The Mongols

The destructive onslaught of the Mongols under Chingiz Khan and his son Toluy in 616-18/1219-21 sent shockwaves through the Muslim world, as reflected in Ibn al-Athirs account below. Mongol incursions resumed under Toluys son Hulagu who conquered Baghdad in 656/1258, putting an end to the Abbasid caliphate. Defeated by the Egyptian Mamluks at the battle of Ayn Jalut in 658/1260, Hulagu consolidated his rule over Mesopotamia, Iran, Anatolia and the Caucasus, and took the title Il-Khan, meaning subordinate khan (or ruler subject to the Great Khan, his brother Mngke). An Il-Khan of the next generation, Ghazan, converted to Islam upon assuming the throne in 694/1295. Ghazans court at Tabriz in Azerbaijan became a cosmopolitan center, where his vizier, the scholar and physician Rashid al-Din Fadlallah (d. 718/1318), could gather materials for what is thought to be the first genuine world history, called Jmi al-Tavrkh (Collection of Histories). For Rashid al-Din the Mongols are no longer the frightful monsters that they appeared to Ibn al-Athir, but rather the rightful possessors of royal fortune (Persian davlat, from Arabic dawlacomparable to the farr of Firdawsi).

I. Ibn al-Athir on the Irruption of the Mongols into the Lands of Islam
Al-Kmil fl-Trkh (Chronicon, quod perfectissimum inscribitur), ed. K. J. Tornberg, 12 vols. (Leiden, 1851-1876), vol 12, pp. 233-235. Translated by John E. Woods.

For a number of years, I remained loath to report this event, finding it so terrible and feeling such revulsion at describing it that I hesitated again and again. Who would find it easy to write the obituary of Islam and the Muslims? Who could take lightly the recollection of that occurrence? O would that my mother had not borne me, or that I had died and been forgotten (Q 19:23) before this happened! Even though a number of my friends urged me to chronicle this event, I continued to hesitate, but at last came to the conclusion that to omit it from my history could serve no useful purpose. I say, therefore, that doing so involves the description of the greatest catastrophe and the most dire calamityunique in all historythat has ever struck humanity in general and the Muslims in particular. If one should say that since God Almighty created Adam until now, the world has not been afflicted with the likes of this, he would be telling the truth. Indeed, the works of history do not report anything comparable or even close to it. The worst thing they mention is Nebuchadnezzars slaughter of the Israelites and his destruction of Jerusalem. But what was Jerusalem in comparison to the lands that these accursed ones destroyed, each city of which was several times the size of Jerusalem? What were the Israelites in comparison to those that they massacred? Indeed, those inhabitants butchered in a single city outnumbered all the Israelites. Except for the coming of Gog and Magog, humanity will probably not witness the likes of this calamity, until the world comes to an end and perishes. Even the Antichrist will spare those who follow him, destroying only those who oppose him; but these Mongols spared no one, slaying men, women, and children; ripping open the bellies of pregnant women and slaughtering the unborn. Truly we belong to God, and we shall return unto Him. (Q 2:156) There is no strength and no power save in God, the sublime, the Almighty. The sparks of this catastrophe flew far and wide, causing universal damage as it passed over the earth like clouds driven by the wind. A people emerged from the periphery of China and attacked the cities of Turkistan, like Kashghar and Balasaghun. They then advanced on the cities of Transoxiana, such as Samarqand, Bukhara and others, taking possession of them, and dealing with their inhabitants in a way that we shall mention later. A detachment of them passed over into Khurasan, seizing, destroying, 1

slaying, and plundering. They then advanced to Ray, Hamadan, Jibal and its cities up to the frontiers of Iraq. From there, they marched on the towns of Azerbaijan and Arran, destroying them and slaying most of their inhabitants, only a small remnant of which escaped. All these unheard-of things happened in less than a year. When they had finished with Azerbaijan and Arran, they moved on to Darband in Shirvan and conquered its cities; only the fortress where their king was staying escaped capture. Via Darband, they entered the country of the Alans, the Lezghians, and the various nationalities that dwell in that region, spreading death and devastation among them. They then invaded the lands of Qipchaqs, the most numerous of the Turks, killing all who resisted them. The survivors fled to the woods and mountain-tops, abandoning their country and leaving it for the Tatars to seize. They did all this in the shortest time, stopping only as long as their march required and no more. Another detachment, distinct from the one previously mentioned, headed for Ghazna and its dependencies along with the bordering parts of India, Sistan, and Kirman. They committed even worse actions there than their fellows. Never had anything like it been heard of: historians generally agree that Alexander conquered the world, but not with such rapidity, taking approximately ten years; nor did he slay anyone, but was content with the submission of the people. But in about one year, these Tatars conquered most of the fairest, most flourishing, and most populous part of the habitable globe the inhabitants of which were the most advanced in character and conduct. In those countries that escaped their depredations, there was no one who did not fearfully expect them and dread their arrival. Moreover, they do not need provisions or stores since they have sheep, cows, horses, and other animals with them whose meat they eat exclusively. As for their riding animals, they dig the earth with their hooves and eat the roots of plants, knowing nothing of barley. Thus, when they camp they have no need of any other supplies. As for their religion, they worship the rising sun and consider nothing unlawful, for they eat all animals, even dogs, pigs, and the like. They do not recognize marriage and several men mate with one woman; if a child is born, it does not know its father. Islam and the Muslims have been afflicted during this period with calamities not visited upon any other people. One of these calamities is the invasion of these Mongols (may God confound them!) from the East, and their committing actions which horrify all who hear of them and which, God willing, you shall see set out in detail in their proper connection. Another was the invasion of Syria by the Franks (may God curse them!) from the West, their attack on Egypt, and their occupation of the port of Damietta, as we have mentioned under the year 614 (1217-18). Had it not been for Gods grace and the help that He vouchsafed us against them, they might have conquered Egypt, Syria and other lands. Yet another was that the sword was drawn between those Muslims who escaped from these two foes, and strife was rampant among them, as we have also mentioned. Truly we belong to God, and we shall return unto Him. (Q 2:156) We ask God to grant victory to Islam and the Muslims, for there is no other to aid, help, or defend Islam. When God intends evil to any people, there is no turning it back, nor will they find anyone to protect them besides Him. (Q 13:11)

