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Cover Story: Down on the Street, Geoffrey Canada and scores of Harlem residents look to rebuild the community for the future by Andrew White.
Other stories include Steven Wishnia and Andrea Payne on the devastation left by Giuliani's October Plan; Ed Tagliaferri on the benefits and drawbacks of Westchester's workfare program Giuliani looked to replicate; Laura Washington on the lack of community jobs brought to Fort Greene, Brooklyn despite Metrotech promises; Jill Kirschenbaum on East Brooklyn tenants fighting to stay in their homes; Harold DeRienzo on the ineffectiveness of the ongoing community housing movement; Mary Ellen Hombs' book review of "The Homeless," by Christopher Jencks.
Cover Story: Down on the Street, Geoffrey Canada and scores of Harlem residents look to rebuild the community for the future by Andrew White.
Other stories include Steven Wishnia and Andrea Payne on the devastation left by Giuliani's October Plan; Ed Tagliaferri on the benefits and drawbacks of Westchester's workfare program Giuliani looked to replicate; Laura Washington on the lack of community jobs brought to Fort Greene, Brooklyn despite Metrotech promises; Jill Kirschenbaum on East Brooklyn tenants fighting to stay in their homes; Harold DeRienzo on the ineffectiveness of the ongoing community housing movement; Mary Ellen Hombs' book review of "The Homeless," by Christopher Jencks.
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Cover Story: Down on the Street, Geoffrey Canada and scores of Harlem residents look to rebuild the community for the future by Andrew White.
Other stories include Steven Wishnia and Andrea Payne on the devastation left by Giuliani's October Plan; Ed Tagliaferri on the benefits and drawbacks of Westchester's workfare program Giuliani looked to replicate; Laura Washington on the lack of community jobs brought to Fort Greene, Brooklyn despite Metrotech promises; Jill Kirschenbaum on East Brooklyn tenants fighting to stay in their homes; Harold DeRienzo on the ineffectiveness of the ongoing community housing movement; Mary Ellen Hombs' book review of "The Homeless," by Christopher Jencks.
Drepturi de autor:
Attribution Non-Commercial (BY-NC)
Formate disponibile
Descărcați ca PDF, TXT sau citiți online pe Scribd
I C i ~ V Limirs Volume XIX Number 10 City Limits is published ten times per year, monthly except bi-monthly issues in June/ July and August/September, by the City Limits Community Information Service, Inc., a non- profit organization devoted to disseminating information concerning neighborhood revitalization. Editor: Andrew White Senior Editor: Jill Kirschenbaum Associate Editor: Kim Nauer Contributing Editors: Peter Marcuse, James Bradley Intern: Amber Malik LayoutIProduction: Laura Gilbert Advertising Representative: Faith Wiggins Office Assistant: Seymour Green Proofreader: Sandy Socolar Photographers: Steven Fish, Eve Morgenstern, Gregory P. Mango Sponsors: Association for Neighborhood and Housing Development, Inc. Pratt Institute Center for Community and Environmental Development Urban Homesteading Assistance Board Board of Directors': Eddie Bautista, New York Lawyers for the Public Interest Beverly Cheuvront, City Harvest Errol Louis, Central Brooklyn Partnership Mary Martinez, Montefiore Hospital Rebecca Reich, Low Income Housing Fund Andrew Reicher, UHAB Tom Robbins, Journalist Jay Small, ANHD Walter Stafford, New York University Doug Thretsky, former City Limits Editor Pete Williams, National Urban League Affiliations for identification only. Subscription rates are: for individuals and community groups, $20/0ne Year, $30/Two Years; for businesses, foundations, banks, government agencies and libraries, $35/0ne Year, $50/Two Years. Low income, unemployed, $10/0ne Year. City Limits welcomes comments and article contributions. Please include a stamped, self- addressed envelope for return manuscripts. Material in City Limits does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the sponsoring organiza- tions. Send correspondence to: City Limits, 40 Prince St., New York, NY 10012. Postmaster: Send address changes to City Limits, 40 Prince St., NYC 10012. Second class postage paid New York, NY 10001 City Limits (ISSN 0199-0330) (212) 925-9620 FAX (212) 966-3407 Copyright 1994. All Rights Reserved. No portion or portions of this journal may be reprinted without the express permission of the publishers. City Limits is indexed in the Alternative Press Index and the Avery Index to Architectural Periodicals and is available on microfilm from University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, MI 46106. 2/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS Crain's Delirium A mong the many Single Room Occupancy hotels on the Upper West Side are a pair called the Marion and the Clinton Arms. Not entire- ly pleasant places to live, they are owned by private landlords and operated as businesses designed to make a profit. So it came as a surprise to some when the two were referred to as non- profit social service facilities in a recent article in Crain's New York Business. Of course, the authors hid their agenda by not actually naming the hotels; they simply wrote, "Three clients of facilities on the Upper West Side stabbed a man trying to stop them from robbing a car," using the incident as one more example of non profits running amok in civilized neighborhoods. These "clients" were tenants of the two hotels. The Crain's article was part of a series blasting the nonprofit social service sector with a shotgun spray of innuendo and red-baiting concoct- ed by executive editor Steven Malanga and reporter Robin Kamen. Their disregard for accuracy reflects exactly the sort of dishonesty that drives the current reactionary attack on nonprofits. For nearly 20 years, City Limits has exposed corruption in the nonprof- it sector, particularly in the politically connected social service empires of people like former City Council Member Ramon Velez and state Assemblyman Angelo Del Toro. But with a masterful trick of innuendo, Malanga and Kamen used the example set by these poverty pimps to bol- ster their own attack on quality organizations with excellent track records whose only sin has been to provide homes for poor and disabled New Yorkers. The irony is that corrupt social service empires lorded by politicians are invariably based in low income neighborhoods of color where the average citizen's political influence is limited. Yet Crain's primary targets- Volunteers of America, the Cooper Square Committee, the Institute for Community Living, Community Access and West Side Federation for Senior Housing-operate in neighborhoods with a growing percentage of well-off residents. Guess where the influence lies. For a closer look at the misrepresentations of this NIMBY blitz, see Robert Kolker's article in last month's City Limits. If you haven't got a copy, call-we'd be happy to send you one. But more importantly, for those of our readers who are leaders in the business community or work with top executives, please consider the implications of all of this. Now is the time to speak out. Write a letter to Crain's, or encourage your boss to write one. If you have been reading City Limits, you know the scope of poverty in this town. Malanga and Kamen's misguided offensive strengthens an increasingly vicious assault on the least powerful people of our city. You might ask them, and the NIMBY activists who helped craft their articles, what, exactly, they would prefer. Reopening inhumane mental institutions? New orphanages? And perhaps we shouldn't bother to provide housing and services for people with AIDS. Instead, we should send them to die on the steps of the New York Stock Exchange. * * * A clarification: our November 1994 article on Family Court, "Guilty Until Proven Innocent," did not properly identify Beth Ornstein. She is a training specialist at the New York State Child Welfare Training Institute at the Center for Development of Human Services at Buffalo State College. Cover design by Lynn Baldinger. Photos by Gregory P. Mango. FEATURE Down on the Street 16 An intensive grassroots effort is underway to reclaim one city block in Central Harlem. Now the city wants to tryout its latest housing initiative there. Strange bedfellows, or a marriage made in heaven? by Andrew White BUDGET REPORT Blitzkrieg 6 Mayor Giuliani's October Plan will gut city programs already reel- ing from the last round of budget cuts. by Steven Wishnia and Andrea Payne WESTCHESTER REPORT Mixed Reviews 8 Everyone's talking about Westchester's workfare program. Is it real- ly as good as they say it is? by Ed Tagliaferri PIPELINE History Repeats 12 Residents of Fort Greene want to know what happened to all of those jobs they were promised, back when MetroTech was just a develop- er's fantasy. by Laura Washington In Nehemiah's Way 22 There's a struggle of biblical proportions going on in East New York between a powerful church group and a tiny tenants' association. Guess who's winning? by Jill Kirschenbaum COMMENTARY Cityview Managing the Crisis Review No Solution at All DEPARTMENTS Editorial Briefs Branching Out Loan Fund Milestone 2 5 5 Letters 25 by Harold DeRienzo 27 by Mary EUen Hombs 28 Professional Directory 29,30 Job Ads 30,31 6 12 16 CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/3 Free Water Surve The New York City Department of Environmental Protection encourages all residential building owners and home owners in New York City to take advantage of a free Water Survey Program. You can reduce your water/sewer bill by saving water lost to plumbing leaks. N. no charge, we will perform a water leak survey of your home or building and install free water-saving devices when applicable. In less than half an hour, we will survey your plumbing for leaks and install: , FREE high efficiency shower heads , FREE low-flow faucet aerators , FREE water-saving toilet devices Call 18005457740 today
or (718) 937-6600 to Schedule Free Water Leak Survey only Water Survey Teams have picture 1.0.s and wear uniforms Participation in this program is voluntary DE:P New York City Department of Environmental Protection W. Guliani, Mayor Marilyn Geller, For all other water, sewer, air and noise issues call 718-DEP HELP 4/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS Environmental ac:tiYists from the Federation to Preserve the Greenwich WIage Waterfront & Great Port held a demotlStl atiUl'l to protest deweIopment plans for the Hudson River shoreline by a subsidiary of the state Urban Development Corporation. The group bumed an oversize check for $80 million, representing money the city may lose to the federal government if curTent plans go foIwanl. Loan Fund Milestone ACCION New York has just passed the $1 million mark in loans to Latin<H>wned small businesses in the Bronx, Manhattan, Brooklyn and Queens. A privately funded nonprofit orga- nization, ACCION New York began lending to low income micro-entre- preneurs in July, 1991. The aim was to make credit available to people who, with limited collateral or credit history, were unable to secure loans j from traditional commercial banks. ~ To date, ACCION has offered some ! 400 loans to help finance bodegas, street vendors and other small-scale operations. Although the loans can be as diminutive as $1,000 for an individ- ual borrower, over 60 percent go to groups of three to five borrowers, which allows the would-be entrepre- neurs to take out a Single, more siz- able loan at cheaper interest rates and distribute the money among them. At the same time, the group acts as an alternative to collateral, providing peer pressure and support to ensure that loan payments are reg ularly met. In three years of lending, only $13,945 has been written off. The loans have given small busi- ness owners the leverage to reach a greater number of clients, increase their inventories and diversify their product base. Branching Out: I.A.F. takes a new tack According to Delma Soto, execu- tive director of ACCION New York, this kind of incremental growth is the essence of microenterprise. A national citizens group that has fostered community action among church congregations for decades is grOWing fast in the New York region, and has begun to organize among a wide array of nonreligious neighbor- hood-based groups as well. At an October 30th rally on the World Trade Center plaza in lower Manhattan, attended by an estimated 10,000 members of the Industrial Areas Foundation (lAF), the main focus was on holding politi- cians accountable for reforming government job training programs and creat- ing new Jobs. But leaders also revealed a new direc- tion in their activist work, announcing plans to bring youth groups, recent immi- grants and tenant associa- tions, among others, into the fold. We can see the day when there will be 50,000 or 75,000 people in an open space large enough to Edgecombe Avenue force the Department of Transportation to enforce the long-ignored ban on commercial vehicles in their residen- tial neighborhood. Prior to HIT's involvement, the association had tried for a year to resolve the prob- lem and had gotten "the royal run around," Inman says. By holding hold them, not just 10,000," ................................ ..... says IAF national staffer FCIIIIIddoa ............... TnIde c.IIr. Mike Gecan. The IAF cur- rently has seven member organiza- tions in the New York region, includ- ing East Brooklyn Congregations, South Bronx Churches and Harlem Initiatives Together (HIT). Howard Inman of HIT has already started putting the new strategy into practice. Over the past few months, his group has helped a block associ- ation on 150th Street and house meetings, developing leaders and encouraging members to demand a meeting with the city offI- cial who could really accomplish some change, HIT also helped the group get new traffic lights and speed limit signs installed. Now they have a more ambitious goal-ridding nearby Jackie Robinson Park of drugs and prostitution. Had the people from 150th and Edgecombe approached him for help in years past, Inman says he would have had to ask whether they belonged to a church in the area, or suggested they join a congregation affiliated with IAF, such as Covenant Avenue Baptist. "But some peo- ple are not interested in church, he says, "and there was a large body of people we were not speaking to. Members of the block association have each paid $25 in dues to join what is being called Metro IAF." The relation- ship between Metro IAF and the other IAF affili- ates in the New York area is stili being defined, Gecan says. IAF leaders based their decision to move in o ... ~ this new direction partly on what they see as ~ widespread frustration with the t w ~ r t y politi- cal system, Inman says. "People need someplace to go. We're saying this is where they should put their efforts, instead of the Democratic or Republican parties, he explains. "We want to be able to hold senators and congressmen accountable. Given our method of turning people out, we'll be a force to be reckoned with. Robin Epstein "This is a way to help people help themselves," Soto says. The loans have created or strengthened approximately 231 jobs to date. Furthermore, Soto stresses, over 35 percent of ACCION loans have gone to women entrepreneurs, helping them realize an increasingly secure, if not totally independent, future. Romalinda Rivera is a case in point. Currently receiving public aSSistance, Rivera is studying for a job in the health services industry. She is also operating a small retail clothing business out of her apart- ment with two other women, and they just received their third loan from ACCION-$3,OOO to buy more merchandise and further expand their growing business. "Business is good," says Rivera. "I plan to leave welfare soon: At the other end of the spectrum is Paloma Communications. Last year, four freelance writers took out a $6,000 loan to start a company that produces newsletters and mag- azines for a variety of agencies and organizations in the Dominican community, including the Dominican Chamber of Commerce. When busi- ness started to expand rapidly, the group went back to ACCION for a second loan, this time for $40,000. Without the first loan the compa- ny would never have gotten 'off the ground, says Nelson Muniz, one of the owners of Paloma Communica- tions. Today, the company employs two staffers, has just hired three more, and plans are in the works to expand operations further into mail order and telecommunications. Amber Malik CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/5 Blitzkrieg By Steven Wishnia and Andrea Payne Giuliani's October Plan leaves a trail of devastation in the agencies that serve the city's poorest residents. The verdict is in: Mayor Rudolph Giuliani's plan to cut $1.1 billion from the city's budget would leave many of the city's social services with little more than Tinker Toy support. By the time City Limits reaches newsstands, the City Council should have taken a vote on the proposal, known as the October Plan. What follows is just a small sample of the cuts currently on the table. Some of them may be excised before December 1, according to Giuliani budget director Abraham Lackman. Most will not. We have not included here some of the cuts that have received wide attention, includ- ing an estimated 80 percent reduction in contracts with the Department of Youth Services. 