Documente Academic
Documente Profesional
Documente Cultură
5/28/04
Date:___________________
Christopher B. Gritzmacher
I, _________________________________________________________,
hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of:
Master
in:
Community Planning
It is entitled:
Urban Design within the Planning Process
A Case Study of Current Practice
"Block E" in Minneapolis
Jay Chatterjee
Chair: _______________________________
Kiril Stanilov
_______________________________
Mahyar Arefi
_______________________________
Frank Russell
_______________________________
_______________________________
URBAN DESIGN WITHIN THE PLANNING PROCESS
A CASE STUDY OF CURRENT PRACTICE
“BLOCK E” IN MINNEAPOLIS
A thesis submitted to
2004
by
Christopher Gritzmacher
Thesis Committee:
Chair – Jay Chatterjee
Second Faculty Member – Kiril Stanilov PhD.
Reader – Mahyar Arefi PhD.
Reader – Frank Russell, A.I.A
government. The process of urban design implementation and the tools: policy, review,
The study uncovered a wide body of literature pertaining to urban design; the
literature however, was in many respects confusing and contradictory in regard to the
nature of implementing urban design by pub lic planning officials. The literature review
revealed many different approaches to defining the tools of urban design, yielding a wide
this bewildering quagmire, George Varkki’s pointed criticism of the literature describing
the lack of a definition of urban design offers a workable framework for analysis for
definition of urban design which relies on the processes and techniques of the practicing
urban designer. This theoretical paradigm was developed to analyze the effectiveness of
the literature and examine case study findings of current practice in Minneapolis, MN. A
framework was subsequently constructed to further clarify the tools of urban design and
examine the ways in which these tools were applied in a case study. The implementation
of urban design in Block E utilized many of the tools of urban design (urban design
policy, urban design review, and regulation). How urban design was enacted in this
process, however, was again unclear and muddled, upholding Varkki’s claim. This
study, thus confirms Varkki’s argument and advocates for increased attention of scholarly
I
II
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 1
Introduction................................................................................................................... 1
Statement of the Problem............................................................................................. 2
Ambiguity and Controversy: The Debate over the “Value” of Urban Design........ 5
Limitations of the Study ............................................................................................... 6
THE LITERATURE OF URBAN DESIGN ON PRACTICE ........... 9
Introduction................................................................................................................... 9
The Question of Urban Design..................................................................................... 9
Urban Design and Planning ....................................................................................... 13
Describing the Professional Practice of Urban Design by Planners ....................... 17
The Tools of Urban Design: A Framework for a Procedural Analysis ................ 27
Urban Design Review ............................................................................................... 28
Urban Design Policy................................................................................................. 29
Design Guidelines and Regulation............................................................................ 33
Plans .......................................................................................................................... 34
Programmes .............................................................................................................. 34
CASE STUDY FINDINGS................................................................................ 36
Introduction................................................................................................................. 36
Research Methodology ............................................................................................... 36
Selection and Description of the Site and Participants............................................ 38
About Block E ............................................................................................................. 39
Development Context (The Actors)........................................................................... 41
Planning Staff............................................................................................................ 41
The Planning Commission........................................................................................ 41
The Developer........................................................................................................... 42
Urban Design and Block E ......................................................................................... 42
Urban Design Policy and Block E.............................................................................. 43
The Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan..................................................................... 43
Block E: Development Objectives and RFP ............................................................ 47
Urban Design Regulations and Block E.................................................................... 51
PUD........................................................................................................................... 51
Conditional Use Permit ............................................................................................. 57
Urban Design Review and Block E............................................................................ 62
Summary of Findings ................................................................................................. 66
CONCLUSIONS ..................................................................................................... 71
Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 71
REFERENCE LIST ............................................................................................... 77
APPENDICES .......................................................................................................... 81
Appendix #1: Building Elevation............................................................................... 81
Appendix #2: Building Site Plan................................................................................ 82
Appendix #3: Design Matrix ...................................................................................... 83
III
TABLE OF FIGURES
IV
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Introduction
This thesis examines the tools of urban design utilized by planners in local
government. The thesis identifies the lack of agreement within academic writing
defining the role, practice, and function of urban design as a source of confusion for the
study of professional practice. Thus, this study seeks to partially alleviate some of this
confusion by examining the professional use of urban design tools. The study explores in
detail the different types, content, as well as application of tools available to the urban
designer. To better understand these elements of professional practice, this thesis makes
use of a case study approach to specifically highlight the tools of urban design.
The development process of a large project can be a long, drawn out, and
complicated affair involving countless people and many variables. Urban design
elements, which in many cases may constitute a large consideration in the development
review process, are not easily separated from the ir context. In order to account for this
complexity, this thesis makes use of a descriptive case study research approach to
Varkki who sought a definition of urban design in his paper “A Procedural Explanation
theorizing”, which is “directed more towards making sense of contemporary urban design
practice than towards postulating the characteristics of good urban design practice”
(Varkki 1997). Thus this thesis does not evaluate the difference between “good” and
1
The literature published on urban design policy and urban design review provides
not only an acceptable model for further research (Wolfe 1970, Shirvani 1981; Varkki
1997; Punter 1999), but also operational definitions of the components of this process.
This thesis makes use of this literature to examine this process on a recently completed
project (2002) in downtown Minneapolis, MN. Two main research goals are pursued in
this study. First, this research examines and utilizes the literature on the implementation
understand these tools. Second, this study engenders a greater understanding of the
other practitioners and further research. The outcomes of the study are numerous.
Students, practitioners, and academics may use this analysis to further study the
implementation techniques.
government planners in the development process as distinct from other land use planning
techniques. This study seeks the answer to the main research question of: how urban
process. Since it is not possible out of time and space constraints to examine each and
every conceivable way that urban design may come to influence the development
process, this thesis is limited to an examination of the urban design tools used to guide
2
development. Although much has been written defining the tools of implementing urban
design by a local government such as policy, design review, or regulation (see Shirvani
1981; Scheer 1992; Punter 1999) the actual application process of these tools has largely
been neglected (Wolfe and Shinn 1970; Schuster 1990; Punter & Carmona 1997; Varkki
1997; Schurch 1999). Punter and Carmona succinctly wrote of the problems they saw
The design dimension of British planning has been much neglected as a subject of
both academic enquiry and professional development. In academic terms, British
urban design has been slow to develop a substantive body of thought that could
underpin enlightened practice, and has rarely undertaken investigations of design
control in action. (Punter and Carmona 1997, 3)
While the authors write from a British perspective, much of the same could be written
about the American system. In this quote Punter touches upon the inadequacies of
academic enquiry and how it fails to provide further assistance the professional objectives
of urban design. Punter’s argument centers on the lack of focused attention concerning
convened in 1982 to discuss pedagogy and urban design. A book was produced as a
result. Many of the writers cite a lack of focus and definition when discussing the
practice of teaching urban design (Pittas 1982; Robertson 1982; Lynch 1982). Pittas
multidisciplinary focus. Urban design was viewed not as a discipline in its own right, but
a hybrid combining the attributes of many disciplines including architecture, pla nning,
law, and sociology. Thus, the methods of teaching urban design became just as
ambiguous as the practice urban design. Pittas states that one could feasibly become an
3
urban designer through any number of routes including a degree in architecture, planning,
urban studies, or even geography (Pittas 1982, 11). This sentiment was captured by
Weiming Lu who stated simply that “only by doing can you know what practicing urban
design is like” (Lu 1982, 127). The status of urban design and urban design education
This indistinct conception of urban design and urban design practice taught by educators
was thus criticized by such as authors as Punter, who offered an alternative by studying
the methodology of urban design primarily through implementation. Punter’s book the
Design Dimension of Planning helps to both define urban design and urban design
practice.
George, R. Varkki came to the same conclusion while discussing the current
problems of educating students on urban design. He wrote that urban designers should
first know and understand the methodologies and techniques of urban design
implementation if they are to be effective. Varkki compared the education that urban
designers undertake to the training similar professionals receive and concluded there to
be serious deficiencies:
While urban designers do not need to know as much about construction materials
as architects do, they must know about the materials with which they construct
their own design product, decis ion environments. They must know how to use
policies, regulations, programmes, consensus-building, and catalysts. (Varkki
1997)
The author speaks clearly on the need for a better understanding of the procedural aspects
of urban design for better practice. Varkki also identifies the function, which he believes
differentiates the role of urban designers from the other design professionals, the creation
4
clarify the role of the urban designer especially in the context of local government
Schurch poses the problem in a different light. Schurch argues that the field of
urban design is too new to develop its own standards of professionalism. Schurch
believes urban design to lack clear and cohesive definitions regarding professional
practice and academic theory. This ambiguity leads Schurch to conclude that the
confusion of academics “can only mean that there is unlikely to be a clear process
Thus, the education of urban design has been the source of muc h controversy over
the ways in which practice should be taught. Above and beyond the aspect of how urban
design should be taught, the lack of a clear focus has been described as a detriment to the
specific endeavour.
architecture and planning is controversial (Kreditor 1990; Varkki 1997; Schurch 1999).
The field is controversial because it professes to solve or mitigate the ills of the physical
environment through design solutions. In John Punter and Mathew Carmona’s trenchant
book titled The Design Dimension of Planning the authors describe the role of urban
5
The site of seemingly endless conflicts among architects and planners, developers
and designers, professionals and the public, councilors and officers, community
groups and business leaders. It is at once a fundamental and peripheral issue in
planning: fundamental in the sense that if not most of development control is
directed at design matters, broadly conceived; peripheral in the sense that overall
design quality can be and often is sacrificed to achieve other objectives,
particularly the desire for any job development or job creation in less
economically advantaged areas. (Punter and Carmona 1997, 1)
Punter and Carmona succinctly describe the paradoxical situation facing planners and
designers seeking to implement urban design through planning. They describe the
oppositional pulls “for more sophisticated and tighter design controls” and “demands that
economic competitiveness” (Punter and Carmona 1997, 1). This debate informs the basic
contradictory impulse for more design control on the one hand and the ineptness of
design policy on the other. The contradictory and often highly political environment in
which design policy is drafted and adopted must be viewed in this light, one of serious
and deep ideological positions between planners who seek to control and guide
development and those who seek basic individual freedom to develop what they please.
