Faces of Brazilian Slavery: The Cartes de Visite of Christiano Jnior Author(s): Robert M. Levine Source: The Americas, Vol.

47, No. 2 (Oct., 1990), pp. 127-159 Published by: Academy of American Franciscan History Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1007369 . Accessed: 11/09/2011 14:09
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FACES OF BRAZILIANSLAVERY:
The Cartes de Visite of ChristianoJinior.

ways of knowing the world than any other product of nineteenthcentury technology. The first daguerreotypes appeared in the Western Hemispheremerely months after the triumphalannouncementof Daguerre'sprocess by the French Academy in 1839. In the next three decades, millions of photographicimages were produced.Three distinctcatestudio portraits,scenic views for collectors and, after gories predominated: the early 1850s, photographicimages transferred woodcuts and, later, to for publication as line sketches in illustratednewspapers and lithographs magazines.' Photographic "science" complemented neatly the elite's striving for ways to affirm the region's materialprogress. Photographers played a vital role in presentingto the world a vision rooted in the aspirations of the dominantmembersof society. Most of the first Latin Americanphotographers were foreigners, some of whom came to make quick profits and others who stayed as immigrants. Like all early cameramen,they were primarilybusinessmen,and responded to the commercial marketplace. Few knew about or cared about current artisticconventions in the world of high culture, and as a result their work -in the early years-was straightforward and without pretension.2Yet while local clients were satisfied with studio portraitsrarelydistinguishable from one another,foreign consumersof photographic images coveted views of unusual scenery and exotic peoples, especially "natives" portrayedcolorfully. As a result, views of Latin American "types" (as they were known) commandeda premium.Photographers, then, played a vital role in to the world a vision consistent with the elites' own aspirations; presenting they were, in a word, effective and popularconveyors of public relations. I For a historyof early photography,see RobertTaft, Photographyand the AmericanScene; A Social History, 1839-1889 (New York: MacmillanCo., 1938; rpt, New York: Dover Publications, 1964). 2 John Szarkowski, "Early Photography and Modernism," presentation the J. Paul Getty Museum to conference Photography:Discovery and Invention, 1839-1989, (Malibu, CA., January30, 1989). 127

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probably expanded more horizons and redefined more

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New World Africans, as well as indigenouspeoples, were prime subjects for the dozens of itinerantcameramenwho establishedphotographicbusinesses as early as the mid-1840s in most major cities and large towns in Latin America. Slavery, which by mid-centuryhad earned moral condemnation in Europeand in the northernUnited States, was a naturaltheme to be exploited for profit. Many photographersmanufacturedsets of slave in portraitsfor sale. But since legal slavery disappeared most places before the age of outdoorphotographycame into its own (after 1865), and since Cuba, one of the two locations where it still survivedwas rackedby its Ten Year's War beginning in 1868, the only country from which we have a of substantialnumberof photographs actualslaves is Brazil, where emancioccurredon 13 May 1888. pation only tended to pose their slave subjectsrigidly, deprivingthem Photographers of any sense of spontaneityor authenticity.Outdoorscenes were choreographedto affirm orderlinessand docility among the slave subjects. Measuring "authenticity" in visual records is, of course, a difficult task, the subject of heated debate among psychologists and visual anthropologists. Psychologists suggest that viewers are biased by their own assumptions about what they see in pictures.3 Scholars influenced by Jacques Lacan containno intrinsicinformation,and thatall analysis arguethatphotographs of reflects the inner psyche of the viewer.4 Interpreters historical photographsare subject to the methodologicalfallacy of "Whig history," using present standardsto interpretthe past. Nonetheless, photographicimages preserve details that regardless of the way in which they were made to choice of technique, permitus to reconstruct appearby the photographer's - in the case of the slave photographs-at least the rough outline of the and moral coarseness of the photographers their patrons. The use of mute images to "read" the feelings of slaves and to attemptto gain insight into the past century has not gained any degree of scholarly acceptance. Proponents of analysis of visual records typically avoid offering specific rules or guidelines.s "Socio-political" analysis of slavery
3 See, for example, Sigrid S. Glenn and Janet Ellis, "Do the Kallikaks Look 'Menacing' or 'Retarded"'?AmericanPsychologist, 43 (September1988), 742-743; RaymondE. Fancher, "Henry Goddard and the Kallikak Family Photographs:'Conscious Skullduggeryor 'Whig History'?" American Photographs,Faces, and Psychologist, 4 (June 1987), 585-590; and Lelia Zenderland,"On Interpreting the Past," AmericanPsychologist, 43 (September1988), 743-744. 4 See, for example, Alan Trachtenberg,ReadingAmericanPhotographs (New York: Hill & Wang, 1989). who advocates using photographsto measure 5One exception is John Collier, Jr., an anthropologist materialculture, but he deals with contemporaryrecords, not historical photographs,and assumes a environmentwhich historiansrarelyhave. See JohnCollier, Jr. degree of controlover the photographed and Malcolm Collier, VisualAnthropology: Photographyas a ResearchMethod(Revised and expanded edition. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986).