As for these Mongols, their achievements were only made possible by the absence of any obstacle to them; and the cause of this absence was that Muhammad Khwarazmshah had seized the Muslim lands, slaying and annihilating their kings which left him alone as sovereign over all these countries. When he was defeated by the Mongols, no one remained in those lands to defend or protect them. God has only to command a thing and it is done. It is now time for us to describe how they first burst into the Muslim lands. . . .

II. Rashid al-Din on the Mongol Conquest of Baghdad

Jmi al-Tavrkh, ed. Bahman Karimi (Tehran, 1959/1338), pp. 698-715. Translated by John E. Woods.

Chaos in Baghdad, Hostility between the Marshal and the Vizier, and the Beginning of the Catastrophe of the Caliph In 654 (1256), a great flood struck Baghdad at the end of summer, inundating the city and submerging the lower stories of its buildings. Lasting fifty days, the flood finally subsided, leaving half the tax districts of Iraq in ruins. People still talk about the Mustasimi Flood. In the midst of that disaster, riffraff, ruffians, hoodlums, and hooligans began to riot and loot, victimizing innocent people every day. The marshal [davatdr, literally, inkpot holder] Mujahid al-Din Aybak invited the ruffians and hooligans to join him and in a short time grew powerful. He then consulted with a group of notables about deposing the caliph Mustasimwhom he considered incompetent and simple-mindedand seating another Abbasid in his place. The vizier Muayyad al-Din Ibn Alqami became aware of this situation and advised Mustasim in private of the necessity of dealing with the matter. The caliph immediately summoned the marshal and laid the viziers accusations before him. He said to him, Based upon the trust I have in you, I have not listened to the words of the vizier about your short-comings, but I tell you that you must not be deceived in any way nor set your foot outside the path of obedience. Feeling the compassion and affection of the caliph, Aybak answered, If any crime should be proved against me, then here is my head and there is the swordbut then what would become of the forgiveness and forbearance of the caliph? As for the treacherous vizier, Satan has perverted him, and his dark mind has conceived a friendship for Hulagu Khan and the Mongol army. He slanders me to turn suspicion away from himself. He is against the caliph, and there is a regular interchange of spies between him and Hulagu Khan. The caliph showed him favor and told him henceforth to be alert and vigilant.
2 3

1Ala

al-Din Muhammad, ruler of Khwarazm, reg. 596-617/1200-20. On the Khwarazmshahs, see note 5 below. 2Named for the last Abbasid caliph al-Mustasim (reg. 640-56/1242-58) in whose reign it occurred 3Grandson of Chingiz Khan and first ruler of the Mongol Ilkhanid dynasty in Iran (654-63/1256-65).

Leaving his presence, Mujahid al-Din Aybak arrogantly gathered the ruffians and hooligans to make an attempt against the caliphthey were attendant on him night and day. The caliph grew fearful and mustered an army to repel him. Sedition and chaos increased in Baghdad and the populace became divided in their allegiances and disgusted and alienated by the Abbasids, considering the trouble to be an omen of the end of their rule (dawlat). The caliph then grew even more fearful and ordered Fakhr al-Din Damghani, the president of the council, to suppress the insurrection. He wrote a letter in his own hand, saying, Their charges against the marshal are fabrications and falsehoods. I have complete trust in him and he is under my protection. He sent this message with Darnush to the marshal, telling him to present himself to the caliph, who conciliated him and sent him away with honor and favor. It was then broadcast throughout the city that the accusations were lies, and the marshals name was mentioned in the Friday sermon. The sedition was thus quelled in the simplest manner. Hulagu sets out for Baghdad and Exchanges Envoys with the Caliph On his way to Baghdad, Hulagu Khan reached Dinavar on 9 Rabi II 655 (26 April 1257), turned back, and arrived at Hamadan on 12 Rajab (26 July) of that year. He sent an envoy to the caliph on 10 Ramadan (21 September) with threats and intimidation, saying:
At the time of the conquest of the castles of the Assassins4 we sent envoys to you asking for reinforcements. You replied that you were our subordinate, yet you did not send troops. The sign of subordination and concord is that you send troops at the time of our campaign against the rebels, but you did not do so and made excuses. Even though your family is august and venerable and your dynasty has experienced rule and fortune, yet The moon shone so brightly That it eclipsed the blazing sun. Surely you have heard from both high and low what has befallen the world and its inhabitants from the time of Chingiz Khan up to now, and what humiliation was suffered by great houses such as the Khwarazmshahs,5 the Seljuks, the kings of Daylam, the Atabaks, and others through the power of the Eternal God. The gates of Baghdad were never closed to any one of those groups, and they all had seats of power there. With all our strength and might, how can they be closed to us? Previously we have advised you, and we do so again now: refrain from rancor and obstinacy; restrain your hand from the battle standard; and do not cover up the truth, for you will be sorry. In any case, let bygones be bygones. Now, destroy the rampart, fill in the moat, entrust the rule to your son, and come to us in person. If you do not want to come yourself, send the vizier and Sulayman Shah and the marshalall threeso that they might deliver our message to you without addition or subtraction. Indeed, when you carry out our order, we will have no need to exercise enmity, and your land, army, and subjects will remain yours. If you do not listen to our advice and if you have the intention of opposition and conflict, prepare your army and designate the battlefield, for we stand ready. When I lead my army against Baghdad in anger, whether you hide in heaven or in earth I will bring you down from the spinning spheres; I will toss you in the air like a lion. I will leave no one alive in your realm;
4Malahida,