Unfortunately, a discussion of the political cultures of specific places and the resultant
policy they produce is beyond the scope of this thesis, but this ideological argument
should be kept in mind when considering the intentions and underlying currents of policy
professional practice. Urban design tools are identified, such as policy, design review,
and regulation and these tools are examined and defined to better understand the
6
methodology and techniques urban design professional practice. The research is solely
in the literature review, which outlines a framework for analysis. Thus, it does not make
an attempt at describing all of the various methods and techniques available to the urban
designer (e.g. streetscape design for a private firm). Further, the study only describes
those urban design tools utilized in the case study (see case study findings). An
exhaustive list of the many urban design related influences on the development process
would exceed the scope of this thesis. Only those tools that have been identified and
examined in the literature and utilized by the Minneapolis planner are examined. Also,
the study does not track the results of the applied urban design tools through the various
exclusively studies urban design tools available to the planner. The research study is
limited to one case study. The study therefore is not meant to be broadly representative
of the practices and procedures of urban design tools and techniques by planners. It is
rather a specific review of the techniques of one example, in an attempt to add to the
understanding of the methods and techniques of the planner and urban designer in
professional practice.
Final caveats, the study does not seek to answer the question of whether or not
city planning departments should engage in urban design. There is no disputing that
many municipalities already implement measures designed to achieve urban design goals.
It should be cautioned that the purpose of the study is not to offer lessons learned from
the urban design techniques employed in Minneapolis. In the United States urban design
7
and development decisions are driven by the unique characteristics of the political and
socio-economic cultures of their respective city. There is a unique and different solution
for every American city and every situation. Successful or non-successful examples
drawn from Minneapolis are not necessarily applicable to any other situation or city.
Attempts to take policies, practices and procedures and graft them on to another are
3). It is rather the aim of this thesis to help define those tools that are in use, to better
understand the nature of urban design itself and the practice of urban design.
8
CHAPTER II
THE LITERATURE OF URBAN DESIGN ON PRACTICE
Introduction
This section of the thesis reviews the literature on urban design implementation
techniques and how this debate has evolved from a historical perspective. To begin, a
brief introduction to the concept of urban design is given and the problems associated
with this concept are discussed. Second, the outgrowth of urban design implementation
by public sector planners is described. Third, the review turns to the beginnings of
critical writing pertaining to urban design tools and finally touches upon the major
The review of the literature helps to place this study in context and describes the
techniques of urban design is by first viewing the discussion relating to the planning
process in general. Alexander and Faludi (1989) in their attempt to evaluate the work of
planning and plan implementation arrive at the problem of providing a definition for the
activities of planners. Alexander and Faludi question the definitions of current practice
9
extreme, Wildavsky claims that “planning is everything” (Wildavsky 1973). It follows
that since planning is everything this definition regards the actions of planners as largely
uncertain. Planners profess to have “control of the future, and suggested that, since
uncertainty makes control of the future impossible the question of ‘what is good
planning?’ is unanswerable” (Alexander and Faludi 1989, 128). Using this definition a
hand Alexander suggests a more pragmatic definition, which regards “planning as the
societal activity of developing optimal strategies to attain desired goals, linked to the
intention and power to implement” (Alexander and Faludi 1989, 128). Alexander’s
implementation. Faludi bridges the two ideas and theorizes that planning is a “decision-
centered” practice which creates a “frame of reference for operational decisions: those
(Alexander and Faludi 1989, 128). This discussion of the definitions of planning
identifies a few key points which help to introduce the discussion of urban design in this
process. First, it must be noted the lack of a solid definition of planning has lead to a
general. Second, the last two definitions by Alexander and Faludi recognize the
practice. In their article Alexander and Faludi proceeded to develop a model for
programme, and implementation techniques (Ale xander and Faludi 1989, 131).
10
To better understand the beginnings of urban design in the planning process, it is
wise to briefly touch upon that all-encompassing term for a set of ideologies, beliefs, and
activities many people ascribe to the concept of urban design. Like the definition of
planning, problems are immediately apparent when one attempts a similar definition of
urban design. Both Alan Kreditor and Thomas Schurch state that there is no “well
developed body of theory” of urban design much less agreement as to who practices
urban design (Kreditor 1990, 64; Schurch 1999). According to Schurch there is even
considerable controversy over what constitutes the term “urban design” (Schurch 1999).
Appleyard argued that single definition of the field never existed nor should there be
(Appleyard 1982, 122). Regarding this lack of clarity, both Alan Kreditor and George
Varkki come to the same conclusion regarding problems associated with the lack of a
If one doubts the immaturity of urban design as a serious field of study, the search
for a common definition or understanding will be instructive, for there is none. It
is a telling condition. A lack of shared meaning undermines appreciation and
retards development. (Kreditor 1990, 67)
Both authors point to the difficulty of a “shared meaning”, which hinders the further
development of urban design. Varkki demonstrated the need to clarify and further define
the role of urban designer and the application of urban design in his article “A Procedural
Explanation for Urban Design” which advocates for an operation definition of urban
the training of a new generation of urban designers and for the future practice of urban
design and academic research. The author looked at existing definitions and much of the
jargon devoted to urban design literature and concluded the literature to be overly
11
Barnett who described urban design as: "designing cities without designing buildings" or
Richard Lai who described urban design as an "invisible web" called these explanations
insightful but of little use in explaining the actual tactics used by contemporary urban
of the professional divide between architecture and planning and their claim on urban
design. In this regard definitions, which attempt to explain what urban design is not
through comparisons between architecture and planning often, confuse the topic. In this
vacuum, Varkki sees a lack of clear definition relating to the practical knowledge and
practice of urban design, leading to confusion. Instead Varkki argued for a procedural
definition of urban design, which examines the roles and responsibilities of a practicing
Thus the role and actions of urban designers are different from most other designers.
Varkki defines the roles of urban designers and how they differ from others in the design
profession. He describes urban design as “a second-order design endeavour” that is, “the
urban designer is only indirectly responsible for producing built forms and the spaces in
between them” (Varkki 1997). Varkki believes that first order designers have a direct
relationship with the object that is designed. Urban designers, on the other hand, have an
indirect relationship to the object to be designed. In this sense urban designers are one
step removed from the object in the design process. According to the author, the urban
12
designer works in an environment where decision making is so complex and fractured
across a wide range of interests that many of the decisions are outside the designer's locus
of control.
The insights of Varkki and his definition of urban design and the processes of
urban design add clarity to the discussion of implementing urban design. By first
discussing the difficulties associated with the attempts of defining urban design, Varkki
preeminent role in the understanding of this practice. This conclusion fits well with
earlier ideas concerning the educational aspects of urban design. Jon Lang advocated for
the “studio method” of teaching urban design, while Jonathan Barnett looked to
internships and case studies to provide the practical experience needed for an education
in urban design (Lang 1982; Barnett 1982). Both of the methods were designed to
convey the practical experiences of the urban designer to the student. Thus, Varkki’s
argument of how urban design should be described and analyzed (i.e. through a
procedural definition) befits this study and serves as a theoretical paradigm. His
procedural definition looking at the methods by which urban designers practice their craft
guidance as to how an urban designer creates built forms. This procedural definition,
13
the analysis and literature of the field of urban design is of relatively recent origin, all of
it being within the last forty to fifty years. For example, San Francisco is regarded as the
first city to develop, or widely publicize the creation and implementation of citywide
urban design policies, around 1971 (Punter 1998, 106). Jonathan Barnett wrote one of
the earliest books on the subject of urban design and policy concerning New York City.
His book entitled Urban Design As Public Policy: Practical Methods For Improving
The first important work to tackle the question of how urban design is
implemented also appeared around this time. M.R. Wolfe’s and R.D. Shinn’s report
titled Urban Design within the Comprehensive Planning Process published by the U.S.
the ambiguities. Significantly, Wolfe and Shinn started with the premise that the “urban
design element is an important one in the pla nning process; but the nature, scope, and
importance of it are largely unknown” (Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 2). The authors’ intent
was to produce a document detailing the urban design component of the planning
process. The authors believed that although urban design could be claimed to exist
within all physical planning functions, the necessity nevertheless existed to identify those
specific “components” of urban design in this process. The authors argued that the urban
design component must be made visible in order to “make explicit the design and
decision making process in order to examine how that process suits itself to an
operational situation” (Wolfe and Shinn 1970). Their report written for educational
purposes was meant to illustrate the “principal attributes” of urban design through a case
study demonstration. The authors specifically explored the questions of (how urban
14
design affects other aspects of comprehensive planning and what may be involved by
believed that the significance of the contribution of urban design is one that goes largely
neglected and sought to provide analytical support for the ideas and methods associated
with urban design. In this manner the authors sought to rationalize an urban design
“model” which could be used for further study, decision making, or community
participation.
understanding of urban design within the planning process. Similar to the later
conclusions of Varkki, the authors argued persuasively that much ambiguity did exist
concerning the specific role of urban design within the planning process.