2 One important note: With the election of Governor George Pataki, observers fear any new help for the city budget from Albany is now just a fantasy. If the October Plan is any indica- tion, they add, the mayor doesn't seem to want the aid anyway: his proposal cuts millions from services already heavily support- ed by state and federal matching funds. o Day Care: At a time when Mayor Giuliani seeks to decrease welfare rolls, advocates predict his plan to eliminate 1,982 subsidized day care slots could force some low income parents to leave jobs and school and seek public assistance instead. And while the city will realize an immediate savings of $6.2 million, it will also lose $18 million in match- ing federal and state funds. These cuts would close between 20 and 30 day care centers, advocates say. This will impact heavily on low income working families, says Nancy Kolban, executive director of Child Care Inc. "As more women enter the workforce, we're talking about cutting back the services available to them. [Any] economic development strategy cannot work without good child care services," Kolban says, adding that children will lose a much-needed jump on their education. 6/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS o Emergency Food: Eliminating the city's Emergency Food Assistance Program would save $2.1 million this years and $6.5 million in the next. But approximately 100 of the city's 600 soup kitchens and food pantries would close immediately, esti- mates Liz Krueger, associate director of the Community Food Resource Center. The ability to feed the 250,000 to 300,000 people annually who depend on these meals is further jeopardized because the federal government is slashing its own donations of surplus food by two-thirds next January. Hungry people may have a more difficult time finding free meals because the city's cuts would also lead to the closing of the Food and Hunger Hotline referral service and a food stamp outreach program that brings millions of dollars in federal aid to the city's poorest residents. o Mental Health: Programs for alcoholics, the mentally retarded and developmentally dis- abled would lose all city support under the October Plan, saving $4.4 million. And providers of all other mental health services face an overall 16.4 percent reduction in program funding. These cuts would save $1.7 million this year and $2.2 million in fiscal 1996. As yet, no one knows which pro- grams would face elimination under the universal cut, but estimates are that as many as 20,000 people will be affected when the dust settles, says Phillip Saperia, executive director of the Coalition of Voluntary Mental Health Agencies. This is because every dollar cut by the city is likely to lead to cuts in matching funds from the state and charities. "By cutting $2.2 million in city support, the mayor may be eliminating as much as $14 million in state aid, Medicaid and private fees, as well as $85 million in state reinvest- ment dollars specifically aimed at New York City," he explains. At the Staten Island Mental Health Society, 500 of its 2,000 treatment slots for severely trau- matized children-many of them homicidal, suicidal or victims of abuse-would be eliminated, says executive director Kenneth Popler. "These cuts are unbeliev- able," he adds. o Housing: Along with substantial reductions in staffing at the Department of Housing Preservation and Devel- opment, the October Plan would eliminate city-funded legal ser- vices (amounting to $1 million this year, $1.3 million next year) for poor tenants who do not receive federally-funded public assistance. It would also deeply wound the Community Consultant Program, eliminating $2.5 million in contracts with neighborhood groups that organize and assist tenants. More than 80 percent of this program would be cut by next year. Tenants in private buildings would be hit hardest, says Anne Pasmanick of the Community Resource and Training Center. "The bottom line is there's not going to be a lot of help," she says. The city would also cut the maximum amount of back rent it will cover for welfare tenants from 12 months to four, an annual savings of $4.5 million. Scott Sommer of Legal Services calls this cut "a classic example of being penny-wise and pound-foolish. To not pay $3,000 in rent arrears and then pay $3,000 a month for a shelter? I can't explain it." o Homelessness: "There'll be more families sleep- ing on the floor of the Bronx Emergency Assistance Unit," says Steve Banks, coordinator of the Legal Aid Society's Homeless Family Rights Project. The $6.5 million in cuts will reduce payments to nonprofit shelter operators, delay the opening of some single room occupancy facil- ities for single men and women and eliminate the long-planned expansion of an intensive case management program, that helps families relocating to permanent housing deal with problems such as tracking down missing public assistance checks or requesting repairs and other services. Banks says the cuts in the latter program could send more families back to the shelters. "The most nonsensical cuts are the ones in pro- grams that prevent people from being homeless," he says. o Family Preservation: Mayor Giuliani's plan would eliminate treatment programs providing services to drug-addicted women and their children. The city expects to save $1.6 million in this fiscal year and $2.5 mil- lion in the next. However, these bud- get reduction measures could easily end up costing the city more money in increased foster care and boarder baby costs, as well as several million dollars in state and federal funding A chief goal of family rehabilitation is to keep children out of foster care by providing mothers with services such as drug treatment, day care and job training. The programs now serve 700 families with 2,000 children. A "char- itable estimate" is that 10 percent of these children would be placed in fos- ter care immediately as a result of the cuts, says Mike Arsham, director for social service policy for the Council of Family and Child Caring Agencies. In addition. newborns now discharged to parents taking part in the program would instead remain in costly hospi- tal care, says Carmen Gaines, program director of Community Services for Children and Families at St. Luke's Roosevelt Hospital. o Corrections: The October Plan would eliminate all city-funded drug treatment in the jails, including beds for 900 prisoners, as well as all other inmate therapy and counseling. Supervision in jail recre- ational areas would be cut by one- quarter, and the city's work release program would be eliminated. "For a law-and-order mayor, [Giuliani is] taking steps that will probably contribute to increasing crime in the streets," charges Robert Gangi of the Correctional Association of New York. According to Gangi, the number of guards will be reduced by almost one-sixth by next June-just about the same time the inmate popu- lation, swelled by "quality of life" arrests, is projected to pass 20,000. The city would also cut $1.5 million from alternatives-to-incarceration pro- grams, according to Elizabeth Gaines of the Osborne Society, which admin- isters two such programs. o Hospitals: The city would cut $107 million from its $356 million annual contribution to the public hospital system. The effect would be primarily in staffing; offi- cials are looking for 2,500 to 3,000 of the system's 40,000 workers to take buyouts. Harlem Hospital, which has lost patients to both expanded out- patient clinics and increasingly Medicaid-friendly private hospitals, will lose one-sixth of its beds and more than 200 workers, says Marshall England, head of the hospital's com- munity advisory board. The jobs lost would be primarily in what John Ronches of the Committee of Interns and Residents calls "invisible, but important" jobs, such as technicians and transporters, though nurses would also be among them. This is adding insult to injury, administrators say. The city's contribution already fails to cover the expense of mandated services such as medical care for police, firefighters and prisoners. o Sanitation: The big hits here are in the recy- cling program, says Larry Shapiro of the New York Public Interest Research Group. The city plans to cut $8 million this year and $13 million next year by reducing public education and outreach programs, cutting enforcement officers by one-third, and termi- nating an intensive recycling pilot program in Park Slope, Brooklyn. Recycling collections in the Bronx, Upper Manhattan and parts of Brooklyn would also be cut from weekly to biweekly. Shapiro argues that while educating people about recycling doesn't direct- ly pick up garbage, these cuts will "ultimately condemn the program to failure." o Transit: The October Plan cuts $230 million in city aid to the Transit Authority between now and July 1996; previous cuts included $52 million in operating aid and $750 million in capital funds. No specific services have been slated for the guillotine, says Gene Russianoff of the Straphangers Campaign, but "when you cut $230 million from their budget in a year and a half, there are going to be some serious repercus- sions." The casualties could include the $1.25 fare, the proposed monthly- pass and double-fare-zone discounts, and maintenance and repair work. 0 Steven Wishnia is a frequent contributor to City Limits. Andrea Payne is a freelance writer based in Brooklyn. Advertise in Ci ty Limits! Call Faith Wiggins at (917) 253-3887 CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/7 Mixed Reviews Workfare rhetoric targets cheats, but much of the savings comes from shifting costs to Washington. H eriberto Rios sweeps the floors inside the Cottage Gardens public housing com- plex in Yonkers and says he is satisfied, for now. It's been two years since he held a full-time job and this assignment, as part of Westchester County's workfare program, is keeping him busy. "I'd rather be working than in the house," says the 33-year-old Yonkers resident. During the last nine months, Rios has worked 20 hours a week for the county, mopping floors, raking leaves and performing general maintenance work around this municipal housing project. In return, he has gotten his $400 monthly Home Relief check. That's about $4.60 an hour. Rios' situation is typical of many other people in Westchester's five-year- old workfare program, called Pride in Work. The program has been touted by many reform-minded Republicans as an example of how government can save money and promote the impor- tance of work among adult recipients of state- and county-funded Horne Relief, the welfare program that sup- ports primarily single men and women, as well as childless couples. The program has caught the eye of Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, who announced recently that he intends to use Westchester's workfare program as a model for New York City'S. He hopes to save $80 million a year in welfare payments by exposing fraud and keep- ing people who could otherwise find And critics also note that Rios' situa- tion mirrors exactly what's wrong with the program. He's getting no job train- ing, only manual labor assignments. And the county is using cheap labor instead of hiring full-time workers, undercutting the unionized municipal workforce. Moreover, if Rios has a problem with the job, they add, or if he really can't work because of a physical or psychological problem, he could lose his benefits and end up homeless. Reelection Campaign Pride in Work was unveiled in early 1989 and became a cornerstone of Republican County Executive Andrew O'Rourke's reelection campaign that year and again in 1993. He won both times. Men and women on Home Relief are given jobs ranging from sweeping offices to clerical work, from flushing hydrants to painting fences. They work for the county, other municipalities and even some nonprofit organizations. If they don't show up for their assign- ment, they are eventually dropped from the rolls. With these rigid requirements in place, welfare cheats can be easily weeded out, says Westchester Com- missioner of Social Services Mary Glass. People working off the books are no longer able to keep their under- the-table jobs and still collect Home Relief, she explains. To crack down on cheats, the coun- ty developed a computer program for By Ed Tagliaferri covered instead by Supplemental Security Income (SSI), a form of Social Security that is funded by the state and federal governments. Home Relief, on the other hand, is funded by the state and county governments with no con- tribution from the federal government. As a result of the shift, officials say, Westchester has avoided $15.6 million in welfare costs. They make no apolo- gies for the move. In fact, O'Rourke has often criticized the state for passing unfunded mandates down to local governments and has publicly reveled in the opportunity to pass this cost back up the line. Weeded Out To demonstrate Pride in Work's suc- cess, officials note that in 1989, the county spent $44.6 million on Home Relief. This year, the county budgeted $38.3 million. Meanwhile, between 1990 and this year, the number of coun- ty residents on general assistance grew by less than one percent, to 7,638 peo- ple. During the same period, with the metropolitan area's economy in free-fall much of that time, New York City's Home Relief numbers jumped nearly 60 percent, to more than 243,000, accord- ing to the state Department of Social Services. Glass also says that 15,000 people have left or been bumped off the Horne Relief rolls since 1989, either because they found jobs, were eligible for another form of assistance or were weeded out as cheats. In an era when welfare reform has become a political mantra, Pride in Work has kept the Home Relief rolls stable, cut its cost to the county and reaped millions of dollars worth of free labor. employment off the Horne Reliefrolls. Indeed, workfare has been a politi- cian's dream in Westchester. In an era when welfare reform has become a political mantra, Pride in Work has kept the Horne Relief rolls stable, cut its cost to the county and reaped mil- lions of dollars worth of free labor. But observers point out that a large portion of the county's savings has been achieved by simply shifting costs to the state and federal governments, ultimately saving taxpayers nothing. S/DECEMBER 1994/CITV LIMITS checking the background of anyone applying for assistance. Employment and tax records are reviewed, as are welfare case histories. The clients are screened by social workers to deter- mine whether or not they have any drug or alcohol problems or physical disabilities that might prevent them from working. This is where the biggest single sav- ings has been achieved: over the past five years, the county has found that 3,000 people on Home Relief could be However, while about 9,000 of those people stayed off the rolls, the rest came back and reapplied at some point. Among them are nearly 2,000 people who challenged their loss of benefits, arguing that they were wrongly removed from the rolls. Only 200 have won their