Nizari Ismailis. Their stronghold Alamut was taken by Hulagus forces in 654/1256. Seljuk governors of the lands south of the Aral Sea, they later conquered much of central and western Iran, ruling independently from 552/1157 to 628/1231.
5Originally

I will burn your city, your land, your self. If you wish to spare yourself and your venerable family, give heed to my advice with the ear of intelligence. If you do not, you will see what God has willed.

When the envoys arrived and delivered this message, the caliph sent them back in the company of the eloquent Sharaf al-Din Ibn al-Jawzi, Badr al-Din Mahmud, and Zangi Nakhjavani with his reply. He wrote:
Callow youthwho have seen so little of lifes pleasure, who have experienced only two-days worth of success and good fortune, who consider yourself controlling and encompassing the world, who believe your command to be the firm decree of ineluctable fatewhy do you seek of me what you shall not find? With tactics, soldiers, and weapons, How will you ensnare the moon? Does Your Highness not know that all faithful worshippers of Godfrom East to West, from king to beggar, from old to youngare servants of this threshold and soldiers in my army? When I order the dispersed to come together, I shall settle the affairs of Iran and then turn toward the land of Turan [i.e., Transoxiana and Turkistan] and install each person in his place. Surely, the whole world will be filled with tumult and turmoil, and since I seek neither the animosity of men nor their suffering, I do not wish that people curse me because of the passage of my army, especially as I am of one heart and one voice with the Great Khan Mngke6 and Hulagu Khan. If you, like me, have sown the seeds of friendship, what do you have to do with my moat, my ramparts, and my subjects? Set out on the road of friendship and return to Khurasan; but if you desire war and battle Do not hesitate and do not threaten. But if you intend to fight, I have a thousand thousand Horse and foot ready for war. At the time of violent action The waters of the sea are roiled.

Having conveyed this message, the caliph sent the envoys off with some presents and gifts. As they left the city, the plain filled with the common people who began to insult and curse the envoys. They tore at their clothes and spat on them, trying to goad them into saying something that would provide a pretext for laying hands on them and injuring them. The vizier was informed and he immediately sent a troop of elite guards to beat back the crowd. When the Mongol envoys reached the presence of Hulagu Khan, and gave their report, Hulagu grew angry and said, Truly, the caliph is incompetent, for, like a bow, he is not straight with us. If the Eternal God gives us aid, with chastisement we will straighten him like an arrow. At that point, the caliphal envoys Ibn al-Jawzi, Badr al-Din, and Zangi arrived to carry out their mission. Hulagu Khan was outraged at the caliphs impolitic words, and exclaimed, Gods design for those people is not what He has caused them to think. In the month of. . . , in the Year of the Serpent, 655 (1257), he
7

6Grandson 7A

of Chingiz Khan and elder brother of Hulagu; Great Khan, 649-58/1251-60. reference to the twelve-year animal cycle, a solar calendar used in China, Central Asia, and subsequently in Iran.

gave the caliphal envoys permission to return from his encampment at Panj Angusht near Hamadan. He sent the following message:
The Eternal God has raised up Chingiz Khan and his kin and bestowed upon them the entire world from East to West. He who is allied with us and is straight in heart and tongue shall retain his wealth, wives, children, and life, while he who contemplates opposition, shall have no share of them.

He made difficult demands of the caliph, saying:

Overweening pride, love of power and wealth, and excessive attachment to ephemeral fortune has so confused you that the words of your well-wishers have no effect on you and your ear is deaf to the advice and counsel of the benevolent. You have deviated from the way of your ancestors. Prepare yourself for combat and conflict for I am proceeding to Baghdad with an army as numerous as ants and locusts. If the spinning spheres turn awry, the command belongs to God the Great alone.

After their arrival, the Baghdad envoys delivered the message of the WorldConquering King to the vizier who conveyed it to the caliph. The caliph asked, What do you think is the best defense against this powerful and mighty enemy? The vizier replied, The enemy must be overcome with wealth, for the goal of collecting treasure and valuables is to preserve the nobility of honor and the safety of the self. One thousand ass-loads of the rarest goods, one thousand choice camels, and one thousand fully equipped Arabian horses must be readied and sent along with presents and gifts for the princes and officersin accordance with their ranksin the company of clever, competent envoys; forgiveness must be sought; and the Friday sermon must be proclaimed and the coinage struck in his name. The caliph approved the viziers plan and had it carried out. Because of the hostility between him and the vizier, Mujahid al-Din Aybakwho was called the lesser marshalalong with other officers and the ruffians of Baghdad sent the following message to the caliph: The vizier has devised this plan out of self-interest in order to ingratiate himself with Hulagu and to cast usthe militaryinto affliction and adversity. We will block all the roads, seize the wealth, arrest the envoys, and subject them to pain and torture. These words dissuaded the caliph from sending the company. Rashly and pridefully, he sent to the vizier saying:
Do not fear the decree of the future and do not tell tales, for there is friendship and concord between me, Hulagu Khan, and his brother Mngke Khan, not enmity and discord. Since I am their friend, they are surely also my friends and well-wishers. The message of the envoys is certainly untrue. what is it to the Abbasid house if even my brothers should contemplate opposition or rebellion against me? Since the kings of all the earth are like our army and are obedient and subservient to our commands and proscriptions, I shall muster them from every land, set out to repel the invaders, and raise up Iran and Turan against both brothers. Be of strong heart and do not fear the Mongols threats and intimidations. Although they are fortunate (b dawlat) and powerful, their designs against the Abbasid family are capricious and nothing more substantial than the wind in their hands.

