANK & TRUST CO.
supports urban renewal 3 1
CONSEQUENCES
article 41 6
CONSERVATIVES
recommended actions for , in 1 964
1 85- 1 9 1
Strom Thurmond best in Senate
1 90 - 1
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED
STATES OF AMERI CA: ANALYSIS
AND INTERPRETATION: ANNOTA
TIONS OF CASES DECIDED BY THE
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED
STATES TO JUNE 30; 1 9 52
footnoted 8
CONSTITUTION, U. S .
Amendment process
Amendment proces s, Article V,
text 8
changing by public officials illegal 5
Christian in principle 393
Congress has no authority to coerce
action on Amendments to 3
contract between people and
government 5
Electoral system, discus sion 1 85- 6
Fourteenth Amendment abolition will
restore constitutional government 8
Fourteenth Amendment, article on
history, illegality of 1 - 8
Fourteenth Amendment contained es -
s ential proviSions of Civil Rights
Bill of 1 866 3
Fourteenth Amendment intentions
stated in 1 873 Supreme Court
decision 4
Fourteenth Amendment should be re
submitted for ratifications or
rej ection 7 - 8
Fourteenth Amendment us ed a s pretext
for 1 9 54 Supreme Court school
s egragation decision 5
Fourteenth Amendment re- defined by
Supreme Court 5
Fourteenth Amendment used in
Supreme Court decisions to change
meaning of 5- 7
gives no grant of power to federal
government to regulate Drug Industry
1 9 - 2 0
gives no grant of power t o government
for urban renewal or public housing
activities 2 5 - 6
limits federal government 395-6
meaning changed by Supreme Court 6
Sixteenth Amendment (Income Tax)
must be abolished 95- 6
Sixteenth Amendment repeal would stop
urban renewal and similar projects
40
Supreme Court can be limited by
Congres s , Article 3, Section 2 ,
Clause 2 7
Thirteenth Amendment submitted and
ratified 2
CONSTITUTIONAL CONSERVATIVES
article 390
CONSTITUTIONAL DOCTRINE
administrative laws of government
agencies unconstitutional 22
Congres smen of 1906 recognized
constitutional liIlitations on powers
of federal government 1 7
Daniel Webster o n destruction of,
quote 225
discussion of basic concepts 390
Drug Industry Act of 1 962 unconsti
tutional 1 9- 20
electoral college 1 85 - 6
fear o f political power discuss ed
354- 5
Jefferson quoted o n trust o f govern
ment 1 69
mass immunization program of 1 962
unconstitutional 22
on civil rights 2 0 1 - 2
on urban renewal 2 5 - 6
on withholding tax 274-5
referendum voting violates 1 2 1
U. S . has no right to s olve Latin
America' s problems 63- 4
CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT
cannot be restored unless 14th
Amendment abolished 8
CONSUMERS UNION
communist front organization until
1 9 54 1 8 , 24
Copeland, Royal S .
introduced unconstitutional food, drug,
and cosmetics Bill in 1 933 1 7
COPLEY NEWS SERVICE
story by about Kais er Corp. in
Argentina, quote 44
CORE
communist-infiltrated 206
interlocked with NAACP, Urban
League 2 07
protests Washington police action
against negroes 1 99
CORPORATE TAXES
article 83
CORRECTION
to page 68 1 1 2
to page 85 1 1 2
COSTA RICA
U. S . foreign aid to 64
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, see
also INVISIBLE GOVERNMENT
merican Committee on Africa
affiliate of 1 14
Bohlen, Charles , member of 149
communist Harry Dexter White
member of 330
control center for the Invisible
Government 29
Gates , Thomas S . , member of 1 50
Graham, Philip L. , member of 30
Gruenther , General Alfred M. ,
member of 1 50
Herter, Christian A. , member of
1 50
Hoffman, Paul G. , member of 97
indirectly interlocked with CORE,
NAACP, Urban League 207
Lodge, Henry Cabot , member of 1 50
Marcus , Stanley, member of 30
members of CFR who are members
of ADA listed 366- 7
members of i n American Committee
on Africa listed 1 14
members of who are members of
LID listed 363-4
Nitze, Paul, member of 148
Oppenheimer member of 302
rol e of i n reorganizing Armed
Forces 302 - 3
Rostow, Walt Whitman, member of
1 48
Wiesner, Dr . Jerome B. , member
of 149
COURT WE CAN TRUST, THE
article 263- 4
COVER UP?
