American Educational Policy in the Philippines and the British Policy in Malaya, 1898-1935 Author(s): Eng Kiat Koh

Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 9, No. 2 (Jun., 1965), pp. 139-146 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International Education Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1186029 . Accessed: 04/09/2011 07:32
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AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN THE PHILIPPINES AND THE BRITISH POLICY IN MALAYA, 1898-1935
ENG KIAT KOH

The period under review begins with the American conquest of the Philippines and ends in the year when the Islands were granted Commonwealthstatus. British rule in Malaya, however, dates from 1786 and by 1935 the country was still very much under British control politically and economically. In this article an attemptwill be made to betweenpolitical, show the interrelationships economic and educationalpolicies and practices in these two countries during that period.
Brief Historical Retrospect

treaty relationswith the BritishGovernment. Of the nine states, four2 constituted, since 1896, a federation known as the Federated Malay States. The rest were known collectively as the UnfederatedMalay States.3The treatiesconcludedwith the sultanseach provided for British protection and assistance in the administration these states. of The Crown Colony was headed by a Governor4 who had final authority in administration,legislation and finance.
Colonial Aims and Policies and Measures Taken to Achieve Them

The Philippines which had been under Spanish rule for more than three hundred years came formally under American control by the Treaty of Paris in December, 1898. Following a short period of military rule civil governmentwas introducedin the Philippines on July 4, 1901, with W. H. Taft as its first governor. Democratic elections at municipal level had already been introduced on January 21, 1901. In the years following there was a steadilywidening franchise accompanied by increasing Filipino participationin the governmentof the country culminating, in 1935, in Congressional approvalof a U.S. modeled constitution giving the Philippinesfull internal selfgovernment. British influence over Malaya followed a more protracted path. It began when the Sultan of Kedah ceded Penang Island to the East India Company in 1786. The first Malay sultans sought and obtained British protection in 1874, and by 1914 the whole of Malaya was under British control. BritishMalayawas a rathernebulousconstitutional concept. It consisted of (a) the Crown Colony of the Straits Settlements1 and (b) nine Malay states each having ComparativeEducation Review

ment's attitude to the Philippines was expressed by President McKinley when, he announced to Congress in 1899, "The Philippines are not ours to exploit, but to develop, to civilize and to train in the science of self government."5 The main steps taken by American officials in the Philippines to achieve these aims may be summarizedas follows: 1. The developmentof the economic resources of the Islands and that of free tradebetweenthe two countries. 2. The establishment an agrarian of democracy based on a middle class society of peasantproprietors. 3. The removalof deep seatedFilipinoprejudice againstmanuallabor. American policies were largely based on the conviction that American political, economic and social institutionswere capableof solving Filipino problems.Hence the American form of territorial government and a civil service based on merit became models for institutional construction. English became the official language and the only medium of instruction in all public educational institutions. 139

The Philippines. The American govern-

American economic policy aimed at increasing the Islands' productivity to help finance programs of social and political reconstruction there. Economic development, however, was to be largely in the hands of the Filipinos themselves. The economy that was later developed was that of production for export stimulatedby a progressivedevelopment of free trade between the two countries. To prevent the racial factor from complicating the Islands'problems of political and social reconstructionthe United States Congress extended the Chinese Exclusion Law6 to the Philippinesin 1902. The Public Lands Act, also of 1902, regulatingand restricting the sale and purchase of public land aimed both at preventing foreign control of the Philippineeconomy as well as the perpetuation of caciquism.7 Political independence,it was hoped, would be accompaniedby economic independence. As a corollary, the Government encouraged the peasants to purchase farming lands as a means of producing a middleclass of peasantproprietors.8 Malaya. Fundamentallythe British concept of trusteeshipappearedsimilar to that of the Americans. Lord Lugard has explained the task of trusteeship as the advancement of subjectpeoples and the development of resourcesnot only for the mutual benefit of the trustee and his ward but of mankindas well.9 To achieve these aims in Malaya the British gave first priorityto economic development. In the FederatedMalay States economic development, based on production for export, was accomplished by foreign capital, labor and enterprise.Large numbers of unskilled Indian, and Chinese laborers were practically imported into the country for the developmentof communicationsand of the rubber and tin industries. These practices,while they succeeded in accelerating the pace of economic development in Malaya, so transformed its demographic and linguistic patterns that the indigenous race soon became numericallysmaller than the two immigrantraces combined.'0It was not until the economic depression of the nineteen-thirtiesthat the Governmentlegis140

