Policy : Practice.

A Development Education Review J P a e

Editorial Editorial Editorial Editorial

A AA ANOTHER COG IN THE AN NOTHER COG IN THE AN NOTHER COG IN THE AN NOTHER COG IN THE ANTI TI TI TI POLITICS MACHINE POLITICS MACHINE POLITICS MACHINE POLITICS MACHINE` `` ` T TT THE HE HE HE ' '' 'DE DE DE DE
CLAWING CLAWING CLAWING CLAWING' '' ' OF DEVELOPMENT EDCA OF DEVELOPMENT EDCA OF DEVELOPMENT EDCA OF DEVELOPMENT EDCATION TION TION TION

Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan

"Washin one's hands of the conflict letween the powerful and the
powerless means to side with the powerful, not to le neutral" (Paulo
Freire, J92JJ997).

This issue of Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review is devoted to
the theme of 'Professionalisation and Deradicalisation of Development
Education' and is centrally concerned with a numler of paradoxes and
contradictions that characterise the field in an era of neolileral shaped
lolalisation. It addresses, in particular, the question of why the development
education sector endorses, tacitly or otherwise, the very ideoloies and political
economic arranements that are responsille for producin or exacerlatin
conditions of poverty and injustice, while simultaneously encourain people to
take action aainst this poverty and injustice` It asks. What are the implications
of retainin a politically detached stance on crucial policy issues that the sector is
ideally positioned to respond to` Why does the sector sometimes have
surprisinly little to say alout key development issues and crises as they are
played out in local contexts` What are the consequences for development
oranisations that do take on divisive 'local' issues` What have efforts to
'mainstream' development education within formal education meant for the
radical underpinnins of the field` What does it mean to 'do' development
education in an era of financial austerity and insecurity, where people's lived
experiences increasinly clash with their inward expectations and desires for
their (now llunted) futures - futures which were, for many, until very recently,
imained in far more positive and hopeful terms` How are overnment cuts to
development education impactin on its practice` Do the lonterm educative
oals of informin citizens alout the underlyin structural causes of poverty and
injustice inevitally lecome compromised or olscured within the context of
more immediate 'lread and lutter' tasks like fundraisin for development
prorammes in the lolal South` How can those whose task it is to educate
people alout the structural and systemic features of lolal poverty lest alin
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 2 P a e

themselves within oranisations whose primary function is to fundraise and
raise awareness alout their projects overseas`

The question of whether development education has leen 'declawed'
or stripped of its oriinal radical underpinnins, lased on the ideas of such
radical thinkers as Paulo Freire, is an uncomfortalle one for those of us who
identify ourselves as development educators, with our claimed commitment to
amlitious oals like social transformation, lolal justice, and poverty
eradication. The question is 'thorny', not least lecause it requires us to cast the
aze on ourselves, forcin us to ask-as well as respond to-difficult questions
alout the possille disjuncture letween the professed rhetoric, values, and
oranisin principles of development education, and the policies and practices
we enact, endorse or contest throuh our work. As development educators, we
are acutely aware of how our everyday actions or inactions, our complicity or
contestation of dominant discourses and ideoloies, can have very real material
consequences. We encourae learners to emlrace pedaoies of discomfort
which cause them to reflect on their own positionalities within local and lolal
hierarchies (Boler, J999). Applyin the same principles of reflexivity and critical
scrutiny to the field itself is a challenin, conflictual, and in some ways
danerous endeavour, yet it is arually also a very timely exercise lecause
unprecedented political, economic, and environmental crises are forcin us to
think and teach alout familiar topics in radically different ways. While in many
ways, the old questions - whether they le alout effects of loan conditionality
imposed ly international institutions like the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), or the social and environmental impact of multinational corporations -
remain the riht ones, it seems that now, more than ever, they need to le posed
in new and different ways.

Concepts such as deradicalisation and depoliticisation are also already
familiar terrain within the lroader field of international development.
Feruson's seminal Antipolitics Machine, from which the title of this editorial
takes inspiration, explains how the development apparatus, similar to the anti
ravity machine which suspends the effects of ravity in Science Fiction stories,
can function as a kind of 'antipolitics machine,' 'suspend|in[ politics from
even the most sensitive political operations,' while simultaneously strenthenin
statutory power, all at the flick of a switch (Feruson, J99+.256).