article 39 1 - 2
Cowles , Gardner
member of CFR and American
Committee on Africa 1 14
Cramer, William C .
research by, on Betancourt 52
CRIME AND DELINQUENCY
article 38
CROWN ZELLERBACH CORP.
supports urban renewal 3 1
CUBA, s ee also BAY OF PIGS
artick 46- 7
gets U. S. tax money from UN Special
Fund and UN, amounts 98 - 9
Kennedy on Soviet military buildup
in, quote 46
Kennedy on Soviet military i n,
quote 245- 6
O. A. S . refuses t o condemn 49 - 5 1
predictions about proven 1 83
review of October, 1 962 Cuban
crisis 245
Robert F. Kennedy' s role in ransom
of prisoners 2 3
Soviet military buildup 46-7
CURRENT FIGHT : DAVID AND
GOLIA TH, THE
article 1 27
D
Da Cruz, Clemente
trained by co:runists to organize
against Angola 1 1 5
DAILY SENTINEL, GRAND JUNCTION,
COLORADO
blames conservatives for President ' s
death, quoted 389
DALLAS, TEXAS
defeated urban renewal 40
Stevenson speech and incident 347- 9
DALLAS MORNING NEWS, THE
article in, on Soviet military buildup
in Cuba, quoted 46- 7
footnoted 1 6 , 24, 1 04, 1 28, 1 36, 1 60,
1 76, 1 84, 1 92, 224, 232, 248 , 3 1 2 ,
3 5 1 , 384, 392, 408
DALLAS TIMES HERALD, THE
OO\1O\OO 1 6 , 1 04, 1 28, 1 36, 1 76 ,
1 9 2 , 208, 224, 248 , 304, 328, 344,
384, 392 , 408
UPI story in, on Cuba, quoted 46, 47
DANGERS OF OUR UN MEMBERSHIP
article 1 0 1 - 2
DAN SMOOT TV FILM NOW
AVAILABLE TO GENERAL PUBLIC
article 79- 80
DARKNESS IS DESCENDING ON THE
LAND
article 289 - 9 6
DATA PROCESSING
article 41 1 - 2
Davidson, Judge T. Whitfield
fights Supreme Court on Haley
wheat cas e, quote 1 24- 6
De Andrade , Pinto
trained by communists to organize
against Angola 1 1 5
visits the U . S . 1 1 9
D . C . SUBWAY
article 41 2
DECLARATION OF SAN JOSE
provisions of 50
DECLINE SETS IN
article 68
DEFENSE, see NATIONAL DEFENSE
DEFENSE DEPARTMENT, see als o
ARMED FORCES, GESELL REPORT,
NA TIONAL DEFENSE
McNamara' s policies discuss ed by
military men 298- 9
McNamara' s rule discuss ed by
Hanson Baldwin 297- 8
reorganization of, recolnmended by
George Marshall 300
Rockefeller Report used to reorganize
302
DEFICIT FINANCING, see FEDERAL
BUDGET, FEDERAL SPENDING
DEFICIT FINANCING - - PART I
article 65- 72
DEFICIT FINANCING -- PART II
article 73- 80
De Gaulle , Charles
Kennedy may take reprisals against
41
DEINBIENPHU
fall of, to communists 1 30
DEMOCRACY
workings of 1 2 1
DEMOCRAT PARTY
prai s ed by communist party 225- 6
DEMOCRAT PARTY PLATFORM, 1 960
quote on public power 249
DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, see
DEFENSE DEPARTMENT, NATIONAL
DEFENSE
DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH,
EDUCATION, AND WELFARE, see
HEALTH, EDUCATION AND
WELFARE, DEPARTMENT OF
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, s ee
STATE DEPARTMENT
DEPRESSION
did not abate until World War II
economy 66
DES MOINES, IOWA
defeated urban renewal 39-40
DETAILED STORY, THE
article about Laos 1 3 5 - 6
DETROIT TIMES
footnoted 1 28
Deutsch, Eberhard P.
