The School of Washington

Volume II No. 6

Journal

September - October 2011

A GWU Student Publication Schoolofwashington.org A Product of TSWCN

- Table of Contents Economics & Finance

A Call to End Tax Haven Abuse..........................................................................................3 Political Games Prevent Capital Gain: Americas Economy in an Election Cycle.............4

Science & Philosophy

God for What? The Good, The Bad, and The Evil..............................................................4 Justice for All Time: Morality for the Future.......................................................................6 Whos Your Daddy? Paternity and Rights...........................................................................7

Politics
The Death of the Republican Party......................................................................................9 The Thinning Line: Palestianian Citizens of Israel............................................................11 International Law: An American at The Hague.................................................................13 Indecision 2012: Multiple-Choice Mitt.............................................................................14 Getting Our Electoral System Back to the Basics.............................................................15

Culture & Arts

#Follow Me: Activism, Human Rights, and Public Opinion in the Digital Age...............17 Stains..................................................................................................................................20 Where East Met West: Art of the Ganhara Region............................................................21

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Economics and Finance

A Call To End Tax Haven Abuse
By David Lighton, Johns Hopkins University
The current debate on how to approach the federal debt has gone awry. Fiscal retrenchment, the project of the right, will help to close the gap, but will kick the economically weak when they are already down. Cutting spending at this early stage in the recovery will most likely send the US economy tumbling right back into recession. Debates in the philosophy of economics notwithstanding, there is a simple way for the federal government to increase revenues without hampering growth: collect the taxes it is already owed. End the abuse of tax havens. annum, enough to reduce recent The key issue of the coming elecannual budget deficits by ten per- tion will inevitably be the econocent. my. Each party has its own idea of how to fix things, but instead of This deficit reduction strategy is actually taking action to right the not a tax increase. Tax increases, economy, they are just going to as conservative economists right- talk about what they would do if ly observe, hurt growth by direct- they were president an increding capital away from private ible waste of given that action investment. Monies in tax ha- is needed now instead of later. vens, however, are stationary, and therefore inaccessible for invest- The current state of the US econment. As such, collecting taxes on omy is weak. As a matter of fact, them will have no negative effect the state of the world economy on the American private sector. is incredibly weak. We are staring multiple economic tragedies The situation as it stands incentiv- in the face; were a move away izes corporations to keep profits from the dollar as the reserve offshore, depleting the tax base currency, another global receswhile forcing working Americans sion, and a permanent increase to shoulder more of the burden. It in income disparity, to name a bleeds our Treasury of essential few. And though actions need revenues. We can no longer af- to be taken immediately, politiford it. cians are mounting their soapboxes and pretending like they have all the time in the world. President Obama recently presented his jobs bill, which sets out to restore the job market as well as give the economy a muchneeded stimulus. To no ones surprise, the bill was dead on arrival. We have reached an unfortunate point in American politics where decisive action is desperately needed, but there is insufficient political will or capital to

Stricter enforcement of the tax code seems an increasingly obvious strategy to help restore strength to the American fiscal position without inciting political upheaval. A sensible plan would: augment the Treasury and IRSs enforcement tools; substantially increase reporting requirements; and strengthen both rules and penalties on tax shelters. This could raise $100 billion in revenue per By Julian Gindi

Political Games Prevent Capital Gain: Americas Economy in an Election Cycle

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get any major policy completed. value spent. In essence, this increases demand and leads busiThere are two main actions that nesses to resume hiring, while need to be taken in order to right capital investments further boost the economy. Now, there is no def- the overall GDP. These are exactinite guarantee that these policies ly the elements that are missing will be the silver bullet that drags from the current economy; busius out of this slump, but most nesses are not hiring and people economists (that know what they are not spending money (because are doing) agree that these mea- they dont have any). A fiscal sures will provide positive results. stimulus would not only create Firstly, we need a new stimulus. much needed demand, it would Many have spoken out against also help to build vital infrastrucKeynesian economic policy, but ture that would provide significant historically it has worked quite economic benefits in the long run. effectively. There is one key concept that highlights the effective- Secondly, emphasis needs to be ness of Keynesian theory: the completely removed from balmultiplier. Basically, the multipli- ancing the budget, at least in the er is the overall economic impact short term. A key aspect of rea single dollar of stimulus has cessionary fiscal policy is deficit on the overall economy. For ex- spending. By balancing the budample, if the government spends get, we are essentially cutting all money on infrastructure projects, stimulus (direct and indirect) and the money paid to construction removing incredibly important workers would then be used for safety nets and profitable governtheir respective purchases, thus ment programs. The easiest way multiplying the original dollar to eliminate a budget deficit is through national income, which is virtually non-existent during recessions. When businesses begin hiring and people begin spending again, the national GDP will rise and our current account will significantly increase - with a real possibility of surplus. Cutting spending drastically, like what is being proposed currently, would simply add insult to injury and most likely have a detrimental effect on the economy. When citizens of the United States go to the voting booth, they go in hopes of electing a strong leader who will make the right calls during times of national struggle. Right now we are in one of the deepest recessions ever experienced, and not one elected politician is doing the right thing. This speaks volumes about our political system and the leaders we think so highly of.

Science & Philosophy

God for What? The Good, The Bad, and The Evil
By Christian Geoghegan
A common charge made by the religious against atheists is that by doing away with god, atheists cannot have any sort of morality, nor ethics. They make this claim through their own belief that all morality comes from god through celestial fiats in religious texts such as the Bible. God has the authority to command and know proper moral action precisely through the belief that god is omniscient and omnibenevolent. Therefore, god knows entirely and perfectly what is good and what is evil, and, in Cartesian fashion,

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would not deceive us by providing us with good edicts that are actually immoral. Furthermore, the religious also claim that god directly inspires all religious texts, whether Allah through Muhammad in the recitation that became the Quran, or the Bible where Christians believe that the Holy Spirit, one of the three manifestations of god, inspired all compositions. As the Catholic Catechism says, Sacred Scripture is the speech of God as it is put down in writing under the breath of the Holy Spirit (81), and God is the author of Sacred Scripture, (105) and The inspired books teach the truth (107). However, it becomes necessary to also say that it is a common religious belief that all humans are imperfect, stained with Original Sin, and cannot possibly fathom the mind of god. Despite this belief, every day the religious throw away many of the barbaric laws of the ancient texts. For example, one would be hard-pressed to find any modern believer who follows all of the laws laid out in the Old Testament, such as stoning unruly children, the permission to own slaves, to commit genocide, and so forth, precisely because they feel it does not apply in the modern era. These people claim that these laws are outdated and only applied to ancient peoples back in the Bronze Age. Yet this mode of thinking creates a fundamental contradiction. Believers have doubled back on their own belief by not only denying the universality of their religion and of god, but furthermore by using their supposedly imperfect minds, incapable of understanding the perfection of god, to do just that. Thus, either the religious reject their own beliefs by interpreting god, or they must take their texts as absolutes and follow every religious dictum religiously. In other words, one cannot attribute the property of absolute truth to a scripture whilst simultaneously picking and choosing which parts of that scripture are true or untrue. So now, the question still remains of where atheists can derive a moral code. Where the religious cling to the divine, a priori foundations of morals, the atheist could have a different view. This view could be constructed through a naturalistic analysis of moral questions and through a careful understanding of evolutionary and moral psychology. engaging in such activities, there would be a evolutionary or biological price to pay. For example, such activities could either be said to pose a direct threat to the cohesion of the community at large, or could be said to hinder the propagation of particular genes in a group. To respond, human beings evolved and adapted, learning that these practices were detrimental to overall community survival. After tens of thousands of years, like the adaptations of other animals, humans began to take these a posteriori truths and register them mentally in moral terms. Thus, from the point of view of evolutionary psychology, morality is another feature of human existence that allows us to co-exist peacefully in communities for everybodys mutual advantage. The atheist could then synthesize the above considerations with humanistic elements. We could extend the meaning of community from nomadic kin-based communities to all human beings; we could believe in the solidarity of human beings; indeed, it could be that fraternit guides our conduct to our fellow human. Instead of acting morally only out of a desire for a celestial reward, act justly to our fellow man, in line with the a posteriori moral code we have constructed.