lated to regulate the quality and flow of immigrants into Malaya."1There was no restriction on the alienation of lands for capitalistic enterprises provided lands for the cultivation of foodstuffs, particularly rice, were not affected.12 In the Straits Settlementsfree trade first introduced in 1819 became the key to an economic policy aimed at building an entrep6t trade in each of the two ocean ports, Singaporeand Penang. there were Politically and administratively differences between the Straits Settlements and the Malay States, and among the Malay States themselves. In the former direct rule was practiced throughoutthe period under review, a Select Committee of the Straits Settlement Legislative Council concluding in 1921 that it would be prematureto introduce "suffrageof an untrainedand unready electorate"into the Colony.13 In the Malay Statesindirectrule appeared to have been practiced in the Unfederated Malay States only, while in the Federated Malay States "indirectrule was little more than a fagade."'14However, when these rulers complained about their loss of rights steps were taken to assimilatetheir position to those of the rulers in the Unfederated Malay States. On the other hand, owing to the growing numerical and economic strengthof the two immigrantraces and the growth of the Chinese nationalistmovement in Malaya,following the Chinese Revolution of 1911, British officials felt compelled, in view of its protectiveobligationstowardsthe Malays, to advise against introducingpopular governmentin the Malay States.'5 Indirect rule in the Federated Malay States was expressed partly by attempts to train the Malay aristocracyfor administrative posts. With this aim in mind, the Government started, in 1905, a British public school type residential school for them.'6 This was followed in 1910 by the institution of the Federated Malay States Malay Administrative Service which was junior to and separatefrom the exclusively European Malayan Civil Service. A StraitsSettlements Civil Service was instituted in 1930 but it was made open to all locally born British
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subjects with diploma or degree qualifications. By and large the problems in Malaya seem more complex than those in the Philippines. British policy in Malaya had to reconcile the wishes and aspirations of various elements in the body politic. There were complexities inherent in the multiracial characterof the populationwith their different cultural backgrounds and their different loyalties. There was complexity in the constitutionalset-up inherent in its preBritishhistory and made more so duringthe process of British rule, hence making the task of the British administration an extremely difficultone politically. Implications of Colonial Policies on EducationalPolicies and Practices The Philippines. "Education for democracy" dominatedAmerican educationalpolicy and practicein the Philippines.Based on the principle of equality of educational opportunity the Philippine Government introducedthe common school throughoutthe Islands, convinced that the education provided by it would not unfit the Filipino for manual effort but rather enlightenhim as to a more civilizedlife.7 It also establishedand consistently pursued the principle, in the face of opposition from the "gente illustrada" and recurring financial crises, that while the Government's first duty was to universalprimary education, secondary and higher education could only have subordinate claims to public funds. Again, having decidedthat Englishshould be the only medium of instruction in the public schools the Government pursued its decision with remarkableconsistency often in the face of opposition from leading Filipinos and Americans.s8 All private schools, both sectarian and non-sectarian, were given financial support by the Government as a measure of encouragement.Ultimately these schools were to be brought into line with the public schools particularly in the use of English as the mediumof instruction. The policy of encouraging Filipinos to own and cultivate their land and the excluComparativeEducationReview