The vizier grew upset at these words and knew of a certainty that their fortune (dawlat) would be cut off. Since their fall would occur during his ministry, he coiled upon himself like a snake and contemplated many plans. The officers and grandees of Baghdad such as Sulayman Shah ibn Barjam, Fath al-Din ibn Karra, and the marshal Mujahid al-Din gathered around the vizier and began to curse and vilify the caliph, saying He is in the control of musicians and jesters and is the enemy of the soldiers and

the military. During his reign, we army officers have had to sell what we saved up in the reign of his father. Moreover, Sulayman Shah said:
If the caliph does not take steps and act to resist and repel this powerful enemy, the Mongol army will soon conquer Baghdad and will pardon no one just as they have done in other lands and with other peoples. Sedentary and nomad, strong and weakthey spared no one, and, moreover, they removed the chaste from behind the screens of modesty. Had they not subjugated the entire surrounding area, gathering an army from the those lands would be easy. I myself would have led an army in a surprise attack and dispersed them for it would be more chivalrous to die on the battlefield nobly or ignobly.

When these words reached the caliph, he approved them and he told the vizier, The words of Sulayman Shah have moved my wounded heart. Accordingly, parade the army so that I may strengthen them with dirhams and dinars and turn them over to Sulayman Shah to carry out his promise. The vizier knew that the caliph had no money, but to spite his rivals, he did not say so openly right away. He ordered the muster-master to parade the army troop by troopfrom near and far, Turk and Tajik [i.e., Iranians]so that the sound of the throng might reach the presence of the caliph and they might become lax in their intention. After five months, the muster-master announced to the vizier that the army had swelled into a numerous force ready to fight for the caliph. The vizier reported this to Mustasim, but the caliph made excuses and the vizier now became entirely disappointed with his promises. He contented himself with destiny and set the eye of his expectation on the door of patience
To see what the heavens might unveil.

In that interim, since the marshal was on bad terms with the vizier and the ruffians and hooligans of the city were his followers, he spread the rumor that the vizier was allied with Hulagu Khan, desiring his success and the caliphs failure. The caliph again sent a few presents with Badr al-Din Dariki and Qadi Bandinjan to Hulagu along with this message:
Though it may not be known to His Highness, if he asks from those aware of affairs, he will learn that to date every king who has made an attempt against the House of Abbas and the Abode of Peace Baghdad has met a dire end. However many awesome kings and mighty emperors have marched against them, the structure of this house held firm and will remain in place until the Day of Judgment. Long ago, Yaqub ibn Layth the Saffarid marched on the caliph of the time and with a large force headed for Baghdad. He did not reach his goal and died of a stomach ailment. In the same way, his brother Amr set out, but Ismail ibn Ahmad the Samanid captured him, fettered him, and sent him to Baghdad so that the caliph might seal his fate.8 Basasiri with a weighty army came from Egypt to Baghdad, seized the caliph, and imprisoned him in Haditha. For two years, he performed the Friday sermon and minted coinage in Baghdad in the name of Mustansir, the caliph of the Ismailis in Egypt. Finally, the Seljuk Tughril Beg learned of this, set out from Khurasan with a huge army against Basasiri. He captured and killed him; then he released the caliph from prison, took him to Baghdad, and reinstated him in the caliphate.9

8Yaqub

the Saffarid (reg. 253-65/867-79) and his brother Amr (reg. 265-88/879-901) were enemies of the Abbasids al-Mutamid and al-Mutadid. Amr was defeated by the Samanid Ismail b. Ahmad (reg. 27995/892-907). 9In 449/1058 the Shii general Basasiri arrested the Abbasid caliph al-Qaim and temporarily placed Baghdad under the sovreignty of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir. He was defeated and killed by the Seljuk chieftain Toghril in 451/1060.

Sultan Muhammad the Seljuk10 also marched against Baghdad, but was routed and died during his retreat. Muhammad Khwarazmshah11 also led a great army to uproot this house, but out of Gods anger he was afflicted by snow and fog in the Asadabad Pass, his army was decimated, and he returned in failure and defeat. He was dealt his comeuppance by your grandfather Chingiz Khan on the island of Abaskun. It is thus not appropriate for a king to contemplate marching against the Abbasid house. Think about the evil eye of perfidious fate.

At these words, Hulagu grew more angry and sent the envoys back, saying:
Build an iron rampart around him, Erect steel walls and towers, Gather an army of demons and paris, Then come before me in vengeance. If you are in the heavens, I will bring you down In failure, I will take you in the maw of the lion.