How long human beings have existed in the world is of some debate in the scientific community. Richard Dawkins asserts that man has been here for a quarter of a million years, whereas Francis Collins suggests 100,000. For the sake of argument, I accept the Collins approach and say 100,000 years. Back in humanitys start, societies partook in activities such as cannibalism, human sacrifice, It is a truism that not all atheists and so on. These societies learned are bound to such a constructed a posteriori that if they continued moral code. It is a further truism

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that religious people are also not bound by their divine moral codes either. The Crusades, the Inquisition, Islamic terrorism, and Jerry Falwell are clear signs that one must separate the ethical permissibility of moral truths to how advocates of particular moral codes behave in their personal lives. Unfortunately, religious peoples use this precise argument to name and shame historys immoral atheists. The voice of modern atheism, Christopher Hitchens, uses the following thought experiment to rebut such a crass argument: name an ethically or morally good action that a religious person could perform and a nonbeliever could not. Quite impossible. Conversely, name a wicked action performed by a religious person claiming the right to do so because they have god on their side that could not be performed by a nonbeliever. Quite simple.

Justice for All Time: Morality for the Future

By Raj Patel
One must consider the happiness of ones descendants, and so, above all, have descendants, in order to take a proper, natural part in all institutions and their transformation. The development of higher morality depends on a mans having sons: this makes him unselfish, or, more exactly, it expands his selfishness over time, and allows him seriously to pursue goals beyond his individual lifetime, writes Friedrich Nietzsche in the eighth book of Human, All too Human. What is implicit in Nietzsches propositions here, written in his typically classical manner, is the recognition that a higher morality accommodates obligations to future generations. This brings up some interesting questions: how can future generations, i.e. peo-

ple who may not exist yet, have rights in the present? What shape would these obligations take? Let us first describe an intergenerational problem of justice to establish some theoretical bearings. I start from the premise that a full conception of justice will make theoretical provisions for future generations to make claims, perhaps rights-based claims, on present generations. One of the most important phenomena bearing on a notion of intergenerational justice is overpopulation and the derivative Malthusian crisis, or in other words, the disparity between the rate of population growth and the rate of growth of the food supply. Malthus original proposition specifying the disparity in mathematical terms, namely, a geometric expansion (population) versus an arithmetic expansion (food supply), has surely been proved to be untrue because of his lack of appreciation of the impact of technology on food supply. In general, food supply has

kept up with population growth. However, it is taken as given that indefinite exponential population growth cannot be sustained in a finite world and thus if population is allowed to grow rampantly, then surely a Malthusian crisis is extremely likely for future generations. Thus there is a moral impetus for curbing present population growth in order to fill some kind of obligation to future persons. The nature of this obligation to future persons is directly informed by the way we define the nature of harm as an input into our original consideration of justice. For our purposes, it will suffice to say that if the present living generations activities lead to a decrease in the living standard of future generationsthis decrease being relevant to some specified standardthen present generations can be taken to be harming future generations and thus are morally culpable for their actions.

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In the instance above, for example, allowing population growth to run rampant would constitute a present activity that would violate a future right by worsening a future condition of existence leading to a Malthusian crisis. Notice, however, that the violation of the future right refers strictly to a condition of future existence, not to existence itself. This last consideration raises an interesting asymmetry. Surely nobody has a right to existence; it would be silly to argue that prospective parents have an obligation to procreate simply to bring into existence possible future persons (or indeed, out of any concern for the conditions of future existence). It would not, however, be silly to argue that there could be a state of affairs where prospective parents may decide to forego procreation out of a consideration regarding the well-being of the particular child in question given the state of affairs in the world at the time the child would come into existence. For instance, if prospective parents lived in a condition of sufficient poverty, for example in a world in which a Malthusian crisis such as the one described above had taken hold and food supply was severely short of population, it could be argued that the couple should not have a child to spare the child a wretched existence. If we accept this reasoning, however, we also implicitly accept that no existence is preferable to a miserable existence. These are just some of the interesting philosophical questions raised by the notion of intergenerational justice and our derivative obligations to future generations. Though one could characterize the nature of intergenerational obligations in a number of ways, it is clear that Nietzsches dictum stands true: a proper moral code must include provisions for claims between generations. In a world where present consumption is allowed only because the bill is passed on to future generations, questions such as the ones raised above will become more and more pressing.

Yet how can these future generations have rights if they do not exist presently? Surely existence is a prerequisite to having anything, including rights. This is true, but excludes the notion that future peoples rights cannot be violated if we accept that present activities can only violate present rights. This is a view I do not accept: instead, I argue that future generations will have future rights (synchronous to their existence) that will be directly correlated with their conditions of existence. We can also safely assume that such future generations will have at least some features of existence that are similar to ours (e.g. a need for subsistence) and that further, present activities can and do have a direct bearing on such conditions of existence. The commonality of present and future conditions of existence rests precisely on the commonality of the entities in question: surely human beings in the future will share at least some properties of present human beings, and this serves as an ample prerequisite for the basis of an intergenerational moral code.

