On Tourism as an Anthropological Subject Author(s): Roy C. Buck Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Jun., 1982), pp.

326-327 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2742325 . Accessed: 21/05/2011 00:52
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slavia Early Bronze Age settlements smallerand more are closelyspaced than thoseof the Neolithic, capital intensification need not have taken place all at once, and evidenceof does not appear until the late Bronze Age. stratification Therefore, claimsare heldto be inapplicable theBalkans my to as a whole.I am preparedto admit what Greenfield tactfully thatI am not acquaintedin detailwiththe evidence suggests: fromsoutheastern Europe. Nevertheless, seems to me that it he misunderstands position morethanone respect: in my 1. I do not predictthat settlements becomelargerwith will the onsetof stratification. (Indeed,such a prediction wouldbe falsified evidencefrom by not just the Lower Morava but all Europe.) Rent can be collected just as easily from dwellers in isolated farmsteads fromvillagersor townsfolk. as The key pointis the permanence the productive of assets on whichthe farmers depend.Settlement aggregation rather, prediction is, a of the managerialist whichI oppose. theories 2. I do not "presumethat significant short-term labor inputs wererequired"in the build-upof capital investments of whatever kind,but only that,as thesewerebuilt up littleby littleby the autonomous of efforts the primary the producers, assets wouldaccumulate thepointofmaking to their abandonment more costly than the paymentof rent. The pace and nature of capital inputs is something be determined emto in pirically each region Europe. I regret of thatGreenfield does not tell us what agricultural production was like in the Lower Morava duringthe Early Bronze Age. Perhaps stratification did not developin that periodbecause subsistence production remainedunintensive. that as it may, inequalityof conBe is social development between temporaneous regions a striking feature the EuropeanBronzeAge and one whichmy theory of to attempts accommodate.

Cited References
n.d. Changingsubsistence BANKOFF, A., and H. J. GREENFIELD. H. model for the and population parameters: A non-migrational Bronze Age. MS. 1980. Archaeand H. J.GREENFIELD. BANKOFF, H. A., F. WINTER, ologicalsurveyin the Lower Morava Valley,Yugoslavia. CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY 21:268-69. Chicago: of growth. BOSERUP,E. 1965. The conditions agricultwral Aldine. CHAPMAN, C. 1977. The Balkans and the 5th and 4th millennia J. to B.C., with special reference social and economicaspects of the Vinca culture. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,University of London,London,England. Cambridge:Harvard Uniand FERNEA, A. 1970. Shaykh1 effendi. R. Press. versity involution. Berkeley: Universityof GEERTZ, C. 1963. Agricultural CaliforniaPress. JOHNSON, G. A. 1977. Aspects of regionalanalysis. Annual Review 6:479-508. of Anthropology locationof A., MCPHERRON, and E. R. RALPH. 1970. Magnetometer Neolithichouses in Yugoslavia. Expedition12(2):10-17. S. NACEVSKOMAL, 1980. The social organizationof the Tiszapolgar Group at Basatanya, Carpathian Basin Copper Age. Journal of Studies8:75-93. Indo-European correlates PEEBLES,C. S., and S. M. Kus. 1977. Some archaeological 42:421-48. ofrankedsocieties.American Antiquity 49: SHENNAN, 1975. The social organizationat Branc. Antiquity S. 279-88. and SHERRATT, 1976. "Resources,technology, trade in earlyEuroA. in in and social archaeology. pean metallurgy," Problems economic I. and K. E. Wilson Edited by G. de G. Sieveking, H. Longworth, pp. 557-82. London: Duckworth. --. 1980a. "Plough and pastoralism:Aspects of the secondaryin in productsrevolution," Patterns thepast: David Clarkememorial Edited by N. Hammond,I. Modder, and G. Isaac. Camvolume. Press. bridge:CambridgeUniversity in --. 1980b.Water,soil,and seasonality earlycerealcultivation. 11:311-30. WorldArchaeology