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tends to be mechanistic. One sees what one wants to see. Readerswho feel compassion for the sordid natureof the slave system will bridle at the ways in which slaves were depicted, at their ragged clothing, their lined faces, their calloused feet. Others, more predisposed to "neutral" objectivity, may marvel at the handsomenessof the young slave men and women, and at presumeddignity and even casualness. As in the case of any document, historicalphotographssay differentthings to differentobservers. If photographs are mirrorswith memory, as the saying goes, as mirrorsthey catch the reflections of their viewers.6 If this were not bad enough, efforts to "read" or "interpret"slave phoeven more by the fact that most were staged or protographsare frustrated duced under atypical circumstances. Virtually all of the surviving photographs of United States slaves were taken during the Civil War of slaves serving in the armedforces. Cuban slaves were only rarely photographed. Most picturesof Brazilianslaves, were taken duringthe fading years of the slave system, and in most cases in or near majorurbancenters. Of all of the known Brazilian slave portraits,the most striking are the work of Portuguese-born cameramanJos6 Christianode Freitas Henriques Jinior. Seventy-seven are attributedto him and have recently been published in Brazil afterbeing storedfor years unnoticed.A few photographs in the collection were probablytakenin Africa, not in Brazil, and likely not by ChristianoJinior.7 The photographs complementthe much largercollection of drawings and lithographsof life in Rio de Janeiroproducedearlier by French ethnographicpainter Jean Baptiste Debret.8 Taken together, the photographscomprise the most complete visual record of slavery in an urbanlocation in Latin America. In 1863, ChristianoJinior was one of twenty-eightphotographers adverin Rio de Janeiro's annual business directory, the AlmanakLaemtising The minert.9 Portugueseimmigrantoperateda small studio in the commercial district, first at Rua Ajuda No. 57B and later relocatednearby. Like many of the photographicentrepreneurs his day, he seems at times to have of

6 The most controversial(and flawed) effort to use photographs "tell" history is Michael Lesy's to WisconsinDeath Trip (New York: PantheonBooks, 1973). 7See Paulo C6sarde Azevedo e MauricioLissovsky, eds., "O fot6grafo ChristianoJr.," Escravos brasileiros do sdculo nafotografia de ChristianoJr. (Sio Paulo:Ed. Ex Libris, 1987). Photograph xix No. 69, for example, of two armed soldiers in Moorish-lookinggarb, may well have been taken in Africa. 8 See Debret's Voyage Pittoresque et Historiqueau Brisil: Sijourd'un ArtisteFrangais au Brisil (3 vols. 1834, reprintRio de Janeiro 1965, and other editions). 9 AlmanakAdministrativo,Mercantil e Industrialda Corte e da Provincia do Rio de Janeiro (Rio de Janeiro:Laemmert, 1863).