Whos Your Daddy? Paternity and Rights

By Thomas Jackson, University of Leeds

Pro-life or pro-choice? This is the question I want to spend some time not talking about. The questions surrounding the personhood of the fetus eclipse the oft-ignored issue of how the arrival (or non-arrival) of a child

can affect the mother and father. This is the area that I will devote my attention to, namely: should a father be able to refute both his rights and his responsibilities to his future offspring? I believe

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that he should. I will show, at the very least, that the question of paternity and rights has not been scrutinized sufficiently. The major assumption I will be making to support this claim is that men and women deserve equal rights as far as practically possible. quite obviously. Women have the right to terminate their rights and responsibilities, and therefore so should men. The question still remains: What stands against this? these burdens do not apply to men. A second more potent argument concedes that a change in policy is needed, but denies that men should have the right to give up their paternal rights and responsibilities. Proponents argue that legislation should be changed to allow women to be forced to pay child support to men who choose to be single fathers, thus reassessing womens rights rather than expanding mens options. This is not sufficient to allow the man to feel that he has gender equality in the case of paternity. Whilst it may superficially appear to enforce equality, when examined within context of related legislation, the findings would be far from fair. My first objection is that women still have the option of abortion, a means of preventing the financial burden and an option men are denied. Under current laws, many abortions are completed for economic reasons. According to the aforementioned study, financial motivations account for over 25%. On top of this, the father currently has no specific right to knowledge of the pregnancy, so responsibility can easily be circumvented at birth (e.g., the mother could simply say, almost in a classically Maury-esque fashion, I do not know the father). Secondly, the argument omits the possibility that the woman

I do not have space to address all of the counterarguments to this position, so I have Clearly these claims need some chosen to briefly critique two: unpacking before the force of Firstly, the most common, and the argument is evident. Attorney secondly, the most powerful. Melanie McCulley succinctly explained the situation as it stands The most common argument that in most of the western world: I have heard is a pragmatic one, The female has several options. that goes roughly as follows: If She may choose to carry the child men could terminate their rights to term and retain custody of the and responsibilities to the fetus, child. She may carry the child to this would cause an undue burterm and terminate her rights in the den on the state as they would child so that the child may be ad- unfairly incur the financial cost opted. Finally she may terminate of raising the child in question. the pregnancy through abortion. This is problematic for a number of reasons. Firstly, it assumes that This three-tiered summary brings the man has an obligation from to light an option that I believe is conception. Secondly, it seems to rarely considered for men: the op- imply that men are desperate to tion of aborting parental rights abandon responsibility en-masse, and responsibilities. Although this rather than deserving the right is not the most delicate of phras- to decide if they are emotionally ing, it accurately describes what and financially able to support happens when a woman chooses the child. If we look at both the to put a child up for adoption. philosophical and the actual reaThis leads me to ask, further as- sons for physical abortion, the suming the man cannot or should financial or emotional effects of not play any role in the physical children on the mother is taken to abortion decision, what is there imperative. According to a study to stop him from aborting both published in Perspectives on Sexhis rights and responsibilities? ual and Reproductive Health, social and personal motives account With the third option of adoption for 93% of the common reasons on the table, the two premises women give for abortion. Again, seem to follow from one another it seems unfair to assume that

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may intentionally make choices promoting conception without discussing this with the father. This point has been made masterfully by Ruth Jones in her paper Inequality from gender-neutral laws: why must male victims of statutory rape pay child support for children resulting from their victimization? It is understandable if you feel the need to sigh, snigger or scoff. I will also admit that the cases of male rape are few and far between, but the reader must admit the absurdity of the mans position in the above case. The more shocking fact is that unwanted conception may not necessarily take the form of rape; with the most common form of protection being the pill, many men place their trust in women to be honest about their contraceptive use. The BBC reports that in a survey of women conducted by women, around 25% would allow themselves to get pregnant without the fathers consent. This shows the clear need for some recourse where a man can avoid the financial consequences of what can only be described as fraud. There is obviously much more to be said on the issues I have raised, and other arguments that have been omitted. But what is to be done, where will we go next? This is where my point is subtly different from that of Melanie McCulley; whilst she argues that there are three options and that men are denied the second of those potential options, I dont believe it is about taking door 1, 2, or 3. We should be looking at how, given the indisputable fact that men and women are biologically different, men can have something that approximates as closely as possible the emotional and financial decision making that women are rightly (and naturally) given. The real purpose of this essay is an attempt to provoke people to ask questions, and hopefully provide some compelling ideas to insight discussion in the area. Whilst I firmly believe that the argument provided demonstrates that there is not equality in the treatment of men as regards paternal rights, I understand that what form change should take will be a matter of interpretation. There is no need to tell the reader that more oppressive things happen in this world than those stated above. I do, however, hold a firm belief that oppression needs to be looked at from the perspective of all peoples. This issue and others in the field of mens rights are off the radar for the majority; that is what needs to change.

Politics
The Death of the Republican Party
By Ben Rimland
The Republican Party is suffering. It has been ill for years now, yet little medicine has been administered. Perhaps the first symptoms began to crop up as a result of Newt Gingrichs temper tantrum that lead to the mid-90s government shutdown. Or, perhaps the symptoms began to show themselves with the election of Bush 43. Regardless of the time, it has become evident that the Republican institution is systematically ill. What is the diagnosis, you may ask? Upon closer investigation, the signs become clear: the Republican body is suffering from a brutal autoimmune disease. From the moment of the Presidents inauguration, its grown increasingly clear that Republicans have become united by one desire: to remove the dastardly Barack Hussein from the presi-

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dency. However, a wrinkle soon entered the fold. With the Democrat-controlled government hellbent on a progressive agenda, Republicans began to feel disenfranchised. Seizing on a halfbaked stimulus package that had begun to falter, and a healthcare reform bill understood by few, a new Tea Party movement was born. Pundits and columnists across the land were stunned by this new wave of anti-establishment sentiment. The establishment is writhing, they wrote; the people have proclaimed their distaste for the current government. Soon, small-time hacks and snake oil salesmen types joined the fray. With talk of the evils of Obamacare and Democratic Socialism, they construed the President and his party from something wholly American to an idea that was foreign and evil. They soon attacked his very person, chipping away at his religious and ethnic background with falsehoods and lies. We are taking back the American dream, they proclaimed. We are a muse for the silent majority, they purported. Seemingly, the mid-term Congressional elections of 2010 vindicated their message; the formation of the Tea Party caucus had enshrined their purpose to tear down the harmful tentacles of an overbearing government. Yet, for all of this high-minded talk of representing the frustrations of Americans across the nation, the ideas embodied by the Tea Party are not representative of the ideas of the majority of Americans. The Tea Party belief that they represent the majority has, in the recent weeks leading up to the Republican primaries, begun to unravel. The Tea Party electorate, and the candidates who represent them, are in reality fringe ideologues. Like the Free Soilers and Bimetallists who came before, the Tea Party represents the interests of the few at the cost of the many. The Republican caucus has become hostage to the demands of a small group of idealist diehards. I could point to the countless examples, be it the debt limit debacle, the government shutdown crisis or the recent FEMA funding confrontation, but at the current time, they are irrelevant. The most stunning example of the Tea Partys weakness, the true symptom of the Republican Partys autoimmune disease, is the 2012 primary election. In the beginning, there was Mitt Romney. Soon, there were others. And yet, the Tea Partiers were not satiated they wanted more. First, it was Michele Bachmann who captured their collective consciousness. With her firm roots in Waterloo, Iowadid you know that it was the home of John Wayne (Gacy)?she catapulted to the forefront of the scene. A victory at Ames seemed to galvanize her standing. More choice, demanded the Tea Partiers. Sensing opportunity, Rick Perry, a man who jogs with a laser-sighted .38, joined the fray. After a number of bumbles and gaffes, the torch was passed yet again, to a pizza salesman with a penchant for the number 9, Herman Cain. Suddenly Mr. Cain, who proudly proclaims that he knows nothing about foreign policy (nor anything about the President of Ubeki-beki-beki-stanstan, shockingly), is at the center of attention, enjoying a limelight that seems to be mercurial at best. Why the Hamlet-esque indecision on the part of the Tea Party (and therefore Republican) electorate? The answer is shocking in its simplicity. No Republican candidate, whether it be the perma-front runner Mitt Romney or the establishment pariah Ron Paul has managed to capture the hearts, minds and brains of the Republican Party in the way that past candidates have. With candidates swapping places at the top on a flavor-ofthe-week basis, polls have become useless; it seems as if the primary process could simply be replaced by a magic eight ball. Finally, Americans are beginning to wake up to the pseudoscience and pseudo-economics practiced by the Tea Party. Mr. Perrys insistence that global warming is a myth concocted by scientists eager to be published is pathetic in its wishful thinking and its denial of the general consensus of the scientific community. Ms.