sion of Chinesefrom the Islandshad certain implicationsfor educationaldevelopmentin the Philippines. The schools were to train and encourage Filipinos to participate in agriculture and improve farming methods. Those who showed an aptitude for or interest in it would receive training at secondary level to prepare for homesteading in hitherto untouched lands in the archipelago. The exclusion of the Chinese served to remove any further complications to the language problem in the schools. It also removeda potentialsource of skilledartisans for the Islands. Hence the Filipinos would have to learn the trades themselves. In an effort, therefore, to overcome his inherited contempt for physical labor every Filipino boy in the primary and intermediategrades was taughtsome form of manualwork while the girls received training in the domestic arts.'9 Secondaryschool courses were diversified to include practical, industrial and agriculturaltraining. Rapid Filipinization of the civil service, however, created a large demand for academic instruction at the expense of these courses.20A contributoryfactor was pressure from Filipino political leadersfor more academic instruction.21On the other hand standards of English teaching fell because Filipinos were not yet adequatelyprepared to take over the work of superannuated American teachers. Renewed attempts to encourage vocational and industrialeducation by the settingup of a Division of Vocational Education in the Board of Education in 1927 and of an Economic Survey Committee produced little progress in the three years that followed.22 Britisheducationpolicyby comMalaya.23 parison was rather ambivalentin character. The Governmentprovidedthe Malays with compulsory free Primary education in the Malay mediumaimed at making"thefarmer a better farmer and the fishermana better fishermanthan his father."24 The Government did not feel obliged at first to give educationto Chineseand Indian children in their own languages or dialects as they feared that to do so would merely 141

strengthenthe barriersof race and encourage the growth of foreign loyalties among them.25They were, however, free to establish their own vernacularschools. Early this century, however, a change in official attitude towards non-Malay vernacular education became manifest. In 1902 it was decided at a conference of British Residents to provide facilities for Tamil vernacular education as a means of encouraging Indian estate laborers to stay on in their jobs in Malaya.26Hence what was at first considered politically and socially undesirable was now encouraged for economic reasons. Governmentinterestin Chinese education was motivatedlargely by political considerations. The introduction of Kuo Yu as the medium of instructionin Chinese schools in Malaya following the Chinese Revolution of 1911, combinedwith the NationalistChinese Government'sinterest in Malayan Chinese schools, awakenedGovernmentsuspicion of the fact that these schools were being used for political propagandaagainst the British Government.To meet this threat the Straits Settlements Government passed the Registration of Schools Ordinance in 1920 demanding the registrationof all private and aided schools and their staff and managing committees.27This was followed in 1923 by the decision to give small grants in aid to Chinese schools to encourage the education of Chinese children in their own dialects,28 and in 1924 by the appointmentof an Assistant Director of (Chinese) Education and a Chinese Inspector of Schools. A proposal was also made to start a Government Chinese Normal School. Another aspect of educational policy in Malaya was the continuedprovisionof English schools29 by the Government and by missionary bodies aided by relatively generous financial grants. These were both primary and secondary schools open to all children on payment of a fee. All Malay boys who successfully completed four years of Malay vernacular education before the age of eleven were assisted in various ways to profit from an English educationthat was made free to them. 142

In insisting on Malay children having a preliminaryeducation in the vernacularbefore entering English schools, the Government was guided by a desire to avoid the unhappy experience of India where education was based on Western literary traditions.30 On the other hand, it was felt by officials that a preliminaryschooling in the vernacular and adapted to native needs would help preserve native customs and traditions.It was arguedtoo, that a mastery of the mother tongue provided a sound foundationto furthereducation in a foreign language.31 The history of English education in the following years was, however, markedby its ascendancyover vernaculareducation. This was largely due to three factors: (a) the adoptionof English as the official and languageof the StraitsSettlements the Federated MalayStates. (b) the choiceof Englishas the onlymedium of instructionat secondaryand post secondarylevels deservingof support out of publicfunds,and (c) the growing demand in the first two decadesof this centuryfor Englisheducated subordinate clerksin the adminisservices. trativeand commercial English education was largely academic. An economy which depended largely on unskilled labor apparentlyhad no need for vocational and technical education. It was not until the depressionsof the early nineteen-twenties and 'thirties that official attempts were made to provide post-primary trade and agricultural education in both English and Malay. Stringent budgeting at this time restrictedthe expansion of English schools. All financialaid to Chinese schools other than those already receiving it was discontinued.A proposal was made by the Governor Sir Cecil Clementi to use the Malay language to bring the races together but it was abandonedin the face of strong opposition.32 A few interestingcontrastsin educational policy and practice between the two appear evident. The American aim of equality for all Filipinos contrasted with the tendency towards discriminationon the part of the June 1965