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with competitors,as the changingnames on formedbrief-livedpartnerships His mounts indicate.1o firm offered a range of photohis printedcardboard graphic services, including manufacture of timbres-poste, cardboardbacked duplicatesof portraitsand scenes of interestto collectors. He used a primitive enlarging system which used direct sunlight trained through an uncoveredwindow in his darkroom. Like many of his competitors-all transplantedEuropeans, including Auguste Stahl, Revert HenriqueKlumb and Victor Frond-Christiano Jiinior advertised collections of prints of African Brazilians. He found his subjectsin the streetsoutside his shop, and broughtthem inside to be posed he before canvas backdrops; also producedsets of costumedIndiansas well as local politicians, literati, and members of the royal family. During the war of the Triple Alliance he offered timbres-posteof Brazil's Emperor cards were sold The Pedro II and Paraguay'sSolano Lopez."11 photographic in sets to affluentcitizens and to foreign visitors:the price for one set of 100 photographswas high-twenty-eight milreis-or aboutthe equivalentof a arbitersof month's income produced by an urban slave.12 Contemporary manufactured photographicimages judged him competent but he won no exhibexceptional honors. In 1867 he won a bronze medal for photographs but other Brazilian-based ited at the Paris International photogExposition, rapherswon silver medals. He opened a branchin Buenos Aires in 1868; three years later, he won a gold medal at the C6rdobaExposition and another at the Scientific Exposition of Buenos in 1876. Now forty-six years old, he moved permanentlyto Buenos Aires, closing his Rio studio. Two years later he sold his studio in the Argentinecapital, with an inventoryof 25,000 glass plates, to an Englishman,A. S. Witcomb. He then moved to Paraguay,where he tried to eke out a living retouchingand hand painting portraits.His death in December 1902, in poverty, was briefly noted in the Argentine Caras y Caretas, as a society photographer "famous in his time."'13 Otherwise he was forgotten. For decades, his slave photographs remainedignored, eventually acquiredby the Patrim6nioHist6ricoe Artistico Nacional in Rio de Janeirobut kept in a storagedrawer.Only with the awakening of interest in slavery in the 1980s with the approachingcentenaryof abolition did anyone think of displaying or publishingthem.
1o At one point, for example, his cards were signed "ChristianoJr. & Miranda." One of these cards dissolved. See has the ChristianoJuniorname crossed out neatly in pen, indicatingthat the partnership Escravos brasileiros, figure 47. " Azevedo e Lissovsky, "O fot6grafo ChristianoJr.," in Escravos brasileiros, pp. ix-xi. 12Azevedo e Lissovsky, "O fot6grafo Christiano Jr.," p. xii. Each set contained one hundred pocket-sized cards, roughly 6.5 by 10.5 centimeters. 13 Azevedo e Lissovsky, "O fotografo ChristianoJr.," pp. xi-xiv.

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But to our eyes, ChristianoJinior was so skillful in his artistrythat his photographsof slaves, taken between 1864 and 1866, capturea dimension of expression. Rio de Janeiroat thattime had 55,000 slaves, a quarter the of city's total population;anotherquarterwere freedmen of color, including either blacks or mulatos. ChristianoJinior had no troublefinding subjects. His slave portraitsmay be the most probing of any known photographic images of chattel slaves which have survived to our day in any society. Many photographersof Europeanorigin produced similar sets of "Negro types" and slaves, notably the GermansAlberto Henschel and Rodolpho Lindemannin Salvador, but ChristianoJfinior'swork probed the deepest. Although static in composition, they transfix the viewer. His portraitsare never "painterly," in Weston Naef's words, as was the fashion of the day when improvementsin photographictechnology permittedwider latitudes in composition.14 The Photographs: Probablyonly a minuscule percentageof ChristianoJinior's output has survived. Even so, we can discern clearly the categories of photographs which he manufactured sale to collectors. One extensive series of porfor traits use an oval vignette to reproduceonly the head and shouldersof his subjects, in exactly the same fashion as some upper class subjects were posed. ChristianoJinior tended to choose comely young women for these his portraits; choice of male subjectsshows a wider range of ages and physical types. Young slave women were more likely to live in cities, where they were employed in domestic tasks, than young men, who likely were tasks in the countryside. put to agricultural Although he photographeda wide spectrum of slave subjects-young women, old men, a few children, some nearly naked and others dressed in finery-a threadof consistency runs throughhis photographicoutput. One of the most strikingfeaturesof all of ChristianoJuinior's slave photographs is than none of his subjects wears shoes. The practice was forbiddenby custom if not by law; wearing shoes was the proudbadge of the liberto, or freedman, and immigrants, although usually poor, also acquiredshoes as soon as possible."15
14Weston Naef, "ExperimentalPhotography: Discovery and Invention," printedessay, J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, CA., 1989, p. 2. 15 See Mary Karasch,Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, 1808-1850 (Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1987), p. 362. Thomas Holloway, who has studied Brazilian mid-nineteenthcentury legal statutes extensively, finds no evidence of any codified restrictionon slaves wearing shoes; the distinction was likely only one of custom, althoughit was nearly universal.