Hulagu arranges and equips his Army for the Subjugation of Baghdad and its Environs After Hulagu sent the envoys back, he became concerned about the strength of the Baghdad militia and busied himself with arranging and equipping his forces. Since he wanted to send an advance force to the areas around Baghdad to subjugate the high impassable mountains, he dispatched an envoy to summon Husam al-Din Akka, caliphal governor of Dar-i Tang, who was on bad terms with the caliph for some reason or other. Without hesitation, Husam al-Din left Dar-i Tang in the control of his son and presented himself. Hulagu Khan showed him much affection, showered him with honors, and granted him permission to return, bestowing on him the fortresses of Waruda and Marah and several other castles. After returning, Husam al-Din sent a garrison to each fortress; everyone became allied and subordinate and surrendered the fortresses to him. Since he had achieved his ancient desire, and the troops of Sulayman Shah had gathered round him, his heart grew swollen with arrogance. He sent to the governor of Irbil, Ibn Salaya Alavi to reconcile him with the caliphal government, saying, We have weighed Hulagu Khan in the scales of competence and sagacity. Even though at first I feared his severity, now he has no value or substance in my opinion. If the caliph supports and encourages me and sends a cavalry detachment, I will gather 100,000 dispersed Kurds and Turkmens and block the roads before Hulagu and not allow any soldier of his army to enter Baghdad. Ibn Salaya told the vizier about this who then reported it to the caliph. He did not pay much attention to it. This speech reached Hulagu Khan whose anger blazed high and he sent Kitbuqa Noyan with 30,000 horse to chastise the traitors. When they approached, Kitbuqa summoned Husam al-Din, saying, The Baghdad campaign is decided and we need your advice. When Husam al-Din came forward without preoccupation or plan, Kitbuqa placed him in custody and said, If you want to free yourself and continue as governor of these castles, bring down your wives, children, dependents, and troops from these fortresses so that I may census them and assign the poll tax. Husam al-Din saw no way out of this and summoned all of them. Kitbuqa then
10Muhammad 11See

Tapar, reg. 498-511/1105-18. note 1 above.

said, If your heart is straight with the prince, order the destruction of all the castles to prove your sincerity. He realized that his vainglorious remarks had reached them and, washing his hands of sweet life, he had all the castles destroyed. Afterwards, they killed him and all his followers and partisans except for the people of the castle where his son Amir Sad was. They summoned him with threats and counsel, but Amir Sad did not comply, saying, Your pledges and promises are not sound and I have no faith in them. He wandered aimlessly in those mountains, finally going to Baghdad where he received support from the caliphal government. He died in the Baghdad campaign. Victorious and triumphant, Kitbuqa returned to His Majesty [Hulagu]. Hulagu Khan then consulted with the pillars of the state and the notables of the court about the Baghdad campaign and each spoke in accordance with his beliefs. He summoned Husam al-Din the Astrologer, who had been ordered by the Great Khan to accompany Hulagu in order to determine propitious times for camping and decamping, and said to him, Tell me without dissimulation whatever the stars show. Husam al-Din was daring because of his intimacy and said without hesitation to the prince:
Attacking the caliphal family and Baghdad is inauspicious, since, to date, no king marching against Baghdad or the Abbasids has had aught of enjoyment or life. If His Majesty does not heed and goes there anyway, six evil results will appear: (1) all the horses will die and the troops will become ill; (2) the sun will not rise; (3) rain will not fall; (4) a great wind will blow up and the world will be destroyed by earthquake; (5) plants will not grow from the earth; and (6) a great king will die in that year.

Hulagu Khan asked him for a written statement to this effect and the wretch composed one. On the other hand, the administrators and officers said, Going to Baghdad is entirely appropriate, whereupon Hulagu summoned Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi for consultation. The Khwaja was fearful and, thinking it was a test, said, None of these will occur. Hulagu asked, Then what will happen? He said, Hulagu Khan will succeed the caliph. Hulagu then recalled Husam al-Din to debate with Khwaja Nasir al-Din, who stated, With the compliance of the masses and people of Islam many great companions of the Prophet were martyred and no evil result appeared. However, if they say that this is a special property of the Abbasids, then note that Mamun ordered Tahir to come from Khurasan and kill his brother Muhammad Amin; Mutawakkil was killed by his son and the officers; Muntasir and Mutazz were killed by officers and slave soldiers, and likewise several other caliphs were killed by various people and no evil result was produced.
12 13

At the sages words, the princes heart Gladdened like a tulip in early spring.

Hulagu Khans Campaign against Baghdad, the Conquest of the City of Peace, and the End of the Abbasid Dynasty Hulagu Khan then resolved to go to Baghdad. He ordered the armies of Choramghun and Bayju whose encampments were in Anatolia, to come in on the right wing from Irbil
12Famous 13A

theologian, astronomer, mathematician, astrologer (597-672/1200-73). reference to the Fourth Civil War (194-98/810-13) between the Abbasid caliph Amin and his brother Mamun, whose forces were commanded by the general Tahir.