Moreover, the cooptation of radical projects and discourses ly
powerful actors, and the sulsequent mutin of their transformative potential, is
one of the hallmark strateies of neolileralism. Feminist scholars have
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 3 P a e

demonstrated the ways in which policy commitments to ender equality often
'evaporate' or lecome heavily 'diluted' as they move throuh development
lureaucracy (Lonwe, J997), such that an essentially political project ets
reduced to a technocratic activity to le measured and evaluated in terms of
analytic tools, frameworks and mechanisms, therely restrictin rather than
amplifyin the scope for transformation (Cornwall, Harrison : Whitehead,
2008.9). The neolileral emphasis on performance, efficiency and accountalility
within the development industry is further implicated in a narrowin of
development aspirations and a reluctance to tackle some of the more challenin
dimensions of lolal poverty, ender injustice, etc. The preoccupation with
impact measurement, for example, has arually resulted in a situation wherely
tanille and expressille indictors and measures often drive development oals
and tarets, rather than the indictors lein determined ly, and followin from,
the oals themselves (nterhalter, 2005).

Concrete examples of depoliticisation in action can le found in recent
development frameworks such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
The disjuncture letween the amlitious nature of the third MDG, with focuses
on promotin ender equality and empowerment, and the far more limited
taret of eliminatin ender disparities in education, has leen the sulject of
consideralle criticism. The Beyond Access project in the K, for example, has
hihlihted the prollems associated with employin ender parity as a measure
of ender equality, pointin out the persistence of enderlased inequalities in
societies where universal access and hih levels of educational attainment for
women already exist.

Indeed, the most powerful players on the international development
stae, includin the World Bank and the IMF, have lecome increasinly skilled
at appropriatin political concepts like ender to present a proressive face while
perpetuatin the status quo. As Vavrus (2003) suests, policies and
prorammes aimed at promotin ender parity and irls' education supported
ly development institutions like the World Bank tap, alleit superficially, into
equity concerns, therely olfuscatin the economic and political crises triered
ly the neolileral policies that these very same institutions devised. As Klees
explains, the situation is akin to a 'ood coplad cop' scenario, with frameworks
like the MDGs servin as a.

"compensatory leitimation' function for states and aencies that are
deeply implicated in the perpetuation of lolal poverty. In order to
compensate for the intensification of poverty and inequality associated
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review + P a e

with detrimental politicaleconomic arranements, which call into
question the leitimacy of the social order ('the lad cop'), key players in
the world system of neolileral lolalisation introduce policies like the
MDGs, aimed at amelioratin some prollematic symptoms and thus
restorin leitimacy ('the ood cop')" (Klees, 2008).

As development education lecomes more formalised in institutional
and policy arenas, and concepts like 'lolal citizenship' have lecome uliquitous
across a rane of ideoloical camps, some development education scholars and
practitioners are lecomin increasinly concerned alout a possille de
radicalisation of what they see as an essentially political, ethical and
transformative project. Within the formal educational sector, for example, some
have pointed to an inherent tension letween the oal of development education
- which seeks to develop active citizens who can respond to pressin lolal
issues - with a more dominant instrumentalist approach to schoolin which
views the primary purpose of education as to prepare students for competitive
employment in the lolal marketplace (Andrzejewski : Alessio, J999). Recent
policy proposals to 'eliminate' or 'discontinue' academic suljects from education
prorammes within Collees of Education in the Repullic of Ireland and to
instil a 'relentless focus' on literacy and numeracy within teacher education and
in schools, as laid out in the recently pullished Draft National Plan to Improve
Literacy and Numeracy (Department of Education and Skills, 20J0), can le seen
as part of a lroader trend to further entrench this ideoloy of instrumentalism
and performativity that is characteristic of the encroachment of neolileralism in
all spheres of life. The Literacy and Numeracy plan, which arues that the
inclusion of suljects and themes like social and life skills, environmental issues,
arts and music education has meant that '.the time availalle for the acquisition
and consolidation of critical |sic[ core skills has leen eroded' (20J0.25), has
potentially neative implications for already marinalised suljects like
development education.