British in Malaya on the basis of race, and to some extent on class, resultingtherefrom in some segregationof pupils on these lines. The desire to give special attention to the children of the Malay aristocracy was a feature of Britishpolicy which accords with indirect rule, but which found no parallel in the American system. Another differencebetween the two is in the language policy. The Americans chose English to be the sole language of instruction in the public schools convinced that it could unite the numerous Filipino groups and of its culturaland utilitariansuperiority over any of the Filipino dialects. To the British, education in the mother tongue was a necessary preliminaryto instruction in a foreign language.While they were consistent in applying this policy towards the Malays they were not so with the other vernaculars. The Government's ambivalent policy towards the non-Malay vernaculars was influenced by economic and political considerations. Again, its desire to give education to the Malay aristocracy of an English public school type seemed out of step with the declarationof a British official, "We do not try to make Malays, Chinese and Indians into good Europeans, but into good MaIt layans."'33 did not, however, make strenuous efforts to introduce a system that would encourage the plural communitiesto look upon themselvesas a single community. The abortive proposal by Clementi in the early 'thirtiesto use the Malay languagefor this purpose reflected in effect a desire to achieve it at a minimum cost.
General Assessment of Achievements The Philippines.34 The Philippines public

school system was largely a primary school system. About 80 per cent of all pupils in the schools were in the first four grades and 15 per cent in the next three. Hence about 95 per cent of all children enrolled in the public schools were accommodated in the elementary schools. Of the total population of children of school age 7 to 17, 36.94 per cent were in the public schools. Literacyrates had risen from 5 per cent of the populationof ten years and ComparativeEducation Review

over in 1903 to 49.2 per cent in 1918. Literacy for the women rose from 10.7 per cent in 1903 to 43.2 per cent in 1939.35The large percentage of overaged pupils and of failures amongprimaryschool childrenwere poor features of the system. A reason for this was the extreme poverty of parents which compelled them to send childrenat a late age to school and to take them out early.36Few could afford secondary education for their children. Furthermore,overcrowded classes due to teacher shortageand to recurringfinancial crises were prevalent. In spite of the diversificationof courses in the secondary schools 62.28 per cent of the total enrollment in them attended the academic courses and reflected partly the prevailingbias for white collar occupations and partly a lack of integration between courses offered in these schools and relevant jobs available. To sum up therefore, while the Americans made considerable progress in their attempts to provide free primary education to all childrenit was achievedat the expense of post-primaryeducation and of quality in education. There was a lack of integration between educational planning on the one hand and economic, social and political planning on the other. Hence there was heavy wastage at all levels of education. On more fundamental issues American policies seemed to meet with little success. There continued to be large landed estates which Kuriharasuggestedwas "the greatest single cause of agrariantrouble in the Philippines."37The retail trades were still in the hands of the Chinese while the larger industrieswere in the hands of the Japanese, Americans and Spaniards.38Politically a one-party "democracy" prevailed.Economically they were so tied to the American marketthat "economicdependenceoperates againstpolitical independence."39 Malaya.40 Ninety-two per cent of the total enrollment of all Government and Aided Schools in 1935 were in the Primary schools. There was little, if any, articulation among the four language streamsexcepting a small flow of pupils from Malay schools into English schools. There were a few Chi143