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We have no evidence that Brazilianabolitionistsor others distressedby the institutionof slavery, like CastroAlves and Machadode Assis, actually used photographs to document their opposition, as was the case in the United States.16Customerswho purchasedthe sets of photographiccards depictingexotic subjectsand street "types" did not likely object morallyto visual signs which today move us to feelings of angeror pathos. Ourevaludocumentsis necessarilycolored by our revulsion ation of the photographic at the depicted evidence of the slave condition: tatteredclothing, swollen himself handsand feet, metal shackles. We can guess thatthe photographer felt neutral about these things in the way that he casually photographed them, neitherhiding them nor giving them special attention. of Consider,for example, the portrait a young black man sitting on a box weaving straw (#1). He seems well-enough dressed, with a shirt, trousers, and scarf-like cloth draped aroundhis neck. The youth's face and stance suggests wearinessand fear of the camera. He wears a cap of the type worn by portersto carryheavy objects on his head. This suggests that perhapshe wove strawobjects duringthe times in which he did not work. Urbanstreet slaves were always pressed by their mastersto produceincome; if they did not meet daily quotas, they could be beaten. On the other hand, the system Some slaves-of both permittedsome leeway in slave entrepreneurship. sexes-worked as door to door peddlers during their free time, on Sundays, holidays, or late evenings, to supplementtheir income.17 His shoeless feet are swollen and calloused, and the chancreon the ankle suggests disease or chronic infection. On his left leg, almost hidden by his trouser,is an iron manacle, likely used to affix the slave by a chain to a wall could have hidden evidence or perhapsa heavy weight. The photographer of this shackle by posing his subject in another way, or he could have orderedthe slave to raise his trouserleg to show the manacle more clearly. That he did neither suggests that he accepted the condition as a matterof course, choosing to emphasize other pictorialelements in his composition. At least four of the surviving Christiano photographswere shot Jtinior one in a coffee field, the other outside a wood hut set against a outdoors, forested backgroundwhich might have been deep in the countryside, the others in a street or courtyardin which slaves are preparingfor pre-Lenten Carnival. But most of the slave portraitswere taken in the photographer's
16Northernabolitionistsin the United States successfully used photographs light-skinnedsouthern of slaves to shock audiences and to raise funds for anti-slaveryactivities. See KathleenCollins, "Portraits of Slave Children," History of Photography, IX:3 (July-September,1985), 187-208. "7 Karasch,Slave Life in Rio de Janeiro, p. 206.

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studio against an artificial backdrop, to feign the outdoors. The subjects usually came from the streets in front of the studio: they are obviously urban, and are portrayedwith the use of urbanprops. The reason was a Jinior to step outside into the busy practicalone: it was easier for Christiano streets of the commercialdistrictand find a subjectto bring indoorsthan to carryhis heavy and cumbersomeequipmentoutside. The portraitsfall into several categories according to the ways subjects were reproduced.Most subjects were posed in front of plain light-colored canvas, although a few of the portraitswere taken in front of elaborate hand-paintedbackdropsusually used to enhance the impressionof luxury for customers who paid to have their pictures taken. There is a mocking element of irony present in the cases where slaves were placed in front of these luxuriousscenes, but we have no indicationthat the photographer did so deliberately;the backdropswere probablyin place at the time he escorted a slave subject into his studio, and it was too much botherto take it down. More important the photographer to were the propsthe slave would carryin with him: his tray or basketof wares to sell, his heavy boxes or barrels,the implementsof trade. The timbresoffer greatervariety than might be expected. Plates 2 and 3 illustrate the contrast produced by using different backgrounds.Both are probably refuse carriers, known in the vernacularas tigres, whose job it was to remove excrement and other garbage from houses, usually late at night.'8 The first image, shot against a plain backdropof a short youth in white cotton shirtand trousers,offers a neutralimage, althoughthe fact that he is shoeless like all other slaves and the presumedweight of the wooden barrel conveys a sense of harsh working conditions. In comparison, the black man in a ginghamchecked shirt, belt, photographof a better-dressed and better-fittingtrousers,seems to mock the subject, with his swollen face and listless expression. The paintedbackdropshows an idyllic countryesdid tate, but the photographer not botherto compose the shot either not to show the slave's bare feet or to hide the fact thatthe backdropwas simply a contrived scene by not including the bottom portionof the canvas. Typical of Christiano Jiinior's favored poses were portraits of street vendors with their wares. In Plate 4, a young woman has placed a basket and a tray piled high with fruits (pomegranates?)atop the photographer's wooden box, suggesting that she is going to sell a fruit to a young black boy, possibly on an errand from his mistress. Or, the boy may be the
18 Jacob Gorender, "A Face Escrava da Corte ImperialBrasileira," Escravos brasileiros, p. xxixxvi.