appeals following a hearing. Advocates for welfare charge the hearing process is unfair, and the high number of failed appeals is proof. While the county advises people that they can have legal representation at their hearings, none is provided. Jerry Levy of Westchester-Putnam Legal Services says that during the past year, his office has represented fewer than a dozen people at appeals hearings. And the people who make it to the appeals process in the first place are only the most visible part of the problem, he notes. He believes that many men and women with legitimate disabilities are being knocked off the Home Relief rolls without even attempting to defend themselves. "This is such a beaten population," he says. "They don't challenge things. " Paula Roberts, a lawyer with the Center for Law and Social Research in Washington, D.C., agrees. "Part of the problem is that if you are really dis- abled, you're probably not a prime candidate for advocating [for your- self], " she explains. Levy contends that a good lawyer could overturn the county's actions in 80 percent of the cases mainly by chal- lenging the medical evaluation of the client. But free legal representation for the poor in the hearing process would run counter to the demands of welfare reform. He suggests, as do many other critics, that the actual intent of work- fare programs is to disqualify people from receiving their benefits, thus keep- ing costs down. Stepping Stones Workfare has received mixed reviews locally and nationwide, according to Roberts and other researchers. She says that some workfare programs work well: "They can be stepping stones for getting a real job. " But at the same time, she adds, "What you are really doing is dis- placing workers. What you're doing is taking jobs away from other workers and getting the work done at lower wages with no benefits. " The union representing West- chester County municipal employees shares these concerns. "You wonder .. . is it easier to lay off our workers when they know they've got these low-paid welfare people?" asks Anita Manley, spokeswoman for the Civil Service Employees Association, which repre- sents 6,500 county workers. Rafael Salas, a laid-off landscaper who also rakes leaves and sweeps up at Cottage Gardens, is the perfect exam- ple. Salas says he doesn't mind the work. But when he performed the same job professionally, he earned about twice what he's currently getting paid through workfare. About all he can hope for now is a full-time job at Cottage Gardens should one open up, he says. Most participants in Pride in Work receive little or no training-only 860 Home Relief recipients attended train- ing classes last year. Commissioner Glass says that those who are identi- fied as willing and able to learn new skills are offered job training in com- puters, office work and the health care fields. All of the training programs are funded by the state or federal govern- ment. "I think we're training all the people who are trainable," she says. Meaningful One study of workfare programs across the country indicates that most participants feel the tasks they have been given are "meaningful." "It may not have taught welfare recipients new skills, but neither was it make-work," reported the September 1993 study, published by the Manhattan-based Manpower Demon- stration Research Corporation. The report also noted that most of the peo- ple surveyed would have preferred a real job, and said there was "little evidence" that the work experience provided by workfare programs led to consistent employment or had any effect on future earnings. Still, there's no denying that some participants find some benefit to the program. At Cottage Gardens, the six workfare staffers all say they are pleased to have something useful to do. Walter Nichols, unemployed for two years from the building trade, says he enjoys using his maintenance skills around the development, though he and the others would rather have real jobs. "There are no jobs anywhere, " agrees Rios, with a shake of his head. "I wish I could get a job here." D Ed Tagliaferri is a staff reporter for the Gannett Westchester newspapers. Subscribe to Ci ty Limits! Call (212) 925-9820 Specializing in Community Development Groups, HDFCs and Non Profits. Low Cost Insurance and Quality Service. NANcvHARDV Insurance Broker Over 20 Years of Experience. 80 Business Park Drive, Armonk, NY 10504, 914,273,6591 CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/9 ~ ... ~ , CHASE Community Development Corporation The Chase Community Development Corporation Finances Housing and Economic Development Projects, including: New Construction Rehabilitation Special Needs Housing Homeless Shelters Home Mortgages Small Business Loans Loan Consortia For information, call the Community-Based Development Unit (212) 552-9737 We Look Forward to Your Call! 10/DECEMBER 1994/elTV LIMITS G1JTSY. INCIS Life inside a city-owned crack den ... public agencies cut- ting deals for private developers ... landlords who col- lect the rent and let their buildings rot. Each month, CITY LIMITS probes the misguided public policies and inefficient bureaucracies besetting New York. But we don't think it's good enough just to highlight the muck. CITY LIMITS looks for answers. We uncover the stories of activists and local organizers fighting to save their neighborhoods. That's why CITY LIMITS has won nine journalism awards in recent years. Isn't it time you subscribed?
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CITY LIMITS, 40 Prince Street, New York, NY 10012 CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/11 History Repeats Did MetroTech create jobs for Fort Greene's unemployed? Hardly. Now it's Atlantic Terminal's turn. W hen executives of the Forest City Ratner devel- opment group applied for federal subsidies to build an office and academic complex in Downtown Brooklyn eight years ago, they estimated the project would cre- ate 1,071 new jobs for area residents. In a fact sheet accompanying the the park are nice. But that doesn't feed and clothe people." According to the developer, an affir- mative action program for construc- tion companies and laborers has created a number of short-term jobs for local residents. But as far as full-time office work or employ- By Laura Washington Seedy Stretch Downtown Brooklyn has undergone a dramatic transformation since the decade began. Sleek office towers and a brand new university campus have shot up on the once seedy stretch of land between the off ramps of the Manhattan and Brooklyn bridges. Several major financial companies have moved here from the canyons of Wall Street and the broad avenues of midtown Manhattan to a new life in Brooklyn. Lauded by the Brooklyn borough president's office for reviving downtown and establishing the area as the third largest business center in New York City, optimistic developers have even come up with a new moniker-"Wall Street East." Two additional office towers have gone up nearby since MetroTech broke ground in 1989, and there are two more pro- application , they even dug up some dra- matic statistics underlining the neighborhood's desperate need for an economic booster shot. After all, 24 per- cent of the pop- ulation had in- comes below the federal poverty line. Today, Metro- Tech is bustling with some 10,000
__________ .. that include more office space, a hotel and retail stores. office workers. But most if not all of those employees came east when companies like Chase Manhattan Bank, and Bear, Stearns and Company relocated their headquar- ters from Manhattan. Meanwhile, the residents of Fort Greene-the neighborhood literally across the street from MetroTech, home to the 4,900 residents of three public housing projects and the most impoverished area bordering Downtown Brooklyn-say they are still waiting to experience the econom- ic benefit of the new, $1 billion com- plex. Asked if MetroTech's arrival has benefited the community they live in, the prevailing answer here is a resounding "No." "The impression was that MetroTech would create jobs for local people," notes Kathy Peake, an aide to state Assemblyman Joseph Lentol. "Fort Greene has not seen the fruits of that." "Forest City Ratner sponsors free concerts in Fort Greene Park," adds Niger Campbell, a resident of the neighborhood and an organizer with the Fifth Avenue Committee, a low income housing group. "Concerts in 12/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS ment in the service industries is concerned, observers say there's little evidence of an impact. Even the self- contained design of the complex has created a sense of division here, with broad blank walls facing eastward toward the Ingersoll and Whitman Houses on the other side of Flatbush Avenue. "[MetroTechl has isolated itself from the community as if in a fortress," observes Fort Greene resi- dent Benjamin Irvin. "And conse- quently, a very wary relationship exists between MetroTech employees and the community." MetroTech.is a joint effort of the City of New York, Polytechnic Uni- versity and the Forest City Ratner Companies , a Cleveland-based real estate devel- opment company headed by former commissioner of consumer affairs Bruce Ratner. The project was con- ceived in the 1970s by Polytechnic's president, Dr. George Rugliarello. He envisioned a commer- cial and academic complex that would meld the resources of Polytechnic-an engineering school that lacked a cam- pus but boasted a high-powered facul- ty and a reputation for doing extensive research in the telecommunications and computer fields-with the needs of major financial institutions looking for a competitive edge in the global marketplace. To add bait to the hook-this, after all, was a time when companies were moving their offices out to the suburbs "The impression was in search of lower rents and better tax breaks-the city offered what ultimate- that MetroT_ ly came to $329 million dollars' worth ....... create L.I- L_ of incentives to the developers and "", ,.,.,. ..,.- prospective tenants, including a 13- year exemption from real estate taxes, a 12-year abatement of the commercial rent tax and a 12-year corporate tax credit of $500 for every employee local people Fort Gree ... has aot moved to the Brooklyn offices. seen the fruits of thaI." Today, four years into the project, 80 percent of the ll-building site is com- plete. The Polytechnic campus is here, along with the offices of Brooklyn Union Gas and the Securities Industry Automation Corporation (SIAC), which processes financial transactions for the New York Stock Exchange. The development did have its casu- alties. Approximately 200 residents were bought out and relocated from the site, as were some 60 businesses and five governmental agencies when the area was razed in 1989. But the project's supporters argued the losses would be more than offset by improvements to the area, which is bordered on the west by Jay Street and the nearby Brooklyn Borough Hall, on the east by Flatbush Avenue Extension and Long Island University, and on the north by New York City Technical College. The infusion of thousands of MetroTech employees into the area would create a trickle-down effect on downtown retail businesses, they said, including the discount bazaar along nearby Fulton Street. And it would spur an increased demand for more goods and services-and, in turn, more jobs. Static Opportunities Such an effect has yet to be seen, however. Employment opportunities for local residents in retail remain sta- tic, according to reports in Crain's New York Business. Toys 'R' Us is now a cornerstone store at the Gallery, for- merly the Albee Square Mall, which Forest City Ratner purchased in 1990 and renamed in an effort to move it upscale. Vacancy rates in the shopping center have steadily declined since then-from 40 percent in 1990 to 10 percent today. But store owners say business has not increased significant- ly, and many small retailers have been replaced by larger national chains such as Foot Locker and Barnes & Noble. The proprietors of the century-old Gage & Tollner restaurant, a few blocks to the west, hoped to see their business flourish with the coming of Metro- Tech's minions. They didn't; the own- ers were forced to file for bankruptcy protection in March of last year. Ken Adams, the new executive director of the Downtown Brooklyn Business Improvement District, insists that it is still too early to measure the impact of MetroTech on retail business in the area, though he acknowledges growth has been slow. "We still have a long way to go. Not enough of the workers are going to Gage & Tollner, or A&S. Our job is to try to change that." Permanent Jobs Most of all, there is little to indicate that MetroTech has created anywhere near the more than 1,000 permanent new jobs promised to local residents back in 1986, or the services necessary to prepare and place people in posi- tions with the financial and informa- tion services businesses located there. The city's Economic Development Corporation established the Downtown Brooklyn Training and Employment Council (DBTEC) in 1992 to address such needs. But since it opened 18 months ago, it has placed only about 90 people in permanent positions, reports director Earl Haye. Haye explains that many of the companies at MetroTech tend to go to commercial temp agencies when they have low-level positions to fill; that way they can avoid the soaring costs of health coverage and other fringe bene- fits. In addition, he says, many compa- nies have had hiring freezes since his office opened. Most significant, he adds, is the fact that there are few low-skill positions available. "We are telling training groups that they have to prepare their students to do more. Basic data entry skills are not enough, for example. The companies want them to be able to do customer service too, and have good communications skills." The people MetroTech companies are hiring have advanced computer skills, Haye says- skills that the 40 job-training groups affiliated with DBTEC are not equIpped to provide. On the construction side, Forest City Ratner claims to have more than met its goal for an aggressive affirma- tive action program. According to the company, 30 percent of the construc- tion contracts are currently with busi- nesses owned by women or minorities, and the construction workforce is roughly 50 percent women and minorities. More than one-third of the construction laborers are from the neighborhood, they add. City Council Member Mary Pinkett believes MetroTech has been benefi- cial. "To improve a community, you need an economic infusion. Mom and Pop stores alone can't do it. To the degree that MetroTech has brought in growth businesses, it has greatly enhanced the area in which we live. The beginning is there." Pinkett says Forest City Ratner should be commended for its contribu- tion to recreation and education in the area. Some tenants of MetroTech have formed partnerships with Brooklyn schools, for example, such as Chase Manhattan's Smart Start program, a scholarship initiative for 20 graduating high school seniors planning to attend Brooklyn colleges. And Forest City Ratner sponsors a summer job program that hires high school students part time in maintenance and clerical positions. But there are other areas in which residents feel they have been neglect- ed. Michael Boyd, director of the Fort Greene Community Action Network, recalls that a portion of the $8 million Urban Development Action Grant (UDAG) awarded to Forest City Ratner was earmarked for the beautification of the area surrounding MetroTech. However, Boyd says, "The funds went everywhere but east. Nothing past Flatbush Avenue got attention. How far do you have to go to get to the sur- rounding community? We are right across the street." Forest City Ratner spokesperson Joyce Baumgartner, however, denies that UDAG monies were ever designated for that purpose. And while Borough President Howard Golden recently announced that the downtown area will be getting a face-lift-plans are being made to add distinctive street signs, new side- walks, updated lighting, and trees to create a unified visual image-critics point out that, once again, Fort Greene is not included in the plan. Eric Blackwell, editor of the Fort