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Bachmanns insistence on not extending Americas borrowing authority is startling in its ignorance of basic economics. And the entire field of candidates is guilty for misrepresenting the policies of one John Maynard Keynes, calling his policies borrow and spend when in fact, Mr. Keynes only advocated government investment in times of dire recession and only in projects that would pay for themselves. The ultimate irony resides in the call of the current candidates to tear down the job killing edifice of big government, when 66% of the Republican electorate is in support of keeping the entitlement programs that have proven to be anathema to each campaign. This is why President Obama will win re-election. Not because he has accomplished all of his unrealistically high goals, nor because he has instituted the policies of change and hope that he campaigned on. He will win because the American people understand that he is the only adult in the room. When the Republican candidates are attempting to vet each other on their individual records as true conservatives, Obama has largely kept himself above the fray. While I hope that the Republicans will be able to pull themselves together and prove my obituary premature, the present situation does not bode well for the party of Lincoln.

The Thinning Line: Palestinian Citizens of Israel

By Kareem Rosshandler
Nations born of a colonial legacy and directed by colonial progeny all have a common challenge to their establishment: indigenous peoples. In the case of the United States blessed with her geographical abundance the majority of indigenous peoples were obliterated relatively soon after the nations conception by acts of ethnic cleansing and, most notably, the spread of disease. Today, the remaining American Indians an estimated 0.8% of the U.S. population live either on reservations or have blended into other ethnic populations. On the other end of the spectrum is South Africa. For much of its

history, colonialists made use of the indigenous peoples as a labor force, keeping them in marginal ghettos and shantytowns in order to reinforce the apartheid system. Today, black South Africans an estimated 80% of the South African population are the core of South African society and, despite disproportionate white ownership of land and capital, have governed the country since 1994. The case for Israels indigenous peoples, the Palestinians, lies somewhere in between these two seemingly polar examples of colonial outcomes, drawing characteristics from both. Israel, ostensibly the only democracy in the Middle East, was established in 1948 on the territory of Palestine, as carved out of Greater Syria in the interwar years by France and Great Britain. The largest exodus of

refugees in history occurred the same year, when some 750,000 Palestinians dispersed around the world due to attack or threat of attack. This figure should be taken in the context of 900,000 Palestinians hitherto living in historical Palestine. The majority of Palestinians who were internally displaced within historical Palestine were pushed to the fringes of the land: the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. However, there remained a minority within this minority: those Palestinians living within the 1967 borders of Israel. Today, Israel proper the territory in between the West Bank and Gaza is comprised of 20% Palestinian citizenry, or as more allegorically labeled, Arab-Israelis. It was once the case that Arab-Israelis served as a valuable labor force and commercial asset for Israel, but with large waves

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of Ethiopian and East Asian migrant workers, Arab-Israelis have increasingly become more of a burden to Jewish land consolidation. Arab-Israelis, one-fifth of Israeli society, now have ownership of roughly 2.5% of the land. This situation is not necessarily a product of historical misfortune and poor land management; it is arguably the result of attempts by successive Israeli governments to continue the expulsion of Palestinians from Israel. This objective has manifested itself through several designs, most apparent in the highly contested city of Jerusalem. Captured by Israel in 1948, West Jerusalem is inhabited predominantly by Jews whereas East Jerusalem has historically been the section inhabited by Palestinians. However, the Israeli government and largely foreign-sponsored real estate magnates have run a heightened campaign to expel Palestinians from their historical neighborhoods. Through coercive measures such as housing license revocations (mid-night evictions are common) and Jewish-only real estate brokers taking advantage of desperate situations, Palestinians have been forced to leave their historic homes in Jerusalem. One can glance at an East Jerusalem hillside and find an Israeli flag spanning the full three stories of a house in the midst of a densely populated Palestinian neighborhood. This house, once Palestinian, is likely to be occupied by an Israeli settler who would more aptly be called a colonialist receiving housing subsidies from the Israeli government.These actions foment animosity between Palestinians and Jews, as Israeli soldiers now have a reason to freely patrol Palestinian neighborhoods and, if needed, impose curfews and temporary travel restrictions to ensure the safety of these settlers. Aside from the obvious struggles associated with being the minority group in the context of a longstanding conflict, Arab-Israelis are also faced with the doubleedged dilemma of identity. Their efforts to be productive members of Israeli society, which naturally implies distancing themselves from the Palestinians in the occupied territories, puts them at odds with those Palestinians who accuse them of having a Palestinianapplied House-Negro complex. There are both Jewish-Israelis and Palestinians in the territories who consider them traitors. Palestinians living inside Israel have had to walk a fine line between their Palestinian and Israeli identity. The line has gotten increasingly thinner under the heat of more severe Israeli domestic policy. In 2010, findings from a report by an independent research group showed that Israels current parliament under the far-right Netenyahu administration is the most racist since 1948. This finding was partly based on the number of draft laws that constantly challenge Arab-Israelis legitimacy as Israeli citizens. As of 2010, there are twenty-one draft laws of this nature, such as, Anyone denying the existence of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state faces imprisonment, and a law that, Makes it illegal for citizens inside Israel to organize demonstrations on the anniversary of the creation of the Palestinian refugee catastrophe. These laws deny non-Jews, specifically Palestinians, of a fulfilling Israeli citizenship and from reconciling their identity. Talk among high-ranking Israeli officials of instituting Palestinian family-planning laws is also quite disconcerting but ever more imminent as the Arab-Israeli growth rate leads that of Jewish-Israelis. The chasm between Arab-Israelis and the broader Israeli society has become more omnipresent and problematic, even as Arab-Israelis strive for inclusion and participation in their country. As the Palestinian Authority seeks statehood for Palestine it is important not to lose sight of the importance and place of Israels largest minority population. Eventually, with the rapidly growing population of Arab-Israelis, Israel will have to reckon with this reality on an unprecedented level. Though there have been courageous and effective Jewish-Israelis and Arab-Israelis working together