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slave's son, selling her wares from a smaller basket carried through the streets while the mothersits in one place. In any case, the portraitpresents an interestingglimpse of slave reality. The young woman is dressed in a handsomeAfrican-likedress, and wears earrings,but she is shoeless. On her head is a wrappedcloth, probablyused to carry her merchandiseto her spot in the street every day. Her face is markedby prominentgeometric tribal scarce, suggesting that she probably was born in Africa and importedto Brazil in the last years of trans-Atlantic slave commerce. We do not know if Brazilian society considered these markings enhancementsin the case of women or whether wearing them lowered the bearer'sstatusor the way she was considered,either by master or by fellow slaves. A portion of ChristianoJinior's portraitsof women emphasize their attractiveness. Plate 5 shows a handsome young woman with turban, earrings, and stripedshawl, portrayedin exactly the same way as a memberof the upper classes would sit. The same woman sits in Plate 6 with a companion;their hands touch, althoughthey make no eye contact, nor do they look into the lens. Unlike Plate 5, this pose affirmsthe principalgoal of the photographers-to display his subjects as specimens, not to celebratetheir individuality. A young woman is posed naked from the waist (Plate 7). She seems docile, almost relaxed before the camera. ChristianoJ6nior, the photographer, almost always presented his subjects with dignity, so it is hard to understandwhy he producedthis carte de visite in a frontally nude pose. Did he do this for commercial motives, or was he naively attemptingto capturethe young woman's attractiveness?In any case, the result clearly transmitsthe degradationto which non-elite women were subject by society. Anotherupsettingimage, althoughin a lower key, is this posed portrait of a man and woman and their wares (Plate 8). The man's once-elegant frock coat and trousersare so ill-fitting and tatteredthat the otherwise seriousness of the composition is marredby a sense of visual pathos. Or did purchasersof this carte de visite laugh? Here, a man with a crippled leg poses with his wooden prothesis, leaning on a cane (Plate 9). He, too, must stand in the street and sell. Was he selected as a subject because of his "human interest?" He does not appearto be very comfortablebefore the lens. choice Examples 10 and 11 reveal differentaspects of the photographer's slaves also assumed very difin posing conventions, and also suggests that