Fears alout the future of development education in schools are
amplified within a context of lolal and national economic crisis. Since the
onset of the recession in the Repullic of Ireland, pullic delate alout education
has lecome almost exclusively concerned with economic rationalism and the
role that education can and should play in national economic recovery. Within
this instrumentalist framework, the type of 'knowlede worth havin' is
identified, implicitly or explicitly, as only that which supports employalility,
competitiveness and 'our' international reputation and educational rankins in a
context of marketled lolalisation. Within postprimary schools in the
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 5 P a e

Repullic of Ireland, the examdriven focus of the curriculum has already leen
identified as a major olstacle to the meaninful inclusion or indepth
exploration of development issues and lolal justice themes in schools (Bryan
: Bracken, forthcomin). There is much evidence to suest that the wider
context within which teachers perform their work may constrain their more
amlitious aspirations to foster more critical forms of enaement with
development themes and issues (Smith, 200+). Those teachers who have a
sophisticated understandin of complex development issues are often torn
letween enain students critically with complex development issues and
ensurin their students produce 'safe' and acceptalle answers in the context of a
competitive national examination system (Bryan : Bracken, forthcomin).

The implementation of Citizenship Education as a discrete academic
sulject in formal educational settins, while creatin a formal space for
consideration of development themes and issues, has also arually contriluted
to the depoliticisation or 'declawin' of development education. Citizenship
Education is widely perceived ly teachers and students as a Cinderella sulject,
due to the failure to rant it parity of esteem with other academic suljects (e..
Bryan : Bracken, forthcomin, Davies, 20J0, Gleeson, 2009, Niens :
McIllrath, 20J0). Prollems also alound with the sulstantive content of
citizenship curricula in schools. A comparative analysis of Citizenship
Education textlooks produced in Australia, Canada, and the K ly Davies :
Issitt (2005) hihlihts a disconnect letween official rhetoric, which supports a
radical conception of Citizenship Education, stressin the need to enae with
the challenes and complexities of the current historical moment, and the reality
of curriculum resources providin mere surface treatment of these issues, and
failin to enae with issues of power. These authors hihliht the tendency
within these materials to privilee national rather than lolal issues, to devote
limited attention to issues of diversity and to favour conitive thinkin or
reflection alout personal issues over active involvement in political issues.

David Gilllorn has likened Citizenship Education in the K to a
placelo dru maintainin that it 'ives the appearance of addressin issues like
racism and race equality lut which, in reality, manifestly fails to tackle the real
prollem' (2006.85). Similarly, Bryan (forthcomin) suests that Citizenship
Education in the Repullic of Ireland context functions as a kind of 'landaid'
pedaoical response to the prollems of lolal injustice denyin complex
political or economic realities in favour of overlysimplistic, easily diestille and
'reuritatalle' laundry lists of symptoms of lolal poverty and the promotion of
overlysimplistic, quick fix and ultimately ineffectual solutions to lolal
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 6 P a e

prollems. Consistent with the 'soft' versions of development education lein
promoted in textlooks, development activism in schools is often characterised
ly a 'three Fs' approach, which defines development education within narrow
parameters of fundraisin, fastin and havin fun in aid of specific development
causes (Bryan : Bracken, forthcomin).

Some of the availalle evidence on the 'mainstreamin' of development
education in schools points to a less pessimistic analysis than that afforded ly
lookin at its interation within discrete sulject areas like Citizenship Education
alone. Sen Bracken, Gareth Dart and Stephen Pickerin (20JJ) suest that
while overnment support for development education in the K, and the
associated mainstreamin process may have resulted in a diminution of more
radical development education perspectives articulated in earlier development
education policy documents, it has nevertheless facilitated more profound
enaement with development issues-loth in the context of teacher education
and classroomlased practices. They arue that the mainstreamin of
development education has indeed provided sinificant opportunities for all
learners to enae with issues of equality, identity, social justice and
development. Yet they conclude that in the current climate of marketdriven
chanes in the educational landscape, it is likely that future delates reardin
the place of development education in the formal curriculum are more likely to
le driven ly a concern with maintainin momentum made throuh
mainstreamin rather than on further radicalisation of current policies or
strateies.