to Mosul, and crossing the bridge of Mosul, to dismount on the western side of Baghdad at an appointed time. They were to attack from that direction when they saw the standards coming from the east. The Jochid princes Bulgha ibn Shiban, Tutar ibn Sunqur, and Quli ibn Orda and Buqa Timur and Sunchaq Noyan were also to come in from the right wing via the Pass of Suntay Noyan and join Hulagu Khan. Kitbuqa Noyan, Qadasun, and Narak Ilka were to approach on the left wing from the frontiers of Luristan, Bayat, Takrit, and Khuzistan up to the shores of Oman. Hulagu Khan left his baggage in the meadow of Zaki in the area of Hamadan and appointed Qiyaq Noyan over it. At the beginning of Muharram 655 (January 1257), he set out in the center of the army, which the Mongols call qol, via Kirmanshahan and Hulwan. In his retinue were the great officers Kuka Ilka, Ariktu, Arghun Aqa, the secretaries Qaratay and Sayf al-Din, who was the chief secretary, Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi, and the late president of the council, Ala al-Din Ata Malik Juwayni along with all the sovereigns, governors, and administrators of Iran. After reaching Asadabad, he again sent an envoy summoning the caliph. The caliph refused. At Dinawar, Ibn al-Jawzi returned from Baghdad bearing a message filled with promises and threats requesting that Hulagu Khan withdraw and pay a stipulated amount to the caliphal treasury annually. Thinking that the caliph wanted the Mongol army to withdraw so that they could suppress the rebellion in Baghdad, Hulagu said, Since we have come so far, how can we return without having seen the caliph? When I have seen him and spoken to him face to face, I will return with his permission. They entered the mountains of the Kurds and dismounted in Kirmanshahan on the 27th of the month (14 February), killing and plundering. An envoy went out to the princes Sunchaq, Bayju Noyan, and Suntay telling them to come immediately and they joined Hulagu at Taq-i Kisra. They captured Aybak Halabi and Sayf al-Din Qilich, officers in the caliphs advance guard, and took them to His Majesty. Hulagu Khan spared the life of Aybak who agreed to report truthfully. He made them members of the Mongol auxiliary retinue, sending the officers back with gifts and presents so that they should cross the Tigris and head for the west side of Baghdad. They burned the shoulders of sheep according to custom and crossed the Tigris, heading for the west side of Baghdad. The caliphal advance guard was commanded by a Qipchaq by the name of Qara Sunqur and the leader of the Mongol auxiliary retinue was a Khwarazmian called Sultanjuq. Sultanjuq wrote a letter to Qara Sunqur saying:
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You and I are of the same race. After much wandering weakness, and distress, I have joined His Majesty and become submissive. He takes good care of me. Have pity on your own life and spare your children. Submit so that your household, goods, and life will be secure from these people.

Qara Sunqur wrote back

How can the Mongols dare to march against the House of Abbas. That house, like the state (dawlat) of Chingiz Khan, has experienced much and its foundation is too firm to be shaken by a sudden storm. They have been sovereigns for more than five hundred years and time has spared no creature who has marched against them. Inviting me to join the fledgling Mongol state is far from good judgement. The
14Decendants 15The

of Chingiz Khans eldest son Jochi (d. 1227). Arch of Khusraw in Ctesiphon, capital of the Sasanians, about 40 kilometers south of Baghdad. 16Scapulamancy, a shamanistic practice used to predict the future.

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way of friendship and reconciliation would have been for Hulagu Khan not to have advanced beyond Ray after conquering the Ismaili castles and to have returned to Khurasan and Turkistan. The heart of the caliph is offended by his belligerence. Now if Hulagu Khan repents of his actions and withdraws his army to Hamadan so that we may conciliate the marshal and bring him before the caliph in humility, it is possible that the caliph will forgo his umbrage and accept peace so that the doors of conflict and combat might be closed.

Sultanjuq sent this letter to His Majesty, who laughed and said, I respond to the summons of the the Creator, not to dirhams and dinars. If the Eternal God is my helper, what concern have I for the caliph and his army?
What if I face an ant, a mosquito, an elephant A stream, a spring, a sea, the Nile?! If Gods order be otherwise Who knows save He, what that will be?

Again he sent an envoy saying, If the caliph is submissive, let him come out; if not, let him prepare for war. The vizier, Sulayman Shah, and the marshal should come out first to hear our words. The next day he set out, dismounting on the banks of the Hulwan River, where he camped from 9 to 22 Dhul-Hijja 655 (18-31 December 1257). In those days, Kitbuqa Noyan seized much of the land of Luristan, both peacefully and by force. On the 11th of the month Chaqshabat, Year of the Serpent, corresponding to 9 Muharram 656 (16 January 1258), Bayju Noyan, Buqa Timur, and Sunchaqas had been plannedcrossed the Tigris via Dujayl and reached the Isa Canal. Sunchaq Noyan asked Bayju Noyan to let him be the vanguard of the army on the west side of Baghdad and set out after receiving his permission, reaching Harbiya. The marshal Mujahid al-Din Aybak, commander of the caliphs army, and Fath al-Din Ibn Karra had previously set up camp between Baquba and Bajsari. When they heard that the Mongols had come to the west, they crossed the Tigris and confronted Sunchaq Noyan and Buqa Timur in battle at Anbar near the Mansur Pavilion above Mazraqa, nine leagues from Baghdad. The Mongol army turned and entered Bashariya near the Dujayl, and when they reached Bayju, they were sent back. There was a large stream in that area and the Mongols opened its dam, flooding the entire plain in the rear of the Baghdad militia. At dawn on Thursday, Ashura, 10 Muharram (17 January), Bayju and Buqa Timur attacked the marshal and Fath al-Din Ibn Karr, defeated them, and routed the Baghdad militia. The commanders Fath al-Din Ibn Karr and Qara Sunqur were killed along with 12,000 men other than those who drowned and were stuck in the mud. The marshal escaped with a few men and came to Baghdad; another group fled to Hilla and Kufa. On Tuesday, 15 Muharram (22 January), Buqa Timur, Bayju, and Sunchaq came to Baghdad and subjugated the west bank, taking the villages on the outskirts of the city on the banks of the Tigris. From the direction of Najjasiya and Sarsar, Kitbuqa Noyan and the other commanders arrived with a huge army while Hulagu Khan set out after leaving his baggage in Khanaqin. On the 7th of the month of Chaqshabat in the Year of the Serpent corresponding to 11 Muharram 656 (18 January 1258), he dismounted on the east side of the city. The Mongol army descended from all sides like ants and locusts and encircled the ramparts of Baghdad, setting up palisades. On Tuesday, 22 Muharram (29 January) with Aries in the ascendant, battle was joined. When the fighting broke out, His Majesty stood in the center on the Khurasan 11