devised Long plan for World Court
2 6 1
Dillon, C. Douglas
on gold problem, quote 341
promi ses $500 million to Latin
America as member of Eisenhower
adIlinistration 50 - 1
says he would recoITlIlend veto unles s
entlre Kennedy tax reforIl adopted
8 5
says Kennedy tax reform i s really
an increase 84
"DILLON' S TREASURY : HIS TOLER
ANCE OF DEFICIT SPENDING
SURPRISES THE FINANCIAL
COMMUNITY, " by Arthur Krock
footnoted 80
Dirksen, Everett McKinley
pres ents evidence AITerican POW' s
rOITl Korean war still i n com
ITlunist jails 1 79
stateIlent i n favor of test ban treaty,
quote 3 1 7
DISARMAMENT, s e e also
DISARMAMENT AGENCY,
TEST BAN TREATY
Baruch Plan discuss ed 142
discussion of 1 37 - 60
historical chronology, 1 945 through
1 9 57 1 41 -4
historical chronology, 1 9 58 through
1 9 6 1 146 - 5 1
historical chronology, 1 962 through
1 963 1 55- 9
purposes of, according to
COITlmunist International 241
quotes rOIl Lenin, Khrushchev,
others on l 39 -40
U. S. proposals of DeceIlber , 1 962,
quoted 1 58
DISARMAMENT AGENCY
Agency head WilliaITl C . Foster
quoted on U. S. plan 1 56
disarITlament plans of, quotes
1 5 1 - 2
facts on 1 78
powers of 1 50- 1
Senators and Representatives who
voted agains t 1 60
DISARMAMENT AGENCY AND TEST
BAN TREATY
article 41 0
DISARMAMENT AGENC Y FUNDS
article 267
DISARMAMENT PART I
article 1 37 -44
DISARMAMENT - - PART II
article 1 45- 52
DISARMAMENT -- PART III
article 1 53 - 60
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA WELFARE
article 4 1 1
Dodd, ThoITlas J .
quoted on nuclear test bans 147
speech by, on the Congo, footnoted
48
Doenitz, Grand AdITliral Karl
last 'fuehrer ' of nazi GerIlany 301
recommends German government
based on AITlerican constitutional
principles 301
DOES THE U. S. OPPOSE
COMMUNIST WORLD CONQUEST ?
article - 3 53- 60
DOMESTIC PEACE CORPS, see
NATIONAL SERVICE CORPS
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC
O. A. S. takes action against 50
U. S. foreign aid to 64
Donaldson, John
wheat case discus sed 1 23- 4
Doolittle, Senator
quoted on adoption of 1 4th
AITlendment 4
DRAPER 8 KRAMER, INC .
supports urban renewal 3 1
DREADFUL AFFAIR, THE
article 346- 7
DRUG CONTROL AND FLUORIDATION
article 23
DRUG INDUSTRY
effects of socialization of, in
Soviet Union and Great Britain 23
prices of wholesale products of 2 0
promised tax cut to, i f contributions
made to get Bay of Pigs prisoners
back 23
Senate investigation in 1 959, results
1 8, 20
socializing of 1 7 - 24
DRUG INDUSTRY ACT, THE
article 18 - 1 9
DRUG INDUSTRY ACT OF 1 962
can eliminate meaningful competition
1D 1YOR DO$LY} <- I
pas s ed unaniIlously by Senate 1 9
provisions of 1 8- 1 9 , 2 0 , 2 1
related to fluoridation drive 2 3
thalidoIlide publicity used for
pas sage of 1 9
unconstitutional 1 9- 20
DRUG INDUSTRY BILL OF 1 9 6 1
introduced by Estes Kefauver 1 8
Kennedy urges favorable action on
1 9
Ilaj or provisions of 1 8- 1 9
oppos ed by leading druggists 1 9
DRUGS AND DISHONESTY
article 23
Dubinsky, David
confers with Johnson 406
"DUBIOUS ORIGIN OF THE
FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT" by
Walter J. Suthon, Jr . , TULANE
LAW REVIEW
footnoted 8
DURHAM MORNING HERALD, THE
Editorial footnoted 8
E
Eastland, Jan,es O.
speech, 5/26/55, footnoted 8
speech, 9/26/62 , footnoted 8
Eaton, Cyrus S .
pro-Soviet AITlerican industrialist
1 57
ECUADOR
U . S . foreign aid to 64
EDIFICE OF LIBERTY, THE
article 225- 32
EDUCA TION, s ee PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Edwards , George Clifton, Jr .