Greene News and a member of the local community school board, calls CITY LlMITS/DECEMBER 1994/13 the situation "the tale of two cities, separate and unequal." "Who is looking out for our commu- nity?" he asks. "The development plans should have had attached to them the inclusion of new parks, new schools. In this case, all that has been an afterthought. That puts all the cards in the developers' hands, and that doesn't make sense. Their bottom line is profit." No Systematic Effort Residents are now wondering if the $530 million Atlantic Terminal pro- ject, another city-subsidized Forest City Ratner undertaking on a 24-acre site located above the nearby Flatbush Avenue terminal of the Long Island Railroad, will provide the kind of opportunities they say MetroTech has failed to realize. Community groups monitoring the project are skeptical. The problem, says Brad Lander, executive director of the Fifth Avenue Committee, is that there has been no systematic effort made to pinpoint exactly what the developers' responsi- bilities are to the community, and what can be done in the future if they ''The funds went ------ everywhere but east. far do you have to go to get to the _lTOIInding community? We are don't meet these responsibilities. "We sent the Borough President's Advisory Committee on Atlantic Terminal a letter with a ton of ques- tions," he says. "We asked them to set some targets in terms of the creation of meaningful career track positions, hir- ing and training programs, and what they would do if they didn't meet those targets. What kind of community structure would be set up?" So far, says Lander, his group hasn't received a reply. "Public officials so strongly want development, they are unwilling to press for those kinds of agreements or concessions," Lander continues. "We have a federal, state and city corporate development policy with no clue how to link-or the willingness to ensure- community jobs for people of color." Reap the Benefits It will take more than a ribbon-cut- ting ceremony to insure that Fort Greene residents reap the benefits they feel they have coming to them. John Mollenkopf, a professor at the City University of New York's Graduate Center and an urban renewal special- ist, is not optimistic. "There are ways, for example, to link the New York City school system to the telecommunications and com- puter industries," he explains. So far, however, those connections have not been made. Mollenkopf suspects that MetroTech will turn out to be a "clas- sic urban renewal project, good for companies and generating a plus for the city fiscally. But it [won't] impact Fort Greene. There are lost opportuni- ties." 0 Laura Washington is a copy editor at Vogue. CITIES IN CRISIS ECONOMIC DEfiCIT HEAlTH CARE IN AMERICA Ntw York University is an ajfimraliw ocoonlequal opponunity instiUIUm. THE ENVIRONMENT Tackle the Issues. At New York University's Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, you will acquire the skills necessary to tackle the issues of a professional career in public, nonprofit, and health organizations. Programs of study include. Public Administration. Urban Planning Health Policy and Management. You can study full or part time; financial aid is available. Career placement services are available to all Wagner students. Find out what the Wagner Graduate School of Public Service can do for you. Call1-800-771-4NYU, ext.709, Monday Robert F. Wagner through Friday or send in the coupon below. GRADUATE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC SERVICE r-----------------------------, I 0 Public Administration 0 Urban Planning 0 Health Policy and Management 0 Saturday Programs 0 Doctoral Programs I I New York University NAME I Robert F. Wagner Graduate I School of Public Service ADDRESS CITY STATE ZIP CODE I I 4 Washington Square North I New York, N. Y. 10003 TELEPHONE SOCIAL SBCURITY NUMBER UOS L _____________________________ ~ 14/DECEMBER 1994/elTY LIMITS Congratulations to Jill Kirschenbaum, Senior Editor of City Limits and recipient of the NASWs 1994 Carroll Kowal Journalism Award for enhancing the public's awareness of Social Conditions in New York City.
Comtru1ity Development Group CITY LIMITS/DECEMBER 1994/15 By Andrew White "Mother Pearl" Chambers outside her window on West 119th Street The tale of one block in Central Harlem where residents are stirring the coals of community action- and preparing to bargain with the city over who will own their homes. H alfway down West 119th Street in Central Harlem, past the streetcorner dice game and a row of gutted brownstones with cinderblocks in place of doorways, the mother of all compassion leans out from her first floor window. "Mother Pearl" Chambers spends a good part of most every day with her elbows set on the window sill, keeping an eye on the men, women, boys and girls that pass by on her block between Fifth and Lenox avenues, where she has lived since 1945. To the many homeless and poor people 16/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS who stop by her window day after day, she provides food, clothes, comfort and wisdom; sometimes even a few dollars. On a chill November morning, a young and very preg- nant Jeanette Ortiz stops beside the stoop of Number 48 to speak with "this woman Pearl, my mentor." Ortiz is home- less, just out of prison after a short stay for selling drugs. She tried to get a place in a shelter, but it didn't work out. So she is still homeless, walking the length and breadth of the block where she has lived off and on for much of her life. Pearl encourages her to be careful and stay warm, and hands her a few things. "I can see myself like her someday," Ortiz says with a beaming smile and a nervous hand clutching a pack of Newport cigarettes. "She's aware of the people that need help. She's given me shoes and clothing from her house." Ortiz is barely 20. Up close her worn thin face indicates a brutal life. As she walks away, Pearl's eyes betray a deep sadness. "She's on drugs," she says. "I've known her since she was so young, she's lived in so many buildings on this block." When Ortiz was arrested, she was living in an aban- doned house across the street without heat or water. Her baby is due in December. "I told her I think it will come sooner," Pearl says, quietly. "I don't know how much we can help her. But we have to try." A ccording to conventional wisdom, Pearl Chambers and Jeanette Ortiz represent the old and the new, two sides of life in America's poor urban neighborhoods: the disappearing history of communal responsibility and support net- works, and the rise of violence, drug addiction, unplanned motherhood and dependency. But conventional wisdom is often wrong. The small gifts of compassion emerging from Number 48 are to some a sure sign of Harlem's greatest strengths, of the spiritual core of a community written off as lost long ago. For many years Mother Pearl was one of a small number of people here striving to make a difference: she organized annual block parties for 20 straight summers, arranged decent burials for scores of indigent men and women who died alone, and still regularly sweeps the sidewalk clear of litter. But today she is part of a blossoming movement of old and young alike building on the community's strengths, reversing the long decline of West 119th Street. "It's beginning to grow again. It's getting clean again. There are young minds bringing us together," says Marguerite Gordon, a local church leader who is 86 years old and has lived in her brownstone home on the north side of the block for more than five decades. "It can be a good block. It has been in the past, so why not now?" There are two strands of change threading through the fabric of West 119th Street: first, the people of the block coming together, building new relationships with one another and learning to advocate for repairs in housing, better services and a stronger sense of mutual responsibil- ity; and second, the city government sketching plans for a new direction in housing policy. West 119th between Fifth and Lenox is near the top of the current list of blocks being considered for the first round of the Giuliani administra- tion's initiative to rehabilitate and sell city-owned build- ings to small businessmen and women, as well as to neigh- borhood-based nonprofits and tenants themselves. If Harlem's tumultuous politics don't reverse the city's course, the program could be in full swing here within a month or two. At the point where the two strands knot togeth- er is Community Pride, a government-funded group experimenting with innovative strategies for rebuilding a spirit of community, organizing tenants and providing a broad array of youth pro- grams and social services. A project of the Rheedlen Centers for Children and Families, a leading provider of youth development programs, Community Pride is one of a number of compre- hensive community-building initiatives under- way around the country combining social services and advocacy with organizing. It is also one of the neighborhood groups the city hopes will facilitate the new housing initiative. Of course, when this kind of enterprise is funded by government-as many say it ought to be-questions inevitably arise. The story of Community Pride, still in its infancy as a community action organization, offers a revealing glimpse into the tremen- dous possibilities and the complicated dilemmas that face those engaged in such innovative approaches to neighbor- hood revitalization. "These groups are testing a hypothesis," says Sherece West, program associate for the Annie B. Casey Founda- tion, which is funding similar projects nationwide. "If you put resources in place with the right partners, engage the residents in the right way and have the willingness of the city to work with you, can you move a successful commu- nity building agenda? It's still a bit too soon to say." Community Pride has brought together a disparate array of people on West 119th Street, including many who live in the 19 city-owned buildings on the block (all of them taken from tax-delinquent landlords during the last decade and a half). The tenants want much-needed repairs, but are apprehensive about the city's new housing plan. "The city can't just come in and do anything they want," explains Rosetta Carey, a tenant on the block for 11 years and super of five city-owned buildings. "They have to come in and speak with the people. That's the way it has to be." This leaves Community Pride-whose government fund- ing comes through a contract with the tenants' landlord, the city's Department of Housing Preservation and Development (HPD)-in a potentially delicate position. The way HPD Commissioner Deborah Wright's new plan for selling city properties plays out on West 119th Street promises to be a test case for the entire concept of government and commu- nity collaboration. Lee Farrow, the lead or- ganizer with Community Pride, and Geoffrey Canada, Rheedlen's president, say they are committed first and foremost to the people of West 119th. "We're going to stay with that community, and that's regardless of whether we keep city fund- ing or not," says Canada. "If we find out that this does "The city can't just come in and do anything they want .... They have to come in and speak with the people. " CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/17 g z ~ a: ~ a: Cl not work for the community, we will do whatever is possi- ble to change this process." poverty." So Rheedlen set out to see if it could change the nature of poverty in one small part of the city: a block on West 119th Street where housing conditions are bad and drugs and vio- lence loom large over everyday life, but where there is also a strong foundation on which to build. For one thing, there's a well-established church-Emmanuel A.M.E.-as well as a cooperative apartment building that tenants purchased from construction dumpster by the curb on the north side of the street is overflowing with garbage gathered from rear alleyways and yards, tossed from apartment windows by tenants too lazy to take their refuse down to the garbage cans, says Willie Johnson, the super for four of the city buildings. He is a "While "ou might quiet, solidly built man who can be , , the city, standing as a model of what could be for the residents of the remain- ing city-owned buildings. There is also a block association, numerous homeown- ers and elders like Mother Pearl with a wealth of experience and devotion to their community. found on the sidewalk almost every have to come in day, keeping an eye on things. He has lived on the block since 1961. "Some of on the short term these people don't care," he says, in a and deal with tone that says this should be no sur- prise to anyone. the symptoms that 119th Street lies on But a people's capacity to respect the edge of one of the their home can depend on whether it is poverty produces, poorest census tracts a home worth respecting, argues Farrow. h I I in New York City. In "Home should be an environment t e on y rea cure the four-block area where you feel like a human being. But is changing the stretching southward, the physical conditions here are so bad, the median annual household income is you can see gaping holes, ceilings falling nature of poverty. " only $8,856. More than one-third of the down," she says. "People do not like residents are children and at least three- living in bad conditions. But they end quarters of them are being raised by up conforming to them because they a single parent, according to the 1990 don't feel they have a choice .... People's census. need to survive has overwhelmed the With a high density of city-owned goodness people have." housing, the area has a double-edged For the staff at Rheedlen, the genesis connection to the city's shelter system of Community Pride was in the lessons for homeless families. Most families they learned from another of their pro- seeking shelter come from neighbor- jects, Neighborhood Gold, which pro- hoods like this one, studies show, and vides comprehensive support services the nature of housing here appears to be and case management for families mov- a large part of the reason why: a 1993 ing from homeless shelters into apart- report by Anna Lou Dehavenon of the ments in Central Harlem. The group Action Research Project on Hunger, quickly found that services were only a Homelessness and Family Health found small part of what they had to do. that one-third of all families seeking "We realized you couldn't save fami- shelter came from city-owned buildings, lies without dealing with housing primarily because of intolerable physical issues, and the real stuff that made fam- conditions or drug activity. City-owned ilies stronger was what was happening housing is also one of the few resources in the community," Canada recalls. ~ the city has for placing homeless families Neighborhood Gold began to organize a: in permanent apartments. Well over half tenants in city-owned buildings where i'i: the families in city-owned buildings o most formerly homeless families lived, ~ today moved there directly from the helping them drive out drug dealers <!l shelter system, according to HPD. and advocate for repairs (see City limits, Geoff Canada, president of the Rheedlen In 1991, when HPD came up with fed- April 1993). Centers for Children and Families eral funding under the McKinney Act to It was clear, Canada says, that community organizing was prevent homelessness by improving services to tenants in city- the single most effective tool for overcoming instability in owned buildings, Rheedlen won a multiyear, annual contract any given neighborhood: developing people's strengths as of $200,000 to do the work in Central Harlem. Soon after, well as their desire and ability to change things, and thus Community Pride set up shop in a brownstone on West 122nd countering the ravages of poverty. "Sometimes when you look Street and raised another $150,000 from the Edna McConnell at problems, you come up with solutions based on mental Clark Foundation for organizing and other work. health issues, drug issues, racial issues, when the real issue is Many of the people they try to help don't live on West mostly poverty," says Canada. "While you might have to 119th Street. By contract, the