nese secondary schools enrolling altogether about 2500 pupils in 1935. In the Tamil VernacularSchools wastage rates41were very high due to poverty, instabilityand lack of officialinterestin them.42 The relatively high percentage (56.3 per cent) 43 Ofthose attendingMalay schools and their lower wastage rates were due to the operation of compulsory school regulations affecting Malay boys. Job opportunitiesfor school leavers in all these streamswere poor. English education was provided at all levels. Chinese pupils made up 61.0244 per cent of the combinedenrollmentof Primary and SecondaryEnglishSchools in 1935. The proportions for Indian and Malay pupils were 17.64 per cent and 10.04 per cent respectively. The large percentage for the Chinese was due partly to a coincidence in their urban distributionand that of English schools. By contrastthe Malayswere largely rural people.45 In the English schools, particularlythe SecondarySchools and post secondary institutions46Malay pupils seemed generallyunable to compete successfully with the other races academically.This was attributedto: and malnutrition ill health, (a) theirpoverty, difficulties (b) emotionaland psychological in the home,and (c) the stress on a rural educationin the and vernacular leavingthemunprepared for handicapped an English education with a westernliterarybias.47 As for vocational education, the seven trade schools founded between 1926 and 1935, despite optimistic comments about their value, could not make headwayagainst the monopoly by Chinese trade guilds of certain trades like carpentry and tailoring. Those instructedin these trades found difficulty in getting into these trades. The trade, agricultural,and technical schools narrowly prepared their students for employment in the governmentservices or in western enterprises ratherthan for local forms of agriculture and industry.48 To sum up, by 1935 Malaya was a relatively peaceful and wealthy country. Decentralizationof powers in favor of the Malay 144

rulers in the FederatedMalay States did not affect Britishcontrolof finance,defense, and foreign affairs in Malaya. British planting, mining and trading interests controlled the country's major productive wealth. The Chinese controlledthe retail and distributive trades, managed the milling industries and participatedin small scale productionof tin The Malays continued to be and rubber.49 largely poor peasants hardly profiting from the country'sprosperity. By and large the attempt to preserve Malay customs and ways of life seems incompatiblewith the introductionof Western institutionswhich tended to relegatethem to a minor position in the economic and professionallife of the country.There was little, if any, political life in Malaya, but in the steadily changing racial structure were all the qualities of a problem of considerable magnitude.
Conclusion

It is evident from this study that from any set of policies flow political, economic, social and educationalconsequences.In the Philippines we had an example of the consequences, especially on education,of a policy which gave political development priority over economic development.In Malaya we saw the complex results of a colonial policy which stressed not merely economic development but economic developmentwith foreign capital, labor and enterprise without giving equal stress to political and educational development.They both illustratethe many sidednessof problemsof development in any territoryand the need for intelligent and careful planning if a balanced development of it is to result.
REFERENCES

of 1Consisting the islandsof Penang (with ProvinceWellesleyon the mainlandopposite and it), Singapore, Malacca,on the southwest coast of Malaya. 2 ThesewerePerak,Selangor, NegriSembilan and Pahang. Treng3ThesewerePerlis,Kedah,Kelantan, ganuandJohore.
4He was styled High Commissioner of the Malay States since federation. 5 Cited by Maj. Gen. L. Wood (Chairman) and Hon. W. Cameron Forbes, Report of Spe-