Road on the left side of the city in front of the Ajami Tower. Ika Noyan and Farba were positioned in front of the Kaludhi Gate and Bulgha, Tuqtar, Shiramun, and Ariqtu were stationed before the Sultan Suq Gate. Sultanjuq and Buqa Timur were assigned the citadel in the south in Dulab Baqal and Bayju and Sunchaq were camped on the west near the Adudi Hospital. Catapults were set up in front of the Ajami Tower and soon breached that structure. The caliph sent out the vizier and the Catholicos, and said, Your Majesty told me to send the vizier. I have kept my word and sent him. Now you should keep your word to me. His Majesty said, I set this condition in Hamadan. Now that I have come to Baghdad, and the sea of chaos and sedition is stirred up, how can I be content with one individual? All three must be sent; that is, the marshal, Sulayman Shah, and the vizier. The envoys returned to the city. The next day, the vizier, the president of the council, and a group of notables and celebrities came out, but they were sent back. After fighting hard for nearly a week, His Majesty had six edicts sparing the lives of qadis, ulema, shaykhs, Alawis, Christians, and other non-combatants tied to arrows and shot into the six quarters of the city. Since in the vicinity of Baghdad there were no stones for the catapults, they were brought from Jabal al-Hamrayn and Jalula. Eventually, date palms were cut down and their trunks shot in place of stones. On Friday, 25 Muharram (1 February), the Ajami Tower was completely destroyed, and on Monday, 28 Muharram (4 February) from the side where His Majesty stood before the Ajami Tower, the Mongol army haughtily ascended the ramparts, sweeping it clear of defenders. At the Sultan Suq Gate, where Bulgha and Tuqtar were stationed, the troops had not yet scaled the walls; His Majesty berated them until they sent out their retainers who took the tops of all the eastern walls by nightfall. Hulagu Khan then ordered the construction of bridges above and below Baghdad and the preparation of boats armed with catapults and manned with defenders. Buqa Timur blocked the route to Madain and Basra with a division to stop anyone fleeing by boat. As the contest for Baghdad intensified, the inhabitants began to suffer. The marshal tried to escape by boat to Hit, but when he passed the village of al-Uqab, Buqa Timurs troops opened fire with catapults, arrows, and incendiary bombs, taking three boats, killing their crews, and driving the marshal back. When the caliph heard of this, he despaired of the rule of Baghdad, seeing no means of escape or asylum. Admitting defeat, he sent Fakhr al-Din Damghani and Ibn Darnush out with a few gifts, thinking that if he sent many, it would taken as a sign of fear and embolden the enemy. Hulagu Khan paid no attention to them, and they returned disappointed. On Tuesday, 29 Muharram (5 February), Abul-Fadl Abdarrahman, the caliphs middle son, came out, and the vizier went to the city. The president of the council and a group of grandees were with Abul-Fadl and they brought much wealth, but that too was refused. The next day, the end of Muharram (6 February), the eldest son of the caliph, the vizier, and a delegation of intimates came out to intercede, but it was no use and they returned to the city. His Majesty sent Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi and Ay Timur Qadi as envoys to the caliph, and they came out with him on the first day of Safar (7 February). He then sent Fakhr al-Din Damghani, the president of the council, Ibn al-Jawzi, and Ibn Darnush into the city to bring out Sulayman Shah and the marshal. He issued writs on the authority of the caliph summoning them to surrender themselves. Until they did so the Mongol troops

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were ordered to remain on top of the walls. On Thursday, 1 Safar (7 February), both of them came out, and Hulagu sent them once again into the city to bring out their followers to go as auxiliaries and serve in the campaign against Egypt and Syria. Hoping to be spared, the Baghdad militia decided to come out; countless people were divided into thousands, hundreds, and tens to be killed while those who remained in the city fled into tunnels and bathhouse furnaces. A group of notables came out and asked for mercy, saying, Many people are submissive and obedient; give them reprieve, for the caliph will send his sons and he himself will come out too. In the meantime, an arrow struck Hindu Bitikchi, a high-ranking Mongol officer, in the eye. This infuriated Hulagu Khan and he increased his efforts to conquer Baghdad. He ordered Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi to go to a place by the Halaba Gate to give amnesty to the populace, and they began to lead the people out of the city. On Friday, 2 Safar (8 February), the marshal was executed and Sulayman Shah with seven hundred intimates was summoned and questioned with his hand tied. His Majesty said, Since you are an astrologer and aware of things auspicious and inauspicious for the state, why did you not predict your own unfortunate end, and advise your servants to come forward peacefully into our service? Sulayman Shah said, The caliph was selfwilled, ill-omened, and did not listen to the counsel of his well-wishers. It was ordered that he and all his followers and partisans be martyred. They also executed Amir Taj al-Din, the son of the great marshal, and sent all three heads with Malik Salih, son of Badr al-Din Lulu to Mosul. Badr al-Din, a friend of Sulayman Shah, wept, but out of fear for his own life, set the heads on stakes. Finally realizing that things were out of his control, the caliph Mustasim summoned the vizier and asked, What shall I do now? In reply, the vizier recited these Arabic verses:
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They believe matters to be simple, however It is the sword whose edges are sharpened for the encounter.