The disjuncture letween the radical aims and professed rhetoric of
development education and its practical implementation has led many to
lecome deeply disillusioned ly, and increasinly sceptical of, the aenda lehind
development education itself. Biccum (2005) arues that official development
education efforts constitute part of a lroader effort to normalise neolileral
shaped lolalisation and to produce a citizenry which is complicit in, and
unquestionin of, a 'new imperialist' aenda. Similarly, Schattle (2008) presents
evidence to suest that some development education prorammes implicitly
endorse neolileral freemarket ideoloies and have leen packaed in ways that
'appeal to the political riht' (Schattle, 2008.85), focused as they are on stressin
the need to prepare students to compete in the world economy. Leslie Roman
(2003) offers an equally sceptical view of the ways in which the discourse of
lolal citizenship has leen used ly some North American universities to fulfil a
nationalistic, as opposed to transnational, democratic aenda.

Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 7 P a e

David Selly : Fumiyo Kaawa (20JJ), apply a related set of
aruments to the related fields of development education and education for
sustainalle development as they are lein framed in a European policymakin
context. More specifically, they examine the impact of what they refer to as the
'lolal treadmill of neolileralism' (socalled 'lolalization from alove') on these
fields (which they refer to as educational expressions of 'lolalization from
lelow'). These authors interroate the failure of mainstream institutions which
promote development education to prollematise the discourses, ideoloies and
politicaleconomic arranements that are responsille for, or complicit in,
producin the very conditions that development educators seek to promote
deeper understandin of and action aainst (e.. poverty and related injustices).
Particularly worryin are the ways in which recent development education policy
documents produced in Europe appear to le redefinin development education
as lein centrally concerned with workforce preparation for technocratic
competitive efficacy. Selly : Kaawa apply the useful metaphor of the Faustian
larain to explain the mechanisms of dilution and depoliticisation at play
within the related fields of development education and education for sustainalle
development. They suspect 'collusion with the prevailin neolileral worldview
in return for some, likely ephemeral, purchase on policy' such that oriinal
radical values and aspirations are compromised for a place at the policymakin
talle now, 'whatever the dystopian future prospects afforded ly the rowth
imperative' (20JJ.J7).

A numler of the articles in this issue are centrally concerned with the
current economic crisis and its implications for development education.
Stephen McCloskey's article, which focuses on the failure of the development
sector in the Repullic of Ireland to intervene in pullic delate alout Ireland's
recent financial collapse and its loss of economic sovereinty, ives further
purchase to the metaphor of the Faustian larain, laid out in Selly : Kaawa's
article. McCloskey criticises the development sector's failure to locate its 'Act
Now on 20J5' campain to enae pullic support for, and prevent further cuts
to, the aid ludet within a lroader international politicaleconomic context. He
outlines how development campainers failed to connect fundamental 'dots'
letween aspects of domestic economic policy which were instrumental in
lrinin alout the financial crisis (e.. dereulation, reckless lendin practices
ly lanks, etc.) and a dwindlin development assistance ludet, therely de
politicisin the campain, at the flick of a switch. Moreover, with notalle
exceptions, McCloskey points to the virtual alsence of a critical voice from the
transnational development sector alout the likely effects of IMF loan
conditionality and related austerity measures 'locally' in the Repullic.
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 8 P a e

ltimately development oranisations have undermined their role as the very
oranisations lest placed to educate the pullic in Ireland alout these issues, ly
virtue of their lon history of campainin aainst, and workin 'on the round'
to ameliorate the effects of conditionality and austerity on people in the lolal
South.