This quote displays the specific ties Wolfe and Shinn attempted to make between urban
design and planning and their conception of the attitudes towards implementing urban
design in planning practice. It is here that the authors identify the lack of a clearly
articulated expression given to urban design concerning policy and policy decisions
(Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 3). Their study focused on the planning process and attempted
In their discussion the authors like Varkki, single out the unique nature of the
urban design process. They distinguished the “process” oriented nature of urban design
as a key difference in the differentiation of urban design from “pure design” and make
this point explicit when trying to identify the unique characteristics of urban design
15
(Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 11). The authors characterized their description of urban design
The authors acknowledge that urban design is inseparable from the planning
process (Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 21). Instead of accepting this idea, the authors try to
extract urban design “attributes” from traditional planning techniques. The authors look
at the “hidden” elements of urban design in such documents as the land use plan, the plan
for facilities and services, the transportation plan, and plans for implementation, and the
comprehensive plan. Wolfe and Shinn conclude that although many of the above
components of the comprehensive plan embody urban design elements, these elements of
urban design were not adequately articulated to provide a full range of planning
alternatives (Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 27). In their report the authors describe the nexus
between planning goals and urban design and how urban design should play a large role
in the formation of these goals. In summary, the authors see the basic problem of the
planning process and urban design within it as “one of aggregating community values
and expressing them in a context of potential physical environments” (Wolfe and Shinn
1970, 32). The authors acknowledge that this task, however, is not easily accomplished
in light of the fact that many communities do not have a specific urban design element
measures, which take into account an evaluation of the process of planning and how
urban design may come to fit within this context (Wolfe and Shinn 1970, 32). Important
16
to the current discussion, Wolfe and Shinn conclude urban designers must strive to
improve the efficiency, effectiveness, and the overall visibility of urban design in the
planning process. They recommend correcting the approach taken by planners at the
outset. Wolfe and Shinn state when specifically describing a development project in
urban design terms, the end result must be supplemented by the “objective setting, policy
formulation, application, and payoff rationales at the same time,” (Wolfe and Shinn 1970,
4). Wolfe and Shinn make a strong case for the improvement of urban design
methodologies practiced by professional planners. The fact that Wolfe and Shinn,
specifically study urban design elements within the planning process and identify these
specific elements as areas for improving urban design, lends authority to the argument
that urban design can and should be separated from the more clearly defined planning
practice. Wolfe’s and Shinn’s argument of the need for a better understanding of the
techniques of urban design implementation in the planning process clearly bolsters the
rationale fo r studying urban design tools in depth and gives credence to this study. As so
many writers would later reiterate (Kreditor 1990; Varkki 1997; Punter 1997) it is the
Hamid Shirvani’s book titled Urban Design Review: A Guide for Planners
published in 1981 attempted to answer many of the important questions regarding urban
(i.e. case studies, interviews) and research questions posed, that I consider his work as
well as Wolfe and Shinn’s and Jon Punter’s later work in 1999 as research models for this
17
study. Shirvani questioned in his introduction “Do the procedures work as well as they
are supposed to work?” and “Did design review provide each city and its public with a
better product in each case?” (Shirvani 1981, 18). The author’s objectives were to
ascertain the effectiveness of design review procedures, explore the relatio nship between
design review and environmental considerations, and make conclusions about the ways in
situations (Shirvani 1981, 17). Although my own research question is quite different
from Shirvani’s I do seek a better understanding of the ways in which urban design is
design review methodologies in use during the late seventies and early eighties. The four
different model types were derived from four cities each with their own unique approach
to urban design review. From these model types Shirvani chose a development to
examine as a case study in each of these cities. Shirvani described the process of
contextua l research. Through this study Shirvani hoped to “identify the specific aspects
of urban design review that produce desirable or undesirable results and to explain
1981, 17). The importance of Shirvani’s work, which differentiates it from later studies,
is his desire to examine and evaluate design review in practice and determine the
18
public whose interests must be served even though they usually are not present
when design review takes place . . . Glimpses of the “actors” involved will
provide the reader with a feel for the importance of the human element in design
review (Shirvani 1981, 18).
Shirvani attempted a description of the design review process that sought to examine and
evaluate the process itself and the tangible outcomes of this process.
From his case studies Shirvani made a number of observations regarding the
urban design review process. The author described eighteen influential environmental
factors that he saw as most important in this process. His list includes such variables as
design review members, and clarity of goals and objectives. The author’s list of factors is
comprehensive in its description of the potentialities that may arise while a planner works
in the design review capacity. For example, Shirvani explains with detail that in all four
of the case studies political support was crucial. He specifies that the amount of the
often brings inefficiency,” (Shirvani 1981, 175). In this manner Shirvani described the
process and environment, which serves to shape the proposals and decisions of private
developers in the design review process. Shirvani’s insights on the influences of the
procedures of urban design implementation articulate the urban design process in its
context and help to shed light on this complex mechanism of city government.
review process. Although the author did not believe that “existing models can be
transferred to another city” he did indicate that there were “lessons to be learned” from
the case studies (Shirvani 1981, 191). Shirvani again listed a number of variables that he
19
thought are necessary to the process. Among others, the author wrote on the necessity of:
ground rules for successful design review processes, a well established program, a clear
improving the efficiency, clarity, and user friendliness of the design review process as
Shirvani’s study and analysis of urban design review is extremely helpful in the
illustration of a complicated and often times confusing government function. The author
does a good job of explicating the urban design review process and the many influences
that come to bear on this process as well as offering clues to the improvement of this
process. His conclusions of how to improve design review echo earlier sentiments that
the process of implementing urban design should be made more clear and efficient.
Shirvani’s case study research serves as a beginning for further investigations and an
design in the United States, the nation experienced an explosive growth of urban design
policy and design review since the 1970s. Local government, especially city planners
and city planning commissions, crafted most of this policy in the United States. A 1992
survey showed that 83 per cent of 360 towns and cities across the country undertook
some form of design review (Scheer 1994, 2). In response to the increasing number of
communities who chose to publish urban design policy and establish review systems to
control the design of development, the outpour of critical literature regarding these
policies soon followed. It was during the late 1980s and early 90s that many publications
20
started to appear on the topic of urban design policy and design review. During this time
a spate of articles was published that dealt specifically with the analysis of urban design
within the planning process. Studies by Habe (1989), Delafons (1990), Shirvani (1990),
Southworth (1990), Wakeford (1990), Abbot (1991), and Scheer (1992) critically
Reiko Habe studied 66 American cities and examined the effectiveness of what he
termed “design control” by looking specifically at design guidelines and design review
the “success in communicating the concept and translating it into operational guidelines,
resulting in design criteria and standards” and the “clarity, predictability, flexibility, and
enforceability of the control mechanism for implementing the concept” (Habe 1989,
199). The author found that goals and objectives of design guidelines addressed broad
aspects such as “public welfare” but, revealed a weak link between criteria standards
which heavily emphasized aesthetics, particularly architectural design details and styles
(Habe 1989, 215). Habe’s recommendations included “broadening the scope of the
design criteria” to include “user oriented behavioural and criteria” and to “shift attention
emphasized the delicate balance or link between the two aspects of the successful
guidelines and the implementation of these concepts. Habe’s solution to better practice
and policy formation was to broaden the conceptions of design, more public participation
in the policy making process, and less attention to minute architectural details. Habe saw
21
a need to craft clear goals and objectives and believed that regulations must have legal
urban design policy and design review. Unlike Shirvani’s study, the author chose to
critically examine the content of urban design policy in depth and evalua te the practice of
implementing urban design. Habe sought to link policy phrasing with outcomes. The
author critiqued the effectiveness or urban design policy in terms of clarity of expression,
Habe’s conclusions for good urban design policy are up for debate, his analysis of the
problems associated with urban design tools and their complexity in the planning process
Shortly after Habe’s article appeared in the Town Planning Review, Michael
Southworth published a widely cited article in 1990 in which he surveyed the contents of
urban design plans. His survey of plans included an analysis of such issues as: urban
plans in forty cities throughout the United States between the years of 1972 and 1989
were examined in terms of subject matter. For example, he states that 70-80% of urban
design plans surveyed were concerned with sense of place, while 10-20% were concerned
Southworth wrote that “plans are now more practical and ‘doable’” and that “the link
22
between analyses and recommendations is stronger with more emphasis on
plans were becoming more integrated with other planning initiatives. Although helpful in
discerning the popularity of general concerns of planners and to a lesser extent the
content of urban design plans, few if any clues are given as to the detailed nuances of
On a contradictory note Brenda Scheer, a former planner for the City of Boston,
wrote a critical paper of design review in 1991. Scheer’s critique focused on the
restrictive aspects of design review, which in her mind did much to hamper the creativity,
flexibility, and overall capacity to accommodate the desires and vision of a diverse
community. Scheer’s critique was and still is a challenge to those involved in the
creation and implementation of urban design policy and guidelines to improve upon their
craft. Scheer touched on many of the negative aspects of design review and
implementation and opened the forum for scholars and practitioners to respond to her
One year later in 1992, Jon Punter wrote an article in the Urban Design Quarterly
titled “Design Control in the United States: A Review of Recent Research”. In his article
Punter reviews studies by Delafons, Southworth, Habe, Shirvani, Costonis, Schuster, and
Scheer. Punter is optimistic in his appraisal of the current literature, believing that the
development process. He is critical, though, stating that although Reiko Habe “is one of
the few researches to address all important question of the implementation of design
polices . . . the results are disappointing because like Southworth she seeks only the
23
general evaluation of the planners/design controllers themselves” (Punter 1992, 7). In
other words, many of these early studies while comprehensive in scope are overly general
detailed analysis of urban design policy. Their book The Design Dimension of Planning
urban design policy. The book explores in depth policy theory, substance, processes, and
methodology. Shortly thereafter, (1999) Jon Punter also authored a book titled Design
Guidelines in American Cities: A Review of Design Policies and Guidance in Five West
Coast Cities. The book is largely an aggregation of Punter’s extensive research on design
initiatives and policies. In this book Punter examines five American cities on the west
coast and their experience with urban design guidance. The author adopted a case study
approach to his research reviewing the composition, process, and procedural elements of
the development review process in each of the cities. Like Shirvani’s earlier book Urban
Design Review the author’s primary objective was to analyze the processes and
Punter’s book illustrated best practices in the United States for an international audience.