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ferentroles in Braziliansociety. The first timbre(Plate 10) shows a bearded man wearing a fez-like felt hat in back of his wooden apple stand. The man's clothing is in good condition, and the fact that he is selling fruit which was probably imported suggests that his master may have been wealthier than most. The slave waits uncomfortably,his eyes fixed at the lens, and his stance not completely relaxed. In Plate 11, however, the subject, who may well be the same slave as in the previous photograph,strikes a powerful, intimidatingpose. He wears a colorful warrior'scostume, topped by a tall fez-like head covering, an embroideredor printedpairof trousers,a tasseled animalskin apron, and a belt clasped with metallic bolas. Into his waistband is tucked a large knife, somethinglikely almost never permittedamong slaves, even on ceremonial occasions. Seemingly un-Brazilian,the fez-like cap actuallywas very much like the uniformhat worn by CorpoMunicipalPermanente'spolicemen two decades earlier.19 Outdoorsphotographsfrom this period are extremely rare. Plate 12 appears to representa naturalslice of life, somewhereon the ruraloutskirtsof the city, possibly Tijuca. The young woman sits on the groundworkingat a large vessel, possibly grinding manioc, or perhapswashing clothing. That she wears a handsome, fitted dress indicates that the photographwas not candid, but carefully staged. The hut is probablynot a dwelling-even by standardsof ruralpoverty in Brazil it would be considtwentieth-century ered substantialand is in some ways more solidly built than huts built for the poor-but a work structure some kind. It is made of wood, not mud of and wattle, and it has a shingled roof, not one of woven leaves. It contains at least two large vats, probablyceramic in manufacture.The structureis surroundedby bananatrees and is landscaped, after a fashion, by a shrub near the entrance. Only one Caucasianappearsin the collection (Plate 13). He is a vendor of small wooden objects, posed againstthe same canvas backdrop,and, like the slaves, shoeless. His gaze is direct and assertive, and his felt hat gives him an air of independence, in contrastto Plate 14 which depicts a darkcomplexionedman balancinga large wooden box on his head and holding a straw basket in his hand. He poses sideways, his gaze averting the lens. There is no sense of independenceor entrepreneurship here. Not all of the slaves wear tatteredclothing. The man in Plate 15 holds a felt hat in one hand and a thin cigar in the other. His coat jacket, although
Courtesy of Thomas H. Holloway. See the Ludwig and Briggs lithographiccollection from the '~9 1840s in the Biblioteca Nacional in Rio de Janeiro, publishedin fascimilie as Lembrangado Brasil.

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too large, looks to be relatively new, and it is worn over a white shirt or cravat. A watch chain and cloth handkerchiefadornhis jacket and adds to the dapperair. But he stands shoeless, and carriesa strawbasket. The way he is posed-especially the positioning of his feet-suggests somewhat more awkwardness(or, at least, artificiality)thanthe white peddlerin Plate 13. Newly awakened interest in early photographic images of the downtroddenand the underprivileged, especially slaves, has occasioned the publication of albums, edited articles and books on "reading" photographs, and the production of visual documentaries in film and videotape versions.20As a result, we have not only new opportunitiesto "see" historically mute men and women as they appearedduringtheir lifetimes, but we of have a new and radicallyalteredunderstanding the historicalcontext of slavery and abolition and, therefore, of mid-nineteenthcentury Brazilian life. The considerationof the institutionof slaveryextends beyond abolition itself, of course, throughthe decades following legal emancipation,during which time ex-slaves were forced to adapt to a socio-economic system which considered them to be "irresponsible," "vagabonds," and even
"useless."21

In the 1860s, camera technique was still so rudimentarythat the lens reproducedeverything before it, in contrastto the artist's selective hand,
See Robert M. Levine, ed. Windowson Latin America (CoralGables, FL: South EasternCouncil on Latin AmericanStudies and the Universityof Miami, 1987); Levine, Images of History:Nineteenth and Early TwentiethCenturyLatin AmericanPhotographs as Documents (Durham, N.C. & London: Duke University Press, 1989); Solange Zufiige, Luiz Guilherme & EduardoSilva, Rio de Janeiro: Condig6esda Vida na Ia Republica(Rio de Janeiro:Fundago Casa Rui Barbosa-CNRC,1986); Robert aboutthe ways 19thcenturyLatinAmerM. Levine, "Imagens de Reinos," a videotapeddocumentary ican photographerssaw their world (Coral Gables: University of Miami, 1986); E. BradfordBurns, EadweardMuybridgein Guatemala, 1875. ThePhotographeras Social Recorder(Berkeley:University of California Press, 1986); Paul J. Vanderwood and Frank N. Samponaro,Border Fury: A Picture Postcard Record of Mexico's Revolution and U.S. War Preparedness Along the Border, 1910-1918 (Albuquerque:University of New Mexico Press, 1988); Patricia C. Albers & William R. James, "Travel Photography: A Methodological Approach," Annals of Tourism Research, XV (1988), 134-158. 21 Robert Brent Toplin, The Abolition of Slavery in Brazil (New York: Atheneum, 1975), p. 261; A FlorestanFemrnandes, integragdodo negro na sociedade de classes (Sio Paulo, 1964), I, 16-18, 32, 49; A Provincia de SdoPaulo, May 9, 1888, p. 1; OtavioIanni, As metamorfosesdo escravo: Apogeu e crise da escravaturano Brasil meridional(Sio Paulo, 1962), pp. 264-65. See also C6lia MariaMarinho de Azevedo, "O negro livre no imagin6riodas elites (racismo, imigrantismo,e abolicionismo em Sio Paulo)," Master'sthesis, Universidadede Sio Paulo, 1985; June E. Hahner,Poverty and Politics: The Urban Poor in Brazil, 1870-1920 (Albuquerque:University of New Mexico Press, 1986); Sam C. Adamo, "The Broken Promise," Ph.D. dissertation, University of New Mexico, 1983; E. Bradford of "Manuel Querino's Interpretation the African Contributionto Brazil," Journal of Negro Bumrns, History, 54 (January1974), 78-86; Michael L. Conniff, "VoluntaryAssociations in Rio, 1870-1945," Journal of InteramericanStudies and WorldAffairs, 1 (February1975), 64-81.
20