IleIlber of LID 343
socialist with jail record appointed
federal judge by Kennedy 343
EEC
-- rticles froIl quoted 76- 7
EFFOR TS TO REPEAL
article 259 - 60
EISENHOWER ADMINISTRATION
accepted Korean war arIlistice
dictated by comIlunists 1 2
balance of power i n UN shifts t o
Afro-Asian bloc during 1 06
philosophy saITle as Kennedy
adIlinistration 40 1
places controls on wheat farming 1 22
wanted t o abandon Matsu and QueIloy
to cOITlIlunist China in 1 9 58 1 2
willing t o ITlake deal with cOIlmunist
China on Matsu and Quemoy in 1 955
1 2
Eisenhower , Dwight D.
actually started Alliance for Progress
49, 5 1
calls mock Ilartial law i n 1 9 55 civil
defense practice 1 69- 70
defies laws on Panama Canal 342
defies Pos s e Comitatus Act 342
earnings from books by not taxed as
income 275- 6
emi ssaries shaIIe America by inter
national begging 74
Executive Orders of amended by
Kennedy 1 70
Executive Orders on integration 2 1 8
favors repeal of Connoly Reservation
260
had biggest peacetime deficit in
history 74
helps create communist-controlled
International Atomic Energy Agency
1 43-4
nominated Jes sup to World Court 2 64
praised by communist party 225
record of, on disarmament 146- 8
s ells out Hungarian Revolt 1 8 1
stops U. S. Army from taking Berlin,
Prague 324
urges Washington to integrate and
become model city 1 93
EffENHOWER RECORD, THE
article 1 46 - 8
EL DORADO, ARKANSAS
defeated urban renewal 39
EL SALVADOR, see SAN SALVADOR
EMERGENCY PLANNING, see OFFICE
OF EMERGENCY PLANNIN--
EMINENT DOMAIN
article 27- 8
discussion of 27- 8
ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA THE
footnoted 8
'
ENCYCLOPEDIA AMERICANA
footnoted 24, 64
ENGEL VERSUS VITALE, see SUPREME
COURT DECISIONS - New York School
Prayer Case
ENGLAND, see GREAT BRITAIN
"EPISODE OF THE RUSSIAN SEAMEN
THE, " Report by Senate Internal
'
Security Subcommittee
footnoted 1 1 2, 392
EQUALITY OF RIGHTS BETWEEN
RACES AND NATIONALITIES IN
THE USSR
published by UNESCO, quotes 1 00
Ervin, Sam J . , Jr.
statement i n favor of test ban treaty,
quote 3 1 6
Evans , J . Claude
blames assassination on ' radical right , '
quote 402 - 3
chaplain of SMU 402
EXECUTIVE ORDERS, see
Eis enhower, Dwight D. -
Kennedy, John .
Office of Emergency Planning
Roos evelt , Franklin D .
Truman, Harry S .
EXPOR T -IMPOR T BANK
article 2 67
FABIANS
article 362
F
FACTS AND FIGURES ON
GOVERNMENT FINANCE
footnoted 72
FAIR EMPLOYMENT PRACTICES
COMMISSION
activities of California FEPC,
dangers 2 1 9
FAIRNESS DOCTRINE, see
FEDERAL COMMUNICA TIONS
COMMISSION
FALLACY, A
article 252- 3
FARM AND RANCH
footnoted 1 28
F ARM PROBLEM
article on 1 2 1 - 2
Feed Grains Act of 1 963 discus sed
1 64
Kennedy-Cochrane scheme discuss ed
1 26
F ARM PROBLEM - - WHEAT
discus sion of 1 2 1 - 8
discus sion of cases 1 23 - 6
Eisenhower administration respon-
sible for controls on wheat farmers
1 22
federal controls on wheat farmers
1 22- 7
FARMERS FOR FREEDOM
description of activities 1 27- 8
FARMERS WHO LOVE FREEDOM
ARE TREATED AS CRIMINALS
article 1 23- 4
FASCISM, see also , COMMUNISM;
SOCIALISM--
same as <ommunism and sociali sm
3 55- 60
same as s ocialism and comrunisI
83
FEDERAL AGENCIES , see als o
BUREAUCRACY
..
control of Drug Industry by 20
dangers of those involved in
science and res earch 92- 3
involved i n science and research,
list 92
FEDERAL AID TO EDUCA TION
adverse effects of 37 0 - 1
FEDERAL AID TO MEDICINE
article on federal aid to medical
schools and students 1 64
FEDERAL BUDGET IN BRIEF 1 962
footnoted 80