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to bridge gaps through the chan- Israeli government policy per- enous population appears grim. nels of civil society, if trends in sist, the future of Israels indig-

International Law: An American at The Hague

By Parth Chauhan
To the average American college student, studying abroad in the Netherlands would be a carnal delight. The red light district of Amsterdam, the coffee shops dotting the country and the extremely open Dutch culture all come to mind when one mentions Holland. However, to a student at The George Washington University (and furthermore, a student at the Elliott School of International Affairs), the mention of the Netherlands brings to mind a far different notion. A mere sixty kilometers from Amsterdam is The Hague, a city of half a million people and the seat of some of the worlds preeminent international institutions. The presence of the International Court of Justice, NATO Consultation, Command and Control Agency, Europol, and over 150 other international bodies puts The Hague on the same level as New York City and Geneva in terms of international importance. Unfortunately, despite the high

ideals embodied by the institutions of The Hague, the fact remains that the lack of membership of many important players in these international organizations severely weakens their effectiveness. The United States is not a ratified party to the two most important establishments in The Hague: the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice. It is amazing that a nation like the Netherlands, formerly a colonizing imperialist power with a brutal past and currently a state smaller in size than West Virginia, has taken it upon itself to promote the benefits of international law. The US, on the other hand, one of the worlds most powerful nations, blessed with abundant resources and proud of its democratic heritage, often ignores and violates international law. International law is often seen in our country as a waste of time, a meaningless philosophical construct without much substance. However, my time here in Amsterdam has given me a far different perspective. Class with European students and with professors who have worked at the Peace Palace has taught me that having respect of international law, the ICC and the ICJ is an important value. The Dutch have a great deal of respect for international courts, and

though the average Dutch citizen may not be fully in tune with the more theoretical ideas behind international law, their lives are shaped far more by international customs than our own. In fact, the constitution of the Netherlands allows for the certain treaties and conventions of international law to be directly applied domestically. This results in a far more relaxed and balanced society, where the average person is not only concerned with himself, but with those around him as well. It is a far more socially, environmentally, and politically aware society than the one I have grown up with in America. In just one short month here, I can see that recycling abounds, public transport and biking are more popular than cars, and the relatively high tax rates are met without much complaint. There is a real sense of civic responsibility and social egalitarianism, and I believe that it comes from the deep connection with international law. When viewed through Dutch society, the voluntary nature of international law, long derided as one of its weaknesses, actually becomes one of its strengths. Nation-states join international covenants and obey their laws on a voluntary basis because the ideals of those covenants

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are in line with the ideals of those nations. The Dutch people choose to work with each other and to help each other in times of need on a voluntary basis. Similarly, the reciprocity factor of international law is eerily analogous to the essential kindergarten life lesson we all once memorized. The golden rule, to treat others the way we want to be treated, applies to the international community and Dutch society equally well. Both want a more equitable environment and are willing to make sacrifices for to reach that goal. The United States has long railed against the International Criminal Court and International Court of Justice on the grounds of national security and sovereignty, but perhaps our leaders ought to reconsider such organizations for their social benefit. The positive influence of the ICC and ICJ may be exactly what our people need to get us out of our current mess.

Indecision 2012: Multiple-Choice Mitt

By Scott Challeen
In 2004, Democrats learned firsthand what a fabulous idea it was to nominate an uncharismatic elitist from Massachusetts with a notorious record for flip-flopping out of political convenience to challenge a vulnerable incumbent president whom their party so desperately wanted to beat. The ironic parallels of what is unfolding in the 2012 election on the Republican side are simply astounding. Enter former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney. Never mind that Romney is running on creating jobs when his state ranked 47th in the nation in job growth while he was governor, ahead of only Ohio, Michigan and Louisiana in other words, two rust-belt states and a state whose largest city was de-

stroyed by a hurricane. Never mind that his campaign is touting him as the most electable Republican (which may be true given his main opponents in the primaries) despite the fact that hes lost every election he has ever been in except for one. In that one successful election, to the governors office in Massachusetts, he campaigned on his business credentials and assured the voters that he knew how the create jobs yet he failed to deliver. At the end of his first term his approval ratings were so low that he would have very likely lost reelection, and he knew this, so he decided not to run for second term in 2006. Rather than lose and hurt his presidential chances in 2008, he decided it was safer not to run for reelection at all. For further evidence that he likely would have lost his bid for reelection, his Lieutenant Governor, Kerry Healey, ran in his place and lost to the current Democratic Governor Deval Patrick by a whopping 20 points. Never mind that he claims to not

be a career politician, though it was not from a lack of trying. Never mind that his campaign is one big contradiction; his flipflopping alone is enough to derail his prospects of winning. If there is any doubt that Romneys flip-flopping will prove to be a major liability, I have compiled a list of notable issues he has been on multiple sides of. But instead of making a bullet-point list, I made a fun little interactive Mad Libs multiple-choice game where you can decide for yourself where Mitt Romney stands on issues. The beauty of the game is when you play, no matter which option you circle, you are never wrong. Mitt Romney has literally taken the position of every option offered at one point of time or another. Enjoy! Mitt Mad Romney Interactive Libs (circle one):

Hi, Im Mitt Romney. Im running for (Senate/governor/presi-

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dent). I am tried and true in my beliefs. I always have been and I always will be. I am (pro-choice/ pro-life) when it comes to the controversial issue of abortion. On the issue of gay rights, I am (in favor of an Amendment to the Constitution defining marriage/ to the left of Ted Kennedy). I am (for/against) stem cell research. I am also (in favor of/opposed to) gun control laws because they (keep us safe/infringe upon our 2nd Amendment right). I feel this way because I (am a lifelong hunter/hunted small varmints on two occasions in my life). But enough about social issues, lets talk about what Americans really care about: the economy. President Obama (has made/has not made) this economy worse. I (supported/was opposed to) the Stimulus bill which (accelerated the start of the recovery/was a complete failure). I (supported/ was opposed to) the auto industry bailouts. I was (in favor of/quietly opposed to) the Bush Tax Cuts. I think the flat tax is a (good/bad) idea. I think privatizing Social Security is a (good/bad) idea. I think the Norquist tax pledges are (stupid/something Ill sign). As you know, S&P recently downgraded the U.S. credit rating, which (is/ is not) completely Obamas fault. But I have the experience to get America working again because Massachusetts ranked 47th in the nation in job growth when I was governor of Massachusetts. I also spent part of my life in the private sector, where I created and destroyed a lot of jobs. constitutional). I think my Massachusetts health care plan that was the model for Obamas Affordable Care Act (should/should not) be implemented on the national level. When it comes to education I am (for/against) Obamas Race To The Top initiative. I have generally (supported/ opposed) most of the policies enacted by this Administration. I am a (conservative/moderate/socially conservative/socially liberal) Republican who (wants to/does not want to) return to what it was like in the eras of Reagan and Bush. If I have not said anything you agree with yet, I can keep talking