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and to the more manipulativeoptions available to photographerslater as photographictechnology evolved. The proclamationof abolition twentyodd years afterChristianoJ6niorleft Rio de Janeiroin 1888 coincided with the onset of a national effort in Brazil to minimize the harsh reputationof slave life. The slave portraits,not intendedto editorializebut to document curiositiesof the day, remainedlocked away for decades until the revival of debate in Brazil on the occasion of abolition's centenarypromptedhistorians and others to examine slavery's legacy in terms of the photographer's long-forgottenimages. Europeanintellectualsin the mid-nineteenth centuryadmonishedphotographersto record their subjects without makingjudgments.22They did so because they feared the power of the camerato obliteratethe more refined, creativespiritof the artist.Photographing exotic lands was not a completely novel phenomenon;although it affected viewers much more sharply because of the nineteenth-century obsession with "scientific" evidence, it actually followed closely in the traditionof realistic artistic renderingsof life scenes. In the case of Brazil this traditionwas represented the earlier by generation of foreign painters and sketch artists which included the and Frenchmen,EduardHildebrandt Jean-BaptisteDebret, and the German JohannMoritz Rugendas.23 These artistsprovidedwhat seemed to be accurate likenesses of Brazil's tropicalscenery, but in ways which we now consider heavily romanticized. Compare,for example, the Rugendaslithograph,"Black Women of Rio de Janeiro," Plate 16, to ChristianoJinior's photograph a young basketof carryingwoman ostensibly greeting an old man with a walking stick. Our eyes are drawnto the tatteredclothing of the man, his barefeet on the rough ground, and to the rough, unfriendlytextureof the wall in the background (Plate 17). By contrast,Rugendas's women are richly adorned.Their more intimaterelationshipto one anotheris framedby a lush tropicalbackground of mountains, clouds, and serene sailboats on the water. The fruits in the woman's basket are aesthetically arranged.They do not seem a burdento carry, even with the baby on the mother's back. In the photographthe woman seems to be having difficulty balancing her three-tieredload. Rugendas's woman is seated in front of a mysteriouslyopened box, lending a
22 For example, Lady Eastlakein Englandand the poet Baudelairein France. See John Szarkowski, idem. 23 See, for example, Rugendas' VoyagePittoresquedans le Brisil, por MauriceRugendas. Tr. M. de Golbry, (Paris, 1835); Jean Baptiste Debret, Voyage Pittoresque et Historiqueau Brdsil, depuis 1816 jusqu'en 1831. 3 vols. (Paris, 1834); GilbertoFerrez, O Brasil de EduardHildebrandt(Rio de Janeiro: Record, 1988).