organization provides ser- come in on the short term and deal with the symptoms that vices to tenants throughout the southern part of Central poverty produces, the only real cure is changing the nature of Harlem. Much of their work involves arranging for home care l8IDECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS The idea is not to flood the community with social services, but to provide the resources that neighborhoods like this have not been able to afford of their own accord. attendants or health services for elderly people, or advocat- ing for apartment repairs from the city. But there are far more difficult cases as well, such as helping a mother cope with her 13- and 14-year-old children who have become addicted to drugs, or working with an older man who has strong lead- ership skills but needs to kick an alcohol habit. In the last year, seven youths with ties to Community Pride have suffered violent deaths on Harlem streets. When one young man was Lee Farrow. director of Community Pride shot dead on the block last year, his mother, who lived near the spot where it happened, could no longer face the horrible patch of sidewalk. Community Pride helped her move away from the area, rebuild her life and care for her other young children. It can be extraordinarily difficult work, says social worker Leslie Sims, but it is more "real" than many social workers ever get to experience. "When you finish a case, it can be so fulfilling. You can believe in what you are doing." The idea, adds Farrow, is not to flood the community with social services, but to provide the resources that neigh- borhoods like this have not been able to afford of their own accord. "We don't need social services any more than anyone else," suggests Janice Dozier, a choreographer who is secre- tary of the tenant association at 8 West 119th Street and who has been working with Community Pride to pull the block together. "What we need is organization. People downtown have advocates who know what's available. They band together and spend money and scream for what they want. Uptown, they don't know. When you approach institutions they push you aside." P art of Community Pride's organizing strategy has been to build trust with the neighborhood through its youth programs and to build a sense of community through celebrations. After school and in the evening, the two-story office on West 122nd is alive with young people. Tutors work on math problems with students at a large table in the kitchen, teenagers in the back yard map out a fashion show. It's all part of a greater design to create a safe hang-out space-and a place to do homework-while fostering creativity and a positive neighborly connection. Many, but not all, of the youths are from West 119th Street. Block parties, small weekly "worship" sessions during the summer and holiday parties have brought together the elders, the parents and their children, even a few of the hardest to reach-the older teenagers. At least 400 people showed up in a borrowed auditorium the Friday before Halloween for a Community Harvest celebration of games, food and music planned by about 40 residents of West 119th and 120th streets. "It was everything right about a community that most people would think there was nothing right about," says Canada. "There were parents with children spending an evening, giving them a positive alternative to the craziness that we see in Halloween. It's a different way to help peo- ple recognize their strength as a community, even while acknowledging that there are problems within that commu- nity. Using the strength to tackle the issues, not doing it in such a way that everything is focused on a problem. If we learn to celebrate, we'll be much more organized and we'll be ready to tackle the crises when they come." That's not to say things have turned around overnight. Young dealers maintain a blatant presence throughout the neighborhood. And one Monday evening, as 14 residents gather with Community Pride organizers in the basement of 8 West 119th, a rehabilitated tenement, four teenage girls on the sidewalk huddle around the flame of a lighter, flaring crystals of crack in their glass pipe. It's not really anything out of the ordinary, one woman says, as the girls head off down the block. But these meetings, too, are becoming something the people on the block can count on, where the work of orga- nizing and educating residents to take the lead in planning for the future of their community will take place. This is Farrow's message to the small group as they gather among the gas meters and low-slung pipes, and begin to discuss their options under the city's new housing plan. H ousing experts say the Giuliani administration's program for selling off city-owned apartment buildings represents a sea change in city policy. Commissioner Wright has mapped out the first stages, focusing about $47 million in HPD resources during the next several months on refurbishing perhaps a dozen troubled blocks citywide and boosting the real estate market there. The piece of the plan she has promoted most intently is the Neighborhood Entrepreneurs Program (NEP), in which small business owners who have management experience and are based in low income communities will be offered the chance to pur- chase groups of city-owned buildings. "People out there have proven that they can manage prop- erty," Wright told a City Council committee at a recent hear- ing. "But they cannot access the financial resources they need" to purchase buildings and do the necessary upkeep and rehabilitation work. "This program will link local entre- preneurs to the downtown business community," she added, thus making credit accessible. NEP will be run by the New York City Housing Partnership, a nonprofit affiliated with the Chamber of Commerce that has developed thousands of units of moder- ate and middle income housing in recent years. Ownership CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/19 o '" z ~ a: i'i o ~ II: '" of buildings entering the program will be turned over to a shell corporation controlled by the Partnership, Wright says, so the city can avoid "the panoply of rules governing pur- chasing, contracting and so on" that could tie the city's hands and slow the process. While the buildings are in the Partnership's hands, the prospective buyers will take over management, oversee the mostly government-funded rehabilitation, work with ten- ants and prove their competence as landlords. Only then, after passing through all of this and winning the approval of HPD, the Partnership and a neighborhood nonprofit assigned to monitor the project, can the actual sale go for- ward. The whole process should take anywhere from two to "What we need is organization. People downtown have advocates who know what's available and scream for what they want. Uptown, they don't know. When you approach institutions they push you aside. " Janice Dozier, secretary of the tenant association at 8 West 119th Street. three years in most cases, says Kathy Wylde, director of the Housing Part- nership. What if the ten- ants don't like what they see along the way? "It would not be fair to the [pro- spective] owners to let the tenants decide unilaterally whether the sale should go through," Wylde says. "We will set up a pro- cess with objective performance stan- dards. If the Part- nership, HPD and the nonprofit mon- itor are not satisfied, that will reflect ten- ant dissatisfaction and they will not have the right to purchase the build- ing." She adds that 150 small business- people involved in real estate manage- ment have shelled out $25 to buy a copy of the pro- gram's request for qualifications. The applications from those still interested were due back by the end of November. Who will these entrepreneurs be? According to the appli- cation rules, they must be based in the neighborhoods where the buildings are located, they cannot own more than 250 units of housing, they cannot have a record of ten- ant harassment, tax foreclosure or serious housing code vio- lations, and they must have rehabilitation and management experience, among other things. "I've been in the business thirty-five years," says Wilfred DeFour of Saverin Realty in Central Harlem. He owns 60 20IDECEMBER 1994/elTY LIMITS apartments in the community, manages another 20, and intends to apply for the program. "It looks doable," he says. "Not a cinch, but doable. In the past, HPD requirements were so stiff it was difficult for small businesspeople to be involved, but this is different." Leroy W. Morrison of Lemor Realty on 135th Street also hopes to get involved. He has worked with nonprofits in the past as a building manager and believes organized tenants are an asset to any decent landlord. As for turning a profit? "I believe it can be done .... A lot of things are unspecified at this point, but I believe it's worth a shot." T wo years after Community Pride arrived on 119th Street, what's expected of them under their city contract may be set to change. "Commissioner Wright has been out to see Community Pride," says former HPD assistant commissioner Richard Heitler, who worked closely with the Harlem organization until he recently left his government job. "She sees it as something of a model of what grassroots groups' involvement could be" in the city's new privatization pro- gram. "It's exactly what they had in mind." That may not be exactly what Community Pride has in mind, however. Canada and Farrow insist that they are orga- nizing the community for the broader goal of community itself, to build leadership, share resources, improve the neighborhood and plan for the future. On that score, they say, they want the residents of West 119th Street to take the lead, rather than the dictates of their city funders. At community meetings and in interviews with tenants, the question of ownership is becoming a central part of the discussion. Caristha Easton remembers the last time she had a private landlord, when she moved to the block in 1975. He was a local preacher, and he refused to provide heat or hot water. "I just used the stove. You got to know how to use it." Many people here have similar stories. It's not as though they write off any possibility of a private owner: "Not all of them are slumlords," says Rita Russell. "There are decent landlords. But I would want a building that all the tenants owned. That would be their responsibility." One of the options the city is proposing as an alternative to NEP is ten- ant ownership through the city's Tenant Inter-im Lease pro- gram (TIL). Dozier's building at 8 West 119th has been in the TIL pro- gram for two years; the tenants expect to purchase the 20- unit property in 1995. They have already established an evening tenant patrol. taken over management, overseen some of the rehabilitation and gone to court to evict six problem tenants who were involved in drugs. "You would not have come in here two years ago," says her son Vernon, who lives on the top floor. "This was a cracked- out building. It was rough." "We've cleaned up a little section of this block," Dozier says. "Once other people see we respect this block, they begin to respect it." Mother Pearl is also interested in TIL, especially if her five-unit building could enter the program along with the larger one next door; that way enough tenants would be involved so that the burden wouldn't fall exclusively on her and the other seniors who live there. Easton says the same thing. But TIL does have problems as well: Rita Russell and members of another organization working with tenants on West 119th Street, Action for Community Empowerment, point out that no tenant should have to buy a building in bad shape. In too many cases, Russell says, properties have been sold to tenants before they have been properly reha- bilitated. As for NEP, many affordable-housing advocates warn that the program could present many opportunities for abuse. "It's a masterful set of loopholes," says Jay Small of the Association of Neighborhood Housing and Development about the NEP guidelines outlined in the request for quali- fications. Others warn that a profit simply can't be made on these properties, even if they are sold in combination with extensive subsidies and vacant buildings that can be rented at near-market rates, as is the plan. All of this leaves Community Pride and the residents of 119th Street in an urgent posture. If Harlem politicos decide the city can go ahead and target West 119th Street for the pri- vatization effort, tenants will have only a short time-rough- ly two to three months, according to HPO-to organize ten- ant associations and decide if they would like to make a go of it in TIL or try something other than NEP. During the basement meeting at Number 8, tenants say they are unsure what all of this means, but each has very deep concerns about whether they will have a role in influ- encing what happens. Dozier says she wants to be sure that residents of the block get whatever jobs are created through the program-something the Partnership says will be a key part ofNEP. "We'll have to have a movement, we'll have to have an action around these things," Farrow says, reassuringly. "We'll have to be ready when it starts." In private, her enthusiasm is tempered with worry, how- ever, as she recognizes the stakes for Community Pride. "I came up here to do homeless prevention, support services and block-by-block organizing," she says. "Here we are two years later at center stage of this big program. They have next to no money allocated for nonprofits to do support work in NEP. They say they are trying to tap existing resources .... But if things go kaput, we are caught up in it. It would be just as well if they did it on another block so we could see how it goes." On the other hand, she adds, it's about time the city got serious about doing a wholesale rehabilitation of its crum- bling housing stock. "People have been living in these con- ditions so long it has become normal. Poor services, devasta- tion, dilapidated conditions. I see the devastation of peoples' lives while we sit around talking about things. Let's not make it a political thing. Let's just start." 0 Subscribe to City Limits! Call (212) 925-9820 !lBankers1lust Company Community Development Group A resource for the non--profit development community