When it comes to health care, I Mad Libs is a registered think that individual mandates trademark of Penguin Group are a (good/bad) idea because (USA) Inc. All rights reserved. individual mandates (promote personal responsibility/are un-

Getting Our Electoral System Back To The Basics

By Taylor Sappington
If there is one thing that the American voter can agree on, its that they dislike our government and frown upon our current par-

ties and their institutions. Dissatisfaction is about the only term used to describe both the left and the right. Many in power blame the other side; their political opponents are either obstructionists or radicals. Still, some others blame the voters, asserting that Americans are easily swayed or not adequately informed. We hear these arguments over and over again and many of us are inculcated into thinking that these are

the causes of the dysfunction that we face. First, one should question most excuses given by those in power. Remember the WMDs? But more importantly, its long overdue that we begin to recognize our political systems fundamentals as the cause of our woes. The last eleven years have been one giant warning siren that something is amiss within our political system. Our nations

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first severe electoral crisis in 2000 followed by a decade of mismanaged wars, increased poverty, economic decline with a near collapse, and shocking incompetence showcased during crises like Hurricane Katrina are examples of these warning sirens. Put simply, the structure and traditions of our government are buckling under the pressures of our pressing issues. This is an important stipulation: our government is performing ineffectively against the problems we face, but it does not cause these problems. Both this ineffectiveness and, by association, the lack of response to national issues, are caused by the way we elect the people who run our government. end in this era of modern governance. With diverse districts, our representatives will be forced to address a broader range of issues with forceful intent to solve them, or face backlash at the ballot box. The second prong of meaningful reform involves two policies that would fundamentally alter the way we elect our leaders. Firstly, we must wrestle the campaign season under control. At the moment, our campaigns are 24/7/365. Our leaders often admit that they do not go one day without making a call back home to donors and interest groups. Secondly, we must enforce stricter elections laws such as limiting campaign activities and fundraising to small periods of time, usually around three months before Election Day. With shorter campaigns, our leaders would be free to work on what they are paid to do, and campaigns would be forced to focus on policy issues instead of allowing for the distraction of the silly sideshows that normally occupy their time. Americans have become much too comfortable with: the prevalence of money in politics. Is it impossible to extract all money from politics, but many developed nations have effectively curbed most outside money in their electoral systems. All interest group money, fundraising, and donations should end with no exceptions. Switching to a completely publicly financed system would free our leaders from the narrow-minded restraints of competing for donations from corporations and interest groups. Having leaders elected by voters, not moneyed factions, is what George Washington and the founders intended. This final step of removing private donations from the electoral process would effectively force our government in a new direction. Along with the reforms to the redistricting process and the adoption of more functional election practices, our representatives would be left with no other choice: either address the issues at hand with all deliberate speed or face the wrath of the voters.

We have one of the most muddled, confusing, and money laden electoral systems in the democratic world and most sweeping reforms should take place at the basic electoral level. First, our representatives are elected from some of the most egregiously gerrymandered districts in the world, encouraging them to focus only on their small, homogenous elec- The last part of meaningful retorate. Partisan districting should form deals with a topic that we

Culture & Arts

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#FollowMe: Activism, Human Rights, and Public Opinion in the Digital Age

word follow, the significance of each within the social networking world has led them to become almost universally coded with meaning. Through Twitter and a multitude of other online networks that have cropped up in recent years, public discourse has transformed immensely not only in By Claudia Powell the simple repurposing of words and symbols, but also in the influThere are a number of words that ence of new everyday leaders and I feel certain we will never fully the collective thought and action reclaim from their technological of followers around the globe. repurposing. Perhaps the most obvious of all to those familiar In an October 2010 article tiwith the popular social network- tled Small Change, Malcolm ing site Twitter is follow. Pre- Gladwell posited that discourse 2006, the word implied a leader about the influence of social meworth going after, if not physi- dia had fallen prey to digital cally then certainly in a dedicated evangelism, exaggerating its way that further implied signifi- power and detracting from tracance. Today, you might as well ditional modes of activism. Acfollow me. All it takes is a few cording to Gladwell, web-based taps of your finger. In fact, today movements garner higher paryou can follow almost 200 mil- ticipation because they do not ask lion registered users on Twitter. much of partakers and are less efThe popularization of social me- fective due to a lack of hierarchy dia in the last several years has (and thus, allegedly, strategy and fundamentally changed not only discipline). Where activists were what it means to be a follower, but once defined by their causes, they also what it means to be a leader. are now defined by their tools, he wrote. It makes it easier for While boundaries to distribut- activists to express themselves, ing information have become and harder for that expression essentially nonexistent, unbe- to have any impact. Gladwell lievable opportunity for a demo- further asserted that activism cratic exchange of ideas has sur- based in online relationships faced. Even ten years ago, who could not lead to sustained parwould have thought that a # ticipation because such activism (now hash-tag) or a @ would lacks the strong-ties (investbe predominant linking forces ed personal relationships) that among humankind? Like the structure high-risk activism.

Gladwells premier example is the American Civil Rights Movement, which involved incredible community organization as well as staggering personal risk for those brave enough to participate. According to Gladwell, the motivated hierarchical structure combined with high-risk activism (boycotts, sit-ins, and nonviolent confrontations) ultimately led the movement to success. He argues that the networks built by social media lack the authority necessary to take on a powerful, organized establishment. In light of recent events, Gladwell added that the use of social media in revolutions is only significant if it can be proven that pre-Internet movements suffered markedly without these tools. To me, comparisons seem fallacious; not only was the social climate radically different, but participants in the Civil Rights Movement undoubtedly utilized every method available to communicate their message effectively. Instead, I would argue that the effectiveness of any revolution is ultimately determined by the fortitude of people (regardless of how they connect) and their use of the resources available to them. The Internet has made it possible to like or follow every social cause with little commitment or personal sacrifice but why should we consider this a negative thing? More people