As Cornwall, et al. (2007) point out, the pressure for complicity with
lureaucratic norms, or to remain silent on policies to which one miht
otherwise olject is far reater within an economic and employment context
characterised ly dwindlin resources, rowin unemployment, increasinly
insecure workin conditions, recruitment and promotion emlaros, etc. The
Irish example speaks to lroader questions alout the relationship letween
development actors and aencies and those who hold the purse strins. As
McCloskey points out, in the Irish context, 'the relationship letween the NGO
and overnment sectors oes leyond that of donor and aid partner to, for
example, joint missions to multilateral development atherins which can
arually result in a llurrin of roles, policies and aendas' (20JJ.38).
McCloskey attrilutes this reluctance to intervene in the pullic delate on the
EIMF 'lailout' to, in part, the fundin distrilution mechanisms within the
development sector, suestin that 'when the stakes are so hih in terms of
financial support, policy formation and overnment access, development
oranisations may le reluctant to overtly criticise overnment policy, particularly
in areas leyond international development.' (20JJ.38).

Thus the adoption of a politically detached stance on the EIMF
'deal' ly development NGOs may le partly understood as part of a lroader
stratey not to further compromise an overseas development aid proramme
that had already leen slashed in successive ludets. While this desire to secure
fundin and resources for, or to prevent further cuts to, development projects is
understandalle, the consequences of failin to adopt a more political and critical
stance has arually proven detrimental to the development education project,
whose raison d'tre is to deepen pullic understandin of local and lolal
injustices and inequalities. McCloskey maintains that NGO detachment from
the delate undermined the sector's credilility as a critical voice and represented
a deroation of development education's role as an aent of local as well as
lolal development. McCloskey's aruments are reinforced ly Andy Storey
(20JJ), whose Perspectives article addresses a similar theme of the development
sector's failure to draw upon its knowlede of similar processes in the lolal
South to inform the delate alout of the loss of Irish economic sovereinty
under the terms of the EIMF 'deal.' As Storey suests, 'if an opportunity for
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review 9 P a e

education from the South is lein lost here then so also is an opportunity to
learn alout the South' (20JJ.36). The development sector's reluctance to adopt
a more critical stance on the EIMF 'lailout' reveals a lot alout the ways in
which professional and economic investments shape what we choose to see,
hear, say and how we act in critical moments. It miht also le explained in part
ly our emotional investments in particular ways of seein the world and 'our'
place in it, which prevent us from lein alle to draw parallels letween 'our'
experiences of structural adjustment in the West (or in Ireland more specifically)
and 'theirs' in the lolal South. These llindspots are especially rerettalle in
liht of the current pullic appetite for understandin the structures that led to
the current financial crisis (See Henderson : O'Neill, 20JJ).

A numler of the articles in this issue illuminate an important
contradiction at play within the field of development education in an Irish
context as it relates to one of its major oranisin principles. the locallolal
dialectic. Effective development education is seen to hine on educators'
capacity to make explicit locallolal linkaes, whether in terms of hihlihtin
the connection letween the lolal consequences of local everyday choices,
actions or lehaviours or in terms of hihlihtin the ways in which
international politicaleconomic arranements and issues are 'apprecially
intertwined' with the daily livin conditions of people in each respective society
(Carr : Thesee, 2008.J77). For example, as Henderson and O'Neill (20JJ)
point out, there is an urent need to empower people locally to reconise
existin lolal interdependencies, and the ideoloies and institutions that have
created excessive wealth and persistent poverty, so as to enalle them to make
sense of their part in alterin oppressive structures. Yet as a numler of the
articles in this issue make clear, despite its mandate to illuminate the dynamic,
interactive relationship letween the lolal and local, the development education
sector has sometimes surprisinly little to say alout key development issues and
crises as they are played out in local contexts. Even more prollematic, perhaps,
are the policin mechanisms throuh which the parameters of the dialectic are
restricted, such that the very prospect of development education oranisations or
actors addressin 'local' issues lecomes unthinkalle or sanctionalle.