Gary Hattem, Managing Director Amy BrusHoff, Vice President 280 Park Avenue, 19West New York, New York 10017 Tel: 212 .. 454 .. 3677 Fax: 212 .. 454 .. 2380 CITY LIMITS/DECEMBER 1994/21 In Nehemiah's Way A scramble between East Brooklyn Congregations and tenants of the buildings they want to raze Tenants in nine East New York apartment buildings thought they had turned the corner last March in their long struggle to reclaim their homes from years of landlord neglect. Then they discovered that the city and a local community organization wanted to tear their buildings down. The tenants of Williams Avenue- most of whom are poor or elderly- mobilized and won a significant victo- ry last month, convincing the City Planning Commission and housing officials to spare their homes from the wrecking ball. But their struggle is not yet over. Members of East Brooklyn Congre- gations (EBC), the community organi- zation seeking to raze the buildings, say they intend to take their case to the City Council. Their aim is to overturn the planning commission's decision, which they charge threatens an exten- acres of vacant land and decrepit bUildings in some of the toughest sec- tions of the Bronx, Brownsville and East New York to make way for enclaves of these low-priced homes, most of which are bought by families with incomes in the $20,000 to $60,000 range. People on all points of the political spectrum admire the group for making the dream of home- ownership possible for more than 2,500 moderate-income families. Tearing down the nine attached buildings on Williams Avenue would have enabled EBC to construct 20 of the 700 homes scheduled for the next round of the Nehemiah project, named for a Biblical prophet who rebuilt Jerusalem. But many affordable hous- ing advocates say they do not under- stand the logic of tearing down 135 viable apartments to make way for a few single family homes. "Given the fact that we are cur- rently in a housing crisis, how can the city justify that?" asks Andrew Reicher, executive director of the Urban Homestead- ers Assistance Board. "It is a classic exam- ple of what's been wrong with urban renewal programs." This is the latest twist in a long EBC organizing campaign to move forward with Nehemiah develop- ~ ment. For several Williams Avenue tenants are fighting to stay in their homes. years, the group nego- tiated with the admin- istration of then-Mayor David Dinkins over the scope of the project. Initially the city offered only enough land to build about 200 houses, but EBC charged this was insufficient for the "critical mass" of new homes and fam- ilies needed to stabilize the crime-rid- den area. Leaders demanded enough land to build between 700 and 800 homes, or there would be no deal. The two sides finally reached an agreement for the larger plan in October, 1992. sive urban renewal program slated for the area. Powerhouse East Brooklyn Congregations (EBC), a powerhouse neighborhood organiza- tion representing 51 religious groups and thousands of parishioners, is seeking to replace the nine 15-unit apartment buildings with a row of new houses as part of its Nehemiah hous- ing program. Over the last two dec- ades, EBC and sister organizations around the city have cleared dozens of 22IDECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS The agreement did not originally include the string of contested apart- ., By Jill Kirschenbaum ment buildings on Williams Avenue, according to a memo of understanding with the housing department. But city officials opened the door to demoli- tion last year when, at the behest of EBC, they included the buildings in an amendment to the renewal plan. History of Failure EBC leaders claim the buildings have a 15-year history of failure, argu- ing that the city's Department of Housing Preservation and Develop- ment (HPD) has spent hundreds of thousands of dollars to maintain the buildings only to see them slip into ever-worsening condition. Worse, the buildings became havens for drug users and sellers in the mid to late 1980s. "You look at the history of the buildings, and the history is that they have never worked," says EBC orga- nizer Ken Thorbourne. He says the evi- dence shows that the buildings are unmanageable and would become a cancerous sore if they were left to stand amidst a new development of Nehemiah homes. Trouble is, the Williams Avenue tenants-some who have neighbor- hood ties going back three decades- don't want to leave. All have incomes far below those needed to get Nehemiah mortgages, and they are not interested in the alternative EBC and the city have offered them: moving to other city-owned apartments or to public housing projects. Their supporters charge that EBC is too eager to displace the poor in the name of progress. For some, observes Ron Shiffman, a member of the City Planning Commission, "Nehemiah.has been a blessing. But at the same time, it's important to recognize that there are people here trying to make East New York work. ... We must not pit one group of people struggling to rebuild their community against another group struggling to maintain it." The tenants agree that there have been serious problems with drugs and crime on the block and in the build- ings. But, they counter, they have suf- fered through years of mismanagement by private landlords and city caretak- ers without having a meaningful say in the way the properties have beennm. "I've worked hard to repair my place on my own," says tenant John Hall. "I put in a toilet and a wash basin, cabinets and a stove. I did my floors and retiled the bath- room. The way I did my apartment, it's my home. And I don't intend to move." Under a Curse A superstitious person might believe that the short block between Livonia and Riverdale has been under a curse for the last 25 years. People have a way of talking about the build- ings from 486 to 532 Williams Avenue as though they are possessed, like an urban Amityville Horror. The nine properties were first reno- vated by the city in the mid-1970s and structured as a nonprofit, tenant-run cooperative. But the rehabilitation was shoddy, recalls Abdur Rahman Farrakhan, a housing activist familiar with the project, and the tenants were never properly organized and trained to run the buildings. When mainte- nance problems developed and the co- op members began to quarrel, a frac- tious rent strike drove the buildings into tax arrears and, ultimately, city- ownership in 1983. In 1984, the city contracted with a private landlord to manage the build- ings under the now-defunct Private Ownership Management Program (POMP). The firm of Eiges & Eiges, a subsidiary of the William Crown real estate company, received the city con- tract for the properties, along with a subsidy of $1,200 per apartment for renovations. In 1986, William Crown purchased the nine buildings from the city for $234,000. They were to become one of POMP's most spectacu- lar failures. In a lawsuit brought against William Crown by HPD at the end of 1990, court papers indicate that the build- ings rapidly deteriorated under the management of Eiges & Eiges and that "widespread and egregious violations of the Housing Maintenance Code existed at the time of sale" in 1986. The city hauled William Crown into housing court in 1989 for failure to provide heat and hot water, resulting in nearly $1 million in fines and orders to correct all building viola- tions. But the work was never done. As tenants fled the intolerable con- ditions, drug dealers and their cus- tomers took over the vacant apart- ments, roaming the hallways and ter- rorizing the remaining tenants. Finally, in November 1990, HPD brought contempt proceedings against William Crown in Housing Court for failing to provide services and correct outstanding violations. At the time, there were 995 housing code viola- tions. The court appointed an outside administrator to take over manage- ment and repair of the buildings. Farrakhan, executive director of the Oceanhill Brownsville Tenant Association, was tapped to take over. He was charged with the unenviable task of booting out the now firmly entrenched drug trade, making repairs and renting the vacant apartments. But the city gave him no money for the job, Farrakhan recalls, and he quickly began to lose ground. Only after Legal Aid filed a lawsuit did HPD finally allocate $124,394 from its 7 A Financial Assistance Program. The city also agreed to replace the heating system, at a cost of some $400,000. But it was all he could do to cover the cost of managing the buildings, while trying at the same to time to rout illegal tenants, Farrakhan says. "As fast as we tried to repair the apart- ments, the dealers would break in and steal. We could never catch up." Still, tenants and Legal Aid attorney Mimi Rosenberg say that overall man- agement of the buildings under Farrakhan was woefully inadequate. In April 1993, Rosenberg filed a contempt motion against him and the city moved to remove him as administrator. Court Battle During the yearlong court battle that followed, the tenants of Williams Avenue were once again on their own, without a superintendent or building manager. The buildings' boilers, housed in unlocked basements, were vandalized anew. When plumbing leaks developed at 520 Williams this past January, tenants called the Fire Department, which had no recourse but to turn off the water and the heat. The city placed vacate orders on three buildings that shared the same boiler, and the tenants were forced out to shelters or to stay with family or friends. By then, there were more than 1500 code violations in the nine buildings. Finally, with the help of Legal Aid, the tenants filed a suit in state Supreme Court to force the city to take emergency mea- sures-not only to repair the boilers, heating risers and plumbing systems, but to provide on-site building man- agers and to secure the buildings once and for all against further vandalism. The tenants were allowed to move back into two of the vacated buildings in March, and at long last, conditions at Williams Avenue began to stabilize. Tenants had regular heat and hot water at last. Hallways and common areas were given fresh coats of paint, broken windows and doors were replaced. Even new intercoms and mailboxes were installed, allowing for regular mail delivery for the first time in years. The tenants met with HPD officials and organizers from the East New York Urban Youth Corps, a near- by low income housing manager and developer, and began discussing the possibility of getting into the city's Tenant Interim Lease (TIL) program, which would allow them to manage and ultimately purchase the buildings themselves. It was only then that they learned of EBC's desire to tear the buildings down. Crash Course After hearing the news, the tenants embarked on a crash course in grass- roots organizing. They educated them- selves about the city's land-use review process. They sent letters to the mayor, the borough president and other city and state officials, informing them of their desire to stay put and get into the TIL program. They followed up with a telephone campaign and petitions signed by some 100 tenants. On October 12th, the final day of hearings before the City Planning Commission on the Second Amend- ment to the Urban Renewal Plan for East New York, lines were drawn down the middle of the City Hall hearing room. EBC clergy leaders and some 100 congregants bused in for the occasion filled the seats to the right of the aisle, while 50 Williams Avenue tenants took their seats to the left. The EBC case was simple: home- owners were, by virtue of their finan- cial commitment, more likely to do what had to be done to keep their CITY LIMITS/DECEMBER 1994/23 neighborhoods safe. "What's the definition of a successful building?" testified Irving Domenick, a member of the Brownsville Nehemiah Homeowners Association and the EBC strategy team. "Tenants who pay rent, low vacancy rates and low serious crime. For the last 15 years, these buildings have failed. Can they be turned around? Maybe. But we can't and will not ask people to invest their life savings in a maybe." The Williams Avenue tenants coun- tered that EBC had no right to take their homes from them, or pass judg- ment on them. "I've lived in East New York for thirty-five years," said Lessie Sanders, IRWIN NESOFF ASSOCIATES management consulting for non-profits Providing a full-range of management support services for non-profit organizations o Strategic and management development plans o Board and staff development and training o Program design and implementation o Proposal and report writing o Fund development plans o Program evaluation 20 St. Johns Place Brooklyn, New York 11217 (718) 636-6087 Your Neighborhood Housing Insurance Specialist ~ NEWKRK INCORPORATED We have changed our name and have become more computerized to offer you quicker and more efficient service than ever before. For nearly 20 years, R&F of New York, Inc. has provided insurance to tenants and community groups. We have developed extremely competitive insurance programs based on a careful evaluation of the special needs of our customers. Due to the volume of business we handle, we can often couple these programs with low-cost financing, if required. We have been a leader from the start and are dedicated to the City of New York. For information call: Ingrid Kaminski, Senior Vice President R&F of New York, Inc. 1 Wall Street Court, New York, NY 10005-3302 (212) 269-8080, FAX (212) 269-8112 (800) 635-6002 24IDECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS turning to the EBC parishioners across the aisle. "I can live with anybody. These church folks, wanting to put people out of their apartments, ought to be ashamed of themselves." As they have done before in other areas, the tenants explained, EBC could build around the Williams Avenue properties. And some of the commis- sioners were unconvinced by the EBC members' arguments to the contrary. "You are taking such a firm position against renters," observed Commis- sioner Irwin Cantor. "We've been lis- tening to a group of people who are working hard to save Williams Avenue. Why are- you so adamant against a compromise?" But compromise is not what has enabled EBC to turn around devastat- ed neighborhoods, leaders insist. "It's too soon to compromise," observed Father Mason in an interview after the hearing. "We haven't exhausted all of our options yet." Groundswell of Support It turned out EBC had lost at least this round of the battle, however. After conducting an extensive review of his own, Brooklyn Borough President Howard Goldin reversed his original position and threw his weight behind the tenants. Then, days before the final vote of the planning commission on November 16th, Housing Commis- sioner Deborah Wright, who had met with the tenants and visited the build- ings, removed the Williams Avenue properties from the demolition plan. EBC, determined to pursue their course and disgruntled by the actions of Wright and the City Planning Commission, is now gearing up to take their case to the City Council, which can amend the plan with a two-thirds vote. If that doesn't work, leaders say, they will go back to Mayor Giuliani, with whom they met prior to the final commission vote. They may be ultimately forced to compromise where Williams Avenue is concerned, however. Sources close to the negotiations say Commissioner Wright has already met with the mayor and convinced him to preserve the Williams Avenue buildings. There is still a long road ahead for the Williams Avenue tenants. But, they say, they are in it for the long haul. "We have never had an opportu- nity to say, as tenants, what we want," notes association president Lyndon Rutherford. "We are asking now for that opportunity, to have a say." 0 Cityvi Managing the Crisis By Harold DeRienzo I t's easy to romanticize New York City's housing movement. The concept is so appealing: communi- ty people joining together, responding to their own needs and those of their neighbors, building new homes and reconstructing de-crepit tenements. But it is an illusion. Local housing groups have, for the most part, ceased to be agitators and protagonists for change. Instead, the organizations that comprise the so-called community housing movement have become con- tent to merely manage a desperate cri- sis of dilapidation, abandonment and homelessness. This has not always been the case. There was once a genuine housing movement intent upon social and political transformation via the physi- cal redevelopment of inner city neigh- borhoods. Somewhere along the way, however, the social agenda got con- fused with the vehicles created to carry this agenda forward. Community organizations that once focused on the demands of neighborhood residents have now become "community devel- opment corporations" dedicated pri- marily to their own institutional growth. The transformation is understand- able. Those of us who were active from the mid-1970s to early 1980s mistook the vacuum left by private and public abandonment of the inner cities as the source of our own strength; we were intent on filling the vacuum and we did so with a sense of pride and an inflated sense of power. But in the process, as community organizations undertook the work once expected of government and private landlords and created a new community develop- ment sector, they took on all the bur- dens abandoned by others. They became service providers, agencies, landlords. Defined by Funders In my own experience during this time, funding and administrative demands became the driving force of the organization I directed. By 1982, Cityview is a forum for opinion and does not necessarily reflect the views of City Limits. when I left my post as executive direc- tor of the Banana Kelly Community Improvement Association in the South Bronx, our organizers had become our managers; our volunteers had become our employees; our members had become our clients. This transition, which took place in the short span of five years, was not purposeful but occurred because we were not paying attention to our underlying mission and became driven by institutional needs as defined by funders, foundations and government