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cial Mission of the Philippine Islands, Washington, Govt. Printing Office, 1921, p. 15. 6 For a full discussion of this law and on the Chinese in the Philippines see: (1) J. R. Hayden, The Philippines Islands, A Study in National Development, New York, MacMillan, 1942, pp. 691-712, and (2) V. Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, R.I.I.A., Oxford University Press, 1951, pp. 620-641. "7 That is, the feudal relationship between the minority well-to-do Spanish educated Filipino elite and the peasant masses. 8 For a discussion of American land policy in the Islands see C. B. Elliott, The Philippines to the End of Commission Government, Indianapolis, Bobbs-MerrillCo. 1917, p. 50 ff. 9 F. Lugard. Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, London, Blackwood, 4th Edition, 1929, p. 606. 10 C. A. Vlieland, British Malaya-Report on the 1931 Census, Waterlow and Sons, Ltd., 1931; Table 13, p. 131, Table 15, p. 133. Called "Aliens Immigration Bill," it was "11 introduced in Straits Settlements in 1932 and in the Federated Malay States in 1934. 12These were regulated by the Malay Reservations Enactment of 1913, revised in 1933 to cover certain loopholes, which moneylenders and traders were reported to have taken advantage of in acquiring Malay lands. 13Straits Settlements Council Paper No. 5, February, 1921-"Report of the Select Committee appointed to consider whether any changes and what changes are desirable in the Constitution of the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements,"pp. 128-138. 14L. A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 52. 15See for instance the following: (a) Sir Hugh Clifford's speech to the Federal Legislative Council in 1927 quoted in R. Emerson, Malaysia, A Study in Direct and Indirect Rule, New York, MacMillan, 1937. (b) Sir Samuel Wilson, Report on a Visit to Malaya, 1932, Cd. 4276, 1933, p. 12. (c) W. G. A. Ormsby Gore, Report on a Visit to Malaya, Ceylon and Java, 1928, Cd. 3235. 16Straits Settlements (Native States) Despatches, 1904, Vol. 5 contains interestingofficial correspondence on this project. 17 See: (a) Annual Report of the Secretary of the Secretary of Public Instruction 1903, Exhibit A, in U.S. Philippine Commission Reports, 1900-1903; (b) W. H. Taft, Secretary of War, Special Report on the Philippine Islands, 1908 p. 26 in Senate Documents (60th Congress, 1st Session) Vol. 7, No. 200, Washington, Govt. Printing Office, 1908.
18 J. Scott McKormick, "The Language Prob-

lem in the Philippines,"in Education in Pacific Countries, I.P.R. Conference, Honolulu, Vol. 2, 1936. (Unpublished papers). Comparative Education Review

J. R. Hayden, op. cit., p. 622. 19J. R. Hayden, op. cit. p. 519. 20 See Chapter on 'Development of the Curriculum' in Fifty Years of Education for Freedom, 1901-1951, Manila. UNESCO: Philippine Educational Foundation, 1953. 21 P. Monroe, "Methods of Colonial Administration," paper read at the eighth meeting of the Institute of Pacific Relations, May 27, 1931, p. 34. 22 "A General Report on Vocational Education in the Philippine Islands," unpublished papers cited by J. R. Hayden. op. cit. pp. 521522. 23This discussion is confined to the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States which since 1906 had a unified administration.Each of the Unfederated Malay States had its own education department. 24Annual Report of the Chief Secretary, F.M.S. 1920, in Reports on the FederatedMalay States, 1920, p. 12. 25 Board of Education, 1905, Vol. 14, Pt. 3, p. 11. 26Annual Report of the British Resident, Perak, 1902, in Reports on the F.M.S. 1902, Cd. 1819, p. 35. According to C. A. Vlieland (op. cit., p. 9) the average stay of the Indian estate laborer in Malaya was less than three years. 27 Annual Report of the Acting Director of Education, Straits Settlements, 1920. 28 Annual Report of the Director of Education, Straits Settlements, 1923. 29That is, schools where the medium of instruction is English. 30 R. J. Wilkinson, "The Education of Asiatics" in Board of Education, vol. 8, 1902, Cd. 835, p. 685. Annual Report of the Resident General, F.M.S., 1897, in Reports of the Federated Malay States, 1897, Cd. 9108, p. 5. 31Annual Report of the Director of Education, Federated Malay States, 1919, p. 11. 32 "Educational Policy" in Straits Settlements Council Paper No. 93, 1932, pp. C523-C524. Straits Settlements Sessional Papers, September, 1932, February, 1934. 33 A. Kier, "Native and Western Elements in the Educational Systems of British Malaya," in Education in Pacific Countries, vol. 2, p. 1. 34 All the percentages given are from Tables supplied by J. S. McKormickin a seminarpaper on "Educationin the Philippines"in Education in Pacific Countries, vol. 1, 1936 (Unpublished). 35 Paz Policarpio-Mendez, (Dean, College of Education, Centro Escolar Univ.) "Filipino Women and the Progressof the Nation," Memo. submitted (through the Philippine Council of the I.P.R.) to the Asian Relations Conference, March-April, 1947, Indian Council of World Affairs, New Delhi, 1947, p. 2. 145