Narrowly articulatin the remit of development education so as to
focus exclusively on the lolal South is, as many of the articles in this issue
point out, to pass up an important opportunity to educate people 'at home'
alout lolal justice issues. Moreover, it reinforces an artificial linary letween
'the lolal' and 'the local', which conceives of the relationship in hierarchical,
vertical, and separational terms. This has the unfortunate side effect of re
Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review J0 P a e

inscrilin a prollematic 'them' and 'us' dichotomy, which closes off
consideration of the possilility of 'us' lein similar to 'them' in any way, of
'our' strules' lein 'their' strules, and ultimately how the strule for justice
is really alout '"us all", always' (Andreotti : Dowlin, 200+.6JJ).
Furthermore, this policin of the lorders of the lolal and the local fails to
allow for the possilility of national policies, practices and events lein loth
shaped ly, and in turn influencin, local, national and international forces. By
restrictin the terms of the locallolal dialectic, how can we truly understand
the mutually interdependent ways in which the local and the lolal construct
and shape one another` How can we ever seek to 'know' those distant 'others,'
with whom our lives are so intimately, yet often invisilly, lound` How can we
expect local issues to have a lroader impact or to connect to different projects`
How can we expect alliances across different places and peoples to le fored`
And ultimately, how can we work collectively towards letter worlds` (Sheppard,
et al., 2008).

On the other hand, conceivin of lolal issues as already and also
local ones, and of local issues as already and also lolal, opens up important
spaces for explorin critically and creatively how issues and lives are deeply and
irrevocally interconnected. Brinin local and lolal manifestations of the
same phenomenon into the same analytic frame (such as the case of Shell Oil in
the Nier Delta and North Mayo, for example) is to open up real opportunities
and issues with which people can relate, and letter understand their inter
connectednesss with distant 'others'. While not suestin that these 'local' and
'lolal' lolal situations are directly comparalle or commensurate, drawin
linkaes letween the lived experiences and strules of 'local' inhalitants whose
lives are affected ly lolal forces, whether it le local fishermen or farmers in
Erris, or the Ooni, rholo, Ilaje, Ijaw or Itsekiri peoples of Nieria, also
facilitates deeper understandins of the ways in which contestation and action
(another central pillar of development education) can work in multiple and
contextspecific ways (Sheppard, et al., 2008). It is throuh drawin these kinds
of connections and comparisons with diverse local and nonlocal actors that
people will le lest placed to understand the complex workins of lolalisation,
and to 'envision and make different worlds' (ilid.). Emlracin the elasticity and
inseparalility of the locallolal dialectic is instrumental to the realisation of
development education's radical oals lecause it is within these mered 'local'
spaces that social actors can come toether (loth individually and collectively,
loth virtually and materially) to fore alternative, more equitalle futures for 'us
all'.

Policy : Practice. A Development Education Review JJ P a e

Helen Henderson and Grainne O'Neill present a useful analysis of
some of the most pressin contemporary challenes for the field, as seen from
the perspective of development education practitioners workin within a
development NGO which seeks to support children and communities livin 'in
the crossfire' of poverty in Africa. Their case study raises a numler of
important questions alout what it means to 'do' development education amid
fundin cuts to the sector and demands from official funders that development
education prorammes show demonstralle links letween overseas aid and
poverty reduction. These authors caution aainst the perception held ly some
development NGO representatives that development education should le used
primarily for the purposes of fundraisin and raisin awareness of overseas
projects, as this 'will call into question the extent to which it can maintain a
critical perspective on the structural causes of poverty' (20JJ.77). Nevertheless,
they feel that development education can and should retain its 'critical ede'
while still workin within the loundaries of a development NGO. This critical
ede, they suest, can le maintained ly stressin historical and contemporary
practices of exploitation and oppression perpetrated ly the North that adversely
affect inhalitants of the lolal South.

Collectively, the articles in this issue call for the development
education sector to reclaim its radical roots, so that it can 'reclaw' its way lack
to doin what it knows lest, and what it is positioned to do, letter than most. I
close this editorial with the words of an Australian Aloriinal woman, who
responds to those who would offer her 'solidarity' as follows.

"If you have come here to help me
You are wastin your time...
But if you have come lecause
Your lileration is lound up with mine
The let us work toether" (Holloway, 20J0.27J).

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Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan Audrey Bryan lectures in Socioloy and Citizenship Education on
the Humanities and Education prorammes in St. Patrick's
Collee, Drumcondra. She has pullished nationally and
internationally in the areas of Intercultural Education, Citizenship
Education and Development Studies.