offi- cials outside the community. the author Frances Moore Lappe, who was working on a book about commu- nity development. She was shocked when the homesteaders referred to Banana Kelly, the local community development corporation, as the "agency" they worked with, and sur- prised when the tenants constantly referred to the same organization as their "landlord." I suppose she expect- ed to find a united sense of communi- ty. Instead, she found residents who viewed their own community organi- zation as an outside force, an entity they felt no connection with, only connec- tion to. The sad fact is that currently, most community housing groups no longer work for, represent, or even hold them- selves accountable to the communities in g which they work. g; There is very little !Ii work going into The result, not only in the South Bronx but through- out the city, has been magnificent from the point of view of phys- ical development but abysmal when scru- tinized from the per- spective of social development. Many "organizers" no long- er work for social change.CITganizations that grew out of activ- ist grassroots efforts are no longer the vehicles by which any "community" agen- Harold DeRienzo is president of the Parodneck Foundation for SeN-Help Housing and Community Development. changing anything. We have all become managers of the crisis. In effect, this means that we mere- ly compete amongst ourselves to manage da is to be realized. Missions once framed around con- fronting and challenging the prevailing system of economic control in low income neighborhoods are now geared simply to accommodating the status quo and domesticating potentially troublesome local residents. Organizations now claim to be accountable to their local communities in principle, but are in practice accountable only to outside funders . It is a fundamental but commonplace contradiction that is usually glossed over, but in the end it underlines how little commitment there is for change that is prompted by and benefits com- munity people. About a year ago, I was invited to Fox Street (two blocks from my home on Kelly Street in Hunts Point) to meet with some formerly homeless tenants in a building rehabilitated by the city, as well as some homesteaders from the neighborhood. I was accompanied by different parts and amounts of the same problem. We succeed, not by the social change we promote and achieve, but by the size of our budgets, the pro- grammatic reach of our institutions and the scope of our activity. In the process of going from relevant and dynamic agents of change to proficient managers of the status quo, we have abandoned our missions and our com- munities. Shared Agenda A community, if nothing else, is an association of people with shared con- cerns and desires, issues in common, a sense of interdependence and some capacity (power) to accomplish a shared agenda. A community devel- opment corporation is a perversion if it is not the means through which the community agenda is realized. In the process of seeing residents as little more than objective components of the CITY LlMITSIDECEMBER 1994/25 development process, managing poor, primarily publicly assisted residents becomes just another component of the community development business. Once residents become objects of development or social service pro- grams, their social connection to the institution is severed. And in the process of delivering the services, the residents' role as part of the communi- ty is destroyed because their problems are seen as their own and (implicitly) not susceptible to collective redress. Their financial poverty becomes a per- sonal pathology, not a circumstance of the economic system to be fought over and changed. Of course, as community housing groups become further detached from a constituent base, less responsive and less accountable to local residents, they become vulnerable to the whims of outside funders who are constantly seeking new, inexpensive ways of delivering government services. If out- siders call the shots then community development corporations may become the equivalent of middle man- agers in the private sector-a dying breed in this age of downsizing. This has already started with the city hous- ing department's new Neighborhood Entrepre-neurs Program, which casts community organizations as monitors and members of oversight bodies for developments undertaken by for-profit "entrepreneurs." In many respects, the role is no more than one of accommoda- tion, one easily eliminated in the future. From the tenants' perspective, beyond the distinction between slum- lord and landlord, one landlord is as good as any other. If the community development corporations are seen as mere extensions of government, their origins make little difference. In short, current prevailing attitudes and actions of many of this city's commu- nity development corporations are the seeds of their own demise. It is long past time for these groups to reassess their own motivations and redefine their missions. Active, Connected Base There is hope. But it starts with a recognition of the problem. Current-ly, the survival of most organizations William .Jacobs Certified Public Accountant Over 25 years experience specializing in nonprofit housing HDFCs, Neighborhood Preservation Corporations Certified Annual Audits Compilation and Review Services Management Advisory Services Tax Consultation and Preparation Call Today For A Free Consultation 77 Quaker Ridge Road, Suite 215 New Rochelle, N.Y. 10804 914-633-5095 Fax 914-633-5097 26/DECEMBER 1994/CITY LIMITS depends upon a combination of com- petence in delivering local services and the usefulness of these services to the funding sources. Once this useful- ness - or to a lesser extent, compe- tence - fails, all such organizations are doomed. In the long term, the health and longevity of community development organizations is depen- dent upon an active, connected con- stituent base. Such a base is achieved only through organizing, dialogue, agenda-setting from the base and accountability to the community itself in the pursuit of this grassroots agen- da. Organizations have to straighten out their priorities; in many cases, this will ultimately mean refusing certain government contracts and rejecting funders' mandates when they do not serve the community agenda. But if the community is itself the nucleus of the organization, it will not fall. I recently received a phone call from the director of a community- based, nonprofit housing organization threatening arrest "or worse" if any surveyors from the Task Force on City- Owned Property were to try to speak with his tenants. Receiving such a call filled me with a sense of anger, sad- ness and deja vu. The last time I was directly confronted this way was in 1978, when city finance officials were preparing to foreclose on a substantial number of Bronx tenements because their owners had failed to pay taxes. I was the target of many threats as my fellow organizers and I tried to inform tenants in Bronx Community Board 2 of what was happening. The only dif- ference, beyond the span of 16 years, was that the threats at that time were coming from private sector, for-profit slumlords. Now, they are coming from our colleagues. 0 Subscribe to , City Limits! Call today: (212) 925-9820 R-=--r ..... _------. No Solution At All "The Homeless," by Christopher Jencks, Harvard University Press, 1994, 161 pages, $17.95 hardcover. Some people still believe that poverty just means not having enough money to pay for the basics, like food and housing. But poor people increas- ingly carry other burdens, among them a loss of autonomy that often equals enslavement, and a heightened vulner- ability to being a research subject. The former is a key component of all cur- rent policy proposals. Responsibility and reciprocity, we tell the poor, will bring dignity, privacy and autonomy. Until then, you belong to us. Which brings me to Christopher Jencks. His book, The Homeless, has been hailed as a much-needed contri- bution to the debate about homeless- ness and its solutions. Jencks chroni- cles the rise of homeless ness since the late 1970s and examines why the prob- lem persists. Several reviewers have praised the book, respectfully noting that it will please neither the right nor the left. In reality, this "nobody else got it right" approach fails on some urgent issues. Jencks begins by trying to pin down the actual number of homeless, but he fails to distinguish between scholarly estimating methods and sham research. He then turns to "promising and less- promising" explanations for homeless- ness and finds that deinstitutionaliza- tion, crack and nuclear family forma- tion patterns are better explanations than changes in the housing market, budget cuts and a lack of rent control. Finally, he concludes with sugges- tions on how to truncate-rather than end-homelessness. And his analysis seriously considers an old phantom of public policy makers: do shelters cause homelessness? Imprecise Definitions Jencks fails to define homelessness in a consistent way. By his measure, homeless people are sometimes those with no place to stay and sometimes only those living in the streets and shelters. Jencks offers similarly dis- missive treatment of homeless advo- cates. He identifies only two from his- tory, Mitch Snyder and Bob Hayes, and then generalizes that all "advo- cates" support inflated numbers and a broad definition of homelessness. In truth, homeless advocates run the spectrum. Some defend the status quo; others seek drastic change. Those who choose to stand with poor people sig- nal their choice by using clear defini- tions and methodology. They seek to give voice to those for whom they pur- port to speak, even when the message is difficult to accept. I know the rules from my own experience: sometimes you scream, sometimes you whisper, and sometimes you just shut the hell up so homeless people can be heard. How do you accomplish this? The late anthropologist Elliot Liebow said it well: "One simply goes where they go, gets to know them over time as best one can and tries very hard to see the world from their perspective." It's an old rule-proximity informs advocacy. Liebow himself slept on the streets more than once. Such proximity can make one a partisan for poor people, although differences in race, class and Incrementalism didn't work for the abolitionists. It won't work now. education (which Jencks ignores in his "index of vulnerability" for homeless- ness) leave an exit for many of us in this imperfect world. Jencks says, "Living with the homeless is both dis- agreeable and dangerous, so only the adventurous want to do it." More accurately, he should say this is an option for those who want their opin- ions shaped by experience rather than the academy. Laying Blame Other topics should now drive the debate about homelessness but, in the book, do not. There is, for example, the role of crack cocaine in making and keeping people homeless, a physical and spiritual slavery inextricably linked to economic slavery in too many poor communities of color. We desperately need candid conver- sation about chemical addiction among rich and poor alike, but can we decide with certainty how much homeless- ness precedes or follows crack use? In Washington, D.C., crack was not the By Mary Ellen Hombs drug of choice until 1988. Homeless- ness was already an entrenched prob- lem by then. Furthermore, studies show how easily drugs grab hold of lives and whole communities, particu- larly when the employment market has little use for low-skilled workers. Anecdotally we know that many people will do what they must to survive, even avoiding or rejecting ser- vices they find frightening or disre- spectful. Others maintain off-the- books income to buy food, shoes and, yes, sometimes drugs. To Jencks, these are people who don't play by ~ e rules. But does that mean they are cunning opportunists or just people bent on survival? To see people play by the rules, try this: head into the city in the pre-dawn hours and watch as clusters of men wait to be picked up by day-labor employers. These are slave jobs-and big business. Workers do undesirable, dangerous and unregulated work for no benefits and subminimum wages. Often the work is for some of the largest corporate employers in the community. Jencks suggests implementing a government jobs program and creating housing that is "good enough" for poor people. But in the end, Jencks' prob- lem is this: his policy prescriptions are inconsistent and weak. He underscores the importance of housing in solving family homelessness and suggests increasing cash benefits. But he also recommends stigma, coer- cion and blatant inequality against sin- gle adults. Jencks calls for rebuilding skid row zones in nonresidential areas (a surrender to NIMBYism), reconsid- ering involuntary commitment, and offering homeless people low-level public jobs in return for pocket money and windowless cubical rooms. Incrementalism didn't work for the abolitionists and it won't work now. We need people who offer small solu- tions, like a cup of coffee and a blan- ket, and fight for big ones, like a right to housing and jobs that pay. In the end, these answers are cheaper than Jencks' alternatives. The policy of hat- ing poor people hasn't worked. Let's try hating poverty. 0 Mary Ellen Hombs is director of the Legal Services Homelessness Task Force in Washington, D.C. CITY LIMITS/DECEMBER 1994/27 Ignorance, or Arrogance? In the past, James Bradley did what no one could do before: unite envi- ronmentalists and city sanitation officials on the issue of recycling. Consequently, we expected to see very little truth told when Bradley requested an interview with NRDC on the Bronx Community Paper Company project ("Bitter Justice," October 1994). Bradley did manage to get one issue right: the Urban Development Corpora- tion (UDC) could have done a better job in publicizing the first public hearing on its grant to support the Banana Kelly Community Improvement Association's de-inking project, which is why only 30 or so people showed up. For the follow- up UDC hearing on the same issue, notices were more broadly posted, including in El Diario and New Amsterdam News [sic]. When the hearing was better publicized, 300 people crammed into the Bronx County Courthouse. Contrary to Bradley's dis- torted assessment that the environmental movement and community representa- tives are "splintered" on Banana Kelly's project, virtually everyone in the hall was loudly in favor of the project. Only four speakers raised any questions of concern. Bradley places Panama Alba, a mem- ber of the National Congress for Puerto Rican Rights, in the role of "critic" to Banana Kelly's efforts. But, alas, Bradley's claim is just another example of his trying to fit reality into his own agenda. How else to explain Mr. Alba's opening remarks at the second UDC hearing where he states on the record: "I come here in behalf of the National Congress for Puerto Rican Rights and ... the South Bronx Clean Air Coalition ... and I want to make it clear that there is no rift with Banana Kelly. We come here tonight to support the UDC grant on behalf of Banana Kelly for stud- ies with UDC. ... We ask everyone to support the UDC grant for $400,000," (UDC hearing transcript, Oct. 5, 1994). Bradley claims that contrary to my assertions, Community Board 1 has not endorsed the plant, and then claims Bob Crespo, district manager, knows little about it. First, Community Board 1 is chaired by George Rodriguez, not Bob Crespo. Why wasn't he quoted? Probably because the position of Mr. Rodriguez couldn't fit into Bradley's preconceived scheme for an article: Mr. Rodriguez has clearly indicated his support for Banana Kelly's effort. Equally important, and obvious to anyone who understands the de facto environmental permitting process in NYC, unless the community board signed off on the project, the DEC would not have been very likely to issue 28/DECEMBER 1994 lei TV LIMITS the Final Environmental Impact Statement (FEIS) approving the project. Bradley also states that, contrary to my claims, state Senator Espada has offered "tentative support for the project." In a February 24, 1994 letter I provided to Bradley from