In the company of his sons Abul-Fadl Abdarrahman, Abul-Abbas Ahmad, and Abul-Manaf Mubarak Shah, the caliph came out of the city on Sunday, 4 Safar 656 (10 February 1258) with three hundred sayyids, imams, qadis, grandees, and notables of the city to meet with Hulagu Khan. His Majesty showed absolutely no anger and asked after the caliph politely, then he said to him, Tell the people of the city to throw down their arms and come out so that they may be enumerated. The caliph gave orders to that effect, but as the people came out of the city, the Mongols killed them. It was ordered that the caliph, his sons, and dependents be lodged in a tent set up in the encampment of Kitbuqa Noyan and several Mongols were placed as guards over them. The caliph now came face to face with the reality of his death, and suffered remorse at his lack of discretion and his disdain of counsel.
My ill wisher gave bad advice and was happy; I have fallen into a snare like that clever bird.

On Wednesday, 7 Safar (13 February) general plunder and slaughter began. The army surged into the city, burning wet and dry together, except for several houses belonging to Christians and some foreigners. Hulagu Khan entered the city on Friday,
17Badr

al-Din Lulu, Atabeg of Mosul (reg. 619-57/1222-59).

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searching for the caliphs residence. He stayed at Maymaniya, and gave a great banquet for his officers. Summoning the caliph, he said, You are the host, and I am the guest. Come and show me what you have that is worthy of me. The caliph took these words seriously, and was so overwhelmed with fear that he did not even recognize the keys to his treasury. He ordered the locks broken, and presented His Majesty with 2,000 suits of clothes, 10,000 dinars, rarities, jewel-encrusted objects, and jewels. Hulagu Khan paid no attention to them, and divided them among his officers and others present. He said to the caliph, The wealth you have on earth is evident and now belongs to my servants; tell me what is hidden beneath it and where it is buried. The caliph admitted that there was a basin filled with gold in the middle of the palace. They dug it up and found it full of 100mithqal gold bars. Hulagu then ordered that the caliphs women be counted. The total came to 700 wives and concubines and 1,000 servants. When the caliph learned of the census of his harem, he made obeisance and said, Grant me the inhabitants of the harem, upon whom neither sunlight nor moonlight has fallen. He said, Choose 100 of the 700, and leave the rest. The caliph selected 100 women of his kin and his relatives. That evening Hulagu Khan returned to his encampment, and the next morning ordered Sunchaq to enter the city, seize the wealth of the caliph, and send it out. All around the court they piled up mountains and mountains of dirhams that had been amassed by the caliphs over six centuries. Most of the noble places of the city, such as the Caliphal Mosque, the tomb of Musa Jawad (mercy upon him), and the tomb of the caliphs at Rusafa were burned. The people of the city sent Sharaf al-Din Maraghi, Shihab al-Din Zanjani, and Malik Dilrast to plead for amnesty. Hulagu ordered, Henceforth, killing and plundering will stop, since the land of Baghdad now belongs to us. People should remain as they are, and busy themselves with their affairs. The lives of the surviving Baghdadis were thus spared. Because of the stench in the air, Hulagu Khan marched away from Baghdad on Wednesday, 14 Safar (20 February), and dismounted in the village of Waqf and Jalabiya from whence he sent Amir Abdarrahman to conquer the province of Khuzistan. He then summoned the caliph, who consided this a bad omen and fearfully asked the vizier, What is the remedy for my situation? In reply, he said ironically, My beard is long. This meant that at the outset when he had arranged to send inducements to Hulagu, the marshal had said The viziers beard is long, and had convinced the caliph to reject his plan. Finally, the caliph despaired of life, and requested to go to the bath and perform the ritual ablution. Hulagu assented, but ordered five Mongols to escort him. He said, I do not wish the company of anyone, and recited two or three verses of the Arabic poem that begins:
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We started out in an abode like heaven and paradise: We ended up destitute, As if it had not flourished only the day before. (Q 10:24)

Late on Wednesday, 14 Safar 656 (20 February 1258), they executed the caliph, his eldest son Abul-Abbas Ahmad, and five retainers who were with them in the village of Waqf. The next day, they killed the others who had come down with him at the Kalwadhi Gate. Except for a few that they had not taken account of, no Abbasid found was left alive. Mubarak Shah, the caliphs youngest son, was given to Uljay Khatun and she sent
18Seventh

imam of the Twelver Shiis, died 183/799.

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him to Khwaja Nasir al-Din Tusi in Maragha. He was later given a Mongol wife who bore him two sons. On Friday they dispatched Abul-Fadl Abdarrahman, the caliphs middle son, to join his father and brothers. Thus came to an end the fortune (or reign, empiredawlat) of the caliphs of the house of Abbas, who had ascended after the Umayyads. The period of their caliphate was 525 years, and their number was thirty-seven as listed below: Saffah, Mansur, Mahdi, Hadi, Rashid, Amin, Mamun, Mutasim, Wathiq, Mutawakkil, Muntasir, Mustain, Mutazz, Muhtadi, Mutamid, Mutadid, Muktafi, Muqtadir, Qahir, Radi, Muttaqi, Mustakfi, Muti, Tai, Qadir, Qaim, Muqtadi, Mustazhir, Rashid, Muqtafi, Mustanjid, Mustadi, Nasir, Zahir, Mustansir, and Mustasim. The latter reigned for seventeen years.

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