36See: H. Lava, "Levels of Living in the Llocos Region," International Research Series of the Philippine Council, Study No. 1, 1938. 7K. Kurihara, Labour in the Philippine Economy, New York, Stanford Univ. Press, 1945, p. 21. 38 J. R. Hayden, op. cit. 9 Jose Ma Espino, "The American Tariff Policy in the Phillippines," 1933, p. 11. 40Figures given are compiled from Separate Annual Reports of the Director of Education Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States, 1935. 41 Of 14,413 pupils in these schools in 1935, 57.2% were in the first year, and 17.25%, 11.85%, 8.4%, 4.3% and 1.0% in the second, third, fourth, fifth and sixth years respectively. 42 Office of the Economic Advisor to the Government of India, Indians in Malayan Economy, Government of India Press, New Delhi, 1950. 43 83.3% for boys and 29.4% for girls of all Malay children between 6 and 12. 44Note, however, of 94,425 Chinese children attending school in S.S./F.M.S. in 1935, 65%

were in Chinese Vernacular Schools and 35% in English schools. 45C. A. Vlieland, op. cit. p. 48. In 1931 72.4% of urban population in the Straits Settlements and 62.9% in the Federated Malay States, were Chinese; the correspondingfigures for the Malays were 11.8% and 21.5%. 46Medical College (1905), Technical School (1906), RafflesCollege (Arts and Science 1928) and Agricultural College (1931). 47 See for instance: (a) Federation of Malaya, Report of the Committee on Malay Education (Chairman L. Barnes) K. L. Govt. Press, 1951, pp. 8-16. (b) G. E. D. Lewis, A Comparative Study of the Intelligence and Educability of Malays and Chinese in Malay and its Significance in Relation to Educational Policy with special reference to the political future of the Malays, Unpub. Ph.D. thesis, Univ. of Lond. Inst. of Educ., 1949, Ch. 7. 48Report of the Commission on Higher Education in Malaya, London, H.M.S.O. 1939, Colonial No. 173. 49 V. Purcell, The Chinese in Malaya, R.I.I.A., Oxford University Press, 1948.

U.N. delegates and, I am sure, most foreigners who are in this country for a short time also enjoy organized entertainment of the sort which does not depend too heavily on their knowledge of English or of the United States. In general it is better to take them to concerts or musicals rather than to plays. Most of them enjoy events which are peculiar to this country, such as county fairs or Fourth of July parades. Africans and Latin Americans love to dance-either at home or at the newest discotheque. While organization is good over short periods of time, it should not be insistent and burdensome. Dread is the weekend so ordered like a military campaign that the only uncertainty is whether the guest or the hostess will be the first to surrender to exhaustion. The foreign visitor is a delicate creature, for he is under the strain of having to sight-see in one way or another every waking minute of his day. He may want to read inscriptions on monuments or walk through an automobile factory, but then again, he may not. MARIETTA TREE, "The Art of Welcoming Visitors from Abroad," House and Garden, November, 1964, p. 243.

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