His case study methodology consisted of historical descriptions of each city and its
experience with urban design implementation. Excerpts from urban design plans,
policies, and guidelines were presented as well as explanations as to how each of these
processes became implemented and by whom. In this manner, Punter elaborated on the
24
of one project in detail the author approached the topic through a comprehensive
description of what policy and procedures would look like throughout the whole city (not
just downtown). For example, for the case study of Seattle, Punter reviewed not only
Seattle’s Land Use and Transportation Plan adopted in 1985, but also the policy
outcomes from the State of Washington’s Growth Management Act of 1990, which
helped to bring about Seattle’s urban villages growth strategy (1990). The author
illustrated Seattle’s experience through a series of outtakes and exa mples of policy and
implementation. Punter’s description of this process and the many other case studies
throughout the book make it one of the most instructive texts concerning the different
mechanisms of city administration of urban design. Punter’s book works well to alleviate
design review into a framework, which looked at “how policies were derived, their level
of precision; their basis in design theory; the extent to which they prescribe solutions; and
finally the efficiency and effectiveness of the review process (Punter 1999, 195). In
conclusion, Punter believed the system to be a well functioning one that had been “fully
efficacy of American urban design tools contradict many of the previous writings, which
argue the ineffectiveness and confusion surrounding the application of urban design
within the planning process, Punter’s book does an excellent job of providing describing
urban design policy mechanisms and content. Punter’s writings offer an excellent
25
opportunity for comparative case study and illustrate many of the substantive concepts
Since this study makes use of George Varkki’s cogent analysis of the problems
associated with the definition and study of urban design and uses his argument as a
theoretical paradigm, the writers thus far discussed should be viewed in the contributions
design through government agencies is gained through this literature, three writers
Shirvani, Habe, and Punter make the most insightful and important contributions.
Shirvani uses the case study approach to examine specific urban design policies and
procedures instituted in the design review process and from these case studies he
evaluates the outcomes. In this respect, Shirvani does an excellent job of describing the
his descriptions of the case studies are in many respects generalized the author does make
an attempt to explain through description the process of the urban design function in city
administration. Habe like Punter examines the content of urban design policy through
policy expression and phrasing. From this analysis Habe makes qualitative judgments on
the effectiveness of these policies. Habe’s contributions therefore lie in the author’s
critical and detailed analysis of policy types. Although Habe’s conclusions are
questionable, his point of study offers critical information as to the content of urban
design policy and the applicable uses of this policy. Punter takes this discussion and
expands it. Punter’s writing concerning design policy and procedures is perhaps the most
26
policy and makes innumerable insights to the composition, contents, quality, function,
framework identifying the “tools” of urban design is constructed to better understand the
methodology of this specialized field can be identified as hybrid of both influences. This
hybridization can confuse those only accustomed to that of either design or public
agencies has spawned its own new and unique language, which deserves a brief review.
As Varkki explained, there is discrepancy among writers over the terminology of the
example, both Habe and Delafons use the term “design control” to describe
with slightly different terms and rank their importance to this process with differing
degrees.
The objective of this framework is to isolate those particular tools within the
planning process, which the public urban designer utilizes most often and regularly. By
doing so, a clear picture is drawn of the urban designer in action. The idea is to examine
27
the methodology of the urban designer and the tools at his/her discretion to develop what
Why the identification of these tools is necessary stems primarily from the lack of
writing devoted not towards the products of urban design, but rather the procedures of
urban design. For example, John Toon’s statement that urban design is largely contained
within the planning profession is helpful by showing the importance of urban design to
planning, but it has already been shown to be a source of much controversy and
disagreement.
The skills of an urban designer are those of an urban planner, the processes of
urban designing are those of urban planning, and the mode of implementing
“urban designs” is identical to that of urban plans. (Toon 1988)
Confusion remains as to the exact professional role of the urban designer, despite Toon’s
assertion. Thus, Toon’s statement loses much of its force when confronted by those
writing from an architectural perspective arguing that architects are best equipped to be
“urban designers”.
The framework identifies those specific tools which urban design may claim to
utilize most effectively. The recognition of these tools adds to the understanding of
urban design itself, as a professional activity. Shirvani’s outline for analysis is used in
this study and contributions from other writers are used to augment this description.
of urban design provide a good starting point in the discussion of procedural elements
(Shirvani 1985, 144). Shirvani identified four elements of urban design: policies, plans,
28
guidelines, and programmes. Although he does not list “design review” as one of these
terms, Shirvani considers this tool to be one of the most important. Shirvani views
design review to encompass the whole range of measures aimed at achieving urban
design goals. Shirvani describes design review to be the “most commonly used and
practical implementation tool for urban design”; he uses the term to express “all the
criteria and methods used in implementing urban design policies, including both
In designing his own study of urban design review, Schuster and colleagues come
to a slightly different definition. Their definition is more concerned with the people and
procedures that actually compose the review. Schuster’s definition of urban design
review range from citizen participation groups to more formalized historic preservation
many of the ways in which a public interest is taken into account and given some
Varkki wrote that “policies are broad statements of collective intent that influence
specific decisions made individually and collectively” (Varkki 1997). The definition of
the term “urban design policy” can be a problematic endeavor, though. The term can be
implementation, ranging from design review to urban design plans. The word “policy”
29
Any plan or course of action adopted by a government, political party, business
organization, or the like, designed to influence and determine decisions, actions,
and other matters. (Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary 10th ed.)
To some writers this term is used to describe specific procedures used in the development
process and for others policy can simply take the form of written documents stating the
municipality’s design objectives and goals. A majority of writers, though, use the term
rather loosely to denote the broad range of principles, ideas, and tactics a pubic agency
may use to guide urban design. Shirvani identifies this characteristic and distinguishes
policy from the other “products” of urban design by stating that urban design policies are
the framework for the overall design process (Shirvani 1985, 144). The description of
design implementation in the public agency. Unfortunately all too often, though, this
term can be applied to the discussion of urban design implementation with little
consequence and can easily be diluted by attributing many functions to the term policy.
The word may often lose its meaning when it is used to denote the complicated process
by which a public agency can influence developers. The description leaves out many of
A key point of departure is to establish exactly what is a policy and how does a
policy relate to goals, objectives, principles, guidelines, advice and procedures.
Regrettably, this is very much an area of confusion into which few have ventured.
(Punter and Carmona 1997, 93)
The task of disentangling objectives, principles, and guidelines, can be a daunting and
frequently confusing mission. Punter summarizes the work of Jon Lang and Tony Hall in
a flow chart, which describes how policy is operationalized in public agencies. Figure 1
illustrates Punter and Carmona’s summary of the procedural aspects of urban design
implementation by public planners and isolates the policy component of this process.
30
Figure 1: The Policy Component of Ur ban Design
Goals
General statements of desired future for the locality
district wide and/or area specific
Objectives
more precise statements of what a design should achieve
(measurable?)
interaction of goal, forms, public pressure, local values
The
Principles
link between objectives and future forms Policy
Guidelines
specify how to meet an objective Component
Prescriptive Performance
form an end product performance of the product
dimensions, layout qualities, activities
(easy to measure) (more difficult to assess)
Advice
further guidance on how to meet objectives/interpret criteria
Procedures
appraise, consult, brief, advise, illustrate, evaluate
Implementation Devices
grants, controls, agreements, codes, etc., zoning
31
The flow chart displays the role of goals, objectives, principles, and guidelines in the
about policies in the development process. The diagram makes clear the decision making
process necessary to go from Goals to Implementation. It can readily be seen that urban
attempt to further clarify explicitly what “urban design policy” is the authors identify a
Types of expression
• Motherhood policies, which refer only to the most general of objectives, i.e. ‘there
shall be a high standard of design’, with no elaboration or explanation of how this
might be achieved or be assessed;
• Encouragement policies, which encourage applicants to meet specified objectives,
often very generally expressed;
• Consideration policies, which outline a range of factors that applicants should
take into account when preparing a design, or which the planning authority will
consider in evaluating a proposal;
• Criteria policies, which outline a more specific set of factors that applicants
should take into account and, more importantly, which the planning authority will
utilize in evaluating the application;
• Requirement policies, which set out forcefully what the local planning authority’s
requirements are in design terms, although this may be very generally expressed;
• Standards/policies, which set a quantitative measure that is the normal, minimum
or maximum quantity or dimension that would be acceptable.
of a given municipality’s policy. Punter and Carmona succinctly describe the differences
that policies may take; some of which forcefully seek to regulate and others such as
motherhood policies that outline the most general of objectives such as a “high standard
32
of design”. Thus, the authors describe not only the content or aim of the policy, but also
policies as a result of being overly vague have little if any guidelines or quality standards
and are deemed by the authors as “virtually meaningless” and in some instances
quality”. Encouragement policies on the other hand “can serve as valuable, positive
promotional tools for good design”. Consideration policies can be seen as a “useful
approach to design control, because they formulate the general considerations that
applicants for planning permission should take into account”. The authors describe
criteria policies as the most useful, because they formulate specific criteria of what the
public agency will be looking for in the development process. Requirement policies are
simply those policies, which require different actors to fulfill certain obligations. Finally,
the authors state that the “ultimate level of precision is provided by the standards which
set quantitative measures” for developments that would stipulate minimum or maximum
John Delafons wrote that urban design policy and guidelines in America generally
take the form of a regulatory system “in which the requirements for each type of
development are specified in written regulations or ordinances” (Punter 1998, 13). In this
definition there is a certain amount of overlap between policy and regulation. Indeed,
Punter’s classification of policy types does identify policies that stipulate regulatory
measures (i.e. requirement, standards policies). Jon Lang defines a guideline as “an
33
operational definition of an objective” (Lang 1996, 9). But it is Varkki, who uses the
Shirvani’s framework in his own research who clarifies the current use of the term.
Varkki describes states that regulations” even if as guidelines they are not mandatory, are
intended to limit the range of options available when particular decisions are being made
by a diverse set of private and public decision makers”. Regulatory tactics in urban
design may include set back allowances or façade treatments as well as building bulk and
massing.
Plans
The term urban design “plan” can be used to describe the document where many
of the policies may be found. Although many references will be made to the Minneapolis
Comprehensive Plan where much of the policy used to guide Block E was found, for the
purposes of this study, the urban design plan does not readily lend itself as a category of
urban design “tactics”. According to Varkki “it is commonly used to describe the
document that urban designers produce. It is more a product in the strictest sense of the
term, and no particular special kind of tactic appears to underlie this term” (Varkki 1997).
Programmes
continually maintain and care for the built environment ” (Varkki 1997). Varkki
decisions to add to or alter the built environment are encouraged towards a certain end ”
34
(Varkki 1997). Programmes may include a wide variety of techniques such as: capital
35
CHAPTER III
CASE STUDY FINDINGS
Introduction
The Minneapolis case study research comprises the findings for this study. The
findings use the previously discussed literature to examine the context of the
development process and the tools of urban design. Through the presentation and
analysis of the Minneapolis case study, this research seeks to uncover the main research
development process.