Senator Espada to the UDC, the Senator writes: "I am writing to express my strong support of Banana Kelly Community Improvement Association's request to the NYS Urban Development Corp. for financial assistance .... " Bradley's interview with NRDC was indeed difficult, but he understandably omits explaining why. He had absolutely no idea of what NRDC has been up to for the last 25 years, he had absolutely no idea of what type of project NRDC and Banana Kelly were designing, and he said so. We might as well have been a chemical manufacturer. When viewed in the context of our environmental litiga- tion and advocacy during the last 25 years, he asked us the most absurd ques- tions about what we might develop at the River Yards: "An incinerator?" "A chlo- rine bleaching facility?" "A garbage transfer facility?" He had no idea what was in the FEIS for the rail yards and had no idea of what the technology we're developing does. Bradley asked NRDC if our steam boiler could be "an incinera- tor," belying not only his ignorance of permitting procedures, but his ignorance as well of NRDC's proud struggles throughout the U.S. on behalf of commu- nity groups fighting incinerators. I know how hard it is for the voice of progressive reform to be heard, having spent my entire professional career pur- suing it. But to be effective at reform, we need to get it right. On environmental issues, James Bradley seems incapable of doing so. Allen Hershkowitz Senior Scientist Natural Resources Defense Council James Bradley replies: Allen Hershko- witz's letter once again demonstrates that his idea of dialogue is abuse, slander and debasement. First, in our interviews for the article, his target was the people of the South Bronx who questioned his beloved de-inking plant. Now, he has turned his bile on a journalist who report- ed that there are people in the communi- ty angry about the way NRDC and Banana Kelly's project has been forced upon them without their input. Hershkowitz begins his harangue by citing the October 4th UDC hearing and its large enthusiastic crowd as evidence that the South Bronx is behind him all the way. As reported in the October 5th El Diario/La Prensa, however, the audi- ence was mostly composed of Banana Kelly tenants and workers brought in on some five buses. Yes, Banana Kelly has the resources to mobilize; no one ever questioned that. But the point of my arti- cle was that the people of the South Bronx would like more input on this vital issue. Just because Banana Kelly can bring in busloads of supporters does not mean the people have spoken. But what to make of Panama Alba? He now tells me he regrets his statements at the UDC hearing quoted in Hershkowitz' letter and says he misunderstood what the UDC grant was all about. All I can say is, when I interviewed Alba in August, he was unequivocal in his denunciation of the project. Here are some excerpts: "Banana Kelly has not been willing to sit down and have an open forum with the community to explain themselves. On the basis of this, we cannot support the project.... For the sake of expediency, they're willing to forgo community input. The NRDC has taken a very paternalistic [attitude] .... They seem to think they are advocating on behalf of the grassroots. But the rules they promote only apply to other people, not themselves, because they have been very antagonistic. They never felt the responsibility toward the South Bronx community. They believe because they are the NRDC, they should- n't have to. That's not an acceptable posi- tion for us .... The average person on the street does not know what's going on. These are back room deals to which the community is not privy. So for [Banana Kelly and NRDC] to say that there's com- munity support is pure bullshit." As for Hershkowitz's red herring regarding Community Board 1, I did what any responsible journalist would do. I called Board 1 and requested to get the board's response to the de-inking mill (not the board chair's). Crespo returned my call, and he was speaking on behalf of the board-which is what district managers are paid to do-when he said: "We have not done any research, we have not taken any action concerning this particular pro- ject." If Rodriguez has given uncondition- al support to this project without doing any research, then he will have some explaining to do to the community. I went into the interview at NRDC's offices with an open mind, looking for hard data about the de-inking plant and nothing more. Hershkowitz, on the other hand, immediately perceived me to be the enemy (as he concedes in his letter's opening paragraph), and was hostile, antagonistic and obnoxious, disregarding most of my questions and waxing indig- nant when I dared to raise any of the con- cerns community activists had voiced about the mill. When I had the unthink- able gall to question whether any sludge would be landfill ed-something the company directly said it was going to do in the FEIS, you know, that document I'm so ignorant of-both Hershkowitz and his colleague Vernice Miller became out- raged. At least Hershkowitz managed to remain in his seat; Miller shouted obscenities at me, stormed out of the room, then returned moments later to throw a copy of City Limits at me. A class act. The entire interview was an embar- rassing and degrading experience, through and through. Why all this hostility? Because of an article I wrote for City Limits last May that was critical of the city's recycling program. I thought that piece was a sepa- rate matter and wholly irrelevant to this issue. Not Hershkowitz. "We all took that [article] as a real slap in the face," he told me. "You spurned our advice." So that's it. Never mind that NRDC was not men- tioned once in that article, or that the NRDC person I interviewed for the piece, Mark Izeman, was also harshly critical of the city's recycling program. No matter. To Hershkowitz, if you criticize the city's recycling program, you criticize him. This is the level of hubris we're dealing with when we talk about Allen Hershkowitz, and this is exactly the type of institutional arrogance my article sought to report. 0 WHAT YOU DON'T KNOW CAN HURT i('\\O\. (.ott .\ll'l
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Suite 215 New Rochelle. N.Y. 10804 914-633-5095 Fax 914-633-5097 CITY LIMITS/DECEMBER 1994/29 JOB ADS EMPlOYMENT MANAGER. To supervise job placement and pre-employment training program. Ability to manage people, administer government con- tracts, develop new employment programs and analyze new city and state programs/policies. Must be sensitive to needs of low-income people. Strong writing, analytical, and supervisory skills required. MINORIlY BUSINESS DEVB.OPMENT SPECIALIST. Responsible for all aspects of Minority Business Development including writing business plans, counseling new program development and managing loan funds. Experience in running own business, small business counseling, lending or business development required. Spanish speaking a plus. BID DIS1WICT MANAGER. Responsible for holiday promotions, newsletters, supervision of street cleaning, graffiti removal , facade improvement, and signage programs. Strong organizational skills and ability to work independently. Positions also available in Industrial Development, BID Development, Entrepreneurship Training and Employment. Send cover letter and resume to: Nancy Lasher, Director of Economic Development, St. Nicks Neighborhood Preservation Corporation, 11-29 Catherine Street, Brooklyn NY 11211. Or fax to: (718) 963-1905. ASSISTANT TO THE EXCUllVE DIRECTOR. Growing Brooklyn nonprofit housing and youth services agency seeks an energetic self-starter for position with diverse responsibilities including assisting Executive Director in agency oper- ations, producing agency newsletter, media relations, assisting in project development and fund raising, organizing special events, maintaining data- bases, and special projects. BA degree, 2 years related experience and strong writing, interpersonal and organizational skills required. Salary to $30,000 commensurate with experience. Mail/fax resumes to: Executive Director, East New York Urban Youth Corps, 539 Alabama Avenue, Brooklyn NY 11207, Fax (718) 922-1171. COMPTROlLER AND LENDER. Organization which provides loans and advisory services to nonprofits has two openings: one as Comptroller and another in lending. The Comptroller position requires 2-4 years experience in a financial capacity, preferably in a nonprofit setting, and degree in accounting or relat- ed field. The lending job is a new pOSition for a growing $6.5 million loan fund and requires experience or training in lending and credit analysiS, as well as knowledge of NYC nonprofit community. Resume and letter to: Associate Director, Nonprofit Facilities Fund, 12 West 31st Street, 2nd Floor, NYC 10001. Minorities encouraged to apply. PROGRAM SUPERVISOR. MSW or equivalent degree in human services field, experience with persons with developmental disabilities preferred, to super- vise community residential program in Upper West Side operated by voluntary nonprofit CBO. Oversee development of individualized service plans. Salary commensurate with experience. Contact: Myrta Cuadra. Tel: (212) 666-1300 Fax: (212) 749-5021. SECRETARYICRA ASSISTANT. East New York Savings Bank is currently seeking a secretary/CRA assistant to assist the Community Development Officer in developing and implementing the bank's community reinvestment program. Requirements: Strong typing and computer skills, including extensive knowl- edge of MS Windows, Word and Excel. Experience and interest in working with community development corporations. Bachelor's degree required. Mid to high $20s, excellent benefits, limited evening work required. Send cover letter and resume to Moira Smith, 350 Park Avenue. 5th floor, NYC 10022. PlANNER. Pratt Institute Center for Community and Environmental Development (PICCED) seeks an experienced Urban Planner to provide com- prehensive neighborhood planning assistance, as well as project-specific technical assistance to nonprofit community-based development organiza- tions in NYC and vicinity. Also requires participation in occasional research in urban policy issues affecting low-income neighborhoods, both locally and nationally, and in training programs designed to increase the capacity of community-based developers. M.S. and 5 years experience in hands-on low income community development and related issues (or equivalent combina- tion of education and experience) and facility with planning and development computer applications (e.g. Lotus, Dbase, Wordperfect, Maplnfo, etc.) required. Spanish speaking a plus. Salary to $35,000 plus benefits for this grant-funded position. Review of resumes to begin immediately. Please send to: Department UP, 379 DeKalb Ave., 2nd floor, Brooklyn, NY 11205. An AA/EOE. Women and minorities are strongly encouraged to apply. COMMUNnY ORGANIZER. Organize tenant associations, community cam- paigns, cooperatives and other projects for neighborhood-based. minority- controlled, nonprofit CDC in East New York, Brooklyn. Creative person with background in community based organizing, bilingual in Spanish/ English, salary high $20s. Contact C. Porter, East New York Urban Youth Corps, 539 Alabama Ave., Basement, Brooklyn NY 11207. PROFESSIONAL DIRECTORY 1'1,1I1IIill:! alld \ I'l'hill'l11I1'l' 10l'!lIl' '\oll-l'l'otil ( 01ll1l1l1llil\ Specializing in Feasibility Studies, Zoning Analysis & Design of Housing, Health Care and Educational Projects Magnus Magnusson, AlA MAGNUSSON. ARCIDTECTS 10 East 40th Street, 39th Floor, New York, NY 10016 Facsimile 212 481 3768 Telephone 212 683 5977 DEBRA BECHTEL - Attorney Concentrating in Real Estate & Non-Profit Law Title and loan closings 0 All city housing programs Mutual housing associations 0 Cooperative conversions Advice to low income co-op boards of directors 100 Remsen Street, Brooklyn, NY 11201, (718) 624-6850 30/DECEMBER 1994/elTY LIMITS COMPUTER SERVICES Hardware Sales: Software Sales: IBM Compatible Computers Data Base Super VGA Monitors Accounting Okidata Laser Printers UtilitieslNetwork Okidata Dot Matrix Printers Word Processing Services: Network/Hardware/Software Installation, Training, Custom Software, Hand Holding Clients Include: ANHD, MHANY, NHS, UHAB Morris Kornbluth 718-857-9157 Community Development Legal ASSistance Center a project of the lawyers Alliance for New York, a n o n p r o ~ t organization Real Estate. Corporate and Tax Legal Representation to Organizations Tax Syndications Mutual Housing Associations Homeless Housing Economic Development HDFCs Not-For-profit corporations Community Development Credit Unions and Loan Funds 99 Hudson Street, 14th Fir., NYC, 10013 (212) 219-1800 JOB ADS Director of Co-op Education and Activities Educate! Stimulate! Cooperate! ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT. The New York office of the Low Income Housing Fund is seeking a half-time (20 hours/week) administrative assistant. The AA will be responsible for office reception duties, answering telephones, secre- tarial and clerical tasks and office administration. Job may develop into a full- time position after one year. Minority candidates strongly urged to apply. Please send resumes to: Low Income Housing Fund, 29 John Street, Room 803, NYC 10038. No phone inquiries please. One of the most unique and historic cooperative communities in the United States seeks Director to oversee a diverse program of cooperative education and community activities. Candidates must possess a strong knowledge and commitment to cooperative ideals; be able to generate a sense of cooperation and community cohesion; possess exceptional communications and interpersonal relations skills; able to work effectively in an environment that takes pride in multi-thnic, multi-generational diversity; possess writing and editing skills; support the activities of a wide range of volunteer community groups and organizations; experience working with volunteer boards and as part of an organizational team. Interested candidates should submit a resume and letter of application to: Amalgamated Housing Corporation 98 Van Cortlandt Park So., Bronx, NY 10463 Attn: Manager's Office Fax: 718543-5743 PROJECT DlRCTOR. LEAP, Inc. seeks project director to design and coordi- nate community development projects and provide strategic and financial technical assistance to small businesses that benefit low income NYC neigh- borhoods. Position requires extensive experience in the areas of business development, capital raising or community development finance. Send resume and cover letter to Lyndon Comstock, LEAP, Inc. 111 Livingston Street, Brooklyn NY 11201 (no calls, please). CASE MANAGERS. Responsibilities: client intake, evaluation of family hous- ing crises, assessment of income and benefit status, implementation of plan to prevent evictions, maintain client case records. Qualifications: famil- iarity with income support and housing benefits. Direct experience in hous- ing or welfare advocacy, tenant rights, or eviction prevention services desired. Good verbal and organizational skills. Ability to learn basic computer programs. Salary: $26,000. SOCIAL SEJMC CASE SPECIALIST. Responsibilities: Evaluate nonhousing related risks of homelessness, assist clients to access social services needed to resolve problems, includ- ing: substance abuser, domestic violence, mental illness, CWA" related issues, etc. Qualifications: AT least three years direct experience in social service case management. Strong interpersonal and counseling skills. Familiarity with word processing. BSW or MSW encouraged but not required, all candidates with relevant work experience should apply. Salary: $35,000. Community Food Resource Center strongly encourages applications from people of color, women and bilingual people. Anticipated start date: December 94 - January 95. Send resume and cover letter to CHAT-CFRC, 90 Washington Street, 27th floor, New York, NY 10006. LET US DO A FREE EVALUATION OF YOUR INSURANCE NEEDS We have been providing low-cost insurance programs and quality service for HDFCs, TENANTS, COMMUNITY MANAGEMENT and other NONPROFIT organizations for over 15 years. 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