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sense of wealth, or, at least, of worldly possessions. His black women are not poor; they are regal. of to Buyers of photographs Brazilianblacks seemed to be attracted poses of subjectsat work. A barefootedbarberin a frock coat uses a straightrazor and scissors to trim the hair of a slave seated on a wooden box (Plate 18). Debret's "Slave Shoemakers"(Plate 19) shows two youthfulslaves hardat work at the feet of a harsh taskmaster,who is beating the open palm of a kneeling slave, possibly because the youth has not done good work. But humor, not anger, pervadesthe scene, accentedby a watchingblack nursemaid with a smile on her face and the quaintdetail of boots hanging from the ceiling. Debret's "Black Surgeon" (Plate 20) is less amusing. The people observingthe scene are serious, even death-like. But the barber-surgeon smiles as he preparesto apply leeches to the head of his patient as a second man lies prone on the groundin "treatment." Hildebrandt'srichly colored drawings of slaves portrayedhealthy men and women, devoid of stress or the gaunt look broughton by heavy work. His paintingsshow barefootblacks standingin sun-bathed streets;they wear starchedand clean vestments, not torn sackcloth. Their poses evoke calm dignity. A Hildebrandt"Negro street peddler" with an infant on her back and holding a toddlerby the handwalks away from the artist, self-sufficient and relaxed, her chubby baby contented. Her shouldersare lissome, even of seductive.24 If the posed slave photographs women carryingtheir infants wares in the street are two-dimensional, artificiallyposed, the arselling tistic renderingsof Brazilianslave life are one-dimensionalcartoons. Their casual calm mocks the harsh face of slave life. Slaves in the paintingsand drawingswear no irons and bear no marksof punishment.They are cloaked in romanticlight. The slave portraitssuggest to us a certainempathyif not compassion. Yet aboutphotograwe must cautionourselves not to go too far in extrapolating phers' motives, or to speculate about people's lives only through photographic images, especially from a collection so small in numberas the set here. Oliver Wendell Holmes was not from which examples are reproduced too far from the markwhen he ruefully defined a photographas an illusion with the "appearanceof reality that cheats the senses with its seeming truth."25 As in any assemblage of photographstaken by the same cam24Not pictured. Gilberto Ferrez calls the Rugendas-Debret-Hildebrandtschool "realistic tropicalism," minimizing the romanticthrustof their point of view. See GilbertoFerrez, p. 41. 25Cited in James West Davidson & Mark Hamilton Lytle, After the Fact: the Art of Historical Detection (2nd ed. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986), p. 237.

ROBERT LEVINE M.

139

eramanin a set of limited locations, the sum total of the visual evidence is always insufficient to permit generalizationabout its subjects. What ChristianoJainior and his fellow commercialphotographers the of middle-to-latenineteenthcentury failed to capturewas day-to-day routine of arduous work. Their subjects were carefully characterizedas "types" (sellers, young girls, matrons, craftsmen);he does not intrudeon their actual workingand living environment.To see these kinds of scenes, we need to look at the work of Marc Ferrez, Victor Frond, and other photographers We duringthe post-1860 period who worked largely outdoors.26 know that slaves were often brutalized:workers were often forced to labor in chains and heavy irons; men and women (mostly women, it seems) were locked in iron masks as a punishmentfor drunkennessor for other offenses. These and other unphotogenicscenes did not come to be recordedby the camera. Visual images are rich in informationabout society.27Michel Foucault has arguedthat each society establishes its "regime of truth," the mechanisms and instances which enable one to distinguishtrue from false statements.28 Deliberate or not, the slave photographsoften reveal the visual boundariesthat photographers,as clients if not agents of the elite, established within which to conceptualize(but not to judge) the men and women which society permittedto live as slaves. That the photographerdid not minimize or attempt to mask the ugly aspects of the slave condition speaks to the lack of contemporarymoral concern over slavery as an institution.The commerciallysuccessful nature of the kinds of photographssold reminds us that few citizens anywhere cared very much about the condition of hopelessness and poverty, in the nineteenthcenturyjust as in large measuretoday. It may well be that most of the auraof pathos or sympathywhich we see in the images resides in our own minds, because of our aversionto slavery. Had ChristianoJiunior phofree men and women, might we, too, dismiss the images as no tographed more thaninterestingcuriosities, as likely did nineteenth-century viewers of his work?
University of Miami ROBERT LEVINE M.

Coral Gables, Florida

26 Levine, Images of History...; Hilberto Ferrez and Weston J. Naef, Pioneer Photographers of Brazil, 1840-1920 (New York: Center for Inter-American Relations, 1976). 27See Steve Gold, "Conference Report," Visual Sociology Review, III:2 (Fall 1988), 7. 28 John Tagg, citing Foucault, in The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographyand Histories (Amherst, MA: University of MassachusettsPress, 1988), p. 189.

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