Research Methodology
This study examines the tools of urban design used by local government planners
to shape development proposals and the decision- making process of private stakeholders
in the development process. The main objective of this study is to define these tools and
describe the ways in which these tools are used by a planner working for a public agency
to apply urban design. As already mentioned, I have utilized to a large extent the
research model and method of inquiry employed by Shirvani in his book Urban Design
Review. The author’s research presents a sound model, which provides a framework (e.g.
design review, policy, plan, and programme) for analysis of urban design within the
planning context. I have modified this framework only slightly with additions from
other writers. Like Wolfe and Shinn, Shirvani, and Punter, I have adopted the case study
approach.
36
This study readily lends itself to the case study research format. The case study
format works well because it highlights what is an otherwise difficult process to examine,
especially in the local government planning context. As Yin notes “observing a social
phenomenon” and examining its attributes is not always easy (Yin 2003, 6). The
development process associated with a large project, indeed, could be called a social
phenomenon. The process involved a large number and wide variety of people with
varying viewpoints and perspectives, from the building architect to the neighborhood
activist to the director of community deve lopment. The project also took place in a
highly visible and politicized context. The project also had a huge economic impact and
ramification for the city. The overall project and its many effects lend itself well to Yin’s
Because case study research can describe many of the qualitative and contextual
issues of a particular research topic, which are not easily quantifiable, it is often used in
The interplay between government officials, developers, architects, designers, and the
public is not easily computed into manageable statistics. The boundaries separating
urban design in the development process are in Yin’s words “hard to draw”. I have
further adapted the case study methodology to fit the unique characteristics of studying
37
to case study research; whereby the purpose of the study is largely used to describe or to
well a telephone interview. The interview was informal and brief around twenty minutes
submitted to the project planner via email correspondence. A copy of these materials
may be found in the appendix of this study in their complete form. Like Shirvani’s
research the use of the interview technique provided “the reader with a feel for the
The study adds an important piece to the puzzle of understanding the varied
landscape of urban design implementation techniques utilized in the United States today.
By looking at the work of others who examine similar topics comparisons from this work
can be drawn and made with other case studies. Conclusions can be made regarding
overall trends in the field. Thus this study adds to the dialogue of current research in the
field, builds on past research, and offers opportunity for further research.
The choice to study a site in the City of Minneapolis originated from a number of
factors. The City of Minneapolis unlike many cities has widely accessible and published
urban design policy available to the public. This fact alone makes the city a good choice
to study. A second reason is the city’s also long history of urban design implementation,
38
the wealth of background information from which to draw, and the existing research
already undertaken on this city’s design process (Shirvani). The city was also chosen
because my own previous experience studying the particular project and familiarity with
The actual site in Minneapolis was chosen because of its prominence in the City
of Minneapolis. The study focuses on the urban redevelopment of “Block E” in the heart
of the Minneapolis CBD. Block E is a particularly relevant site to study urban design
tools because it was a high profile project located directly next to the CBD. The block
was historically used for entertainment purposes and lies in the midst of the most visible
Target Center (professional basketball), First Avenue (music club), and the City Center
(retail shopping).
About Block E
Block E, “E” for entertainment, was the label applied by the City of Minneapolis
decade-long wait for redevelopment. Block E lies in a pivotal position between the
emerging warehouse district and the retail and office core of downtown Minneapolis.
Block E is bound by Hennepin Avenue and First Avenue North, between Sixth and
Seventh Streets, placing it in the center of the entertainment district along Hennepin
Avenue on the west side of downtown. Block E is surrounded by such large scale capital
assets as the Target Center, the State and Orpheum theaters, the historic warehouse
39
district, the Mississippi Mile, the Minneapolis Convention Center, the Hilton Hotel and
Before the block was labeled blighted and subsequently razed around 1987, Block
E was filled with a variety of entertainment businesses: including two newsstands, a steak
house, bars, a comedy club, and the historic Schubert Theater. A 1995 Request for
Planning Department yielded a diverse array of proposals. These schemes ranged from
similar in ambition to Times Square in New York. The property, however, remained a
parking lot while development projects were considered and then shelved.
On June 25th 1999 the Minneapolis City Council and the Board of Commissioners
authorized a redevelopment contract with McCaffery Interests and on March 3rd, 2000 the
City Council approved a development agreement with McCaffery for a mixed – use
commercial project including over 210,000 square feet of retail, dining and
interests was submitted to the City of Minneapolis April 21, 2000 (Minneapolis
40
Development Context (The Actors)
Planning Staff
development to its eventual fruition. Jack Byers of the City’s planning staff was the
project planner for Block E and worked most closely on urban design related issues.
Charles Ballantine, the director of the planning department also contributed to the
planning of Block E.
The Minneapolis Planning Commission consists of ten members: the mayor (or
designee), representatives from the School Board, Library Board, Park Board, Hennepin
County, and the City Council and four mayoral appointments. The planning commission
is responsible for the long-range planning for the city and serves in an advisory role to the
City's comprehensive plan and the review and recommendations on area or issue-specific
plans consistent with the comprehensive plan. Most important to the case of Block E was
the formal review of development applications including application for conditional use
permit, variance, site plan review, expansion/change of nonconforming use, and land
subdivision. The planning commission, “a citizen's committee” worked with the staff of
the Planning Department on the development of plans and the review of the development
41
proposal in light of the planning department’s recommendations concerning policy and
The Developer
the final development proposal for Block E. McCaffery’s proposal titled “The
majority of the design work for the project and played the lead role in negotiating design
called “Concept Plan Review” of the late 1970s, the City of Minneapolis utilized a
different strategy in its review for Block E in the 2000. Minneapolis primarily relied on
the Comprehensive plan to guide the Block E development. According to Jack Byers, the
Minneapolis planner who worked on the Block E development project, the development
was guided by two primary tools : policy and regulation. Policies were used to critique,
analyze, and direct the development while regulation was used to implement policy.
Policies used in Block E were primarily taken from three documents: (a.) The City’s
comprehensive plan, (b.) Minneapolis 2010: Continuing the Vision into the 21st Century
42
downtown) and (c.) Block E: Development Objectives (a set of policies crafted for Block
E adopted in 1995). Policy documents formed the groundwork from which the city
planner as well as the Minneapolis Planning Commission would base their decisions
The Minneapolis Zoning Code provided the regulation, which served as the
vehicle for policy implementation and review by the planning commissioners and the
general public (Byers 2004). Those parts of the zoning code that directly governed the
Block E development proposal and significantly illustrate the application of urban design
were the Planned Unit Development (P.U.D.) and Conditional Use Permit (C.U.P). The
evaluation process of the developer’s proposal was complex and involved many parties.
The process was guided from beginning to end by the City’s planning department. A
more formal “review” was undertaken by the City Planning Commission and the general
out the directions and goals the City seeks to achieve through development. The
comprehe nsive plan is the first layer of policy governing development in the City. The
plan is general and non-specific in its policy phrasing in most instances meant to respond
to a myriad of issues throughout the city over an extended period of time. It can however
be a powerful tool, defining the parameters of the development process. For example, the
43
plan sets the stage for development s such as Block E by stipulating that master planning
and regulatory techniques for new developments over 100,000 square feet must be
Examples of the composition of this policy and the type of policies by which
Block E was directly guided are found in Chapter 9 of the comprehensive plan titled
“City Form”. This chapter of the comprehensive plan is devoted exclusively to urban
design policy. The policy is presented in hierarchical manner by first listing a goal or
objective to be met and then suggesting the ways to comply with this goal. Figure 3
gives a good indication to what urban design policy looks like in the Minneapolis
Comprehensive Plan. Notice the formatting considerations and structure as well as the
content and wording of the policy. The extract typifies the approach taken by planners
and government officials in Minneapolis to create urban design policy. The objective
stresses the need for “traditional urban form in commercial areas” and suggests that this
goal may be accomplished through improvement in such areas as: the pedestrian
plan review, and the construction and placement of billboards. The “implementation
steps” assume an encouraging tone in language and content. They suggest standards for
be met. The policy types found in the Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan range from
policies, (which outline a range of factors that applicants should take into account when
44
Figure 3: Extract from The Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan, City Form
Implementation Steps
Identify commercial areas in the city that reflect traditional urban form and
develop appropriate standards and preservation objectives for these areas.
Orient new buildings to the street to foster safe and successful commercial nodes
and corridors.
Expand the scope of site plan review to include most types of commercial
development.
The role of the automobile in areas that maintain traditional urban form is a
complex one. On one hand, most patrons will arrive by car to these centers, and
they must think of the district as accessible and convenient for their travel and
parking needs. However, the appeal of window shopping and sidewalk cafe
hopping is quickly spoiled by an inundation of automobile traffic. Some of the
Activity Center and Neighborhood Commercial Nodes designated In the Plan will
generate interest far beyond their immediate boundaries, and will need to
accommodate significant automobile traffic through the provision of parking
facilities. Responding to the demands of traditional urban form requires design
solutions that prioritize the appeal of the pedestrian environment, emphasize
diversity in form and materials, and promote a distinctive identity for an area.
45
proposal). The objective of policy 9.11 illustrates the use of a motherhood policy, stating
that new development should take the form of “traditional neighborhood form”, which
stresses pedestrian comfort, building scale and massing, and “high quality public spaces”.