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are made aware of a greater number of social causes regardless of their level of participation. The fact that people will participate selectively in activism that has touched them in some way is not new. The exposure of societal problems is most beneficial to democracy when handled with rational diplomacy that allows citizens to harness the strength of public opinion. Did the Civil Rights Movement occur without the use of digital media? Absolutely but the strategies used were successful because the people were united and persistent in their cause, not because they solely employed high-risk tactics. Gladwells argument about social media applies interestingly to recent comparisons drawn between the Arab Spring (beginning in December 2010) and the Occupy Wall Street movement (first called for in July 2011). Though we must be careful in attributing causality, social media clearly plays a facilitating role in public discourse that ultimately serves to drive public activism. Its a tool that depends on human application to decide its functionality. While its erroneous to inflate social media as some unfaltering force of change, its also wrong to ignore the tremendous opportunity that it affords people all over the world. Digital media works in tandem with existing networks (or so-called strong-tie networks) while also extending relationships based on the common cause. disseminating information have transformed, while the speed with Virtually initiated movements which it reaches an ever-growing may even gain traction more rap- audience has rapidly accelerated. idly, because there is less risk Admittedly, this is not without when one can vet participation problems. Sometimes going viin the digital world before act- ral means that potentially ining in the analog world. In con- flammatory information catches trast to prior movements, the new fire before ever gaining credibilprogression might be fire, ready, ity, whether deliberately or by acaim, as the dissidence precedes cident. The 24-hour news cycle the solution or specific mandates in America has yielded a degree for remedy. Because it doesnt of sensationalism that contributes necessarily require the same to a pervasive attitude of alarm. courage, the protests can evolve quickly and have a profound im- Occupy Wall Street protesters pact. To say that social media claim to represent the 99%, a only forms weak ties seems figure derived from the statistic to underestimate the everymans that the remaining 1% of the counability to recognize and react to trys population controls 40% of genuine injustice. Today, fellow the nations wealth. Its undeniprotesters may not even live on able that with more than 46 milthe same continent. A combina- lion Americans living in poverty, tion of systems old and new al- action must be taken. However, it lows participants to construct is irresponsible to claim that the a force that feels (and is) much hardships faced by the average greater than is visible to the eye. American are comparable to the denial of basic human rights that Just as we cannot accurately com- drove one Tunisian man to set pare twenty-first century protests himself aflame and many others to the Civil Rights Movement, across the region to join in arms. forthcoming comparisons between the Arab Spring and Occu- In short, the Occupy Wall Street py Wall Street seem problematic protests bring into focus citizen beyond the analogous triggers of backlash against the economy and lacking opportunity and perceived what demonstrators contend is an (or real) oppression. Neverthe- out-of-touch corporate, financial less, each demonstrates the still- and political elite. The process evolving ways in which social of resolution will undoubtedly media has and will alter the nature be complex as our country is curof public discourse and activism. rently under the siege of a highly The notion of participation is be- polarized election period. This ing reshaped entirely; methods of only drives the public sector fur-

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ther apart while the private sphere remains frozen by poor fiscal policy. Despite these problems, herein lies the vital difference between recent protests across the Middle East and the Occupy Wall Street demonstrations that are sweeping the western world. A democracy allows citizens to criticize their leaders; an autocracy does not. In America, peaceful demonstrators exercise their freedom of speech and assembly in criticism of our system, fearing that it has failed them. Citizens of Middle Eastern autocracies, however, subject themselves to enormous dangers in a call for the establishment of democracy. The stakes in each movement are even more disparate. Brave and noble American citizens have demonstrated time and time again that they are willing to die in the name of our country. Such stalwart nationalism is not lacking. However, the Occupy Wall Street cause is unlikely one that will inspire individuals to sacrifice their lives and because of our free and democratic society, its perhaps even less likely that it will ever escalate to that point. According to the United Nations, nearly 3,000 people have already lost their lives in Syria alone. More than 800 died during the protests in Egypt, and nearly 500 in the demonstrations in Tunisia, Yemen, and Bahrain. The death toll in Libya, while it includes some Gaddafi loyalists, is estimated to be as high as 30,000. The globalizing and digitizing environment makes authoritarian rule more complicated to begin with. Content transcends boundaries to form a global narrative that seems, in large part, to demand social equality. The global communication of ideas has been altered vastly by the digital transmission of images and videos, which break down the language barrier in such exchanges. Videos posted to YouTube, for example, allow for a visual of human suffrage that illustrates inequities undeniably and adds substantively to the spread of such information. In response, authoritarian regimes in the Middle East and North Africa have attempted to suppress the online voices of the Arab freedom movement. Back in January, then-President Hosni Mubarak forced Egypt into an Internet blackout that lasted for several days. It was an act that demonstrated the Egyptian rulers recognition of the threat posed to their regime by rebellious citizens and their online activities. Regimes in both Syria and Libya tried to quell citizen uprisings with cell phone blackouts. Just this month, the Taliban in Afghanistan successfully coerced cell companies into shutting down networks at night by threatening to destroy cell towers, which cost around $250,000 to replace. Censorship is like this remains immensely problematic as social media activism is obviously most effective where access is greatest. In a 2010 address, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton asserted that Internet access should be considered a basic right, calling information networks a new nervous system for our world. Traditionally, global relief efforts have focused on to citizens rights to health and safety. Given the eruption of the online world as a forum for the exchange of information and ideas, it is clear that we must acknowledge the emergent interdependence between these rights. Recognizing the injustices suffered by censored (as well as under-informed) citizens, numerous tech and hacking groups have stepped in to assist. Since Mubaraks blackout, Telecomix, a loosely organized international network of techies in Europe, has worked to both disseminate information and provide concrete assistance to those denied online freedoms. On October 5, the group published a massive cache of data showing how the regime of Syrian President Bashar Assad has monitored the online activities of citizens, blocking both Internet access and individual pages. Further, it revealed that the Syrian government has utilized advanced Western technologies to aid in its spying and to prevent citizens from accessing online communications services such as Skype. Though they can-

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not prevent censorship entirely, groups like Telecomix have demonstrated the kind of significant and supportive participation that Gladwell once argued was not feasible for such distanced causes. According to research published in The Digital Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, since 1995 the most consistent causal features of democratization include a civil society that uses digital media to undermine authoritarian rule, allowing the course of public opinion to lead. Though Gladwell warned of the frailty of movements born online, both the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall Street movements have demonstrated the capability of digitally-formed and grown activism to turn into real world change. Authoritarian rulers in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen were ousted while many others have been forced to institute reforms in response to civil uprisings. As of October 17, Occupy Wall Street has raised close to $300,000 through contributions on the movements website and through people who donated in person at Zucotti Park. While early protests were criticized for lacking a unified message, a designated demands committee is now debating whether to issue concrete demands. Any resulting proposals will be debated before the groups general assembly and would require a two-thirds vote for passage. As this article goes to press, neither the Arab Spring nor the Occupy Wall Street movements have shown signs of losing momentum. Of course, while social media has been essential to the Arab Spring movement, it is not indicative or illustrative of the decades of toil that went into its observable execution and ultimate breakthroughs. Though Occupy Wall Street is not paralleled to the Arab Spring uprisings across the globe, or even the Civil Rights Movement a half-century ago in this very country, each of these movements represent a demand for social equality. We have not forgotten what activism is, as Gladwell alleged; rather, we have redefined it in a way that has proven to be applicable from corrupt autocracies to a distressed democracy. Our world today has more willing and able leaders than ever before. Social media has thrust open the door of peer-to-peer communication and activism and now rests as a vital pulse of public opinion. To be a leader or a follower in this is not mutually exclusive. Whether citizens lead by sending information via Twitter hashtags or follow by marching the streets in protest does not matter. The increasing accessibility of information to citizens around the world has encouraged the building of a global standard of human rights that people are prepared to fight for, no matter the media. A special thank you to my Changing Media Technology professor, Dr. Kerric Harvey (Associate Professor of Media and Public Affairs at GWU and Associate Director at the Center for Innovative Media), for her thoughtprovoking insights into the field.