phenomena"(p. 465) is suggestive. and other'superstructural' little Unfortunately, moreis said otherthanthat "the studyof us can situation provide witha significant thetourist-generating reality"(p. 465). lead intosociocultural byRoY C. BUCK contact. Nash sees tourismin the contextof intercultural Department Sociology, of The Pennsylvania State University, His earlieressay,"Tourismas a FormofImperialism"(1977), University Park, Pa. 16802,U.S.A. 14 v 81 shaping assessmentsand lays the theoreticalgroundwork An important indicator a research of area's maturation the is little or no advanced here. Accordingly, recommendations appearanceof essays callingworkers task fortoo exuberant attentionis directedtowardan inside view of tourismas a to conjecture and theorizing, the one hand, and crass ad-hoc on of and structure reality."Ethnography "unique sociocultural empiricism, the other. "Tourism as an Anthropological tourism not considered. on Moreover, languageof tourism the are Subject" (CA 22:461-68) is such an essay. Nash intonesthe and propagandaas well as touristand enterprise promotion litany of assessment frequentlyobserved in presidential argotare overlooked. and Tourismarchitecture the designof and state-of- touristsites hold excitingresearchpossibilities addresses,introductory chaptersof textbooks, but do not a the-artpieces in scholarlyjournals. The essay performs Macmake Nash's compendiumof researchopportunities. to valuable and comforting service.It is reassuring knowthat theseemphases.Nash Cannell's The Tourist(1976) introduces a recognized and respected"pioneer" views tourism writings wouldhave servedus wellifhe had reflected upon and fleshed as composing emergent an scholarly wholepossessedof unique especially as out MacCannell's conjectureand hypotheses, perspectiveand intellectualchallenge. For neophytesocial aspects of tourism unexamined theypoint to as yet relatively "Tourism scientists yet"settledin" on a research not specialty, phenomena. as an Anthropological Subject" offers significant scholarly leads and commitNash closes witha call forcontinuing renewed whateverthe discipline, methodological perspective, value or grounded, an body oftheoretically mentto building integrated stance. will go I data-basedknowledge. suspectthat his admonitions It is difficult, not impossible, quarrelwithwhat Nash if to in and especially thoseworking a relatively unheeded. Scholars, has to say. It is what isn't said that may give some readers new area, tend to be laissez-faire especiallyin entrepreneurs, pause. He edges toward entertaining the possibilitythat theirspecific research.Over time,"schools of thought"may identi- develop,but theyare oftenthe resultof competitive tourism may be a sui generis sociocultural phenomenon market fiableto a degreein all timesand places,but he does notreflect and philosophic(political?)forcesratherthan deliberatedison the implications that possibility researchand theoof for Whoseworkis citedand howfrequently cooperation. interested rizing.His observation that the studyof tourism should"pay specialty of indicators thecharacter a research of useful provide come and go, figures at any one pointin time,but influential the same kindof dividends the studyof religion, as myth, art,

On Tourism as an Anthropological Subject

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are "breakthroughs" made, and work once shuntedaside is Chinese proverbwarned,"A way of seeing is a way of not rediscovered. Knowledge, perhapsmoreoftenthan not, accuseeing." "Tourismas an Anthropological Subject" appears to mulates and becomes integratednot because of deliberate document thisbit ofwisdom. professional cooperation, but ratheras a resultof individual workermotivationand achievement and the following such achievement References Cited generates. Nash as a pioneerin tourismscholarship an undoubted is New York: major influencein the emergentintercultural-perspective MACCANNELL, DEAN. 1976. The tourist. form of SchockenBooks. NASH, DENNISON. 1977. "Tourism as a imperialism,"in school. He has everyrightto bringthis view to bear on his Hosts and guests. Edited by Valene L. Smith,pp. 34-47. Philadelphia: University PennsylvaniaPress. of vision of an anthropology tourism.But, as an ancient of

On Language and AymaraPersonality

byM. J.HARDMAN Department Anthropology, of University Florida,Gainesville, of Fla. 32611,U.S.A. 10 v 81 The earlier researchers among the Aymara were not only guilty of shortsightedness as Lewellen (CA 22: 347-52) or, claims, of faulty intuition;they were also ignorantof the languageand of the "linguistic postulates"(Hardman1978) of Aymaraand, actingaccordingto European categories, transand gressed thoseof theAymara.The treatment theyreceived the personality characteristics they perceived were directly related,at least in large part, to ignoranceof these basic I categories. have seen such sanctions appliedtoday. "Human" versus"nonhuman" distinguished is grammatically, in the vocabulary,and with culturalcorrelates.Closely relatedto thisis thecategory data source(Hardman,Yapita, of and Vasquez 1975); all sentencesare obligatorily markedto If indicatethe sourceof the information is transmitting. a one person does not talk like a human (e.g., omits data-source marking) does not act like a human(e.g., uses a nonhuman or form a human),thensanctions applied,the mostcomfor are mon being the withdrawal la.nguage of (Hardmann.d.). Lan-