Other policy objectives in the plan however favor a “consideration” type policy, citing
specific examples of what builders should consider in their projects. For example,
implementation steps taken from policy 9.16 suggest that “new development in
downtown avoid creating negative impacts at sidewalk level and in public open spaces in
terms of wind, lack of light penetration and other microclimate effects” (City of
Minneapolis 1996). In this case the implementation steps point towards directed goals,
which with the planner and or planning commission will take into consideration when
reviewing the development proposal. Examples of how urban design is used to advocate
for a more livable city through policy abound in chapter nine. Such issues as fit and
steps” suggest that structures should relate to their surroundings and integrate with their
Minneapolis 2010: Continuing the Vision into the 21st Century a component of the City’s
comprehensive plan adopted in 1996. This separate policy document would eventually
constitute the majority of policy used to craft the City’s planning staff recommendations
in its critique of the McCaffery Proposal. I will discuss the policies found within
Minneapolis 2010 and their use in more detail as they relate to policy implementation
46
Block E: Development Objectives and RFP
The roots of the City’s involvement of guiding Block E through urban design
policy can be traced back to policy document created by the Minneapolis Planning
Objectives was one of the first attempts to produce a formalized set of policies directly
aimed at shaping the physical character of Block E. The Development Objectives: for
Block E created by the Minneapolis Planning Department illustrates in depth the vision
and concept of the desired development by the city. This document heavily relies on
urban design based policies to create a picture of the desired development. The
development objectives describe everything from visual excitement and public space to
47
Examples of this policy type can be seen in policy phrasing describing policy
objective 4.2. Although, the policy objective is broad and general seeking to maximize
the “visual excitement of the project”, the policy strengthens this general sentiment with
stringent encouraging and standards type statements. The policy stipulates that the
visible and energize surrounding areas” and requires that “under no circumstances
center with blank walls facing the street” (Minneapolis Pla nning Department 1995). The
policy begins by stating in general terms what type of development is desired, encourages
the developer “to meet specified objectives” and outlines the factors that the developer
Further, policy describing the provis ion of public space is quite detailed and
explicit in its directives. Examples of the type of this direction can be found in the
objective of creating public space. The objective states that “a public space shall be
developed as part of the project to provide a local point for a variety of activities. It is to
be located along the Hennepin Avenue side of the project with a focus at either the corner
of 6th or 7th Streets, and shall be directly accessible and visible from the street and shall
Block E largely came from three sources, the Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan,
Downtown 2010, and Block E: Development Objectives. The policy varied in its degrees
of specificity. Many policies were broad and non-specific clearly illustrating Punter’s
48
“motherhood” policy type, while other policies made specific recommendations by
Policies found within the Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan as well as Downtown 2010
were generally more vague and wide-ranging in tone, while policies found within the
planning department’s Block E: Development Objectives were more detailed and oriented
to the specific site. Overall the language of the urban design policies was clear and
found in both the Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan and Downtown 2010 was lack of
detail and the “encouraging” tone taken. This encouraging tone suggests how the future
environment should take form; justifying these statements by referencing the broad social
needs of the population “for environments that are different and more meaningful”
The policies also serve an educational role through the suggestion of the potential for city
improvement s. For example, policies found within Downtown 2010 state that “even
though downtown’s streets lack the scale and activity often associated with European
cities and many pre-automobile cities of the United States, downtown has the potential to
Development 1996, 14). It is this basic quality of readability and familiarity, which
makes these policies easily digestible for mass consumption. This non-technical aspect
also serves to make rather ambiguous and far-ranging statements with little or no
indication of how to achieve such goals. Thus, the policies found in the Minneapolis
Comprehensive Plan generally fit Reiko Habe’s solution to better policy formation by
providing broad conceptions of design, more public participation in the policy making
49
process, and less attention to minute architectural details. Habe’s answer to effective
policy was clear goals and objectives and the necessary regulation to legally enforce
policy without making policy and guidelines over restrictive or limiting. The policies
found in the Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan and Downtown 2010 accomplished Habe’s
The second major example of policy type found within the Block E: Development
Objectives; were written on the other hand for more specific and direct purposes. The set
of policies within this document were created for technical use to guide development in a
desired manner. For example, policies within the development objectives stipulated that
the development should address pedestrian and street level activities. The policies state
drafted six full years before the construction of the project was the specificity with which
they did dictate the design details of the development. These policies went beyond the
policies of the Comprehensive Plan and Downtown 2010 by doing more than encourage;
the policies in Downtown 2010 dictated the form of the development through the
Thus the general differences in policy type can be distinguished by looking at the
policies used to guide Block E. The differences can simply be highlighted by looking at
the level of detail and specificity with which they advocate for the form of new
development; more general policy was found within the comp rehensive plan and more
specific policy was exemplified in the Development Objectives. The utilization of both
50
types of policy by the planner through enforcement of zoning regulation also showed
The Minneapolis zoning code was the primary vehicle used to guide the Block E
On May 9th , 2000 a staff report was prepared by the project planner for Block E,
three weeks after the completed application was submitted by McCaffrey Interests. The
report represents the efforts of the planner in the use of zoning techniques including the
PUD and CUP to critique, analyze, and make recommendations to the City Planning
Commission after an assessment of the developer’s proposal. The staff report was the
main tool used to advance the position of the City Planning Department during a public
PUD
deviations from the typical development standards required by the Zoning Code. As one
source states, “The intent is to encourage better designed projects than can sometimes be
51
To apply for a PUD in the City of Minneapolis, the developer must submit a
completed application to the Planning Division of the City. The application must include
a development plan consisting of a statement of the proposed land use, a master sign
plan, a site plan, parking areas, vehicular and pedestrian access, open space, drainage,
made with the developer before and after the submittal of the developer’s application. In
the case of Block E, these consultations involved the project planner and the building
application had been submitted, the project planner reviewed the application and referred
the developer’s proposal to various departments (Public Works, Fire, Building, etc.) and
Understanding the application of the code through the use of a PUD and how the
PUD was used as a mechanism to implement urban design is an important key to the
Minneapolis’s planner made significant findings and recommendations through the use of
PUD regulations. The regulatory technique of the PUD requires the project planner to
make findings relating to goals and objectives stated in the zoning code as well as other
applicable policy sources such as the comprehensive plan. These findings ranged from
the location and function of open space to building scale and massing. According to
52
planner making in the making of recommendations (see figure 5); these design related
“considerations” are written in the broadest of terms and offer little precise direction. As
considerations be taken into account in the permitting process offer little direct
prescriptions. What they do however offer is a framework by which policy may become
utilized.
The “considerations” compose the basic structure of the planning staff report.
Each of the considerations is evaluated through the use of policy, thus interpretation of
the code is possible by utilizing the policies found within the comprehensive plan and the
Development Objectives. Since the PUD is primarily a master planning technique and the
wording of the zoning regulation is quite general, much discretion was left to the planner
in the formulation of findings based on policy. Urban design considerations were given
through zoning regulation (see figure 6). In the first example taken directly from the staff
report Byers looks at directive “c” of the PUD regulation, which directs the planner to
evaluate the development in terms of its relation to open space, preservation of the
natural environment, and protection of historic features. In the staff report, Byers makes
in depth and detailed recommendations concerning the ways in which the developer’s
proposal relates to these criteria. Byers’s comments on both the beneficial characteristics
a main public plaza on the northwest corner of the site at 6th Street and First Avenue
53
Figure 5: Required Findings for a PUD Permit Application
Source: Extract from Staff Report, Minneapolis Department of Community Planning and Economic
Development 2000
c. The site amenities of the proposed planned unit development, including the
location and functions of open space and the preservation or restoration of
the natural environment or historic features.
Drawing A-10, Street level Plan calls for an open pub lic space located at the
intersection of North 6th Street and First Avenue North (on the northwest corner
of the site) and a smaller less – defined open public space at the corner of First
Avenue North and North 7th Street. Though the Environmental Assessment
Worksheet completed in 1998 was based on provision of public open space at
54
Hennepin Avenue and North 7th Street, no such space is allocated in this
drawing.
Beneficial characteristics:
• This location of public open space at First and 6th is appropriate for
accommodating large pedestrian volumes at this intersection.
• Direct vertical circulation between ground- level public space and skyway level
circulation space will allow for convenient, visually accessible interchange
between street and skyway level environments in the Downtown Entertainment
District.
• The location for a significant art/water feature is proposed. The sitting of this
feature will help pedestrians along the northern reaches of First Avenue North
to identify and locate the complex.
Detrimental Characteristics
• The public open space at First Avenue north and north 6th Street is currently
the only location where sidewalk cafes are indicated in the project.
• It will be likely in the shadow of the new building on the block for most, if not
all days of the year.
Findings:
• Direct vertical connection between ground – level public space and skyway
level circulation space is in compliance with the City’s Comprehensive Plan
for Downtown (Downtown 2010) as well as the Development Objectives for
Block E.
• The location of public open space at First and 6th as the sole open public space
on this block does not comply with the Site Plan Review Chapter of the Zoning
Code (530.360b) Site context: Shadowing which states, “Buildings shall be
located and arranged to minimize shadowing of public spaces and adjacent
properties.”
• Open space at Hennepin Avenue North 7th Street: The Environmental
Assessment Worksheet was based on the design for a previous redevelopment
proposal which also included public open space at the corner of Hennepin
Avenue and North 7th Street (on the southeast corner of the site). Providing
public open space at the corner of Hennepin Avenue and North 7th Street could
be designed to accommodate the following:
• Alleviate sidewalk congestion
• Maintain the building wall along Hennepin Avenue at the upper floors
of the retail/theater portion of the complex.
• Allowing for sidewalk café’s along North 7th .
55
North and a smaller less – defined open public space at the corner of First Avenue North
space (see Figure 6). Byers cites the many benefits that this arrangement may bring such
as: the adequacy of the space for accommodating large pedestrian volumes, a convenient
and visually accessible vertical circulation link between ground- level public space and
the skyway level, and the sitting of a significant art/water feature that will help
pedestrians identify the complex. Even though the planner wrote in his findings that the
direct vertical connection between the ground – level public space and skyway level
circulation space was “in compliance with the City’s Comprehensive Plan for Downtown
(Downtown 2010) as well as the Development Objectives for Block E” the beneficial
detrimental characteristics indicated that the development proposal would only provide
outdoor seating accommodations at the Sixth Street and First Avenue plaza. This
arrangement however was found to be unattractive because of the likeliness that the plaza
would be covered perpetually in shadow. Byers wrote that this arrangement would
conflict with the Site Plan Review Chapter of the Zoning Code which states that new
utilizing policy. It is also an indication of how policy may be used to inform and guide
decisions regarding regulation. Although, Byers found the arrangement of the plaza on
6th Street North and First Avenue to comply with policies found in the comprehensive
56
arrangement because it conflicted with the conditions of the Site Plan Review zoning
regulation as well as the results of a prior study. This study found that a public plaza on
7th Street and Hennepin could accomplish many of the similar goals as the developer’s
scheme, without being in shadow most of the year. Thus, in this situation we find that
policy and regulation (Site Plan Review) serve to complicate the decision making
environment for the planner seeking to implement urban design. The decision made on
the findings reflects a primary concern for the placement of the plaza in the most
McCaffrey Interests was also required to acquire a Conditional Use Permit as part
PUD is made. Both zoning regulations work together (the PUD and CUP), but address
allows the City to review uses, which because of their unique characteristics are not
permitted in a particular zoning dis trict. Conditional use permits require a number of
findings concerning the overall viability of the development including such factors as the
health and safety of the development as well as adequate access and utility coverage. The
findings relate to the overall viability of the project in meeting the City’s development
expectations. The city planning commission reviews the CUP and holds a public hearing
on applications for conditional use permits. This hearing usually reviews the PUD and
CUP concurrently.