Stains

By Charles Irving
You didnt want to break my heart, at least I dont think so, but you did. You bandaged it, glued it back together, and then just tore it back out again. How could you do that to me?

Im tired of always being the one with the problems! We both have problems, do you not realize that. Do this. Fix that. Why not this way? Youre always bossing me around, telling me what to do. Why cant for once. ugh. you know what never mind. Im done!

When you turned around and walked through the gated white picket fence, all I noticed, in spite of everything, was the indent in your back left pocket. Right there, in the jeans that you wore to work every day, not the indent of a wallet, but that of a canister. Round and thin, it left

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the faded denim looking stained. ing it anyways. Every day, the meaningless fights wed have, You were always smiling when always stemming from my want you chewed, as if it made you to change you. Had I driven happier, calmed you down. It was you away? Was it my fault? an awkward smile, though, your lower lip overlapping your bot- Later that night, I lay in bed still tom teeth and one side of your crying, and of all things, what do jaw a tad higher. Your cheek, I notice, but the smell of tobacco jutting outward, created just the coming from the canister on your right sized pouch, and eventu- nightstand. At first, like always, ally grew a small white stain. the scent was raw and explosive, but then it quickly became more I stood there and cried, thinking and more bearable. For a second, of all the times Id yelled and I could see the aroma, lingering screamed at you to stop, even above, and then wrapping itself though I knew youd keep do- around me just like you would. The smokiness, the sweetness, the ruggedness, all seemed to be permanently staining the bed sheets. Im sorry for what I said and how I mustve made you feel. I promise to never do it again. Youre my angel. You may have walked away, but you certainly werent leaving. I couldnt get rid of you that easy. Just like the back pocket of your jeans, even if you didnt know it, you had stained my heart too.

Where East Meets West: Art of the Gahara Region

By Lily Colley
Nestled between what is modern-day northern Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan is the Gandhara region. Centered around the Kabul River, it is named for the ancient Buddhist kingdom that occupied this area from the first millennium BC until the 11th century AD. Historically, this area has been under the control of Alexander the Great, the Indian Mauryan Dynasty, the Parthians, the Indo-Greeks and even the Indian Kushan Empire. Logi-

cally, what developed as a result of these diverse influences is an eclectic melting pot of cultures, religions and aesthetics. Nevertheless, Buddhism managed to remain the singular uniting force, historically providing the largest aesthetic influence upon the area. Buddhism, a religious ideology founded by Siddhartha Gautama in the 4th Century BC, diffused from India along the silk roads toward the East and especially throughout the Gandhara region. The resiliency and historical influence of the faith in the region is most clearly exemplified through its unique artistic heritage.

region, in New York Citys Upper East Side, is the world acclaimed Asia Society. Curators have spent the past six months dodging an endless run of geopolitical roadblocks regarding the question of 75 sculptures from this historical area, according to the New York Times. The influential canons of Buddhist art from the region were scheduled to appear for the first time outside of Pakistans Lahore and Karachi Museums. Delays were the result of heighted level of Anti-Americanism in the region following the killing of Osama Bin Laden, combined with visa issues and the death of longtime advocate Richard C. Holbrooke. Thousands of miles and seeming- Yet, after the tireless work of the ly worlds away from the Gandhara Pakistani-American ambassador,

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it was decided that the exhibition was necessary because it is a unique opportunity for us to show the cultural heritage of Pakistan at a time when U.S-Pakistan relations are probably at their lowest ever, curator Melissa Chui said. The exhibition closes on October 30 and aims to show the complexities of the region through the metaphor of its diversely influenced Buddhist art. Traditionally, Buddhist art of India is classified within two major schools, the Mathura style and the Gandhara style. The Mathura is characterized by traditional Indian artistic techniques and iconography, while the Gandhara is characterized by classical influences upon artistic canons. The exhibition features pieces that are far from what todays viewer would expect to be the ancient heritage of Pakistan. The pieces in the show include everything from the world-famous Visions of Buddhas Paradise to a column chunk. Logically, these religious works demonstrate the development of Buddhist artistic canons over time. At first the Buddha was preferred to be artistically represented aniconistically (not in human form). Instead, various symbols were used to represent the Buddha artistically, including a footprint and various anthropomorphic (animal form) symbols. The Buddhist art of the western Gandhara region developed independently from that of the Methura region in central India. This distinctive developmental trajectory was largely due to the external cultural influences previously mentioned; it is primarily evident in the artistically classical elements of the pieces after the late 1st Century, when anthropomorphism (or the human representation of the Buddha) was finally accepted as common practice. This resulted in artistic standardization of the human representation of the Buddha. These standards are commonly known today; they include elongated earlobes, a high bun, various symbolic mudras (hand gestures) and asana (seated poses), the budi tree, a urna (dot between the eyes)a halo, the lotus, and the presence of Buddhisatvas. After this occurrence, the diffusion of a standardized Buddhist iconography developed uniquely in Gandhara. This unique Gandhara style combined traditional symbols of the Buddha with the striking classical stylistic qualities. These qualities are realized in the form of classical drapery after the conquest of the Indo-Greeks. This incorporates the previously mentioned iconography with classical canons, which include a more idealized and plastic bodily appearance, Greco-garbs with a wet-drapery appearance, wavy hair, almond downcast eyes, architectural elements including Corinthian capitals, and Grecoroman mythological motifs. The sum total of this collection of sculptures that managed to finally make its way to New Yorks Asia Society is ironically a coherent compilation of works with scattered influences. I believe that each work from the collection contains not only an intriguing combination of aesthetic qualities, but also represents a period of diverse historical influences and forces. Amazingly, the curators have selected pieces in which each work seems to both connect with the others yet still manage to achieve a seemingly completely independent style. This only further exemplifies the disjointed and therefore uniquely indefinable style of the region.

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About The School of Washington Journal

The School of Washington Journal is a monthly publication covering business, politics, culture & arts, philosophy, sports, and career advice. Balanced between qualitative reporting and analytical essays, we wish to inform the university student on issues that naturally appeal to the intelligent person. The Journal is distributed at George Washington University, Princeton University, The University of Virginia, and Georgetown University.

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The School of Washington Communications Network (TSWCN, or TSW) is a studentrun diversified media group comprised of three newspapers, a weekly radio show, and a website. We print The School of Washington Journal, TSW Standard, and TSW Informer. Tune in to our radio show, TSW Sports from A-Z, each week on Sunday from 2pm to 3pm on GWRadio. We are staffed by students based primarily at George Washington University, sharing our passion for writing and entertaining with the rest of the community. Our topics of discussion extend well beyond the borders of campus, but from finance to philosophy to fashion, are always relevant to fun and intelligent activity. Our mission is not to promote any one side of an argument, or the point of view we think matters. Our mission is to present topics that matter, and then present sincere and valid arguments on both sides of the topics. Thus we promote thought and discussion, forcing our readers to grapple with the issues, deciding on their points of view from the quality of the arguments presented. We strive for intellectual balance in a media world of polarized partisanship. Follow Us Online www.schoolofwashington.org Like us on Facebook