When markofhumanity. the guageis considered distinguishing one does not act or talk like a humanone does not deserveto be addressedas one and is not addressedat all, since one does who Thus, to one being sanctioned, not talk to nonhumans. at the does not understand, Aymarawill appear taciturn, the veryleast. The Aymara,like all otherhumanbeings,act accordingto the postulatesof theirown language and culture,and, like are assume that theircategories the universalones of others, data source,theyappear suspicious. By humanity. observing whennoneis possible personalwitness Europeans,by claiming of the and by ignoring humanclaim,appear to be undeserving humantreatment.
By observing the primacy of human, they appear taciturn. The

Cited References
1975. and JUANA VA'SQUEZ. YAPITA, M. J., JUAN DE Dios Microfilms. Ann Arbor:University Aymarar yatiqaniataki. HARDMAN, M. J. 1978. "Linguisticpostulates and applied anthroin of in pological linguistics," Memorialvolume honor RutliHirsclt Weir.The Hague: Mouton. in --. Editor.n.d. Aymaralangiuage itssocial and cilturalcontext. Gainesville:UF Social Science Series.
HARDMAN,

On Altruism and the Family

byANDREA DRUSINI Istituto Antropologia, Jappelli 1 bis, 35100 Padova, di Via Italy. 1 vi 81 Melotti(CA 22:625-30) treatsthe genetic fixation altruism of as a fact when no physiological basis forso-calledaltruistic behaviour has yet been provedto existin man. Even the researchers cited (particularly Matessi and Jayakar)have tried to demonstrate only the "possibility" a geneticfixation of of altruism.Many correlations betweenparents' and children's in behaviour havebeenfound man,buttheestimates variance of oftenreflect environmental factorsand not additive genetic ones. A complex and specialized phenotypesuch as a behaviourpatterninvolvesnumerous genes,the identification of whichis very difficult even with geneticbiometric methods. In the experimental animals (Drosophilaand mice) in which some cases of behaviourconnectedwith specificgenes have been demonstrated, "experimental the stocks" must be considered artefactual,because they representa population createdartificially the laboratory in that consistsof at least homozygoustwins. "Real" populations,in contrast,consist of a large pool of genes and show considerablephenotypic differences greatvariability behaviour(Oliverio1972). and of Vol. 23 - No. 3 - June1982

is of definition theconceptof "altruism" desirable: A clearer an individual could present "spurious" formsof altruism, motivations. acting under the impulse of quite different of includeinstances selfishParents'attitudestowardchildren of prisoners a svstem of make children ness that sometimes so and abstractprinciples, one must includealtruism feelings whosegenesis in the moregeneral"familialcontrolsystems," in is notunivocal(Douglas 1979:47). Moreover, somesocieties, infantsmay be in primarycontact with personsother than wereoften amongthe Ngoni of Malawi infants theirmothers; attachedto theirnursesthan to theirmothers morestrongly the does not prevent 1978:135). Again,altruism (Bourguignon who do not want to nurse by of killing theirinfants mothers among suchas has beenobserved morethanone childat a time, why is Finally,ifaltruism genetic, Aborigines. someAustralian It doesit notappearin infancy? seemsto be an adult'sprerogawithaging. For lack of space, I tive and one that diminishes in of cannotdiscusstheauthor'suse ofcoefficients relationship whichI do not fully and monogamy, polygamy, promiscuitv, whichI cannotshare. criticism, or understand, his Levi-Strauss a verifiable, are propositions directly Because fewscientific Newton's is great part of our knowledge based on inference. because it is imverifiable law is not, for example,directly to particles see whether "all" theuniverse's possibleto examine in they attract each otheras Newton's law says. Similarly, that have involvedentities manypropositions humangenetics, 327