57
The CUP was an important tool in the process of implementing urban design
policy for the Block E project. The CUP was used more than any other zoning regulation
to directly apply urban design policy in the review process. The required findings by the
planner cons isted of six general categories. The findings most salient to the study of
urban design implementation and used most extensively through this regulation stipulated
that the development proposal be consistent with the applicable policies of the
comprehensive plan and Minneapolis Downtown 2010. In this manner urban design
policy was directly applied through the recommendations of the project planner. An
extract of the relevant findings and recommendations from the City Planning Staff Report
displays how this regulation was used (Figure7). The extract conveys important
information on the methodology and techniques used to implement urban design through
the use of zoning regulations and policy. A number of important recommendations are
It should be noted that the policy the planner quotes was taken from Downtown
2010. The planner’s citation of this policy is largely broad and general in nature. The
policies closely approximate a range of Punter’s policy types including Motherhood and
Consideration types. The use of this general policy type allows for a generous
discretion left the planner allowed for recommendations which often contained detailed
and specific directives. Thus in the case of Block E policy was used by the planner to
formulate and validate specific directives. Such policy did not explicitly state a desired
outcome. The influence of the planner in decision making regarding design details is
substantial (see the policy findings for 7 in figure 7). Byers considered a number of
58
Figure 7: Extract from Block E Staff Report, CUP Findings
Physical Settings: Policy 7: Promote building heights and designs that protect
image and form of the downtown skyline, that provide transition to the edges of
downtown and that protect the scale and qualities in area of distinctive physical
or historical character.
According to Downtown 2010, “There is a special affection for parks and plazas
among citizens of Minneapolis. The northern climate makes the time spent
outdoors during warmer months particularly precious . . .”
Because the location of the public open space in The Project is located on the
shades side of the building, the design of this open space is not in compliance
with the policies of Downtown 2010 (nor is it in compliance with the Zoning
Code’s Site Plan Review Chapter).
59
significant design issues concerning the development proposal. The recommendations
included design details such as: the building scale and massing, the functioning and
position of the skyway system, the quality of open space design, the quality of
architectural detailing, fenestration, street level pedestrian environment, and the location
of the main entrance. The planner’s recommendations range from general suggestions
that the developer should reconsider certain issues such as the architectural design
character of building height and massing to fairly specific design criteria such as the
detailed placement of skyways, their housings, and connection to street level pedestrian
circulation.
policy and regulation are most clearly revealed through the planner’s recommendations.
The connection between policy and regulation is unmistakably articulated in the CUP
findings. Again, the issue of open space at the corner of Sixth Street and First Avenue is
raised to better illustrate the differences between the two approaches taken by the PUD
and CUP. According to the planner’s findings concerning Downtown 2010, it is the
City’s desire to create and maintain quality open space. Policy 14 emphasizes good open
space design. The planner’s recommendations simply state that “the public open space
in The Project is located on the shades side of the building; the design of this open space
recommend significant changes to the building structure and design. The planner
suggests that since the design proposal includes open space on a particular space that
60
does not receive much sunlight, the proposal does not comply with policy and as a result
zoning regulation.
It is significant to note that the project planner primarily relies on the policies
found within the comprehensive plan and the Development Objectives in the most direct
application of policy through regulation. The broad and general composition of these
policies does not in this case hinder their effectiveness. They are used consistently and
regularly in the CUP zoning regulations to apply a high level of policy adherence. Since
most of the discretion is left to the planner to compose these findings, it must be
concluded the policies due to their high level of manipulability, may best be utilized by
an experienced and competent planner. This situation necessarily places the onus and
The recommendations also give a clue as to the process of negotiation that has
taken place between the planner and building architect. The planner’s recommendations
in a number of instances indicate the substantial time and effort that has been undertaken
to negotiate specific design related details of the project (see Figure 7). The importance
of the negotiations between the planner and building architect cannot be underestimated
in the final assessment of this process. In the preliminary phases of this project both
before and after the completed development proposal and application for PUD and CUP
permits were submitted significant negotiations between the planner and the building
architect took place. According to Byers these negotiations were “not a committee
process” but rather an informal procedure to clarify the positions of both the City and the
developer (Byers 2004). The negotiations were also used to further refine the
61
development proposal before the actual completed application was submitted. In
preparation Byers constructed what he considered a “tool” for use in the City’s
negotiations with the building architect; a Matrix of Design Considerations (see appendix
#3). This process indicates that the planner had an important influence over design
considerations even before the actual completed application was submitted to the City
development proposal through the city’s permitting process. To briefly review, the
for development, negotiations concerning the proposal take place between city officials
and the developer, and a final application for a permit is made. This permit request is
this request. Both the request for permit and the planning department’s recommendations
portrayal of design review, which encompasses the whole range of measures aimed at
achieving urban design goals including all of the methods used to implement urban
design policies (Shirvani 1981, 12); paints a picture of this process from beginning to
end.
62
According to Shirvani’s definition, the entire development review process itself
could be termed design review. Although Shirvani’s definition may seem like a simple
result when one views this process as “design review” (I take Shirvani’s use of the phrase
“design review” to be synonymous with “urban design review” and use the terms
creation of the staff report, which led to the eventual hearing before the Minneapolis City
Planning Commission, could be described as part of the urban design review process.
Even though this perspective tends to over exaggerate the importance of urban design
throughout this process, the definition does help to clarify the process and place this
process in a workable context. For example, it makes perfect sense to term the
negotiations with the building architect as part of an urban design review of the proposal,
as well as the overall creation of the staff report, which was an in depth and detailed
evaluation of the proposal or urban design review. Shuster’s definition of urban design
review limits Shirvani’s definition by defining this process. Schuster views urban design
from citizen participation groups to city design review boards (Schuster 1990, 3).
characterized by Minneapolis’s city pla nner as an “urban design review” (Byers, 2004),
the evaluation of the development did, however, as has already been shown to represent a
official evaluation process. Both Shirvani’s and Schuster’s definitions of the “urban
design review” process could be applied to define the procedure used in Minneapolis.
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The planning department received the developer’s development proposal, subsequently
and finally the Minneapolis Planning Commission itself held its final review on the
development submission. The fact that the planner who worked on Block E did not
interview; the city planner could not or did not clearly articulate the ways in which urban
design had an impact in the development process when questioned. Instead, Byers
described the application of urban design policy and its subsequent review in his own
staff report and the city planning commission as being something difficult to define and
design related procedures in the development process for Block E plainly illustrate the
implementing urban design. These comments reinforce and confirm the conclusions
already discussed on the difficulty of describing the ways in which urban design is
implemented by government officials (Schuster 1990; Punter & Carmona 1997; Varkki
the Block E development proposal is not necessary to ascertaining how the evaluation
constituted a tool for the urban designer. This hearing before the planning commission
represents the culmination of efforts aimed at guiding the development proposal by the
city and the final efforts of the urban designer to craft a favorable decision making
environment for the application of urban design. During the public hearing the
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Minneapolis Planning first reviewed the development submission by McCaffery Interests
for zoning permits, and then reviewed the project planner’s recommendations concerning
the developer’s application for zoning permits. The developer with his team of architects
and lawyers then had a chance to debate the merits and demerits of the planning
Commission and various other city officials (e.g. city counsel, public works, etc.).
Although, the review of the development proposal by the planning commission does
represent a significant tool for the urban designer, it is the staff report and the planner’s
own participation and testimony in the hearings themselves which makes this tool a
significant aspect of what Varkki termed the “decision environment” of the urban
designer. During the hearing Byers advocated for the findings contained within the staff
report, given the length of the staff report and the urgency with which a preliminary
the application pending compliance with many of the planner’s recommendations and
findings concerning the proposal. The result was inconclusive, but somewhat typical of
this process. The hearing did offer, however, a chance to air many of the concerns by the
planner before the commission and the public at large. Along with citizen comments
from the public at large, the planner’s recommendations constituted the primary means of
implementing urban design and advocacy for the “public good”. Thus, the creation of the
decision making environment, which Varkki wrote of as being the main concern of
urban designers working as public sector planners, has been clearly identified with the
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Summary of Findings
In summary, the findings thus far discussed on the Block E case study in
Minneapolis, MN have provided a good description of the techniques and tools used by
planners to implement urban design in current practice. This summary of the findings is
meant to be brief overview or synopsis of urban design tools used in guiding the Block E
development. The purpose is to highlight the “decision environment”, which the urban
designer created as a planner to effectuate the goals and objectives of urban design. The
effort to focus on the tools of urban design implementation in the case of Block E in
Minneapolis represents like Wolfe’s and Shinn’s earlier report an attempt to extract urban
Minneapolis.
The first urban design tool examined was urban design policy. Policy documents
well as Downtown 2010: Continuing the Vision into the 21st Century clearly show the
extent to which Minneapolis is committed to urban design policy. Byers used a mixture
of policy types and sources from all three sources with varying degrees of incidence to
guide development. The policies could in a large part be grouped together by the level of
specificity with which they sought to shape the environment. Policy found within the
to the comprehensive plan) was found to be broad and general in nature closely
used in the 1996 Planning Department’s Block E: Development Objectives on the other
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“standards/criteria” policy type. It is important to note that the motherhood policy types
were used far more extensively than the more restrictive policy type phraseology,
supporting Habe’s claim concerning well crafted policies. Reasons for the usage of the
more general policy type over another may simply boil down to the amount of discretion
the second tool of urban design. Byers relied predominantly on two zoning code
regulations to enforce policy the Planned Unit Development and the Conditional Use
Permit. The PUD and the CUP were both shown to be effective mechanisms for
articulating policies contained within the three policy documents. The PUD was distinct
and differed from the CUP in its method of analysis. Since the PUD required the
developer to development plans consisting of a master sign plan, a site plan, parking
areas, vehicular and pedestrian access, open space, drainage, sewerage, fire protection,
facilities and services; the application for this permit constituted a majority of the
materials from which the project planner would base negotiations with the developer and
his final recommendations to the planning commission. The PUD also stipulated the
project planner make a series of findings. These findings such as those discussed in
relation to directive “c”, directed the planner to evaluate the development in terms of its
relation to open space, preservation of the natural environment, and protection of historic
features. Using this incredibly broad and open ended directive as a beginning point, the
space related to policies found in both the Comprehensive Plan as well as the
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Development Objectives. Highlighting the complexity of making such recommendations
was the fact that the proposed plaza would be covered in shadow for most of the time,
placing it in conflict with site plan review zoning regulations. The application for PUD
allowed the planner to carefully review the development proposal with a generous
amount of discretion.
The CUP findings on the other hand were more explicitly tied to policy.
Directive 5 of the CUP permit requires that the planner make findings concerning the
plan. As has been discussed above, Byers used policies to recommend significant
changes to design related details such as: the building scale and massing, the functioning
and position of the skyway system. The CUP findings also address the provision of
public space proposed in the development proposal. In this instance, the planner used
specific policy phrasing drawn from Downtown 2010 “Emphasize good open space
design” to argue against the positio n of the space. Although the policy statement is
incredibly broad and vague and could arguably be applied in any situation, this example
clearly shows how zoning regulation is used to enforce policy. The focus on the
provision of a public plaza at the corner of Sixth Street and First Avenue also addresses
the differences in regulatory techniques between the PUD and CUP. The PUD assumes
that the analysis of a set of broadly worded directives and goals such as directive “c” will
yield policy considerations. The CUP on the other hand begins with policy and directs
the planner to consult policy in making findings. Since an application for PUD permit
requires the supplemental application for CUP permit, the regulations presented represent
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The third urban design tool to be examined was urban design review. This
discussion sheds light on a complicated process by redefining the activities of the planner
and planning commission through Shirvani’s and Shuster’s definition of urban design
design in the development process reflected bemusement, urban design has been shown
to be a strong and consistent consideration. This confusion concerning the role of urban
design does not necessarily mean that the Minneapolis planner undervalued the
importance of urban design. Quite the contrary the planner’s vociferous advocacy of
urban design principles throughout the process from early negotiations to the planning
commission hearing demonstrates his commitment to urban design. The confusion serves
Evidence of this confusion is most clearly represented by the fact that the City of
Minneapolis utilized a form of urban design review to evaluate the development proposal
Department does not characterize this process as an “urban design review” it has been
shown to clearly exhibit the major characteristics many writers would ascribe to this
process. The review of the McCaffrey development proposal involved the City Planning
Commission, “a citizen committee” as well as the general public. The City Planning
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which encompasses the whole range of measures aimed at achieving urban design goals
offers an excellent perspective by refocus ing attention on the integral aspects of urban
design in the development review process. This view does not waver in the level of
importance ascribed to them throughout the process. Although, it is certainly evident that
not all of the recommendations made by the planner can be ascribed to urban design
related concepts or ideas, it has been shown that many do directly relate to urban design
principles.
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CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS
Conclusions
The tools used in implementing urban design in the Block E development were in
many respects difficult to discern without extensive study. Urban design tools and the
techniques of their implementation were lost in a sea of technical jargon, which rarely
referenced urban design as a specific goal. Similar to Wolfe’s and Shinn’s earlier study,
it was necessary to extract the urban design from this process. The fragmentary nature of
implementation including the various policy documents and types, regulations, and
actual “product” of urban design, was almost ignored by the planner when questioned as
to how urban design became implemented. This system primarily relying on the city
planner to gather and organize a multitude of policy and zoning regulations into a
workable format, in preparation for the City Planning Commission hearing, produced a
fragmentary system of urban design application. Instead of a clear and well articulated
“decision environment” for the application of urban design, the result was a confusing
In spite of this confusion, this study provides the reader with a means to untangle
this knot through an increased understanding of the tools available to urban design and
71
how they are used. Through the exploration in detail of the different types, content, and
application of urban design tools, a “procedural explanation” of urban design was made,
adding to the understanding of the role of urban design in professional practice. Thus,
the answer to the main research question posed at the beginning of this thesis: how urban
process has been addressed through the findings of the Minneapolis Case study.
The findings from the case study reflect a conscious effort by planning officials to
apply urban design as part of the planning process. The success of the efforts to integrate
urban design with planning have produced a process which does recognize the
contributions of urban design, but fails to articulate how urban design is to be recognized
as a significant element within this process. Practitioners such as the planner with Block
E (Byers) assume that urban design has become so intermingled with the practice of
practice (supposedly those who know and espouse urban design principles the best), do
so in a way that that dilutes the full force and potential of these ideas, the result is
significant. This lack of separation is arguably one of the main culprits in the fa ilure of
urban design to rise above the confusion and argument concerning its identity,
professional role, and ability to establish its own history of practice. This lack of
separation can also be seen to hinder the advancement of academic literature examining
exclusively the role of urban design in shaping the environment. Therefore, this thesis
identifies the lack of separation of urban design in the planning process from other more
traditional land use planning techniques as a one source of confusion regarding the
practice of urban design. The other source concerns the role of academic writing, which
72
in many respects neglects the examination of professional practice and fails to clearly
define the practice and function of urban design for students and practitioners. Although,
the literature published covers extensive areas such as urban design policy and urban
Thus, the continuing confusion regarding urban design in the planning process
can partially be alleviated by focusing efforts on identifying clearly the role of urban
As Wolfe and Shinn advocated thirty years ago, the wording and phraseology of
urban design should be articulated from the outset. Such changes in the approach taken
Shirvani’s definition of design review. This perspective would add to the level of clarity
of urban design elements within the process and identify those elements most in need of a
more thorough exp lanation. Although urban design principles are well established
throughout the development review process, the separation of policy from the regulatory
articulating clear and understandable urban design goals. A more cohesive policy and
regulatory framework may increase the simplicity and ease with which urban design
In terms of academic research, the first glimpse of academic enquiry into this
subject over thirty years ago by Wolfe and Shinn gives us a clue as to how far the
practice of urban design has come. Even though writers are still bewildered as to the
73
description of urban design in professional practice, the advancement of urban design
within the planning process has been significant. The Minneapolis Comprehensive Plan
serves as testament to this; now there are whole chapters of plans devoted to the
advocacy of urban design. No longer is it necessary to try and distill urban design
principles from a land use plan. Thus, for academics it must be acknowledged that urban
design has been firmly ensconced within the planning process. What is needed then is a
more carefully crafted approach for the study of urban design within planning practice.
A procedural explanation of this process would aid in the problems with defining the role
of urban design and illustration of the methodology of the professional urban designer.
explanation” of urban design based on the tools, techniques, and practice of urban design,
does an excellent job of clarifying questions concerning the professional role of the urban
designer, the practice of urban design, and the ambiguous nature of urban design itself.
The definition is extremely helpful in the description and analysis of urban design in
terms which not only academics utilize, but practitioners as well. This definition shifts
the focus of urban design onto practice in an attempt to better understand and improve a
specific professional agenda for urban design. A procedural definition works well to lay
the groundwork for further research and education in professional field of urban design.
Although such a definition leaves out the “typical” definition of urban design, which
advocates a physical product (in Varkki’s case the decision environment), it does
however, lead to a cleaner and sharper definition of the ways in which urban designers
operate; as distinct from planners and architects. I believe then that Varkki’s definition is
74
the most useful for a detailed analysis of urban design for future studies, whether they are
professional or academic.
Thus I would disagree with Dagenhart and Sawiki’s claim that the study of urban
design in academia is dead. The authors state their concerns with the ability of urban
Counteracting this claim are Varkki’s definition of urban design as well as Jon Punter’s
significant contribution (also see Carmona 2001). Punter gives an indication as to the
future of urban design literature. The author has written extensively on the composition,
use, and effectiveness of policy. By isolating one component of the urban designer’s tool
box, Punter provided a structured examination of urban design policy, which can be
evaluated in both qualitative and quantitative terms. In a number of works Punter has
evaluated the effectiveness and quality of urban design policy using a well structured
analytical framework (Punter 1997; 1999). Thus through his work Punter continues this
concerning the practice of urban design, but the issue remains unresolved, as evidenced
aspects of urban design will only help to strengthen the professional goals of planners and
architects already practicing in the field and offer a standard from which urban designers
may begin to work. Also, research detailing the procedural aspects of urban design is
75
necessary to the educational enrichment of those students desiring to enter the field.
Urban design as a specific pursuit must do more to clearly express the methods and
techniques of implementation, rather than focus so highly on urban design goals and
products.
The impacts of the study are numerous. A greater understanding of the literature
and its limitations, on how it may be used to explain urban design and the implementation
of urban design was gained. The tools of urban design were examined in detail and how
these tools were utilized in practice was discussed relative to a case study. The ways in
which urban design policy, regulation, and review were utilized in the Minneapolis case
study adds to the overall understanding of the implementation techniques of urban design
academics may use this analysis to further study the effectiveness of urban design
implementation techniques, make comparisons with other localities, or use the study as a
76
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APPENDICES
Source: Minneapolis Lifestyle Center,; Antunovich Associates, and McCaffery Interests, 2000.
81
Appendix #2: Building Site Plan
Source: Minneapolis Lifestyle Center; Antunovich Associates, and McCaffery Interests, 2000.
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Appendix #3: Design Matrix
Source: Staff Report, Minneapolis Department of Community Planning and Economic Development 2000.
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